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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c364e51 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #53916 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/53916) diff --git a/old/53916-8.txt b/old/53916-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index eef8ae8..0000000 --- a/old/53916-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,18333 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Ireland under the Stuarts and during the -Interregnum, Vol. II (of 3), 1642-1660, by Richard Bagwell - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Ireland under the Stuarts and during the Interregnum, Vol. II (of 3), 1642-1660 - -Author: Richard Bagwell - -Release Date: January 7, 2017 [EBook #53916] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS, VOL 2 *** - - - - -Produced by Brownfox and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from -images generously made available by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - -IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS - -VOL. II. - - - - -_By the same Author_ - - - IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS - - Vols. I. and II.--From the First Invasion of the - Northmen to the year 1578. - - 8vo. 32_s._ - - Vol. III.--1578-1603. 8vo. 18_s._ - - LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. - London, New York, Bombay, and Calcutta - - - - -IRELAND - -UNDER THE STUARTS - -AND - -DURING THE INTERREGNUM - -BY -RICHARD BAGWELL, M.A. -AUTHOR OF 'IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS' - -VOL. II. 1642-1660 - -_WITH MAP_ - -LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. -39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON -NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA -1909 - -All rights reserved - - - - -CONTENTS - -OF - -THE SECOND VOLUME - - - CHAPTER XXI - - MUNSTER AND CONNAUGHT, 1641-1642 - - PAGE - - The rebellion spreads to Munster 1 - The King's proclamation 3 - St. Leger, Cork, and Inchiquin 3 - State of Connaught 5 - Massacre at Shrule 6 - Clanricarde at Galway 7 - Weakness of the English party 8 - State of Clare--Ballyallia 10 - Cork and St. Leger 12 - - - CHAPTER XXII - - THE WAR TO THE BATTLE OF ROSS, 1642-1643 - - Scots army in Ulster--Monro 14 - Strongholds preserved in Ulster 16 - Ormonde in the Pale 17 - Battle of Kilrush 18 - The Catholic Confederation 19 - Owen Roe O'Neill 20 - Thomas Preston 21 - Loss of Limerick, St. Leger dies 22 - Battle of Liscarrol 23 - Fighting in Ulster 23 - General Assembly at Kilkenny 25 - The Supreme Council--foreign support 27 - Fighting in Leinster--Timahoe 29 - Parliamentary agents in Dublin 29 - Siege of New Ross 31 - Battle of Ross 32 - A papal nuncio talked of 34 - - - CHAPTER XXIII - - THE WAR TO THE FIRST CESSATION, 1642-1643 - - The Adventurers for land--Lord Forbes 36 - Forbes at Galway and elsewhere 38 - A pragmatic chaplain, Hugh Peters 40 - Forbes repulsed from Galway 41 - A useless expedition 42 - Siege and capture of Galway fort 43 - O'Neill, Leven, and Monro 44 - The King will negotiate 46 - Dismissal of Parsons 47 - Vavasour and Castlehaven 48 - The King presses for a truce 48 - Scarampi and Bellings 49 - A cessation of arms, but no peace 50 - Ormonde made Lord Lieutenant 51 - - - CHAPTER XXIV - - AFTER THE CESSATION, 1643-1644 - - The cessation condemned by Parliament 53 - The rout at Nantwich 54 - Monck advises the King 55 - The Solemn League and Covenant 55 - The Covenant taken in Ulster 57 - Monro seizes Belfast 59 - Dissensions between Leinster and Ulster 60 - Failure of Castlehaven's expedition 60 - Antrim and Montrose 61 - The Irish under Montrose--Alaster MacDonnell 62 - Rival diplomatists at Oxford 64 - Violence of both parties 66 - Failure of the Oxford negotiations 68 - Inchiquin supports the Parliament 69 - - - CHAPTER XXV - - INCHIQUIN, ORMONDE, AND GLAMORGAN, 1644-1645 - - The no quarter ordinance 72 - Roman Catholics expelled from Cork, Youghal, and Kinsale 73 - The Covenant in Munster 74 - Negotiations for peace 75 - Bellings at Paris and Rome 76 - Recruits for France and Spain 77 - Irish appeals for foreign help 78 - Siege of Duncannon Fort 80 - Mission of Glamorgan with extraordinary powers 84 - Glamorgan in Ireland 87 - The Glamorgan treaty 88 - - - CHAPTER XXVI - - FIGHTING NORTH AND SOUTH--RINUCCINI, 1645 - - Castlehaven in Munster 90 - Fall of Lismore, Youghal besieged 93 - Relief of Youghal 94 - Coote in Connaught 95 - Rinuccini appointed nuncio 96 - Scope of his mission 97 - King and Queen distrusted at Rome 98 - Rinuccini at Paris 99 - His voyage to Ireland 100 - Arrival in Kerry and welcome at Kilkenny 102 - - - CHAPTER XXVII - - THE ORMONDE PEACE, 1646 - - Glamorgan and Rinuccini 103 - Arrest of Glamorgan 104 - Charles repudiates him 106 - Mission of Sir Kenelm Digby 107 - Ireland must be sacrificed 108 - Sir Kenelm Digby's treaty 109 - Glamorgan swears fealty to the nuncio 111 - Ormonde's peace with the Confederacy 112 - Lord Digby's adventures 114 - The peace proclaimed at Dublin 115 - Siege of Bunratty 115 - Battle of Benburb 117 - Scots power in Ulster broken 120 - Rejoicings in Ireland and at Rome 121 - Rinuccini opposes the peace 122 - Which the clergy reject 123 - Riot at Limerick 125 - Ormonde at Kilkenny 126 - Triumph of Rinuccini 129 - Quarrels of O'Neill and Preston 130 - Lord Digby's intrigues 134 - Rinuccini loses his popularity 136 - Discords among the Confederates 137 - - - CHAPTER XXVIII - - SURRENDER OF DUBLIN AND AFTER, 1647 - - Dublin between two fires 140 - Mission of George Leyburn 141 - Ormonde's reasons for surrendering to Parliament 143 - Digby's last plots in Ireland 144 - Glamorgan as general 145 - His army adheres to Muskerry 146 - Preston routed at Dungan Hill 148 - Parliamentary neglect 149 - Victories of Inchiquin 150 - Lord Lisle's abortive viceroyalty 151 - Sack of Cashel 153 - Mahony's _Disputatio Apologetica_ 154 - Rinuccini and O'Neill 155 - Battle of Knocknanuss 157 - Declining fortunes of the Confederacy 158 - Fresh appeals for foreign aid 159 - Inchiquin distrusted by Parliament 161 - Ormonde goes to England and France 162 - - - CHAPTER XXIX - - INCHIQUIN, RINUCCINI, AND ORMONDE, 1648 - - Inchiquin deserts the Parliament 164 - His truce with the Confederacy 165 - Rinuccini dependent on O'Neill 166 - Who threatens Kilkenny 168 - O'Neill, Inchiquin, and Michael Jones 170 - O'Neill proclaimed traitor at Kilkenny 170 - Ormonde returns to Ireland 171 - His reception at Kilkenny 172 - Monck master in Ulster 173 - The Prince of Wales expected 174 - The Confederacy dissolved 175 - Rinuccini driven from Ireland 176 - - - CHAPTER XXX - - RINUCCINI TO CROMWELL, 1649 - - Ormonde's commanding position 179 - Charles II. proclaimed 180 - Milton and the Ulster Presbyterians 180 - Monck, O'Neill, and Coote in Ulster 182 - Inchiquin takes Drogheda 183 - Ormonde defeated by Jones at Rathmines 184 - Charles II. has thoughts of Ireland 186 - Prince Rupert at Kinsale 187 - Broghill consents to serve Parliament 189 - Cromwell leaves London 189 - - - CHAPTER XXXI - - CROMWELL IN IRELAND, 1649 - - Cromwell restores discipline in Dublin 191 - Storm of Drogheda 193 - Ormonde's treaty with O'Neill 196 - Death and character of Owen Roe O'Neill 197 - Cromwell at Wexford 198 - Storm of Wexford 200 - Cromwell takes New Ross 201 - Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal join Cromwell 203 - Operations after New Ross 204 - Siege of Waterford 205 - Siege raised 206 - Death of Michael Jones 206 - Cromwell winters at Youghal 208 - Broghill's campaign 208 - Carrickfergus taken 209 - The Clonmacnoise decrees 210 - - - CHAPTER XXXII - - CROMWELL IN IRELAND, 1650 - - Cromwell's declaration 212 - A lady's experience at Cork 213 - Cromwell's southern campaign 214 - Operations in Leinster--Castlehaven 216 - Cromwell takes Kilkenny 218 - Siege of Clonmel, assault repulsed 220 - The town capitulates 222 - Battle of Macroom, Cromwell leaves Ireland 223 - Submission of Protestant Royalists 225 - - - CHAPTER XXXIII - - ORMONDE'S LAST STRUGGLES, 1650 - - Dissensions among Irish Royalists 226 - O'Neill succeeded by Bishop Macmahon 227 - Englishmen turned out of the army 228 - Battle of Scariffhollis 230 - Assembly summoned to meet at Loughrea 232 - Ormonde excluded from Limerick 232 - Clanricarde excluded from Galway 233 - Surrender of Tecroghan and Carlow 234 - Waterford capitulates 235 - Charlemont taken 236 - Meeting of bishops at Jamestown 237 - Ormonde's adherents excommunicated 238 - Charles II. repudiates the Irish 239 - A conference at Galway 241 - The excommunication maintained--no Protestant governor 242 - The Loughrea assembly can do little 243 - Ormonde leaves Ireland, Clanricarde Deputy 243 - - - CHAPTER XXXIV - - CLANRICARDE AND IRETON, 1651 - - Plague and famine 245 - A regicide government 246 - Hugh O'Neill at Limerick 247 - Charles IV., Duke of Lorraine 249 - Taaffe's mission to Charles II. 251 - A Lorraine envoy in Ireland 253 - Extent of Lorraine succours 254 - Terms of agreement with the Duke 256 - Condemned by Ormonde and Clanricarde 257 - No help after Worcester 258 - Ireton passes the Shannon 261 - Coote and Reynolds elude Clanricarde 262 - Desperate defence of Gort--Ludlow 263 - Siege of Limerick 263 - Ludlow in Clare 266 - Broghill's victory at Knockbrack 268 - Capitulation of Limerick 271 - Treatment of the besieged 273 - Death and character of Ireton 277 - - - CHAPTER XXXV - - LAST PHASE OF THE WAR, 1652 - - Galway holds out 278 - The Irish in Scilly 279 - Meeting of officers at Kilkenny 280 - Horrors of guerrilla warfare 280 - Capitulation of Galway 283 - "Tame Tories" 284 - Clanricarde's last struggle 285 - Castlehaven leaves Ireland--his memoirs 286 - Clanricarde goes to England--his character 287 - Submission of Irish leaders 289 - Siege of Ross Castle 290 - The Parliament an avenger of blood 292 - The Leinster articles 293 - Richard Grace 294 - Ludlow's last service in the field 295 - Arrival of Fleetwood 298 - - - CHAPTER XXXVI - - END OF THE WAR, AND ITS PRICE - - Last stand at Innisbofin 298 - Last stand in Ulster 299 - Exhaustion of the country 300 - Treatment of priests 301 - Swordsmen sent abroad 303 - Fleetwood commander-in-chief 304 - Sir Phelim O'Neill tried and executed 305 - Alleged commission from Charles I. 307 - Lord Muskerry acquitted 308 - Primate O'Reilly pardoned 310 - Lord Mayo tried and shot 311 - The Crown bound by the Adventurers' Act 312 - - - CHAPTER XXXVII - - PEACE, SETTLEMENT, AND TRANSPLANTATION, 1652-1654 - - Magnitude of the problem 315 - Effect of the 1641 evidence 317 - The Act of Settlement 317 - Lambert's abortive appointment as Deputy 319 - Expulsion of the Long Parliament 320 - Barebone's Parliament--Irish members 321 - Casting lots for Ireland 322 - Claims of the army 322 - The Act of Satisfaction 324 - Transplantation proceeds slowly 325 - The Protectorate established 326 - Fleetwood Deputy 327 - Cromwell's first Parliament--Irish members 328 - Transplantation--Gookin and Lawrence 329 - Tories, name and thing 330 - The Waldensian massacre 332 - Difficulties of transplantation, Loughrea and Athlone 333 - Worsley and Petty--the Down survey 334 - Clarendon on the settlement 338 - Desolation of the towns 339 - Proposed transplantation of Presbyterians 341 - - - CHAPTER XXXVIII - - HENRY CROMWELL, 1655-1659 - - Henry Cromwell supersedes Fleetwood 343 - Deportation to the West Indies 344 - Henry and the sectaries 346 - Reduction of the army 347 - Oliver and his son 348 - Cromwell's second Parliament--Irish members 349 - The oath of abjuration 350 - Henry Lord Deputy 352 - Henry made Lord Lieutenant by his brother 354 - Ireland in the Parliament of 1659 355 - Petty and his detractors 356 - Henry recalled by the restored Rump 359 - Attempted estimate of Henry Cromwell 360 - - - CHAPTER XXXIX - - THE RESTORATION - - Provisional government, John Jones and Ludlow 362 - Monck interferes 363 - End of the revolutionary government 364 - The Irish army proves Royalist 365 - Monck gains Coote and Broghill 366 - Ludlow's last efforts 366 - Impeachment of Ludlow and others 368 - New commissioners of Government appointed 369 - General convention and declarations of officers 370 - Charles II. proclaimed in Dublin 371 - - - - -MAP - - - Ireland, to illustrate the Cromwellian settlement _to face p. 1_ - -[Illustration: IRELAND - -to illustrate the - -CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT] - - - - -IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -MUNSTER AND CONNAUGHT, 1641-1642 - - -[Sidenote: The rebellion spreads to Munster, December, 1641.] - -[Sidenote: St. Leger's raid.] - -There was no outbreak in Munster during November, but Lord President -St. Leger knew that he had no real means of resisting one. The Lords -Justices had drawn off most of the soldiers, the rest were occupied as -garrisons, and practically he had only his own troop of horse to depend -on. Before the end of the month the Leinster rebels had come nearly to -the Suir, and he repaired with what men he could collect to Clonmel -lest Lady Ormonde, who was at Carrick, should fall into the invaders' -hands. The gentlemen of Tipperary came to meet him, but could or would -do nothing. 'Every man stands at gaze, and suffers the rascals to rob -and pillage all the English about them.' Ormonde's own cattle were -driven off. St. Leger's brother-in-law having been pillaged, he took -indiscriminate vengeance, and some innocent men were probably killed. -He as good as told the Tipperary magnates that they were all rebels. -In the meantime the Leinster insurgents had crossed the estuary of the -Suir in boats, and ravaged the eastern part of Waterford. St. Leger -rode rapidly through the intervening mountains, though there was snow -on the ground, and fell upon a party of plunderers at Mothel, near -Carrick. The main body were pursued to the river, and for the most -part killed. About seventy prisoners were taken to Waterford and there -hanged. He returned to Clonmel and thence back to Doneraile, for he -could do no more. 'My horses,' he told Ormonde, 'are quite spent; -their saddles have been scarce off these fourteen days; nor myself nor -my friends have not had leisure to shift our shirts ... the like war -was never heard of--no man makes head, one parish robs another, go home -and share the goods, and there is an end of it, and this by a company -of naked rogues.'[1] - -[Sidenote: Mountgarret invades Munster.] - -[Sidenote: Another mock commission.] - -St. Leger's rough ways might furnish an excuse, but had no real effect -upon events. The flame steadily spread over the whole island, and -the contest fell more and more into the hands of extreme men. The -Tipperary insurgents were soon enrolled in companies, the leading -part being taken by Theobald Purcell, titular baron of Loughmoe, and -Patrick Purcell, who rose to distinction during the war. At the end -of January Mountgarret, who acted as general, invaded Munster with a -heterogeneous force. He was assisted by Michael Wall, a professional -soldier, and accompanied by Viscount Ikerrin, Lords Dunboyne and -Cahir, all three Butlers, and the Baron of Loughmoe. Kilmallock was -easily taken, and the Irish encamped at Redshard, near Kildorrery, at -the entry to the county of Cork. Broghill reckoned them at 10,000, of -whom half were unarmed. The President, who had 900 foot and 300 horse, -thought it impossible to dispute the passage, and preferred to parley. -Mountgarret demanded freedom of conscience, the preservation of the -royal prerogative, and equal privileges for natives with the English. -St. Leger answered that they had liberty of conscience already, that -he was not likely to do anything against the Crown, from whom he held -everything, and that he himself was a native. At last, on February 10, -articles were agreed upon by which the President agreed to abstain -from all further hostilities, both sides covenanting to do each other -no harm for one month. St. Leger was induced to grant these terms -mainly by the sight of a commission from Charles with the Great Seal -attached, but Broghill believed that this was a mere trick, and the -document fabricated. The President withdrew to Cork and Mountgarret -into Tipperary. The armistice was ill kept by the Irish, who were under -the influence of Patrick Purcell. Mountgarret never showed any military -ability.[2] - -[Sidenote: Muskerry joins the Irish.] - -[Sidenote: The King's proclamation.] - -[Sidenote: Cork beleaguered by the Irish.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin's first exploit, April 13, 1642.] - -St. Leger had long cherished the belief that Donough MacCarthy, -Viscount Muskerry, would remain staunch. Muskerry, who had great -possessions, and who was married to Ormonde's sister, seems to have -tried the impossible part of neutral, but was soon drawn into the -vortex, and it was to him that the supposed commission to raise 4000 -men had been made out. He tried to stop plundering, and even hanged a -few thieves, but the open country soon became untenable for English -settlers. Many flocked to Bandon, which was held by Cork's son Lord -Kinalmeaky. Others fled to Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal, to which latter -place Sir Charles Vavasour brought the first reinforcement of 1000 men. -Vavasour carried over the King's proclamation of January 1 against -the rebels, of which only forty copies had been printed, and Cork -immediately forwarded it to the Lord President. 'I like it exceedingly -well in all parts of it,' said St. Leger, 'save only that it is come -so late to light ... it were very good that we had some store of them -to disperse abroad, for of this one little notice can be taken.' -Cork maintained himself at Youghal and his sons in other places. St. -Leger, as soon as he had received reinforcements, relieved Broghill at -Lismore, and took Dungarvan from the Irish. Of all the old nobility -Lord Barrymore, who had married Cork's daughter, alone stood firm and -refused all offers from the Irish. On March 12 St. Leger wrote that he -was practically besieged in Cork by a 'vast body of the enemy lying -within four miles of the town, under my Lord of Muskerry, O'Sullivan -Roe, MacCarthy Reagh, and all the western gentry and forces to the -number of about 5000.' The nominal chief of this army was Colonel -Garret Barry, an experienced soldier, but without originality, and -more fit for a subordinate than for a chief command. On April 13, -two days before Ormonde's victory at Kilrush, Inchiquin--who was -married to St. Leger's daughter, and had studied war in the Spanish -service--persuaded his father-in-law to let him make a sally. With -only 300 foot and two troops of horse he surprised the Irish camp at -Rochfordstown, routed the ill-disciplined host completely, and pursued -them for some miles towards Ballincollig and Kilcrea. Muskerry's own -luggage fell into the victor's hands, and a great stock of corn, -which was very welcome. The only serious fighting was in the attack -of a small enclosure desperately defended by Florence McDonnell, -called Captain Sougane, perhaps in memory of the last Desmond rebel. -Inchiquin's loss was little or nothing, and he was soon able to ship -guns and take castles which obstructed the navigation of Cork harbour. -The southern capital was relieved from all immediate danger.[3] - -[Sidenote: Limerick.] - -[Sidenote: Waterford.] - -Limerick did not at first take any decided part, but stood upon its -defence. Clonmel and Dungarvan admitted the Leinster insurgents in -December, a few days after St. Leger's raid. A party commanded by -Ormonde's brother Richard came to the gate of Waterford on the day -after Christmas, but the mayor, Francis Briver, refused to let him -in. Two other attempts were made before Twelfth Day. The mob of the -town and a majority of the corporation were opposed to the mayor, but -he held his own for some time, received English fugitives within the -walls, and kept them there till shipping could be had for themselves -and such property as they had been able to carry away. His own life -was frequently in danger, and his hand was badly bitten by a rioter who -resisted arrest. On another day, says Mrs. Briver, who took an active -part, 'when I heard so many swords were drawn at the market cross -against my poor husband, I ran into the streets without either hat or -mantle and laid my hands about his neck and brought him in whether he -would or no ... This and much more the mayor has suffered seeking to -let their goods go with the English.' Mountgarret was excluded, but in -April his son Edmund was admitted with 300 men, and the townsmen gave -up their cannon.[4] - -[Sidenote: State of Connaught. Ranelagh and Clanricarde.] - -[Sidenote: Events at Galway.] - -[Sidenote: Hesitation of the Galway gentry.] - -Roger Jones, created Viscount Ranelagh, was Lord President of -Connaught, and lay at Athlone with only a troop of horse and two -companies of foot. The government of the county of Galway was vested -by special patent in the Earl of Clanricarde, who positively refused -the request of the Roscommon gentlemen to take command of their county, -and thus ignore the Lord President's authority. Mayo was entrusted by -the Lords Justices to Lord Mayo and to Dillon, Viscount Costello, who -were both at this time professing Protestants. Sir Francis Willoughby, -the governor of Galway fort, was in Dublin when the rebellion broke -out, and his son Anthony, who was young and violent, commanded in his -absence. Clanricarde was at Portumna when he heard of the outbreak, -and he at once warned the mayor of Galway to be on his guard. The -Lords Justices refused to send arms from Dublin on the ground that -the passage was not safe, but told him to take what he could find -at Galway. A hundred calivers, many of them unserviceable, and as -many pikes were all that could be had. His own castles of Portumna, -Loughrea, and Oranmore were in a defensible state, and he came to -Galway on November 6. Richard Boyle, Archbishop of Tuam, took refuge -in the fort, and Clanricarde's castle of Aghenure, on the western -shore of Lough Corrib, was seized by the O'Flahertys. On the 11th a -town-meeting was held, and the citizens resolved to hold Galway for -the King. During the next three months there were frequent acts of -violence on both sides, Willoughby treating the citizens as conquered, -and they retorting by capturing and confining his stray soldiers. On -December 29 the lords of the Pale invited the nobility and gentry of -the county of Galway to join them, urging the legal grievances under -which Roman Catholics laboured, and the severe measures of Coote and -others. This did not make Clanricarde's task easier, but he came to -Galway on February 5, and patched up an accommodation. On the 11th he -left the town for a fortnight, and during the interval an outrage was -committed in the neighbourhood which rivalled the worst of the Ulster -atrocities.[5] - -[Sidenote: The Shrule massacre, Feb. 1641-2.] - -[Sidenote: Humanity of Walter Burke.] - -According to the Rev. John Goldsmith, there were about 1000 English -and Scotch Protestants in Mayo, many of whom tried to save themselves -by going to mass. He had a brother a priest, and it was owing to the -Jesuit Malone and an unnamed friar that he escaped with his life. -Several Protestants, including one Buchanan of Strade, and John -Maxwell, Bishop of Killala, sought the protection of Sir Henry Bingham -at Castlebar, but he refused to admit Goldsmith, who was a convert from -Rome, lest his presence should increase the animosity of the Irish. -Lord Mayo promised to convoy the whole party safely to Galway fort, -and they set out on February 13, Malachy O'Queely, Roman Catholic -Archbishop of Tuam, 'faithfully promising the Lord of Mayo to accompany -them with his lordship and several priests and friars, to see them -safely conveyed and delivered in Galway, or at the Fort of Galway.' -The first night was spent at Ballycarra, the second at Ballinrobe, the -third at the Neale, and the fourth at Shrule, where a bridge joins -the counties of Mayo and Galway. Lord Mayo seems to have declined all -responsibility outside of his own county, and on Sunday the 17th he -dismissed his followers except one company commanded by Edmund Burke, -who proposed to go with them a few miles, and hand them over to an -escort of the county Galway. Burke's men began to plunder the unarmed -fugitives before they were out of Lord Mayo's sight, and he sent his -son Sir Theobald to keep order; according to Theobald's own account he -ran over the bridge with his sword drawn to help the English, but was -fired at and afterwards 'conveyed away for the safety of his life.' -The promised escort, consisting of two companies of the O'Flahertys, -then came up and joined the Mayo people in an indiscriminate massacre -of men, women, and children. The Bishop of Killala and a few others -were saved by the exertions of Ulick Burke, of Castle Hacket, but -those killed were not far short of a hundred, including Dean Forgie of -Killala and five other clergymen, of whom John Corbet was one. Thomas -Johnson, vicar of Turlough, escaped to the house of Walter Burke, who -treated him kindly and defended him. Young priests and friars asked -Stephen Lynch, prior of Strade, in his presence whether it was not -lawful to kill him as a heretic, and Lynch answered that it was as -lawful as to kill a sheep or a dog. The insurgents threatening to burn -Burke's house if he kept Johnson any longer, he managed to convey him -to Clanricarde's castle at Loughrea, and he 'ever after that time lived -by the noble and free charity of that good earl, until of late his -lordship sent him and divers other Protestants away with a convoy.'[6] - -[Sidenote: Murders at Galway.] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde and the clergy.] - -Clanricarde returned to Galway on March 1. After a fortnight's argument -he succeeded in getting both town and fort to make declarations of -loyalty and of peaceable intentions towards each other. As soon as his -back was turned the flames fanned by the clergy broke out afresh. A -party of armed townsmen disguised as boatmen seized an English ship, -murdered some of the crew, and towed her off in spite of Willoughby's -fire. When Galway surrendered to Coote in 1652 the perpetrators of -the outrage were specially excepted from pardon. The malcontents then -closed the gates, disarmed all the English within the walls, took an -oath of union, and invited the O'Flahertys and the Mayo insurgents -to join them. Willoughby burned some of the suburbs to prevent -the O'Flahertys from occupying them, and this military precaution -still further exasperated the citizens. But Clanricarde collected a -quantity of provisions at Oranmore and relieved the fort. His castle -of Tirellan, which commanded the river, enabled him to blockade the -town, the neighbourhood being constantly patrolled by cavalry. Supplies -ceased to reach the market, and before the end of April the leading -citizens were tired of resisting. While negotiations were proceeding -a man of war arrived with powder and provisions, and Clanricarde then -took high ground. In vain did the warden Walter Lynch, whom Rinuccini -afterwards made a bishop, fulminate the greater excommunication against -all who agreed to Clanricarde's articles. The mayor signed them -nevertheless, agreeing that all soldiers harboured in the town should -be sent away, that access to the town should be free and open, that -the Anglican clergy should enjoy their legal rights, and that no arms -or powder should be sold without Clanricarde's orders. The gates were -accordingly thrown open on May 13, the young men of the town laid down -their arms, and Clanricarde received the keys publicly from the mayor's -hands. Ormonde approved of these proceedings, but the Lords Justices -thought the rebellious town had been too leniently treated.[7] - -[Sidenote: Order against intercourse with the Irish.] - -[Sidenote: Sir James Dillon at Athlone.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde relieves Athlone.] - -[Sidenote: An English party destroyed.] - -Contrary to Ormonde's own judgment, though he signed with the rest, -the Lords Justices issued an order against holding any intercourse -with the Irish living near garrisons and against giving protection to -any of them. The soldiers were to prosecute the rebels with fire and -sword, and whenever Ormonde established a garrison the order in council -was to be sent to the commanders with directions for ensuring its -observance. This order bound both Ranelagh and Clanricarde, but neither -of them approved of it, and indeed it involved a censure upon the -latter's pacification at Galway. Athlone had since Christmas been beset -on the Leinster side by a mixed multitude under the general direction -of Sir James Dillon, who had made a truce with the Lord President so -far as to allow free access to the market. The castle, which stands -on the Connaught side of the Shannon, was thus provisioned and made -safe against assailants who had no battering train. After a time the -garrison began to make incursions into Westmeath, and this was regarded -by Dillon as a breach of faith. He had been distrusted by the Irish -for his moderation, but without gaining him the confidence of the -Government, and he thought it would be better to have at least one side -heartily with him. He accordingly seized the town on the Leinster side, -and threw up a work which prevented the garrison from crossing the -bridge. When he heard that Ormonde was coming to relieve the castle he -withdrew into the county of Longford. Ormonde left Dublin on June 14, -Mullingar and Ballymore being burnt at his approach, and on the 20th he -was at the village of Kilkenny, about seven English miles from Athlone. -There Ranelagh met him and took charge of the 2000 foot and two troops -of horse provided to reinforce him under Sir Michael Earnley. Ormonde -then returned to Dublin at once, though Clanricarde was most anxious -to meet him. Ranelagh put the new troops into various castles, three -hundred of them, under Captain Bertie, being assigned to a convent of -Poor Clares on Lough Ree. The nuns had been hurriedly conveyed away by -Dillon to an island in the lake, but the vestments remained and the -cellar was full. The soldiers drank the wine, and were masquerading -in the vestments when they were attacked by a party sent by Dillon. -Bertie fought bravely, but he and most of his men were killed. The Lord -President then concentrated his forces at Athlone and the open country -was left at the mercy of the Irish.[8] - -[Sidenote: Dissensions amongst the English.] - -[Sidenote: Fight at Ballintober, July 1642.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish grow stronger.] - -Ranelagh showed no energy, but he was in bad health and in want of -money and supplies. He said Earnley's men were rogues and gaol-birds, -and that he longed for a commission to raise men of his own country. -In the meantime he neglected to requisition the provisions available -in the neighbourhood, and the soldiers died of want and neglect. Coote -provided ten days' bread, and pressed him to do something while a few -men were left alive, whereupon he ordered an attack on Ballagh, which -was not taken without loss, and which Earnley says was quite useless. -Afterwards he joined his forces to those of Coote at Roscommon, and -Sir James Dillon attacked Athlone in his absence with 1500 men, but -was beaten off by the remnant left behind. A considerable Irish -force under O'Connor Roe and others assembled after some skirmishing -at Ballintober, where they were routed with a loss of six hundred -men. Coote and Earnley were not allowed to follow up the victory, -and Ranelagh refused to feed the latter's men any longer. They were -therefore dispersed among the garrisons which Coote commanded. Ranelagh -made no further attempt to keep the field, and in October he made -a truce for three months with the Irish. Clanricarde approved of -this, and would have been glad to have its operation extended, for -vengeance 'need not be so sharp here, as where blood doth call for -deserved punishment.' But the Lords Justices were all for war to the -knife, though they had not the means to wage it successfully, while -Lord Forbes and Captain Willoughby did their best to prevent peace. -The English Parliament were too busy at home to do much, while arms -and ammunition from the Continent poured in through Wexford and the -Ulster ports, with 'most of the colonels, officers, and engineers that -have served beyond seas for many years past ... which furnish all -parts of the kingdom but those few that adhere to me for his Majesty's -service.'[9] - -[Sidenote: The rebellion in Clare, 1641-2.] - -[Sidenote: Defence of Ballyallia, Feb.-Sept. 1642.] - -Strafford's proposed settlement of Clare was never carried out, but -the Earls of Thomond were Protestants, and encouraged English tenants, -so that a considerable colony had in fact been established. Inchiquin, -who had agreed to the abortive plantation, threw his influence in -the same direction; but the great mass of O'Briens, Macnamaras, and -others favoured the insurgents. The outbreak in the north and the -attempt on Dublin were known at the fair of Clare on November 1, but -it was not till the end of the month that certain news came of the -insurrection having spread to the part of Tipperary near the Shannon. -Barnabas Earl of Thomond, who had an English wife, tried to keep the -peace, and adopted a trimming policy, but soon lost all control over -the country, though he held Bunratty and some other places. Robberies -of the Protestants' cattle soon began, and by Christmas the owners -were generally on their guard in castles, of which thirty-one were in -friendly hands. Three weeks later the troops raised by Thomond were -siding openly with the rebels. Ballyallia Castle, on a lake near Ennis, -belonged to Sir Valentine Blake, of Galway, who was a noted member of -the Catholic confederacy, but was leased to a merchant named Maurice -Cuffe, and became a place of refuge for at least a hundred Protestants. -Others from the neighbourhood escaped to England in a Dutch vessel. -About a thousand of the Irish encamped near the castle and built -cabins, but without coming to close quarters. They captured Abraham -Baker, an English carpenter apparently, and with his aid constructed -a 'sow,' such as was frequently used during the war. It was a house -35 feet by 9 feet, built of beams upon four wheels, strengthened with -iron and covered by a sharp ridge roof, and was moved by levers worked -from inside. The whole was kept together by huge spike-nails, which -cost 5_l._, 'being intended for a house of correction which should -have been built at Ennis.' Captain Henry O'Grady summoned the castle, -pretending to have his Majesty's commission to banish all Protestants -out of Ireland. Whereupon 'a bullet was sent to examine his commission, -which went through his thigh, but he made a shift to rumbel [_sic_] to -the bushes and there fell down, but only lay by it sixteen weeks, in -which time unhappily it was cured.' A girl who fell into the hands of -the besiegers was tortured until she confessed that the shot was fired -by the Rev. Andrew Chaplin. The Irish had no artillery, but devised -a cannon made of half-tanned leather with a three-pound charge. The -breech was blown out at the first fire, and the ball remained inside. -The sow was soon taken and those within killed. A kind of loose -blockade lasted from the beginning of February until near midsummer. -The besieged often suffered much from want of water, but sometimes -they ventured to skirmish in the open, joining with the garrison of -Clare Castle and capturing cattle. Baker, who was taken in the sow, -joined his captors, whereupon 'the Irish immediately hewed in pieces -his son, Thomas Baker, a proper young man, who was with them in their -camp.' After the fall of Limerick Castle one piece of artillery was -brought against Ballyallia, but the gunner was at once shot, and little -was done. After this the siege was much closer, famine and sickness -reducing the garrison by one half. They got horseflesh at times, but -were driven to eat salted hides, dried sheepskins and cats, all fried -in tallow. At last they were forced to capitulate, and the terms were -ill-kept, but in the end the survivors escaped to Bunratty, nearly all -ill and stripped of everything.[10] - -[Sidenote: Cork and St. Leger, 1642.] - -[Sidenote: Youghal, Lismore and Bandon.] - -Cromwell is reported to have said that if there had been an Earl of -Cork in every county the Irish could never have raised a rebellion. -All his resources were expended in resisting it, and St. Leger, though -he co-operated with him, could not but feel bitterly the inferiority -of his own position. The Lords Justices never communicated with him, -and though they allowed him to levy forces, sent no money to pay them; -and indeed they had none to send. Earnest applications for cannon, -'six drakes and two curtoes,' were made in vain, and to take the -field without guns was impossible. 'If they have not wholly deserted -me,' he wrote to Ormonde, 'and bestowed the government on my Lord of -Cork, persuade them to disburden themselves of so much artillery as -they cannot themselves employ.' He died a few weeks later, leaving -the presidential authority in Inchiquin's hands. In the meantime Cork -himself had held Youghal, securing a landing-place for all succours -from England. His son Broghill defended Lismore, and Kinalmeaky was -governor of Bandon, which his father had walled and supplied with -artillery. Clonakilty was an open place, and the Protestant settlers -there and in the country round about escaped to Bandon, where the -townsmen made them pay well for their quarters. 'They were compelled,' -said Cork, 'to give more rent for their chamber or corner than my -tenants paid me for the whole house.' After Kinalmeaky's death at -Liscarrol Sir Charles Vavasour became governor, and the town was never -taken; the Bandonians making frequent sallies, like the Enniskilleners -in a later age. Lord Cork, who had enjoyed a rental of 50_l._ a day, -lost it all for the time, and was often in difficulties, but he saved -the English interest in Munster from total destruction.[11] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Carte's _Ormonde_, with the letters in vol. iii. of November 8, -13, 16, 18 and 22, and December 11. _Lismore Papers_, 2nd series, -vol. iv. St. Leger's letters of November 7, 10, and 28, and December -2 and 17. Bellings says 'some innocent labourers and husbandmen -suffered by martial law for the transgression of others,' and Carte -gives instances. St. Leger's letters from November 1 to December 11 in -_Egmont Papers_, i. 142-154. - -[2] The best account of this episode is Broghill's letter printed in -vol. ii. of Smith's _Hist. of Cork; Bellings_. - -[3] _Bellings_, i. 76; St. Leger's letters of February 26, March -26, and April 18, 1641-2, in _Lismore Papers_, 2nd Series. _Divers -Remarkable Occurrences_ by Thomas Baron, Esq., who lived fifteen years -six miles from Bandon and arrived in London July 2. This last contains -a curious dirge on Captain Sougane, beginning, 'O'Finnen McDonnell -McFinnen a Cree' which has these lines:-- - - Thy general Barry of three pounds a day, - With armed Lord Muskerry did both run away. - We Cork men bewail dee, but yet for dy glory - Tank heaven to have pulled de from purgatory, - For all our priests swear dou art not in hell, - Dear Finnen McDonnell McFinnen farewell. - - -[4] Lords Justices and Council to Leicester, _Confederation and War_, -ii. 28; Letters from Mr. and Mrs. Briver, _ib._ 7-22. - -[5] A good account in Hardiman's _Hist. of Galway_. Clanricarde's -letters, November 14 to January 23, 1641-2, in Carte's _Ormonde_, vol. -iii., and the lords of the Pale to the Galway gentry, December 29, -_ib._ Clanricarde's correspondence with the Roscommon gentry is in -_Contemporary Hist._ i. 380. - -[6] Deposition of Goldsmith in 1643 in _Hickson_, i. 375. Other -witnesses in 1653, _ib._ i. 387-399 and ii. 1-7. Henry Bringhurst's -evidence, as being rather favourable to Lord Mayo, has been chiefly -followed for the massacre. See also Hardiman's _Hist. of Galway_, p. -110, and the letters in Clanricarde's _Memoirs_, 1757, pp. 77, 80. The -Galway men tried to throw the blame on their Mayo neighbours, for fear -of Clanricarde. - -[7] Clanricarde to Essex, May 22, 1642; Ormonde to Clanricarde, June -13, in Carte's _Ormonde_. Hardiman's _Hist. of Galway_, p. 111. - -[8] Order in Council, May 28, 1642, in _Confederation and War_, ii. 45. -Earnley's account, _ib._ 134; _Bellings_, i. 85. Carte's _Ormonde_, i. -345. - -[9] Sir Michael Earnley's Relation (soon after July 20, 1642) in -_Confederation and War_, ii. 134. Clanricarde's letters of July 14 and -20, and October 26, in his _Memoirs_, pp. 190, 197, 281. - -[10] Narrative of Maurice Cuffe, printed by T. Crofton Croker, _Camden -Society_, 1841. Joseph Cuffe to H. Jones, November 12, 1658, MS. in -Trinity College, 844, No. 37. Burnet says (i. 29) guns partly made of -leather were used with effect by the Scots at Newburn. - -[11] St. Leger to Ormonde, May 12, 1642, in Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. -Appx. No. 78. Inchiquin to Cork, November 24, 1642, with the answer, in -Bennett's _History of Bandon_, chap. vii. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII - -THE WAR TO THE BATTLE OF ROSS, 1642-1643 - - -[Sidenote: A Scots army in Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: Major-General Monro.] - -When Charles received the news of the Irish insurrection, he at once -called upon the Scottish Parliament to aid him in suppressing it. They -replied that Ireland was dependent on England, that interference on -their part would be misunderstood, and that they could only act as -auxiliaries to the English people by agreement with them. Early in -November the Parliament at Westminster resolved to send 12,000 men from -England, and to ask the Scots to send 10,000 more. But Episcopalian -jealousy was aroused, and the demand on Scotland was reduced to 1,000. -Nothing was done for the moment, but on January 22, by which time some -of the English troops had reached Ireland, both Houses agreed to ask -for 2,500, and to this the Scots Commissioners in London assented. The -King hesitated about giving up Carrickfergus to the Scotch regiments, -but the Commissioners hoped that his Majesty, 'being their native king, -would not show less trust in them than their neighbour nation,' and -this appeal was successful. Money and military stores were stipulated -for, and it was agreed that if any other troops in Ulster should join -the Scots, their general was to command them as well as his own men, -and he had also power to enlarge his quarters to make such expeditions -as he might think fit. The Scottish estates had before offered 10,000 -men, but nothing like that number ever went. A little later the command -was given to Leven, who stayed but a short time and did nothing. The -expeditionary force remained in the hands of Major-General Robert -Monro, who had been employed to keep order at Aberdeen, and did so with -no light hand. He set up, says Spalding, 'ane timber mare, whereupon -runagate knaves and runaway soldiers should ride. Uncouth to see sic -discipline in Aberdeen, and more painful to the trespasser to suffer.' -Monro will live for ever in the form of Dugald Dalgetty, for whose -portrait he was the chief model. Sir James Turner, who contributed some -touches to the picture, says his great fault was a tendency to despise -his enemy. Monro's training was that of the Thirty Years' War, and -Turner, who belonged to the same school, thought he carried its lessons -too far.[12] - -[Sidenote: The Scots land April 1642.] - -[Sidenote: Newry retaken.] - -[Sidenote: Sir Phelim O'Neill burns Armagh.] - -Monro landed at Carrickfergus on April 15 with about 2500 men, Lord -Conway and Colonel Chichester retiring with their regiments to -Belfast. On the 28th he marched towards Newry, leaving a garrison -behind him, and was joined by Conway and the rest, making up his army -to near 4000 men. The Irish under Lord Iveagh were posted in a fort -at Ennislaughlin near Moira, but were easily dislodged next day, and -fled into the Kilwarlin woods. No quarter was given, to which Turner -strongly objects. On the third day they marched through Dromore, where -only the church was left standing, to Loughbrickland, where there was -a garrison in an island. Monro bribed six Highlanders to swim across, -and one of these succeeded in bringing away the only boat. The island -was then occupied and all the Irish there killed. No attempt was made -to defend the town of Newry, but the castle gave some trouble, and -Monro was unwilling to assault or burn it, lest the prisoners confined -there should suffer. The garrison were allowed to march out without -arms on May 3, but over sixty townsmen, including a Cistercian monk -and a secular priest, were hanged next day in cold blood. Turner -criticises Monro's conduct, and claims to have saved nearly 150 women -whom the soldiers proposed to kill. At least a dozen women were shot -or drowned, notwithstanding his interference. The natural result of -Monro's system was to make the Irish desperate, and O'Neill burned -Armagh, 'the cathedral with its steeple and with its bells, organ, and -glass windows, and the whole city, with the fine library, with all the -learned books of the English on divinity, logic, and philosophy.' Many -lives were also taken by the Irish in revenge for Monro's severities. -After leaving a garrison at Newry the army marched through the Mourne -mountains, and from one end of Down to the other. Turner mentions a -frightful storm attributed by the superstitious to Irish witches, which -if true he considered a good proof that their master was really prince -of the air. Some of the soldiers died from sheer cold. On the twelfth -day Monro returned to Carrickfergus. A detachment which he had left -in the outskirts of Belfast had been attacked during his absence and -driven off. A large number of cattle had been taken from the Magennises -and Macartans, but the English soldiers everywhere complained that the -Scots got most of the plunder.[13] - -[Sidenote: Sir Frederic Hamilton.] - -[Sidenote: His severities.] - -[Sidenote: Sir W. Cole at Enniskillen.] - -[Sidenote: The Laggan army.] - -Sir Frederic Hamilton was at Londonderry on October 24. On hearing -of the outbreak he rode hard with a dozen mounted servants, who made -a great show by blowing trumpets and carrying two lighted matches -each. The little party reached Donegal unmolested, succoured the -English settlers there, and at Ballyshannon killed some rogues on -the road, and reached Manor Hamilton in safety. Connor O'Rourke, -sheriff of Leitrim, visited Hamilton on the 31st, but his professions -of loyalty did not last long. The arrival of a few stray Scots -soldiers, some from Carlisle direct, increased the garrison to fifty -men. By December 4 twenty-four prisoners were taken, and to avenge -the deaths of Englishmen at Sligo, eight of them were hanged upon a -conspicuous gallows. Fifty-six persons, including one woman, died thus -by martial law between December 3, 1641, and February 18, 1642-3. -Hamilton complained bitterly that he was not supported by Sir William -Cole, and their quarrels became the subject of an inquiry by the -English Parliament. Cole held Enniskillen throughout, and without -much difficulty, while Captain Ffolliott maintained the important -post at Ballyshannon. Meanwhile the brothers Sir William and Sir -Robert Stewart, who were both professional soldiers, were active from -Rathmelton in Donegal to Newtown Stewart in Tyrone. Their levies grew -into an army which came to be known as the Laggan forces from a name -locally given to the district. Londonderry and Coleraine also held out, -and were never taken during the war.[14] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde wastes Kildare, April, 1642.] - -[Sidenote: George Monck.] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Kilrush, April 15.] - -Ormonde returned to Dublin in the middle of March, and on April 2 set -out again with 3000 foot, 500 horse, and five guns to waste the county -of Kildare. Captain Yarner, with two troops, burned ten or twelve -villages under the Wicklow mountains, and killed about the same number -of armed men. A trumpeter was killed by a shot from Tipper Castle, -near Naas, whereupon Coote blew up the house and put all to the sword. -Ormonde garrisoned Naas, established a Protestant corporation there, -and advanced to Maryborough, whence he sent most of his cavalry by -forced marches to relieve Burris in Ossory and Birr, and to return by -Portnahinch. The old men, women, and children of about sixty families -were brought away safely and settled at Naas. Monck, who now appears -for the first time in Ireland, was sent to secure their return passage -over the Barrow. Other detachments were sent to relieve Ballinakill, -Clogrennan and Carlow, and on the twelfth day Ormonde was back at Athy -without any loss except of a few over-ridden horses. Great numbers -of cattle were taken, and Coote gave 300 milch cows to the fugitives -at Naas on condition of selling milk to the troops at a halfpenny a -quart and making butter and cheese, and bread, he supplying corn at -ten shillings the Winchester barrel. Ormonde found that the enemy had -concentrated in the meantime at the ford of Mageney on the Barrow -with a view to intercept him on his return. Mountgarret and Roger -O'More were both present, as well as Hugh MacPhelim O'Byrne, who -was retreating from Drogheda to the Wicklow mountains, and they had -more than 6000 men, but badly armed and with very little powder. -Ormonde left Athy early in the morning of April 15, his force being -considerably reduced by the garrisons left behind. The Irish were -soon visible to the eastward trying to reach the pass at Ballyshannon -before him. As they had no baggage they would probably have got there -first, but Ormonde was superior in horse, and he sent on all that he -had under Sir Thomas Lucas. The Irish finding themselves forestalled, -had to fight in a less advantageous position at Kilrush. They had no -real head, and the Munster and Leinster men disputed about the division -of the spoil before the battle was won. The English cavalry had it all -their own way, Coote charging like a man of thirty. He lost his cap, -'but bare-headed scoured about the field, crying "Kill! kill!" and with -his hand gave the example, while my Lord of Ormonde secured the cannon -and victory with some divisions of foot, and beat their van into a -speedy retreat.' There was very little fighting, the Irish soon taking -refuge in a bog near at hand. The number of killed on their side is -uncertain, but it included some persons of rank, and the army simply -ceased to exist. O'More and his brother fled to their home at Ballina -near the Boyne, Mountgarret and others to Tullow, and the O'Byrnes -to their Wicklow mountains. Ormonde lost some twenty men. That night -he slept at Castlehaven's house at Maddenstown, where Antrim and the -Duchess of Buckingham were staying, and Coote 'to pleasure the lady,' -fired a salute of artillery and musketry. According to an Irish writer -Sir Charles boasted of the day's victory. The men were silent, but -the Duchess upbraided him as being less loyal than the Irish, and as -'a poor mechanical fellow, raised by blind fortune, as informer and -promoter against all that is just and godly, being chief instrument of -the shedding of many innocent blood [_sic_], and of the commencement -of the new distempers.' Coote, who was of a good old family, had served -three sovereigns faithfully both in peace and war, and fell three weeks -later fighting bravely against enormous odds.[15] - -[Sidenote: The Irish Parliament purged.] - -[Sidenote: Beginning of the Catholic Confederation.] - -[Sidenote: The oath of association.] - -On June 22 that part of the House of Commons in Dublin which accepted -the oath of supremacy expelled forty-one 'rotten and unprofitable -members' who were either in open rebellion or indicted of high treason. -Of these Richard Bellings, who sat for Callan, was the most important. -Among the others were Rory Maguire the northern leader, Sir Valentine -Blake of Galway, who was Clanricarde's friend, and Sir James Dillon. In -the meantime what claimed to be a new legislature was being gradually -formed. On May 10, 11, 13, and 14 a congregation of the Roman Catholic -hierarchy sat at Kilkenny. There were present three archbishops, six -bishops and the procurators of four more, with several abbots and other -dignitaries; and the plan of the proposed confederation was sketched -out. The prelates declared that the war had been justly undertaken -for religion and for the King, against sectaries and especially -against Puritans. Any province, county, or city making separate terms -with the enemy was to be held excommunicate. A number of lords and -gentlemen joined the prelates, and out of their joint deliberations -grew the Supreme Council in its first shape--two members out of each -province with Mountgarret as president. An oath of association was -framed binding the confederates to obey the council and to do nothing -without their consent. The main object was the establishment of the -Roman Catholic religion 'in as full and ample a manner as the Roman -Catholic secular clergy had or enjoyed the same within this realm at -any time during the reign of Henry VII.' Significantly, the regular -clergy are not mentioned at all. The secular clergy were to enjoy all -temporalities 'in as large and ample a manner as the late Protestant -clergy respectively enjoyed the same on October 1, 1641.' All laws to -the contrary made since 20 Henry VIII. were void. Before a more regular -assembly could meet Preston had landed in the south and O'Neill in the -north, and their arrival gave events a new turn.[16] - -[Sidenote: Owen Roe O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill lands in Ulster, July 1642.] - -Owen Roe O'Neill was son of Art MacBaron, the great Tyrone's brother, -whence he was often called Owen MacArt. In the Spanish service he was -known as Don Eugenio O'Neill. He was a captain in Flanders in Henry -O'Neill's Irish regiment as early as 1607, and colonel of the regiment -about 1633. With the rank of _maître de camp_ he commanded the garrison -of Arras during the siege in 1640, and marched out with the honours -of war on August 9. For some time before the outbreak he had been in -frequent communication with the Irish leaders, but perhaps without -any well-formed intention of going over himself. When he heard that -the plot to seize Dublin had been discovered 'he was in a great rage -against O'Connolly, and said he wondered how or where that villain -should live, for if he were in Ireland, sure they would pull him in -pieces there; and if he lived in England there were footmen and other -Irishmen enough to kill him.' It was less than eight years since -another Irish colonel, Walter Butler, had murdered Wallenstein. O'Neill -then asked his general Francis de Mello to let him go to Ireland, and -the Spaniard answered that he should go and be well supplied for the -enterprise if he could find a safe landing-place in his own country. -It was, however, given out that he was in disgrace with the Spanish -authorities, and years afterwards, when Hyde was at Madrid, Don Luis -de Haro kept up the mystification and spoke of him as a deserter from -his sovereign's service. Where Spain was concerned there were always -long delays, and the summer of 1642 was well advanced before O'Neill -announced to Luke Wadding that he was about to start. Everything, he -said, was going on well in Ireland, but there was sad want of powder. -If the Pope knew, he said, how fatal that powder would be to heresy and -heretics he would make haste to procure a plentiful supply. O'Neill -sailed from Dunkirk round Scotland, and landed in Lough Swilly about -the last day of July. He captured two prizes at sea and detached a -small vessel to Wexford with arms, which arrived safely. O'Neill -brought to Ulster 'ammunition, arms and a few low-country officers and -soldiers of his own regiment,' and he sent his ships back to Flanders -for more. Sir Phelim sent 1500 men to join his kinsman, who went round -by Ballyshannon to Charlemont, where he arrived without having met an -enemy.[17] - -[Sidenote: Preston lands at Wexford, August 1642.] - -[Sidenote: His rivalry with O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: Attitude of Richelieu.] - -Thomas Preston, a son of the fourth Viscount Gormanston, was fifty-six -years old when the Irish rebellion broke out. He was a captain in the -same regiment as Owen Roe O'Neill in 1607, but was never on good terms -with him. They were rivals in recruiting during the reign of Strafford, -who favoured the man of English descent as far as he could. In 1635 -Preston distinguished himself in the defence of Louvain against the -combined forces of France and Holland, and in 1641 in the defence of -Genappe against Frederick Henry of Orange. In 1642 his nephew, Lord -Gormanston, urged him to return to Ireland. In March of that year -Mountgarret sent Geoffrey Barron, Wadding's nephew, to Paris, and in -July he met Preston there. Richelieu, who had not forgotten Rochelle, -did not declare himself openly, but he discharged all the Irish -soldiers in the French service, allowed war material to be purchased in -France, and let it be understood that help would be forthcoming to the -extent of a million of crowns. Preston sailed from Dunkirk, accompanied -by several officers, and arrived in Wexford harbour at the beginning of -August. Here he was joined by at least a dozen vessels laden with war -material from St. Malo, Nantes, and Rochelle. He reconnoitred Duncannon -fort, which he thought could be taken in fifteen days, and then went -to Kilkenny, where the confederates were still assembled. Public -opinion quickly designated him as the fittest person to have military -command in Leinster, and Mountgarret, who was no soldier, was very -willing to yield the place to him.[18] - -[Sidenote: Limerick Castle taken, June 1642.] - -[Sidenote: Death of St. Leger. Inchiquin vice-president, June 1642.] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Liscarrol, Sept. 1642.] - -The army which Inchiquin had driven from before Cork came together -again at Limerick, and St. Leger had no force to molest it there. After -standing neutral for a time the city had joined the confederates, but -the castle was held by Captain George Courtenay with sixty men and -very little powder. Supplies were ordered by Parliament, but did not -reach the garrison. The Irish stretched a boom across the river, which -prevented any relief by water, and ran mines under the works, while -the garrison were harassed by a continual fire from the walls of the -cathedral. Courtenay capitulated on June 21, and Barry and Muskerry -went south again with three pieces of cannon taken in the castle. -Among these was a thirty-two pounder weighing about three tons, which -was laid in the scooped-out trunk of a tree and dragged up hills and -through bogs by twenty-five yoke of oxen. The whole county of Limerick -was soon in Irish hands. St. Leger died on July 2, and the sole -command then devolved on Inchiquin. His position as vice-president was -confirmed by the Lords Justices, who associated Lord Barrymore with him -for the civil government, but the latter died at Michaelmas. Patrick -Purcell, acting as major-general under Barry, took up a strong position -at Newtown near Charleville, but was beaten out of it by Inchiquin -with very inferior numbers. This check caused a long delay, but at -last Barry advanced with six thousand foot and five hundred horse and -sat down on August 20 before the strong castle of Liscarrol. Here he -was joined by Lord Dungarvan, who had just taken Ardmore Castle and -hanged 117 men, leaving the women and children at liberty. A garrison -of thirty men could do little against the fire of heavy guns, and -Liscarrol surrendered on September 2. On the 3rd, Cromwell's lucky day, -Inchiquin advanced, as he supposed, to their relief. His force of 3000 -foot and 400 horse was about half of Barry's, but much better armed and -disciplined. The Irish, having a good position under the walls of the -castle, were at first successful against the charge of a small division -of horse consisting of Cork and Bandon men, without even helmets; but -Lord Cork's son Kinalmeaky, 'who was clothed with armour of proof' -was shot dead. Though one else fell, his followers were driven back -in confusion and the battle seemed lost, but the foot stood firm, -and Inchiquin, coming up with some more regular cavalry, succeeded -in rallying the fugitives. He killed Oliver Stephenson, the Irish -cavalry leader, with his own hand, and had himself more than one narrow -escape, being wounded in the head and hand. The Irish were routed and -'recovered Sir William Pore's bog near Kilbolaine,' where they were -out of reach. Inchiquin only lost some twelve men killed, and Barry is -said to have lost seven hundred, but the victory was not of much use, -for there were neither money nor provisions to follow it up. Liscarroll -Castle was reoccupied, and three pieces of cannon brought from Limerick -were taken. Inchiquin then fell back to Mallow, and dispersed his men -in garrisons, while the Irish went to their several homes.[19] - -[Sidenote: The Scots in Ulster, June 1642] - -[Sidenote: Kinard burned.] - -[Sidenote: Charlemont retained by the Irish.] - -There was perpetual fighting in Ulster during the summer of 1642. Monro -marched on June 17, with about 2000 men, from Carrickfergus to Lisburn, -where he was joined by Lord Montgomery and others with some 1100 foot -and four troops of horse. Lord Conway brought his regiment and five -troops of horse. Next morning the Scots general, with his own foot -and nearly all the horse, marched through the plain to Dromore, while -Montgomery cleared the woods of Killultagh, most of the Irish flying -across the Bann with their cattle and 'burning the country all along.' -The fighting was not severe, and the two divisions coalesced somewhere -near Banbridge. Monro, being short of provisions, decided not to follow -the enemy into Tyrone, and went off with some troops of cavalry towards -the Mourne mountains, leaving the other leaders to do the best they -could. Three hundred cows were captured, and the bulk of the army came -to Kinard. A priest was also taken, 'Chanter of Armagh and a prime -councillor to Sir Phelim O'Neill, who was since hanged, but would not -confess or discover anything.' The chief had gone to Charlemont, and -his men ran away who 'for haste did not kill any prisoners,' so his -house was burned, which was 'built of free stone and strong enough -to have kept out all the force we could make.' Two hundred miserable -captives were released, in rags and with faces like ghosts. The plunder -was considerable, including Sir Phelim's plate, which was on carts -ready to carry off. News was heard of Lady Caulfield, who was 'kept at -a stone house near Braintree woods,' and here Captain Rawdon found her -with her children, just in time to prevent the rebels from taking her -off into the forest. Rawdon was not so successful in the case of Lady -Blaney, who had been carried away into the wilds of Monaghan the night -before he came on the scene. As he rode through Kinard the second time -there was 'nothing left quick but angry dogs and embers.' Charlemont -had been strengthened with some skill, and there was no possibility of -taking it without guns, though Sir Phelim was nearly captured trying to -go there, and had to fly into Tyrone. Dungannon was afterwards taken -and garrisoned, with the usual hangings, Sir William Brownlow and -other prisoners there having overcome the rebel guard 'with the help -of some Irish that had formerly had relation to them.' Two brass guns -were taken, but they were not heavy enough to make the difference at -Charlemont, and on the eighth and ninth days the army returned from -Armagh through Loughbrickland to Lisburn. A great many cattle had been -taken, and all not eaten or stolen were divided among the men, one to -every four foot soldiers and to every two troopers.[20] - -[Sidenote: Desultory character of the war.] - -On June 25 Clotworthy left Antrim with 600 men in twelve boats built -for the service on Lough Neagh. On the flat Tyrone shore little -resistance was made, and Mountjoy was taken with no loss. Here he -entrenched himself strongly, and 'notwithstanding the next was the -Lord's day' spent it in building huts for his men. Before leaving it -to be maintained by a garrison of 250 men he scoured the woods as well -as he could, and lost very few men, though the pressure of hunger was -severe, for he could not catch cows without cavalry, and there were 500 -rescued British prisoners of both sexes and every age to feed along -with the soldiers. The want of horse was partly supplied by making -200 men strip to their shirts for lightness, and they did not object, -thinking it mean to wear armour against men that had none. Generally -speaking the Irish would not stand against them, but they seemed to -have ammunition enough, which was said to come from Limerick. One -hundred cows were taken near Moneymore, after which the soldiers fared -better, but there was much sickness from want of proper food, and from -having to sleep on the ground.[21] - -[Sidenote: A general assembly meets, Oct. 1642.] - -[Sidenote: The name of Parliament avoided.] - -[Sidenote: The Catholic Church first.] - -[Sidenote: The King second.] - -[Sidenote: The Supreme Council.] - -[Sidenote: Four generals appointed.] - -The provisional supreme council, which had been formed at Kilkenny -in the early summer, did what they could to give their organisation -something of a legal shape. 'Letters,' says Bellings, 'in nature of -writs were sent from this council to all the Lords spiritual and -temporal, and all the counties, cities, and corporate towns that -had right to send knights and burgesses to Parliament.' The general -assembly so constituted met on October 24, a year and a day after the -first outbreak in Ulster, at the house of Robert Shee, heir to Sir -Richard Shee. The Lords spiritual and temporal and Commons sat in -one room, Mr. Pat Darcy bareheaded upon a stool representing all or -some that sat in Parliament upon the woolsack. Mr. Nicholas Plunket -represented the Speaker of the Commons, and both Lords and Commons -addressed their speech to him. The Lords had an upper room for a -recess for private consultation, and upon resolutions taken the same -were delivered to the Commons by Mr. Darcy. The name of Parliament -was eschewed, and Plunket was called prolocutor or president, and -not speaker. Burgesses were to be paid five shillings a day, and -knights of the shire ten shillings during the session, and for ten -days before and after. The first act of the assembly was to establish -the Roman Catholic Church as it had been in the time of Henry VII., -and the statute law was to be observed so far as it was 'not against -the Catholic Roman religion.' Allegiance to King Charles came second. -For the protection of the King's subjects against murders, rapes and -robberies 'contrived and daily executed by the malignant party, and for -the exaltation of the Holy Roman Catholic Church and the advancement -of his Majesty's service,' a Supreme Council was appointed, with both -executive and judicial authority; control over all officers, even -generals, in the field; and power to hear and determine all matters -capital, criminal or civil, 'except the right or title of land.' Owen -Roe O'Neill was appointed general for Ulster, Preston for Leinster, and -Colonel Gerald Barry for Munster. For Connaught, Colonel John Bourke -was named lieutenant-general only, in the hope that Clanricarde would -be induced to join. There were some bickerings between Owen Roe and -Sir Phelim, who had just married Preston's daughter, and who wished to -be in command of his own province, and between Rory O'More and other -Leinster gentlemen, but they were smoothed over for the time. All the -generals had seen service on the Continent.[22] - -[Sidenote: Constitution of the Supreme Council.] - -[Sidenote: Provincial Councils.] - -The Supreme Council consisted of twenty-four persons, four taken from -each province. Of these only four, an O'Neill and a Magennis from -Ulster, an O'Brien from Munster and Lord Mayo, were not sworn in at the -time. Lord Mountgarret was appointed president, Bellings secretary, and -Richard Shee clerk. Of the whole twenty-four four were peers and five -bishops. Provincial and county councils were also constituted, but they -had no real existence, or a very shadowy one. That for Leinster was -appointed, but was overshadowed by the Supreme Council, and events soon -showed that military force and not new-fangled civil departments was -the determining quantity during the revolutionary period. - -[Sidenote: Protestants and neutrals to lose their estates.] - -[Sidenote: Church property to be transferred.] - -The assembly decreed that lands taken from their owners since October -1, 1641, should be restored on pain of the new possessor being treated -as an enemy; provided that if the old owner 'be declared a neuter -or enemy by the supreme or provincial,' then the land should be -surrendered not to him, but to the council, 'to be disposed of towards -the maintenance of the general cause.' The war was a religious one, -and thus the lands of all who were not prepared to espouse the Roman -Catholic cause were to be forfeited, or at the least sequestered. -English, Welsh and Scotch Roman Catholics were to be treated as well -as natives of Ireland. All Church temporalities were at one stroke -transferred from Protestants to Roman Catholics. It must have been from -the first evident to all cool observers that no accommodation on these -terms could ever be made with any settled English Government. After -sitting for about a month the assembly adjourned till May 20 next. They -had ordered 4000_l._ worth coin to be struck, and 5820 men to be raised -as the Leinster contingent. The Kilkenny government never had any real -authority, except in the south-east of Ireland.[23] - -[Sidenote: The royal authority slighted.] - -[Sidenote: Flags.] - -[Sidenote: Coinage.] - -[Sidenote: Indulgences and excommunications.] - -[Sidenote: Free trade.] - -The Supreme Council assumed sovereign power, the King figuring -largely in negotiations with Ormonde, but seldom appearing in -documents intended for home consumption. Flags were devised with -various religious emblems and mottoes; but in each case there was -an Irish cross on a green field, 'Vivat Rex Carolus' below, and -C R with a crown imperial above. Francis Oliver, a Fleming, was -appointed vice-admiral, and letters of marque to prey upon 'enemies -of the general Catholic cause' were freely granted. Half-crowns and -shillings and copper money were struck with Charles I. on one side -and St. Patrick on the other, but this was not done without much -opposition, for the coinage was unnecessary, and was an evident -encroachment upon the Crown. Agents were accredited to the Emperor, -the King of France, the Pope, the Duke of Bavaria, the Viceroy in -Belgium, and the Governor of Biscay. The Franciscan Luke Wadding, a -native of Waterford, was agent at Rome, and as this was emphatically -the Pope's war, the instructions to him are of special interest. The -first thing asked for was a supply of indulgences for the confederates -and of excommunications for all opponents and neutrals. The Pope was -requested to send letters in their favour to the Queen of England, -to the Catholic princes of Germany, Spain, France, Portugal, Poland, -and Bavaria, to Genoa, and to the Catholics of Holland. Wadding was -directed to impress upon his Holiness that the Catholic cause in -Protestant countries would be much advanced by the success of the -confederates. Free trade with France, Spain, and Holland was solicited -through the Pope's mediation. In general he was to be asked to give the -council power over ecclesiastical patronage, and not to admit appeals -during the war. In particular Thomas Dease, Bishop of Meath, had been -suspended by the provincial synod of Armagh for refusing to approve of -the war, and his appeal was to be rejected without trial. The Supreme -Council thus engrossed to themselves all the chief prerogatives of the -Crown which they professed to defend.[24] - -[Sidenote: Preston's first action, Dec. 1642.] - -Preston's first service in the field did not augur well for his -success as a general. Ormonde was anxious to relieve the garrison -of Ballinakill on the borders of Queen's County and Kilkenny, and -in December he sent Monck with a convoy and enough men to guard it. -This service was duly performed, but Preston and Castlehaven, with -a thousand foot and three troops of horse, attempted to cut him off -on his return to Dublin. Monck passed by Timahoe, where there was a -confederate garrison, who lined the hedges by the roadside; but hearing -that he was pursued, he avoided the snare by drawing aside to some -level ground backed by a hill, where he placed his foot to serve as -support in case the horse were worsted. The contrary happened, and -after the first charge the whole of Preston's force was driven under -the shelter of Timahoe. The numbers engaged on each side were about -equal, but a crowd of spectators on a distant hill were mistaken for -reinforcements, and Monck prudently continued his journey to Dublin. -Castlehaven thought most of the Irish foot would have been destroyed -had the enemy pursued their advantage.[25] - -[Sidenote: Parliamentary agents in Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: Lisle and Grenville.] - -'The check at Timahoe,' says Castlehaven, 'made us pretty quiet till -towards the spring following,' when the Lords Justices resolved upon -an expedition into Wexford. The sympathies of Parsons, who was the -ruling spirit, were certainly with the Parliament, but the event was -uncertain, and even after Edgehill it was hard to say whether the -King would succeed or not. Since the end of October there had been a -committee from the Parliament in Dublin consisting of Robert Reynolds -and Robert Goodwin, members of the House of Commons, and of Captain -William Tucker, agent for the English adventurers in Irish land. Part -of their business was to induce soldiers to take debentures in lieu of -pay. By the advice of the Chancellor Bolton these three were admitted -to sit at the Council board. Tucker kept a journal of the proceedings, -and it is clear that he was not much impressed by the wisdom of -the Irish Government. The sittings were generally occupied in mere -talk, and very little was done in the field. Thus, when Sir Francis -Willoughby took Maynooth Castle Tucker reports that the rebels ran away -after one day's siege, that four or five men were killed on each side, -and 'no service done at all, but only expectation and the gain of one -ass.' In the middle of January Lord Lisle, the Lord Lieutenant's son, -proposed to relieve the empty treasury by leading out fifteen hundred -men to live upon the enemy's country. Lisle was general of the horse, -and Sir Richard Grenville major of Leicester's own regiment, and it -was intended that these two officers should command in the field. -Grenville, according to Clarendon, was noted for his cruelty, but he -had served with credit at Kilrush, and he was major of Leicester's -regiment of horse. In January came a commission from the King giving -power to Ormonde, Clanricarde, and others to treat with the Irish, and -the Lords Justices supposed that the field would thus be left clear for -Lisle.[26] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde takes the field, March, 1642-3.] - -When the King's letter was read at the Council board Ormonde, according -to his chaplain's account, said he had no wish to be a commissioner to -hear Irish grievances, 'for I know that nothing grieves them more than -that they could not cut all our throats,' but that as general he would -command in the field. His right could not be denied, and he had lately -endeared himself to both officers and soldiers by his exertions to -obtain their pay and other advantages for them. But the Lords Justices -and the parliamentary commissioners, who had advanced money for Lord -Lisle, were not at all pleased. Tucker, indeed, held that the money -could not be decently denied to Ormonde, but his career and that of his -colleagues in Ireland was cut short before the campaign actually began. -In the middle of February came a letter from the King directing that -the committee should no longer be admitted to the Council-chamber, and -fearing arrest they returned to England before the end of the month. -On March 1 Ormonde set out with 2500 foot and 800 horse, and with two -siege-guns and four field-pieces.[27] - -[Sidenote: Bloody affair at Timolin.] - -[Sidenote: New Ross besieged.] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Ross, March 18, 1642-3.] - -[Sidenote: Effective artillery.] - -[Sidenote: Defeat of Preston.] - -At Timolin, which was reached on the third day, the Irish defended -the castle and an old church. One culverin reduced the former, and -all the men were killed before night. The besiegers had about thirty -killed and wounded in a premature attempt to storm, Lieutenant Oliver, -the only engineer in the army, being among the slain. The church -tower held out till next day, but the whole garrison, except one man, -were killed by shot or falling stones. The garrisons of Carlow and -Athy were strong enough to prevent Preston from being reinforced by -the Wicklow insurgents, but the latter had some prisoners whom they -proposed to exchange with the survivors of Timolin. 'There be not many -of them alive now,' said Monck, 'and what there is take you with you.' -According to Bellings, who is generally fair, part of the garrison -were slaughtered by the soldiers of Lisle's regiment after quarter had -been given by Ormonde. On the seventh day from Dublin the army passed, -without further fighting, through Clohamon in Wexford, where a fair -was being held, and some cattle were swept off by the soldiers. On the -tenth day New Ross was reached, 'where,' says Ormonde's chaplain, 'we -saw flags set up on the walls and the inhabitants making ready for a -siege.' Women and children were sent over the Barrow into Kilkenny, -and men were introduced in their places, so that the number of the -garrison soon equalled that of the besieging army. One culverin was -turned upon the south gate near the river, and a breach was soon made, -but the defenders dug a great trench inside, and attempts to storm -were frustrated. Another culverin was in position at the north end of -the town, but the shot failed to reach those who were maintaining the -breach, and Ormonde's soldiers suffered sorely from rain as well as -from musket balls, and no doubt envied the enemy, for they could see -the women plying them constantly with drink. Meanwhile there were two -English vessels of 120 and 60 tons, with eight guns between them, -lying in the tideway below the town. They could neither escape nor -get near enough to do much service, and when artillery was brought to -bear they were scuttled and abandoned. The victuals and ammunition -sank or were captured by the enemy, but the sailors joined Ormonde and -did excellent work afterwards as gunners. The supply of provisions -was very limited, and at the approach of Preston's army the siege -was practically raised. Six hundred men under Sir James Dillon came -from Westmeath as far as Ballyragget in Kilkenny, but few or none of -them ever joined Preston, having been attacked by the garrison of -Ballinakill on St. Patrick's night. 'They being very merry for honour -of their saint, and for that they expected a great victory the next -day, and being full of drink,' were cut to pieces or dispersed, and -all their arms taken. On the morning of March 18 Ormonde's army were -encamped on a heathy hill half a mile to the eastward of Old Ross, -but before ten o'clock they had taken up a position some three miles -to the north-west and a little short of a village called Ballinafeeg. -Mr. Brian Kavanagh voluntarily gave his services as a guide. The deep -glen of Poulmonty lay a little further on. Preston with 5000 foot and -600 horse had passed the Barrow at Graiguenemanagh, and now advanced -across the glen to attack Ormonde. Cullen and others tried to dissuade -him from fighting, pointing out that the English army was short of -provisions and must needs retire through a very difficult country to -Carlow, and that there would be many opportunities of attacking it at -great advantage. Ormonde had six guns with him, which he placed on a -rising ground behind his main body. The opposing armies did not come to -close quarters until after two o'clock in the afternoon. Preston's men -came up by a narrow lane, and on their serried masses every shot told. -The guns were admirably served by eleven of the sailors whose ships had -been destroyed, and who fired six rounds from each piece, right over -the heads of their friends. As the Irish horse came out into the open -Ormonde ordered his own cavalry under Lisle and Grenville to advance, -fire one round, and then fall back. This movement was punctually -executed, but some of the Irish horse mingled with them as they -retired, a panic followed, and they galloped off to the rear. Lisle -called out 'Ten pounds, twenty pounds for a guide to Duncannon,' and an -old apothecary, named Silyard, who was attached to the army, and who -was in his proper place among the baggage-waggons, reproached him for -running away, and a veteran officer named Morris, who lay wounded in a -litter, offered to rally the men if Lisle would lend him a horse. Then -Sir Richard Grenville clapped my Lord Lisle on the shoulder: 'Come, my -lord,' said he, 'we will yet recover it.' 'Never while you live,' said -Mr. Silyard, and to his friends that stood by "I mean his credit," said -Mr. Silyard.' Cullen got up to the guns, on one of which he laid his -hand saying, 'This is mine,' but he was soon surrounded by infantry and -taken prisoner, his life being saved by Ormonde's personal exertions. -The rout of Preston's army was completed by the return of Lisle and his -cavalry. 'A man might see them,' says the chaplain, 'through the smoke -of the gunpowder run twinkling like the motes in the sun.' The pursuit -was continued until darkness came on, with great loss to the defeated -army, who escaped into Kilkenny by the way which they came. Ormonde, -who spent the night on the ground, lost only about a dozen men.[28] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde returns to Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: Preston takes Ballinakill, May 1643.] - -Ormonde encamped on the second night at Graiguenemanagh, and on the -third at Burris, where his artillery oxen were stolen by 'two lusty -young clowns' of the Kavanaghs. Fresh beasts were obtained from -Carlow, and Dublin was reached on the 27th, without further fighting. -Lord Moore, hearing that the Irish had gathered from all sides, and -expecting to catch Ormonde in a trap, took advantage of the defenceless -state of Cavan and drove off much cattle without resistance. A great -part of Preston's army dispersed every man to his own village, but -Sir James Dillon, who had not taken part in the battle, joined him -with a strong unbroken regiment, and he made some pretence of pursuing -Ormonde in order to lessen the popular disgust at his defeat. What -he really did was to besiege Ballinakill, where Sir Thomas Ridgeway -had planted an English colony, and established ironworks. There being -thus no want of hands, Ridgeway's castle had been strengthened and his -fishponds utilised for filling wet ditches. The Protestant farmers on -the estate had driven in their cattle, and there was food enough for -all. Preston lay for about seven weeks before this place, where he -lost 100 men, and he could not have taken it but for the arrival of -two twenty-four pounders and a mortar from Spain. A shell fell on the -roof and penetrated the floors below, while 'the women within very -fearful, as not accustomed to such pastimes, cried out with every shot, -to the exceeding comfort of the assailants, and mighty disgust of the -defendants.' The contest had been carried on with great bitterness, -the garrison throwing the heads of their prisoners over the works, -while the besiegers stuck the heads of theirs upon poles within sight -of the wall. The place became untenable after the arrival of the -battering train, and capitulated on May 5, but Preston was glad to give -fair terms, and Castlehaven escorted all the English safely to the -neighbourhood of Dublin.[29] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde on the situation.] - -[Sidenote: First proposal to send a nuncio.] - -[Sidenote: The Pope would be welcome.] - -There were cool-headed Irish Catholics at home and abroad who saw -the essential weakness of the Confederates' position. Clanricarde -was Walsingham's grandson. Alone among men of his creed he held the -King's commission, and knew the real interests of the Crown, as well -as the impossibility of separating Ireland from England. Among the -insurgents were many who had been 'instruments of foul and horrid acts; -there being yet some who do boast and glory in those inhumanities. And -if God's judgment and wrath be not first appeased, it is much to be -feared there will be a long expectation of a more settled time.' The -Jesuit O'Hartegan, in daily communication with his countrymen and -with the nuncio at Paris, had none of Clanricarde's scruples, but he -had misgivings of his own. The hatred of the heretics would stop at -nothing, and the faithful had gone too far to retreat. Men and money -were available, but there was no head, no order or discipline; 'one of -our birth-attributes is never to submit ourselves willingly to any of -our own nation, to live as companions or equals, and think ourselves -as worthy of any command and of superiority as each other of our -compatriots.' Foreigners were always thought much of, even when there -were better men at home; and it was necessary to send a stranger to -take charge. He should be 'of long experience, of good learning, and -charitably affected for compassionating our infirmities, and it is -unquestionable these conditions do concur in an Italian best of all -nations.' Ireland could support 100,000 men, but a head was necessary. -To support this army O'Hartegan proposed to seize all Crown revenues -and rights; all goods of English, Scotch and Dutch heretics; all goods -of Irish heretics such as Ormonde, Kildare, Thomond, Barrymore and -Inchiquin; and of Catholic neutrals like Clanricarde and Antrim; all -Church lands and all lands confiscated from natives, including the -Desmonds. In such a cause, too, the people would readily pay heavy -taxes and submit to monopolies. In the absence of a supreme head every -commander and nobleman would cut and carve for himself, 'and every mere -Irish pretend his ancestors were illegally dispossessed.' A nuncio of -the highest rank, even the Pope himself, could be made comfortable at -Wexford, Waterford, Kilkenny, Clonmel, or Limerick.'[30] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[12] Sir James Turner's _Memoirs_, pp. 26, 28; Spalding's _Memorials_; -_Burton's History of Scotland_, chap. 73; May's _Long Parliament_, p. -431; _Rushworth_, iv. 407, 501; Gardiner's _History of England_, x. 70. - -[13] Monro's despatch to Leslie, May 18, printed in _Contemporary -History of Affairs in Ireland_, i. 419; Sir James Turner's _Memoirs_, -22; Roger Pike's narrative in _Ulster Archæological Journal_, viii. 77; -O'Mellan's narrative in Young's _Old Belfast_, p. 211. - -[14] _An exact Relation of the good service of Sir Frederick Hamilton_, -1643, _Information of Sir Frederick Hamilton_ ... to the committee of -both kingdoms, 1645. Audley Mervyn's _Relation_, 1642. The first of -these contains a letter from O'Connor Sligo, who urged Hamilton to -capitulate, all Sligo, Mayo, and Leitrim being against him. Hamilton -answered: 'Your loyalty to your King, your faith to your friends, -once broke, never more to be trusted by me, but revenged as God shall -enable the hands of him who was loving to your loyal predecessors, -whose course will contribute to your destruction, for extinguishing the -memory of their loyalties. Thus I rest with contempt and scorn to all -your base brags. Your scourge, if I can.--F. H.' - -[15] _Bellings_, i. 80, with a plan of the battle; _Aphorismical -Discovery_, i. 31; Carte's _Ormonde_; Captain Yarner's _Relation_, May -4, 1642. Yarner, who was personally consulted, testifies that Ormonde -made all the dispositions himself. He guesses at 500 as the probable -number killed; but Bellings says 'scarce one hundred and no prisoners.' - -[16] Bellings' narrative and documents in _Confederation and War_, -ii. 34, 47, 210. The acts of the ecclesiastical congregation are in -English, but the Latin version (probably the original form) is in -_Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 262. - -[17] State Papers, _Ireland_, July 22, 1607 (No. 297); Aphorismical -Discovery in _Contemp. Hist._ ed. Gilbert, with the evidence of Henry -MacCartan, _ib._ i. 396, and O'Neill's letter to Wadding, _ib._ 476; -Colonel O'Neill's Journal in _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, vol. ii.; -Clarendon's _Hist._ xii. 108; _Clarendon S.P._ ii. 144. - -[18] Bellings in _Confederation and War_, and the documents there, i. -xxxix.; ii. 67; Carte's _Ormonde_; Martin's _Hist. de France_, chap. 70. - -[19] _Bellings_, i. 92; Carte's _Ormonde_, i. 343; Smith's _Hist. -of Cork; A most exact Relation of a Victory_, &c., London, October -3, 1642; _Digitus Dei_, or a miraculous victory, London, September -20. The latter writer notes that Stephenson had 'an exceeding rich -saddle.' _A Journal of the most memorable passage in Ireland_, London, -October 19, 1642, by an eye-witness, notes that 'almost all the Lords -of Munster were present'--Roche, Muskerry, Ikerrin, Dunboyne, Brittas, -Castleconnell, and one of Ormonde's brothers. As to Ardmore, besides -the Journal, see _A True Relation of God's Providence in Munster_, -which says between seventy and eighty were hanged. The letter quoted in -_Several Passages_, &c., London, September 16, says 116, adding, 'this -is most true.' - -[20] _A Relation from Viscount Conway_, from June 17 to July 30, -London, 1642. This was sent to a worthy M.P., who published it; it is -well written, but badly printed. - -[21] _A True Relation of the Taking of Mountjoy_, &c., June 25 to July -8, London, August 4, 1642; _A Relation from Belfast_, London, August -17, carries this a little further. A good many cows were caught, and -the country, without taking Charlemont, was swept for some twelve miles -from Mountjoy. - -[22] Bellings in _Confederation and War_, i. 111; Acts of General -Assembly, _ib._ ii. 73; Richard Martin's letter of December 2, 1642, in -Clanricarde's _Memoirs_, 296. - -[23] Acts of General Assembly, _ut sup._ ii. 88. - -[24] Letters from the Supreme Council to foreign powers, November -and December 1642, _Confederation and War_, ii. 99-129. The oath of -association of the Confederates, _ib._ 210; also in _Cox_, appx. xiv. -and (omitting the last paragraph) in Walsh's _Remonstrance_, appx. i. -p. 31. The latter, dated July 26, 1644, is evidently not the earliest -form. In _Vindiciæ Catholicorum Hiberniæ_, Paris, 1650, p. 6, is a much -shorter Latin oath, which places the Church first, the King second, and -the national liberties third, but is called 'associationis juramentum,' -like the others. - -[25] _Bellings_, i. 90; _Castlehaven_, 35. - -[26] Tucker's Journal in _Confederation and War_, ii. 189, January 30, -1642-3. The Commission, dated January 11, is in Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. -No. 117. _Castlehaven._ - -[27] Tucker's Journal in _Confederation and War_, ii.; Creichton's -faithful account, _ib._ ii. 248. - -[28] Creichton's _Faithful Account_ and that of Bellings, p. 130, give -the official views on the two sides. The _Aphorismical Discovery_ is -much to the same effect, adding the usual bad language, and describing -Preston as 'either drunk, a fool, or a traitor.' Creichton exaggerates -the number of Preston's army; while Bellings unduly diminishes the -number of slain. 'Scarce one hundred slain upon the place' takes no -account of the pursuit. See also _Truth from Ireland expressed in Two -Letters_, London, April 22, 1643. - -[29] _Bellings_, i. 149-151; _Aphorismical Discovery_, i. 65; -_Castlehaven_, p. 36. - -[30] Clanricarde to Gormanston, December 21, 1642, in Carte's -_Ormonde_, iii. No. 115; O'Hartegan (Paris) to Wadding (Rome), November -7, 1642, in _Roman Transcripts_, R.O. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -THE WAR TO THE FIRST CESSATION, 1642-1643 - - -[Sidenote: The Adventurers for Irish land.] - -To gain possession of the land in English hands was at least one -main object of the Irish rebellion. Much property had been acquired -by various confiscations and plantations, but there was no idea of -abandoning that policy. The war would be extremely costly, and the -Irish were to be made to pay for it by giving up some of the land -which was still theirs. It was assumed that at least 2500 acres of -good land would be forfeited; and upon that security a large sum was -subscribed by Adventurers, as they were always called. It was provided -that the money should all go to the reduction of Ireland; but necessity -has no law, and much of it was spent in making head against the King -in England. It was not till the quarrel at home was settled that -Parliament could act effectively on the other side of St. George's -Channel.[31] - -[Sidenote: Expedition of Lord Forbes, July 1642.] - -[Sidenote: Gallant defence of Rathbarry.] - -In June 1642 the Adventurers determined to send an expedition to -Ireland. The arrangements were completed in a fortnight by a committee -of fifteen under the presidency of Sir Nicholas Crispe, afterwards the -noted Royalist, who had subscribed 1500_l._ Ten ships were hired, each -of which carried or towed a flat-bottomed barge for landing men and -ascending rivers. The admiral was Captain Benjamin Peters, with the -famous Rainsborough, one of the committee, a vice-admiral, and Captain -Thompson, also a member of the committee, as Rear-Admiral. Hugh Peters -was chaplain. One thousand soldiers were embarked under Alexander Lord -Forbes, and the expedition sailed from Dover on July 1, having lost two -of the barges in an easterly gale. In Mount's Bay they spoke a King's -ship with the late garrison of Limerick Castle on board. In mid-channel -a vessel was detached with a letter to St. Leger, reciting a commission -from the King and both Houses to raise additional forces, and asking -the Lord President to say where the expedition could be most usefully -employed. St. Leger had died before the letter was written, and Forbes -turned a deaf ear to Inchiquin's entreaties for help. On July 11 the -squadron was off the old head of Kinsale, and the town was found to -be full of justly suspected Irish and of Protestant refugees, 'living -in miserable holes and huts.' Lord Kinalmeaky came in from Bandon, of -which he was governor, and Peters preached on a Thursday. Next day -Forbes marched to Bandon with 600 men, of whom 100 were seamen, and two -small brass guns. Seven thousand English, including many clergymen, had -gathered round Kinalmeaky, many of them being in great distress. Peters -notes that the river was full of salmon. Next day Forbes went to the -relief of Captain Freke, who had been beset at Rathbarry ever since the -middle of February. About 1800 sheep, 200 cows, and 50 horses had been -captured by the troops and driven as far as Clonakilty, through which -the line of march lay. Forbes foolishly divided his force, leaving -three companies to guard the cattle. As soon as the main body were -out of sight the Irish attacked the detachment, and Captain Weldon -was killed with a great part of two companies. Captain Groves, whose -men were part of the Bandon garrison, and understood the work better, -fought his way through the enemy to a rath on the Rosscarbery road, and -there maintained himself till he was relieved. The Irish fled towards -the sea, and many of them were killed on the shore. After rescuing -Groves, Forbes went back to Bandon, and left Freke in worse case than -ever, for most of his men took the opportunity of deserting. A few sick -soldiers were left in their places, 'and so factious that I and my -servants were often endangered of our lives among them, and some that -had fled from the fight at Clonakilty much discouraged us with that -relation.' They held out, enduring almost incredible hardships, for -eleven weeks longer, when relief came under a more capable commander -than Forbes.[32] - -[Sidenote: Ill conduct of Forbes's army.] - -[Sidenote: Forbes at Galway.] - -[Sidenote: The mayor appeals to Clanricarde.] - -Forbes was repulsed with loss from Timoleague Castle. Lady -O'Shaughnessy, whose husband, Sir Roger, was loyal, offered to -surrender it to Kinalmeaky and Sir William Hull, but not to strangers. -The soldiers then burned the town and abbey containing a thousand -hogsheads of wine. Two spies were taken, but, says Ensign Jones, 'the -rogues slight death, for we could get nothing out of them; so our men -mangled them to pieces.' So Forbes returned to Kinsale, and on July 25 -sailed to Castlehaven. The Irish appeared in force on the hills, and -the castle of their chief, O'Donovan, was blown up with one barrel of -powder. It was sixty feet high with very thick walls, but it fell half -on one side and half on the other. O'Driscol's castle at Baltimore was -burned, and the neighbouring islands harried. About 100 camp-followers -of the worst kind followed Forbes's wake. They entered and plundered -houses without provocation, and even killed children within sight of -the soldiers. Meanwhile Forbes had been summoned to Galway, without -Clanricarde's knowledge, by Willoughby, who having a commission to -execute martial law from the Lords Justices, had hanged a sergeant -in Lord Clanmorris's company for extortion. Clanmorris retaliated -by hanging some soldiers of the fort who had strayed into the open -country. The Lords Justices sent Captain Ashley with his frigate to -Galway, and he and Willoughby combined to seize corn, cattle, and -timber upon requisition. Only tickets were given in exchange, and -Clanricarde's friends and tenants were injured. Forbes anchored off the -town on August 9, Willoughby and Ashley coming on board the same night, -and at once sent letters to Ranelagh, Clanricarde and the corporation -of Galway. The lieutenant-general of the additional forces by sea -and land, so he styled himself, proposed to join hands with the Lord -President, and so to subdue the rebellion. Ranelagh answered that he -would come from Athlone to Galway, though at some personal risk. 'I -observe,' he said, 'in your lordship's letter an inclination to make a -distinction of persons; and truly, my lord, if that course shall not be -held, I see little hope of a speedy reducing this kingdom to obedience, -seeing most men are possessed of an opinion that an utter extirpation -is intended, and that conceit being fomented by the priests and friars, -all are falling into such a course of desperation, that being once -engaged and their counsels and force united, will certainly be an -occasion to lengthen the war, and draw a vast charge upon the Crown to -make a complete conquest.' The only chance of peace, he thought, was in -'a just distinction between practick and passive rebels, with severity -to the one and moderation to the other.' Of the citizens of Galway -Forbes demanded that they should lay down their arms, admit a garrison, -and place themselves under his protection, submitting absolutely to -the King 'and the state of England, under whose blessed government -they had enjoyed a sweet and long-continued peace.' The mayor in reply -urged his grievances against Willoughby, and declined all further -answer till Clanricarde had been consulted, under whose government and -by whose mediation they had lately enjoyed some degree of peace. To -Clanricarde himself Forbes made much the same proposals as to Ranelagh, -with the additional suggestion that he should allow him to garrison -Tirellan as a basis of operation against the O'Flahertys, whom the Earl -had acknowledged to be 'out of protection and fit persons to receive -chastisement.' The invitation to give up a convenient private residence -to the soldiers who had burned his cousin's town of Timoleague was -politely declined, but Clanricarde was ready to come from Loughrea and -to receive Lord Forbes as a guest.[33] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde's difficulties.] - -[Sidenote: Forbes harries co. Galway.] - -Peters thought Clanricarde's letter in which he excused the Galway -people and laid the blame on Willoughby was well written and showed -the writer to be 'a man of wisdom and parts.' In the meantime John de -Burgo, titular bishop of Clonfert, let the head of his family know -that no one would fight for him if he sided with Forbes. While the -correspondence proceeded, a detachment from the English squadron was -landed on the Clare shore, and harried the lands of Daniel and Tirlogh -O'Brien, who had both helped to provision the fort. Peters says they -burned 'a whole town.' Two demi-culverins were landed on the west side -of Galway, but it was 'as strong and compact as most towns in Europe -for houses and walls.' Forbes said he would raze the latter if the -townsmen did not agree to his terms, but the task did not prove easy. -In the meantime Forbes's men landed at various points on the north side -of Galway Bay, burning every house and hamlet that they could reach as -in an enemy's country. - -[Sidenote: The pragmatic chaplain.] - -The country was so little safe that Clanricarde went to meet Ranelagh -at Carrowreagh ford on the Suck with 200 horse. Ranelagh brought -the same and as many foot, but no attack took place, and with the -horse only they rode the first night to Clonbrock and the second to -Loughrea. Clanricarde then sent to invite Forbes to dinner at Tirellan, -but he did not care to venture so far inland, and proposed that the -place of meeting should be the fort. Clanricarde, who took his stand -upon the royal commission to him as governor of Galway, objected to -this as beneath his dignity, especially after Forbes had refused his -hospitality, and also because some attempt might be made to detain -him. Ranelagh, who thought it unwise to stand upon mere points of -honour, and who did not believe any one would dare to touch him, made -no difficulty about entering the fort. He found Forbes much under the -influence of Peters--a 'pragmatic chaplain from London'--who urged him -to attack the town. In the meantime soldiers both from the fleet and -the fort ravaged the coast, many men and some women were killed, and -Clanricarde had the pleasure of seeing his tenants' houses burning. -Forbes propounded large schemes of conquest with the aid of the Scots -army in Ulster, over the impracticability of which Ranelagh and -Clanricarde had a good laugh together. The President tried to persuade -Forbes to go to Sligo, or to Tralee, whence help might be given from -the sea, but he preferred to press Clanricarde to admit his garrison -to Tirellan. Some forty guns were landed, but there was no wood to -make platforms, and Forbes soon recognised that he could not take -Galway, where every house was like a castle. Sir Charles Coote had been -expected, but he did not come. Clanricarde returned to Loughrea and -Ranelagh to Athlone, while Willoughby remained in command of the fort, -and on the worst terms with the townsmen.[34] - -[Sidenote: Forbes repulsed from Galway.] - -[Sidenote: Tralee taken.] - -[Sidenote: The Earl of Thomond.] - -[Sidenote: Glin taken.] - -[Sidenote: Result of Forbes's campaign.] - -[Sidenote: Opinions of Hugh Peters.] - -The officers knew that a strong town could not be taken with the means -at their disposal, but the sailors were 'readier to fall on nakedly -than forsake the work, and the soldiers no way backward.' The guns were -taken on board, and Forbes departed to the Shannon. Askeaton, which had -made so gallant a stand in the last Desmond war, surrendered without a -blow. Sir Edward Denny continued to press for the relief of his castle -at Tralee, but Forbes wasted two or three days in harrying the poor -islands of Arran, and when at last he arrived off Ballingarry in Kerry -it was only to hear that Tralee had fallen, the garrison having been -reduced to eating hides. The expedition then returned to the Shannon, -and captured a great piece of ordnance called 'roaring Meg' with which -the Irish had taken most of the castles thereabouts. The gun was found -in one boat and the carriage in another, so that this was an easy task. -It was then proposed to destroy Sir Daniel O'Brien's house at Clare -Castle on the ground that he was no friend to the Parliament. Yet he -acted in strict unison with the loyal and Protestant Earl of Thomond. -Even the latter was doubted, 'and in truth,' says Peters, 'his case is -nice, the chief of the country being his kindred and himself without -power saving fifty horses in his stable.' He was, however, unwilling -to see his country laid waste, and declined to join in the work. The -Limerick shore was devastated instead. The Knight of Glin sent a letter -of recommendation from Clanricarde, and offered to give cattle for -the use of the squadron. Glin Castle was nevertheless battered and -stormed, the defenders being short of bullets. 'Most matters,' says -Peters, 'fell as at the last siege forty years since,' but in shorter -time and with the loss of only four men. 'The plate and silver were -gone for Limerick, which receives most of which is in Ireland.' A -garrison was put in, and guns mounted on the walls. This was done on -September 26, and so the expedition ended, for the ships had only been -hired till Michaelmas. Five vessels had been taken worth 20,000_l._, -including one from Barbadoes with a cargo of tobacco, and corn to the -same value had been destroyed. Many Irish towns had been burned, and -many English relieved. Thousands of cattle had been taken or spoiled, -and a diversion had been made on the west coast. This is Peters's -own summary, and it does not amount to much. It is more certain that -Forbes did everything in his power to aggravate the bitterness of a -war which was already sufficiently horrible. The pragmatic chaplain's -political remarks are interesting. He had been assured that a million -of English had been murdered, and he hoped many more Irish slain. The -cause of the war was Popery on the one side and profaneness on the -other. The royalism of the Irish was a mere catchword. 'An Irish rebel -and an English cavalier in words and actions we found as unlike as an -egg is to an egg,' he adds rather ambiguously. Among the English there -were many abuses both in ecclesiastical and civil government, many -unfaithful ministers, and many scurrilous and ignorant congregations. -Ireland, he prophetically concludes, will be reduced 'when soldiers -and commanders there shall rather attend the present work than the -continuance of their trade.'[35] - -[Sidenote: The King praises Clanricarde,] - -[Sidenote: and repudiates Forbes.] - -[Sidenote: Galway fort besieged.] - -[Sidenote: The fort surrendered.] - -[Sidenote: Galway occupied by the Irish, Aug. 1648.] - -When Clanricarde returned from the conference at Trim he found things -in a bad way at Galway. Little or no support was given him from Dublin, -while agents of the confederates did all in their power, 'both by -spiritual and temporal practices,' to seduce his men and to sap his -great local influence. He was somewhat comforted by a letter from the -King, who approved of his conduct, protested that Lord Forbes had no -orders from him, and declared that he would support him rather than -'those who pretend that they do really serve us by rebelling against -us.' Colonel John Bourke was acting as lieutenant-general for the -confederates on Christmas Eve, and the question of closely besieging -the fort was at once entertained. Willoughby had exasperated the -townsmen by firing into their houses, and many were ready to retaliate, -though the more prudent hesitated. His necessities forced him to -drive cattle wherever he could, and he was not particular about the -exact opinions of the owners. On one occasion fifty of his men were -intercepted by a party from Galway, several being killed and others -taken prisoners. From accounts given by the latter general Bourke was -convinced that the fort might be starved out, and breastworks were -erected on the points at the mouth of the river to prevent relief by -sea. Chains were afterwards drawn across the channel. Of relief by -land there was little chance, for Clanricarde's castle of Claregalway -had been betrayed to the Irish, and it was as much as he could do to -provide for the safety of Loughrea and Portumna. Bourke had a garrison -at Athenry, and some of his troops watched Roscommon so as to prevent -Ranelagh from making any move. Preston had occupied Banagher, and -Inchiquin, though he wrote civil letters, could find neither men nor -money. Early in May Bourke besieged the fort in force, with about 1000 -men, but he made no approaches, and trusted to famine. On or about -June 10 Captain Brooke, who commanded a man-of-war in the bay, sent -in a flotilla of boats to attempt the relief of the fort, but they -were beaten back by boats from the town, assisted by the fire from the -breastworks. Willoughby believed this to be his last chance, and as -a choice of evils proposed to surrender his post into Clanricarde's -hands. This could not be done without the consent of the Irish, and the -terms offered by Bourke were such as Clanricarde could not in honour -entertain. He held the King's commission, and yet he was required to -take the confederate oath of association, and to do nothing without the -consent of the corporation of Galway, and of several other persons, -the betrayer of Claregalway being one. Negotiations upon this basis -necessarily failed, and Willoughby capitulated on the 20th without -making Clanricarde a party. The garrison marched out with the honours -of war, and were allowed to go on board ship. The post at Oranmore, -which belonged to Clanricarde, was surrendered on the same terms -without his consent. The day after the capitulation was signed a -squadron sailed into the bay, which had it come sooner would have -been able to relieve the fort. On August 6 Galway opened its gates to -Bourke and granted him 300_l._, which enabled him to proceed to the -siege of Castle Coote. The castles of Athlone and Roscommon in the Lord -President's hands, Loughrea, Portumna and Kildogan in Clanricarde's, -were the only other places in Connaught of which the Irish were not by -this time masters.[36] - -[Sidenote: Owen Roe and Sir Phelim O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: Leven leaves Ireland.] - -Owen Roe O'Neill had been appointed general of Ulster by the -confederates, but it was some time before he was fully acknowledged, -for Sir Phelim was very unwilling to yield the first place. It was -found necessary to send primate O'Reilly as a peacemaker. Leven -arrived in Ireland soon after O'Neill, but attempted little, and -left the country in November, driven out, as Turner believed, by the -insubordinate action of the officers. O'Neill claimed him as an ally -if he was for the King, but would consider him an enemy if he was for -the Parliament. 'I charitably advise you,' he wrote, 'to abandon the -kingdom and defend your own native country.' According to O'Neill's -panegyrist this letter drove him away, but perhaps he really went -because the Parliament of England invited him. According to Turner he -appropriated 2500_l._ sent to him from England for the use of the army; -'and truly this earl who lived till past fourscore, was of so good a -memory that he was never known to forget himself, nay, not in extreme -old age.' When leaving Ireland he told Monro that O'Neill would be too -much for him, if ever he succeeded in getting an army together.[37] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill and Monro.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill defeated at Clones] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill in Meath. Lord Moore killed, Sept. 12.] - -O'Neill could get as many men as he wanted, but arms and ammunition -were not so plentiful. He succeeded, however, in equipping a force of -about 1500 men during the winter. In May 1643 Monro attacked him with -superior numbers near Charlemont, but without much result, though he -himself fought on foot to encourage his men, calling out 'Fay, fay, -run away from a wheen rebels.' A second attack some weeks later also -ended in nothing, but in July O'Neill was defeated by Robert Stewart -near Clones, with the loss of 150 men. Shouts of 'Whar's Macart?' -showed that the great object was to capture the Irish leader, and he -had a very narrow escape. O'Neill afterwards made his way to Mohill -in Leitrim, where he procured a small supply of arms from Kilkenny -and then encamped near Boyle. This camp was surprised in August by a -small English force, and about 160 men killed and wounded, the sentries -having been made drunk by Irish sutlers who brought them spirits from -the neighbouring garrisons. Immediately afterwards O'Neill was ordered -by the Supreme Council to join Sir James Dillon in Meath with as many -men as possible. He succeeded in collecting 3000, with whom he marched -across Cavan, taking castles on the way, till he came to Portlester -near Trim. The castle near the ford was taken after a short cannonade, -and O'Neill prepared to defend the passage of the Boyne against Lord -Moore, who was approaching from Dublin with a superior force. A short -fight took place, and Moore was cut in two by a cannon-ball, the gun -being laid by O'Neill himself, with the assistance of a 'perspective -glass.' The attempt to cross was then abandoned and the cessation was -agreed to three days later.[38] - -[Sidenote: The King decides to negotiate, Jan. 1642-3,] - -[Sidenote: but is not prepared to concede much.] - -[Sidenote: Conference at Trim, March, 1642-3.] - -In the meantime Charles had made up his mind to treat with the Irish. -As early as July 31, 1642, the nobility and gentry assembled at -Kilkenny had petitioned the King for an interview where they might -affirm their loyalty, and explain the grievances which had induced -them to take up arms. This was forwarded through Ormonde, who was -warned that if he refused to transmit it he would be held 'guilty of -all the evils that may ensue.' He first communicated with the Lords -Justices and Council, who agreed to forward a copy of the petition to -the King with remarks of their own, but as they took a long time about -it Ormonde sent over the original himself, 'being well assured that -his Majesty's judgment is not to be surprised with any colours these -rebels can cast upon their foul disloyalty.' Charles took no notice of -the document, and in December the Roman Catholics sent fresh petitions -both to the King and Queen. They asked to have a place appointed where -they might state their grievances at length. The result was a royal -commission, dated January 11, to Ormonde and others, authorising -them to meet representatives from the rebels and hear what they had -to say. Thomas Burke, one of the Irish Parliamentary Committee who -contributed to Strafford's condemnation, brought over the packet and -was himself joined in the commission, which made a very bad impression -on the Protestants, since he was believed to have been an abettor of -the original outbreak. 'We have not thought fit,' Charles wrote to -Ormonde at the same time, 'to admit any of them to our presence, who -have been actors or abettors in so odious a rebellion.' He also sent a -paper pointing out that an abrogation of the penal laws would be asked -for, but that nothing more could be granted than a mild administration -of laws which were never severe. A repeal of Poynings' Act, or any -measure tending to make the Irish Parliament independent, was refused -beforehand. Inquiries into forfeitures or titles could not be carried -further back than the beginning of the reign, and Recusants were never -to hold the majority of official posts. Drogheda was at first designed -as the place of meeting, but this was objected to by the Irish, and the -conference took place at Trim on March 17. Ormonde was absent in the -field, but the statement was received by Clanricarde, Moore, Roscommon, -and Sir Maurice Eustace, and by them transmitted to the King.[39] - -[Sidenote: Irish Remonstrance.] - -[Sidenote: Attack upon Parsons,] - -[Sidenote: who is dismissed.] - -The Remonstrance presented to Clanricarde and his colleagues at Trim is -an able paper, but it hardly afforded a basis for lasting peace between -parties whose objects were radically different. The remonstrants -objected to the penal laws, which resulted in driving all professors of -the old faith from the service of the state, and in employing in their -stead upstarts whose great aim was to enrich themselves. The attacks -upon property which Strafford had begun were continued after his death, -and Sir William Parsons in particular had incurred the gravest odium by -using his position as Lord Justice and Master of the Wards to oust the -old proprietors from their estates. They demanded a free Parliament, -that is, a Parliament in which they would have an overwhelming -majority. The Protestant party had never been the most numerous, and -with the country in military possession of their opponents they could -only hope to return very few members. The immediate result of the Trim -meeting was that Charles superseded Parsons and appointed Sir Henry -Tichborne Lord Justice in his stead. A few days later he authorised -and commanded Ormonde to conclude a truce for one year with the -Confederates, and when that was done to carry the Irish army over to -Chester.[40] - -Inchiquin had not much to fear in Munster from such a general as -Barry, but he had no money to support an army in the field. He sent -one part of his force to Kerry, where means of subsistence were found, -and another under Sir Charles Vavasour to the borders of Tipperary, -while he himself sat down before Kilmallock. He had no hope of being -able to effect anything without money or stores. Vavasour took -Cloghleagh Castle, near Mitchelstown, and after the surrender some of -his followers slaughtered the defenders, and apparently some women and -children with them. In the meantime Castlehaven received a pressing -invitation from some of the Cork gentry, who had no confidence in -their own general. He persuaded the council at Kilkenny to give him -money, with which he soon raised a body of horse, and on June 4 he -routed Vavasour near Kilworth. On Castlehaven's side only cavalry were -engaged, Barry, with the main body, being more than two miles off, -and the result was due to panic. Vavasour's horse for the most part -escaped, but he himself was taken prisoner and his force routed. This -action was important, because it was the first victory of the Irish in -the field since the beginning of the war, for the affair at Julianstown -scarcely counted as a battle. Cox, with all his prejudices, says it -was a just judgment on Vavasour and his followers, 'for suffering some -inferior officers to violate the quarter they had given to the garrison -of Cloghleagh.'[41] - -[Sidenote: King and Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and Preston.] - -[Sidenote: Arrest of Temple and other Privy Councillors, Aug. 1643.] - -[Sidenote: Arrival of Scarampi,] - -[Sidenote: who opposes any truce.] - -[Sidenote: Bellings opposes Scarampi.] - -During the spring and summer Charles continued to press for a cessation -of arms, full discretion as to terms being given to Ormonde. The -commission to him sets forth that the two Houses of Parliament 'to -whose care at their instance we left it' to manage the Irish war, -had long failed to support the army and to defend loyal subjects. -The general assembly of the Confederates met at Kilkenny on May 20, -and appointed commissioners with powers to treat, but nothing was -actually done for more than a month, when they delivered their first -proposition at Castlemartin in Kildare. Ormonde gave his answer within -a week, and the commissioners then asked for an adjournment till July -13. Time was in their favour, for the treaty would confirm each party -in possession of what they held, and they were gaining ground. On the -appointed day the commissioners returned a dilatory answer, and Ormonde -resolved if possible to try conclusions with Preston in the field. He -collected 5000 men and succeeded in retaking Edenderry and some other -strong places, but his opponent evaded a general action, and scarcity -of provisions soon forced him to return to Dublin. On August 1 orders -arrived from the King to arrest four Privy Councillors who sided with -the Parliament as much as they could, and against whom charges had been -brought. Sir John Temple, Sir Adam Loftus, and Sir R. Meredith were -accordingly shut up in the Castle, Parsons being excused on making -affidavit that confinement would injure his health. The opposition -was thus silenced, and Ormonde found himself complete master. In the -meantime Pier-Francesco Scarampi, an Oratorian, arrived at Kilkenny -with a commission from the Pope, and immediately threw his weight into -the scale against peace. The Confederates, he urged, appeared to be -winning, and if they continued to fight vigorously they would probably -get control of the country. Nothing was to be expected from the justice -of any English party, but if they made themselves formidable they might -extort respect from the victors, whether King or Parliament. Instead of -giving money to Charles 'to be converted by his ministers, our enemies, -to their own use,' it would be much better to employ their resources in -driving the Scots out of Ulster. The Scots would not be bound by the -cessation, which would be a sham as long as it was necessary to fight -them. Foreign princes would be offended if arms supplied by them were -laid down without their consent. The real object of Scarampi's mission -was to 'reinstate the Catholic religion and worship throughout the -whole country, and to restore to the entire island the splendour of -its ancient sanctity,' and not to beg an uncertain truce for a year. -Bellings, on the contrary, who expressed the official view taken by the -Supreme Council, argued that it was above all necessary to show that -they were no rebels, to join with the English to drive out the Scots, -and 'that the Catholic Church may, in safety and freedom, by a tacit -licence from the King, exercise her rights and jurisdiction among us.' -There was a great difference between what ultramontane priests were -determined to get, and what laymen, and especially lay landowners, -were willing to accept. There can be no doubt that Scarampi, and -Rinuccini after him, had plenty of justification for refusing to trust -the King, who could do nothing unless he were victorious in England, -and who would then be able to defy everyone.[42] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde unable to continue the war.] - -[Sidenote: The cessation concluded, Sept. 15.] - -[Sidenote: A truce not a peace.] - -[Sidenote: The Confederates make a grant to the King.] - -Ormonde offered to continue the war, in spite of the King's wishes, if -the Privy Council could find any means of feeding the army. This he -knew they could not do, and the Confederates knew it too. All the chief -officers declared that a truce was necessary. Both sides were fighting -in the King's name, and it did not suit either of them to disobey his -direct orders, so that the conference was renewed at Sigginstown, near -Naas, and there the terms of cessation were agreed to on September -15. The King's commission being to Ormonde personally, he signed the -articles alone on the one part. Ten persons signed on the part of the -Confederates, of whom Lord Muskerry, Sir Robert Talbot, and Geoffrey -Brown were perhaps the most notable. A meeting of the Privy Council was -held immediately afterwards, and the articles were solemnly approved. -Clanricarde and Inchiquin were present. In the articles of cessation -none of the grievances so often brought forward by the Confederates -were touched upon at all. On the other hand they refused to make any -stipulation as to sending an army to England. This they were willing -to do, but declined to bind themselves until after the conclusion -of a truce. There was a cessation of hostilities for one year and -nothing more, based upon the actual condition of affairs. All places -in possession of the King's Protestant or Roman Catholic subjects -respectively were to remain so during the year, and trade was to be -free. Prisoners were to be mutually restored. The practical meaning of -this was that Ormonde retained the coastline from below Bray up to and -including Belfast, and a strip of territory, including Naas, Navan, and -Lisburn, with detached garrisons at Athboy, Maryborough, and Carlow in -Leinster. In Ulster Londonderry, Coleraine, and Enniskillen were also -held by the Protestants, and in Munster they had the ports of Cork, -Youghal, Kinsale, and Courtmacsherry, and the valley of the Blackwater -from above Mallow to the sea. In Connaught Clanricarde, though not a -Protestant, yet adhering to Ormonde, retained Loughrea and Portumna, -while the Lord President kept the castle of Athlone, Roscommon, and -Castle Coote. Monro and his Scots held Carrickfergus and Lough Larne, -and all the rest of the island was in the hands of the Confederates. -Within a week the cessation was proclaimed at several places in the -Pale, and at the three Connaught fortresses, and directions for doing -the like were sent to all principal officers. On September 16, the -day after the signing of the articles, the Confederate commissioners -granted the King 30,000_l._, half in cash and half in bullocks, payable -by instalments extending over six months. A further sum of 800_l._ was -to be paid within two months to maintain the garrison at Naas.[43] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde made Lord-Lieutenant, Nov. 1643.] - -[Sidenote: The English Parliament against the cessation.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish Government insist on the truce,] - -[Sidenote: Parliament having failed to support the war.] - -In April 1642 Ormonde had received a jewel and the thanks of the House -of Commons for his services against the 'wicked, bloody rebels.' In the -following August, a few days after the raising of the royal standard, -Charles made him a marquis. After the cessation he was appointed Lord -Lieutenant, and the farce of Leicester's viceroyalty came to an end. -The latter was a very good but very weak man, and his vacillations -prevented his being trusted by any party. Meanwhile Ireland had been -left to substitutes without either the ability or the position required -to command success. The ruling party in the English Parliament, -whatever their shortcomings may have been, were opposed to the -cessation. The King having informed them of his commission to Ormonde, -they retorted that they had 'just cause to suspect an impious design on -foot to sell for nought the crying blood of many hundreds of thousands -of British Protestants, by a dishonourable, insufferable peace with -the rebels, and then to lay the blame and shame of this upon the -Parliament, a plot suitable to those counsels that have both projected -and fomented this unparalleled rebellion'; for those who contrived the -powder treason intended to lay it on the Puritans. The Lords Justices -and Council informed both King and Speaker that their position was bad -in the extreme, and that this was owing mainly to Parliament having -failed to send the necessary supplies. To this the two Houses replied -that they had made great efforts, and that in any case the direction -of the war belonged to them, as well as the privilege of acting as -bankers to the Irish Council. Full control had been conferred on them -by Act of Parliament, and the King had no power to deprive them of it. -This joint-letter is dated July 4, but was not delivered in Dublin -till October 6, after the cessation had been actually concluded. The -Lords Justices, with Ormonde and thirteen others of the Irish Council, -rejoined in greatest detail, reviewing all that had passed between the -two Governments. Such was the lack of money, after the great local -efforts, that the sack of Dublin by the unpaid soldiery was a calamity -daily expected. The parliamentary ships had failed to guard the coasts, -so that the Confederate cruisers often intercepted such scanty supplies -as were sent; and even captains employed by Parliament prevented the -passage of necessaries from Liverpool to Ireland. A cessation was -the only means of self-preservation, 'and seeing that the charge of -this war was referred to and undertaken by the Houses of Parliament -of England, and that by those despatches they fully understood the -condition of affairs here, we offer it to any man's consideration -whether or no we had not just cause to conceive and accordingly to -express, that our difficulties were occasioned through the Houses of -Parliament in England.'[44] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[31] Act for the speedy and effectual reducing of the rebels, &c., -_Scobell_, i. 26. The royal consent was given March 19, 1641-2. - -[32] Arthur Freke's Narrative, printed from the _Sloane MSS._ in -the Journal of the Cork Historical Society, 2nd series, i. 1; _True -Relation of God's Providence in Ireland_, by Hugh Peters, November 18, -1642; Day's edition of Smith's _Cork_, ii. 153, 1894; _Exceeding Good -and True News from Ireland_, London, August 20, and _Exceeding Joyful -News_, August 27. - -[33] Hugh Peters and Smith's _Cork_, _ut sup._; Clanricarde's -_Memoirs_, August 1642, pp. 203-215. - -[34] Clanricarde's _Memoirs_, August and September, 1642; _Bellings_, -i. 139-148; Hugh Peters, _ut sup._ - -[35] Hugh Peters, _ut sup._ The narrative was ordered to be printed by -a committee of the House of Commons immediately after Forbes's return. -Two letters from Forbes to the two Houses, dated Glin, September 27 and -28, were brought over by Peters and published October 11. He says the -Irish were 'so impudently bold as to father their rebellion upon his -sacred Majesty,' though they had never seen any warrant. Their 'priests -and prime commanders' tried to make them fight desperately by saying -there was no hope of pardon. - -[36] Clanricarde's _Memoirs_, April to August; _Bellings_, i. - -[37] Sir James Turner's _Memoirs_, p. 25; _Aphorismical Discovery_, -i. 45; O'Neill's _Journal_; _Bellings_, i. 116. Leven was back at -Edinburgh, November 30, 1642, Spalding's _Hist. of the Troubles_, ii. -100. - -[38] O'Neill's _Journal_; _Bellings_, i. 152; _Aphorismical Discovery_, -i. 72; Letter of Monck and other officers, September 12, in -_Confederation and War_, ii. 363. Some wit produced the following:-- - - 'Contra Romanos mores, res mira, dynasta - Morus ab Eugenio canonizatus erat.' - - -[39] Ormonde to Nicholas, August 13, 1642, in appendix to Carte's -_Ormonde_; _Confederation and War_, ii. 50, 129, 139, 243. - -[40] Remonstrance of grievances, March 17; the King's letters and -Commission, April 23, _Confederation and War_, ii. 248, 265. - -[41] Inchiquin to Cork, May 25, in Smith's _History of Cork_; -_Castlehaven_, p. 41. - -[42] Commission dated Oxford, April 23, in _Confederation and War_, i. -267; Propositions of the Confederates, June 24, with Ormonde's answer, -June 29; Bellings' reasons in favour of a cessation and Scarampi's -answer, July and August. The above are in _Confederation and War_, -ii.; _Bellings_, i. 160; Carte's _Ormonde_. See the observations in -Gardiner's _Great Civil War_, chap. xi. - -[43] _Confederation and War_, ii. 364-384; _Bellings_, i. 156, 163; -Declaration of Clanricarde, Inchiquin, and fifteen others that the -cessation was necessary, printed by Cox, ii. 133. - -[44] Lords Justices and Council to the King, May 11, 1643, and to -the two Houses, October 28; the Speakers of both Houses to the Lords -Justices and Council, July 4--all in Clarendon's _Hist. of the -Rebellion_, book vii. 334, 366. Ormonde was appointed Lord Lieutenant -November 13, and sworn in January 21 following. As to Leicester, see -the preface to Blencowe's _Sydney Papers_ and his letter of complaint -to the Queen in Collins's _Sydney Papers_, ii. 673. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV - -AFTER THE CESSATION, 1643-1644 - - -[Sidenote: The cessation condemned by Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: Changed relations of parties.] - -[Sidenote: Troops sent to England.] - -[Sidenote: The rout at Nantwich, Jan. 1643-4.] - -After the cessation had been concluded, but before its actual terms -were known in London, the two Houses published a declaration against -it, as destructive of the Protestant interest, and for the benefit -of the 'furious, bloodthirsty Papists.' Protestant opinion even in -Ireland was certainly against the cessation, and yet it was evidently -a military necessity. If the troops left Dublin the Irish would be -able to take it, and in the meantime, being unpaid, they robbed and -plundered almost as if they had been in an enemy's city. The general -result was that Ormonde and the thoroughgoing Royalists were henceforth -engaged, not in endeavouring to suppress a rebellion, but in trying to -make terms with misguided belligerents. Those Protestants who thought -more of religion and less of loyalty gravitated towards the Parliament. -Ormonde lost no time in obeying the King's order about sending troops -to England. Before the end of October one regiment from Munster had -landed at Minehead, and another at Bristol, under Vavasour and Paulet. -They were, says Clarendon, very good and excellently officered, but not -many in number, and they went to swell Hopton's ill-fated army. The -common men sympathised largely with the Parliament, though discipline -and the hope of reward kept them together. About the middle of November -2500 men from Leinster landed at Mostyn, in Flintshire. About the -same number came partly to Beaumaris and partly to the Dee early in -the next year, but before that the first detachment had suffered a -great disaster. Nantwich was garrisoned for the Parliament, and Sir -William Brereton faced Lord Byron in the field. Hawarden, Beeston, and -Northwich quickly fell into the hands of the Royalists, and about -the beginning of January Byron summoned Nantwich, which was soon hard -pressed. Fairfax spent his Christmas in Lincolnshire, and after the -capture of Gainsborough a message from Stamford informed him that -Brereton was hard pressed in Cheshire. At Manchester, which he did -not reach till January 12, he collected every available man, and on -the 21st marched towards Nantwich with 2500 foot and 28 troops of -horse. Byron's force was about the same or perhaps a little stronger. -Fairfax gained a complete victory, a large part of the contingent from -Ireland being captured in Acton church. Seventy officers and about -1600 men were taken prisoners, including Monck, who was present as a -volunteer, Colonel Warren, who commanded his late regiment, being also -taken. 'Warren's regiment,' says Sir Robert Byron, 'though they had -their beloved Colonel Monck in the head of them, was no sooner charged -than they broke, and being rallied again, the next charge ran quite -away.' Their hearts were not in the work, and some 800 men chiefly from -this regiment afterwards took service under the Parliament. They were -Englishmen and Protestants, but this was not generally believed, and -nothing made the King's cause so hopeless as the imputation of having -brought an army of Irish Papists into England. Lord Byron wished that -reinforcements should be 'rather Irish than English' because they would -have no seditious sympathies and he did not see why the King should not -employ them, 'or the Turks if they would serve him.'[45] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde breaks with the Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: Monck's advice to the King.] - -Ormonde had misgivings about the royalism of his army, and events -showed that they were well founded. To make things as safe as possible -he obliged all who went to England to sign a protestation of allegiance -to the King and the Church, with a promise to hold no communication -with Essex or any other parliamentary officer. The soldiers were so -anxious to get out of Ireland, where they had been starving and in -rags, that they made no difficulty. Colonel Monck and Colonel Lawrence -Crawford were the only officers who refused. Crawford, who was a -covenanted Scot, was threatened with imprisonment, and took refuge -with Monro. Monck, who objected to political pledges, was deprived -of his regiment and allowed to go to Bristol, where he was arrested -by direction of Ormonde in a private letter, but was soon allowed to -go to the King at Oxford. Digby procured him an audience in Christ -Church garden, where he told Charles that the war was ill-managed, and -that the army should be reduced to 10,000 men, thoroughly equipped -and with professional officers trained in the Low Countries. A -commission was given him to raise a fresh regiment with the promise of -a major-general's command. Not having done the work before Nantwich, -he preferred to fight there in the ranks, and when taken was sent to -the Tower, where he remained in a destitute condition for two years, -writing his book on military affairs and making love to Ann Radford. -Charles, who had little to spare, once sent him 100_l._, a kindness -which Monck never forgot.[46] - -[Sidenote: The Solemn League and Covenant.] - -[Sidenote: Ireland a party to the Covenant.] - -While Ormonde was negotiating with the Confederates under the title -of 'His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects now in arms'--he had not -allowed them to style themselves 'Catholics' simply--a common danger -was drawing the Scottish estates and the English Parliament into a -closer alliance. One week after the conclusion of the Irish cessation -the solemn League and Covenant was published by order of the House -of Commons. The word League was introduced by Vane to emphasise the -political character of the compact, for the growing Independent party -had no idea of submitting themselves to the strict yoke of Presbyterian -polity. Making this reservation and reducing the sum promised to -30,000_l._, we may accept Baillie's account: 'The authority of a -General Assembly and Convention of Estate was great; the penalties -set down in print before the Covenant, and read with it, were great; -the chief aim of it was for the propagation of our Church discipline -to England and Ireland; the great good, and honour of our nation; -also the Parliament's advantage at Gloucester and Newbury, but most -of all the Irish cessation, made the minds of our people embrace that -means of safety; for when it was seen in print from Dublin, that in -July his Majesty had sent a commission to the Marquis of Ormonde, the -judges, and committee there, to treat with these miscreants; that -the dissenting commissioners were cast in prison; that the agreement -was proclaimed, accepting the sum of 300,000_l._ sterling from these -idolatrous butchers, and giving them, over the name of Roman Catholic -subjects now in arms, a sure peace for a year, with full liberty to -bring in what men, arms, money they could from all the world, and -to exterminate all who should not agree to that proclamation;--we -thought it clear that the Popish party was so far countenanced, as it -was necessary for all Protestants to join more strictly for their own -safety; and that so much the more, as ambassadors from France were come -both to England and us, with open threat of hostility from that Crown.' -Monro refused to be bound by the cessation, but abstained from open -hostilities until orders came from Scotland. 'Here,' says Turner, 'was -strange work, a man not able to prosecute a war, yet will not admit of -a cessation. It cost us dear, for since the King's restoration, all our -arrears were paid us by telling us we were not in the King's pay, since -we refused to obey his commands; and very justly we were so served.' By -a clever stroke of the politicians rather than the theologians Ireland -was made a party to the Covenant as 'by the providence of God living -under one King, and being of one reformed religion,' thus excluding the -Irish confederates from the rights of subjects.[47] - -[Sidenote: Jealousies among the Confederates.] - -[Sidenote: Antrim's nominal command.] - -The confederate assembly sat at Waterford in the early part of -November, and summoned O'Neill to meet them there. It was determined -to attack Monro, and indeed a chief object of the cessation was to -have their hands free for so doing. Their great difficulty was about -the choice of a general. O'Neill was the ablest officer available, -but they feared to put so much power into his hands, and were -influenced by 'that ancient and everlasting difference' between -the North and South. They could not name Preston, between whom and -General Owen O'Neill there was 'such an antipathy as, from their first -apprenticeship in soldiery, which they had passed at least thirty -years before, notwithstanding their having served for all that time -the same princes, and been employed in the same actions of war, could -not be removed.' After much discussion Castlehaven was chosen, for he -was generally liked, and no one suspected him of personal ambition. -O'Neill was pleased at the rejection of his enemy, but he wished to -be general-in-chief, and the evils of divided command were not long -in showing themselves. In the mean time Antrim came to Waterford, and -there were some who thought good might be done at the English Court by -giving him the title of Lieutenant-General. It was, however, expressly -stipulated that he should have no real military authority in Ireland. -He did not so understand it himself, or perhaps he only pretended not -to understand, and proposed to carry into England the very forces which -had been provided for the invasion of Ulster. This claim was quickly -set aside, and Castlehaven was ordered to continue his preparations.[48] - -[Sidenote: The Covenant taken in Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: A deputation from the General Assembly.] - -Early in December, Owen O'Connolly arrived in Ulster with instructions -from Westminster, and at once invited the English to take the Covenant. -Lord Montgomery, his uncle Sir James, Sir Robert Stewart, Sir William -Cole, Colonels Arthur Chichester, Hill, and Mervyn, and Robert -Thornton, mayor of Londonderry, met at Belfast on January 2 and decided -not to do so, but to consider themselves under Ormonde's orders, which -involved acceptance of the cessation. In writing to the Parliament they -merely asked for money to prosecute the war against the rebels. But -the bulk of the men composing what were called the British regiments, -as distinguished from Monro's Scots, were of Scottish origin, and were -induced to take the Covenant by the Presbyterian ministers, who were -vigorously supported by Sir Frederick Hamilton. All were required -at the same time to repudiate Strafford's black oath and to confess -their fault in taking it. A deputation of four ministers, one of whom -was William Adair, was sent over by the Scotch General Assembly, and -reached Carrickfergus at the end of March. Monro readily embraced the -Covenant with all his officers and soldiers except Major Dalzell, -whom Adair calls an 'atheist,' and who afterwards served in Russia, -where he learned methods of warfare which made him no less odious as -a persecutor than Claverhouse or the Laird of Lag. The country people -followed the example of the soldiers. At Belfast, where Chichester -commanded, the ministers met with some opposition, for he had published -the proclamation against the Covenant by Ormonde's orders; but -everywhere else they were received gladly. At Coleraine, Colonel Audley -Mervyn and Sir Robert Stewart were at first hostile, but the majority -were favourable. At Londonderry Adair and his colleagues appeared in -the market-place while the Church of England service was going on in -the principal church, and the mayor and others,'coming from their -sacrament, stood somewhat amazed,' but did not molest the meeting. At -Enniskillen they were equally successful, Sir William Cole, after some -little hesitation, taking the Covenant himself. They went as far west -as Rathmelton and Ballyshannon, and on their return to Londonderry -Mervyn took the Covenant, the soldiers greeting him with shouts of -'Welcome, Colonel.' Sir Robert Stewart followed suit at Coleraine.[49] - -[Sidenote: Monro commands in Ulster for the Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: He seizes Belfast, May 14, 1644,] - -[Sidenote: and secures general obedience.] - -Towards the end of December the English Parliament resolved to put the -British and Scottish forces in Ulster under one commander, and Leven -was named. He did not return to Ireland, but was authorised to appoint -a lieutenant, and so at the end of April 1644 Monro obtained the full -command. Some of his unfed and unpaid troops had gone back to Scotland, -but the remonstrances of the Ulster Protestants prevailed, and the -policy of withdrawing from Ireland was not persevered in. The colonels -of the British regiments met at Belfast on May 13 to deliberate as to -what degree of obedience they would give Monro, and he resolved to -anticipate their decision. In spite of Chichester and his proclamation -the Covenant was popular in Belfast, and had many friends among the -soldiers. Scouts were sent out during the night after the meeting -of the colonels in consequence of reports as to hostile intentions -on Monro's part. They returned about six in the morning, saying -that they had been within three miles of Carrickfergus and had seen -nothing, the probability being that they had met the Scots and come -to an understanding with them. At seven Monro appeared, and Captain -MacAdam's sergeant, who commanded the guard, at once opened the gate. -Monro marched through the town unopposed, seized the gate at the other -end, and took possession of all the cannon. Chichester was allowed to -remain in the castle, which was his own house, with 100 men, but the -other regiments were quartered outside the town. As soon as Belfast was -secured, Monro marched on to Lisburn, but there he found the garrison -on their guard and devoted to Ormonde. The English regiments were left -in possession, but Monro succeeded in getting all the Protestant troops -in Ulster to serve under him. On the last day of June he had collected -10,000 foot and 1000 horse at Armagh, and with these he marched to -Cavan.[50] - -[Sidenote: Expedition to Ulster under Castlehaven, July, 1644.] - -[Sidenote: Leinster and Ulster cannot agree.] - -[Sidenote: The expedition a failure.] - -Castlehaven's army of 6000 foot and 1000 horse were in the meantime -ordered to assemble at Granard, but not more than half had arrived -when Monro's approach was announced. He left Mountgarret's brother, -John Butler, to defend the passage into Leinster at Finnea between -Lough Sheelin and Lough Kinale. According to an Irish writer, Butler -was given to carousing at critical times, and he failed to maintain -his position. Monro advanced as far as Carlanstown Castle, which he -burned, but finding that Castlehaven and O'Neill had joined forces at -Portlester in Meath, he withdrew northwards again. He had started with -provisions for only three weeks. Castlehaven then called on O'Neill -to perform his promise of co-operating in an invasion of Ulster with -4000 foot and 400 horse, and O'Neill assured him that he should have no -reason to complain when actually operating in the northern province. -During the greater part of August and September, Castlehaven lay at -Charlemont and Monro at Tanderagee, but there was no general action, -and O'Neill was ill nearly all the time. In a skirmish at Scarva on -the borders of Down and Armagh, Captain Blair was taken, and about -100 Scots killed. In another encounter between Benburb and Caledon -three of O'Neill's officers fell, Colonel Ffennell looking on with -some of Castlehaven's horse, but doing nothing to save them. There was -evidently no love lost between the Leinster and Ulster men, and at -last, about the beginning of October, Castlehaven returned to his own -province. O'Neill upbraided him with the conduct of his officer, 'a -gentleman I see here, Lieutenant-Colonel Ffennell, with the feather, -a cowardly cock, for seeing my kinsmen overpowered by the enemy, some -of them hacked before his face, and a strong brigade of horse under -his command, and never offered to relieve them.' Castlehaven had very -little help from the Ulster Irish, except in the way of provisions. -'O'Neill,' he said, 'began to be very weary sometimes of assisting me -with cows,' and attributes the ill-success of the whole expedition to -the 'failing, or something else, of General Owen Roe O'Neill.' On the -other hand, we are told that O'Neill went to Kilkenny and demanded an -inquiry, saying that the foreign residents would think very little -of the Confederacy if neither general lost his head. A committee sat -accordingly, but no report transpired.[51] - -[Sidenote: Designs of Antrim.] - -[Sidenote: His agreement with Montrose, January 1643-44.] - -Having failed to acquire any real influence at Kilkenny, Antrim went -to England, and arrived at Oxford December 16, 1643. He talked about -providing an army of 10,000, but was not at first taken very seriously. -'We know the person well,' said Digby, 'and therefore wondered to find -those probabilities which he made appear unto us of his power with -the Irish.' But Montrose was at Oxford, and saw his chance at once. -On January 28, an agreement was made between Montrose, 'his Majesty's -Lieutenant-General' for Scotland and Antrim, 'his Majesty's General -of the isles and highlands of Scotland,' binding both to appear in -arms by April 1. Antrim's share of the work was to levy all the men he -could in Ireland and in the Scottish isles, 'and with the said forces -invade the Marquis of Argyle's country in Scotland.' The witnesses were -Digby, Robert Spotswoode, and Daniel O'Neill. The King himself directed -Ormonde to give Antrim every possible assistance, and Daniel O'Neill -was sent with him 'by way of ballast,' and as 'the fittest person to -steer him.' It was very hard to bring the King to this point, for he -distrusted Antrim and disliked O'Neill. But Digby was in his element, -and he persuaded Charles to give Antrim a marquisate, which he vainly -imagined would make him Ormonde's equal, and to appoint O'Neill a -Gentleman of the Bedchamber, which was his great object of ambition. -At Oxford Antrim talked chiefly of the moderate courses to which he -intended to lead the Irish, but at Kilkenny he had encouraged them to -hope that by his interest all their objects would be easily gained.[52] - -[Sidenote: The Confederates hesitate to send troops to England.] - -[Sidenote: Antrim raises a small force,] - -[Sidenote: under Alaster Macdonnell,] - -[Sidenote: who joins Montrose.] - -Antrim and O'Neill reached Kilkenny on February 23. In obedience to -the King's instructions, their first business was to persuade the -Confederates to send him '10,000 men, well armed, to be transported -into England with all possible expedition,' and to provide them with -artillery, ammunition, and shipping. The Supreme Council replied -that they would wait until they had a report from their agents at -Oxford. Prince Rupert's application for muskets and powder was also -set aside, but some were sent in the following autumn. The expedition -to the Scottish isles was agreed to, and the Council undertook to -provide '2000 muskets, 2400 pounds of powder, proportionable match, 200 -barrels of oatmeal, by May 1, upon knowledge first had that all other -accommodations be concurring, and a safe and convenient port provided -in Ulster; provided the same port be commanded by Walter Bagenal.' -Ormonde objected to put Carlingford or Greencastle into the hands of -the Confederates' nominee, and also to Bagenal's being made governor of -Newry, the rather that he had hereditary claims there which might prove -awkward. After much wrangling, the Council agreed that the expedition -should embark at Passage in Waterford harbour, but the flotilla, -consisting of two Flemish and one Irish vessel, did not sail till June -27. The delay was aggravated by the difficulty of finding shipping, and -by the necessity of watching the parliamentary cruisers. According to -Antrim's own account, the number of men sent was about 1600, and 800 -more were discharged for want of shipping. Three weeks later Ormonde -informed Digby that Antrim had sent 'from Waterford and other adjacent -places,' 2500 men well armed and provisions for two months. The chief -of the expedition was Alaster, or Alexander McColl MacDonnell, often, -but incorrectly, called Colkitto. He was a man of great courage, -remarkable for his strength and stature, and Leven thought him the -most formidable leader of the Irish. On the way to Scotland several -prizes were taken, on one of which were three ministers named Weir, -Watson, and Hamilton, being among those who had gone over to administer -the Covenant. Weir and Watson died in prison after enduring dreadful -hardships, but Hamilton lived to be exchanged after ten months' -confinement. MacDonnell reached the Sound of Mull in safety, and -seized upon the castles of Mingarry and Lochaline. The prospect was so -unpromising that he thought of re-embarking; but Argyle, with the help -of two English vessels, mastered his ships, and he was forced to go on. -The Flemings surrendered at once, but the Irish sailors, who fought -desperately, were all killed and their ship burned to the water's -edge. He harried all the Campbell territory that he could reach, and -afterwards that of the Mackenzies, and then tried to recruit his forces -on the Spey. In the meantime Montrose had entered Scotland and summoned -MacDonnell to meet him at Blair Athol. The Irish contingent took part -in the victory of Tippermuir on September 1.[53] - -[Sidenote: Importance of the Irish to Montrose.] - -[Sidenote: Their barbarous proceedings.] - -[Sidenote: Alaster Macdonnell deserts Montrose.] - -[Sidenote: Cruelty of the Covenanters.] - -The epic of Montrose belongs to Scotland, but it should be remembered -that the Irish, as they are always called, formed the nucleus and the -only stable part of his army, and that when Alaster Macdonnell forsook -him, victory forsook him too. Antrim was Tyrone's grandson, and the -remains of the Ulster clans had no objection to follow him, though some -of his levies were islemen or Hebrideans settled in Ireland. Patrick -Gordon calls them 'strangers and foreigners,' adding that they showed -no pity or humanity, nor made any distinction between man and beast, -'killing men with the same careless neglect that they kill a hen or -capon for supper. And they were also without all shame, most brutishly -given to uncleanness and filthy lust; as for excessive drinking, when -they came where it might be had, there was no limit to their beastly -appetites.' Spalding, who was present when Montrose sullied his fame -by allowing the sack of Aberdeen, says they murdered and ravished for -four days. The corpses lay unburied until women ventured to move them, -for no man could show himself: 'the wife durst not cry nor weep at -her husband's slaughter before her eyes, nor the mother for the son, -nor daughter for the father; which if they were heard, then were they -presently slain also.' As long as the business consisted in harrying -Campbells or Mackenzies, Alaster Macdonnell had no difficulty in -getting recruits from his fellow tribesmen on the main land, but after -Kilsyth he and his Highlanders, who were gorged with plunder, deserted -Montrose that they might carry their acquisitions home. No commands or -entreaties of their general could prevail, says Sir James Turner, 'to -Cantire they would go, and to Cantire they did go.' They cared nothing -for Lowland or English politics. Some 500 Irish remained faithful -'because they had no place of retreat,' and these were cut to pieces -at Philiphaugh, 300 of their wives being butchered there, and many -others later at Linlithgow, where the horrors of Portadown bridge were -repeated with the parts reversed. Those who are disposed to deny the -Ulster massacres may ponder the words of Spalding and Gordon, while -nothing can excuse the cruelty practised in retaliation.[54] - -[Sidenote: Confederate agents at Oxford, March 1644.] - -[Sidenote: Protestant agents follow, April.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish Government separately represented.] - -As early as November 1643 the Supreme Council of the Confederates, -acting by order of their General Assembly, nominated seven -commissioners as agents to attend the King and to state their -grievances to him. The persons chosen were Lord Muskerry, Antrim's -brother Alexander Macdonnell, Sir Robert Talbot, Nicholas Plunket, -Dermot O'Brien, Geoffrey Brown, and Richard Martin. There is some -doubt about Martin, but all the others went over. The Lords Justices -granted them a safe conduct in January, but there was considerable -delay first at Kilkenny, and afterwards in waiting for a wind at -Wexford. They landed in Cornwall and reached Oxford March 24. As soon -as it was known in Ireland that the King would be likely to receive -the Confederate agents, the more zealous Protestants began to prepare -for a counter-mission. Charles expressed himself ready to hear both -sides. Lords Kildare, Montgomery, and Blayney were the chiefs of the -Protestant movement, and a deputation waited on Ormonde the day after -he was sworn in as Lord Lieutenant. Michael Jones was the spokesman. -Ormonde answered that he was somewhat taken by surprise, but 'for -you English and Protestants, I assure you both of assistance and -protection, and that, if need be, to the hazard even of my life and -fortunes.' The envoys first chosen were Sir Francis Hamilton, Captains -Ridgeway and Jones, and Fenton Parsons. Jones, whose parliamentary -sympathies led him to avoid the Court, refused to go, and Sir Charles -Coote was substituted with the King's consent. A petition of the -Protestants was read in the Irish House of Commons on February 17, and -approved by the House. The agents did not reach Oxford till April 17, -and the King received them next day 'in the garden at Christ Church,' -and desired them to prepare definite proposals. Charles had sent to -Ireland for Chief Justice Lowther, Sir Philip Perceval, Sir William -Stewart, and Mr. Justice Donnellan, who arrived about this time, -accompanied by Sambach, the Irish Solicitor-General. Sir H. Tichborne -and others went over later. Strafford's old secretary, Radcliffe, who -was already at Oxford, was ordered to join in their consultations. The -whole case was then handed over to a committee of the Privy Council, -consisting of the Earls of Bristol and Portland, Lord Digby, Secretary -Nicholas, Colepepper, and Hyde.[55] - -[Sidenote: Attitude of Hyde, Digby and others.] - -[Sidenote: Revised demands of Confederates.] - -Hyde and Colepepper were hostile to the Confederates' demands, and -Radcliffe was even violent, 'which,' says a correspondent of Ormonde, -'makes the Irish swagger very severely.' Digby, who was much more -favourable to them, said their first propositions were scandalous, -and that all negotiations would have to be broken off unless they -amended them. Muskerry, on the contrary, had assured Ormonde that -their demands were an irreducible minimum. 'Neither,' he said, 'is -the highest of them such a rock, but that the King may find a way -to satisfy his people in Ireland without prejudice to his party in -England. And the real advantage of the assurance of our kingdom, -and of a nation so faithfully affected to his service, is much more -considerable than the fears and jealousies to discontent a party.' -Unfortunately for this argument, Ireland was divided into parties -quite as much as England, and concessions to Irish national feeling -were certain to deprive the King of all effective English support. -In spite of Muskerry's assurance, Digby found him and his colleagues -'beyond expectation counsellable, and they have this day, instead of -the former, presented these enclosed propositions, which though in many -things unreasonable for the King to grant, yet are not very scandalous -for them to ask.' Ormonde wrote to Muskerry advising moderation, and -foretold that the time might come when 'his Majesty might with more -safety grant, than he can as yet hear propounded' such of the agents' -desires as were in themselves just. The amended propositions demanded -the repeal of all penal laws affecting the Roman Catholics, their -relief from disabilities of every kind, and that a free Parliament, -entirely independent of the English legislature, should at once be -called. All proceedings of the Irish Parliament since August 7, -1641, should be annulled, as well as all outlawries, attainders, and -other acts affecting the Roman Catholics prejudicially since that -date. All forfeitures to the Crown in Connaught, Clare, Tipperary, -Limerick, Kilkenny, and Wicklow since 1634 were to be abandoned, and -the ancient possessors confirmed by law, the Court of Wards abolished, -and trained bands established in every Irish county. The other demands -were of less importance. Among the proposals waived by the agents -was one which virtually placed all titles to land created since the -beginning of Elizabeth's reign at the mercy of the Irish Parliament. -Another clause proposed to deprive the King of all right to maintain -a standing army in Ireland. It was also required 'that the present -Government of the said Catholics may continue within their quarters and -jurisdictions until the Parliament, and after until their grievances -be redressed by Acts of Parliament, and for a convenient time for the -execution thereof.' The original propositions were such as might -have been dictated by the victors to a conquered country. The amended -propositions, though containing many things 'in themselves just,' -involved the complete subjection of the Protestants in Ireland, and -could never be granted by an English Government. If the King granted -them it would only be because he had no longer any real power. The -Irish Privy Councillors at Oxford, though more moderate than Coote and -his colleagues, held that the toleration of Romish priests had been the -cause of the rebellion, that what was called a free Parliament would -contain few or no Protestants, most of them having been murdered or -exiled, and that Poynings' Act was one of the wisest ever made and 'one -of the precious jewels of his Majesty's imperial diadem.'[56] - -[Sidenote: Protestant proposals equally extreme.] - -[Sidenote: No compromise appears possible.] - -If the propositions of the Confederate agents seemed scandalous to -Digby, those of Coote and his colleagues will not seem less so to -modern readers. They demanded, among other things, that all penal laws -should be strictly executed, that all the Roman Catholic clergy should -be banished out of Ireland, that the oath of supremacy should be taken -by every member of Parliament, mayor, sheriff, or magistrate; that no -lawyer refusing to take that oath should be allowed to practise; and -that there should be a 'competent Protestant army.' After a few days, -the Protestant agents were summoned to meet Ussher, Henry Leslie, -Radcliffe, and others. Radcliffe, on behalf of the Committee of -Council, said their proposals were unreasonable, and that peace could -never be made on any such terms. The agents then agreed to modify the -demands, but still insisted firmly on the full execution of the penal -laws, on maintaining the existing Parliament and Poynings' law, on the -encouragement of plantations, and on disabling lawyers who refused the -oath of supremacy. They waived the expulsion of Roman Catholic priests -and the oath _ex officio_, and also the demand that all churches -should be restored to them, rebuilt and refitted 'at the charge of the -Confederate Roman Catholics.' A week later the agents were summoned -before the King in council. Charles asked them whether they wanted -peace or war. They said they preferred peace, but only upon honourable -terms; and the King answered that he also would choose the hazard of -war rather than that they should suffer by a peace of his making. He -could not, he added, help them with men, money, arms, ammunition, or -victuals, nor could he allow them to join with those who had taken -the Covenant. It was consistent with Charles's love for tortuous ways -that he had tried to prevent Coote and his friends from knowing what -the propositions of the Confederate agents were. They had oozed out, -of course, and, making a virtue of necessity, the King now gave them -a copy and requested their answers. This was done, and the absolute -incompatibility of the two sets of agents was conclusively shown.[57] - -[Sidenote: Failure of Oxford negotiations.] - -[Sidenote: Both parties are referred to Ormonde,] - -[Sidenote: who is authorised to make peace.] - -[Sidenote: An impossible task.] - -Muskerry and his colleagues left Oxford first, and were followed by -the Protestant agents on the last day of May. Both missions were -dismissed civilly enough, but neither had gained their point. Percival -told Ormonde that the failure of the Council to make any decision -was reported to be the work 'of one that labours to be commanded to -Ireland, and hopes to rule all there.' This points unmistakably to -Digby, who probably encouraged the King to refer everything back to -Ormonde. This was done by a commission dated June 24, and to enable -the Lord Lieutenant to arrive at a decision, all the propositions by -both sides during the Oxford negotiations were sent to him, and also -the King's answer to the Confederate agents. They were told that the -King would not 'declare Acts in themselves lawful to be void,' but that -the penal laws had never been harshly executed; and that if his Irish -subjects would live peaceably and loyally, they should be as moderately -administered 'as in the most favourable times of Queen Elizabeth and -King James.' He would allow a new Parliament to assemble, but 'would -by no means consent to the suspension of Poynings' Act.' Many lesser -demands were wholly or partly conceded, but religious toleration and -the Irish Parliament would still depend on the King's will. If the -Confederates could be got to accept such terms, Ormonde was authorised -to conclude peace upon that basis, and to go further if he found it -consistent with the present preservation of the Irish Protestants. If -peace could not be had on reasonable terms, then he might renew the -cessation for as long as he thought expedient. Ormonde lost no time in -informing Muskerry and his colleagues that he was commissioned to treat -for a peace or truce, and asked them to prepare the ground among their -friends. 'Let me tell you,' wrote that astute courtier Daniel O'Neill, -'that our friend the Marquis of Ormonde has a hard task put upon him: -for it is imposed upon him to end that in Ireland which all the Council -durst not look upon in England.'[58] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin visits Oxford,] - -[Sidenote: and returns discontented.] - -[Sidenote: He sides with the Parliament,] - -[Sidenote: and secures Cork, Youghal, Kinsale and Bandon.] - -During St. Leger's illness and since his death, Inchiquin had been -acting-President of Munster. His services had been great, and he -was not willing to see anyone put over his head. 'If the King,' he -wrote to Ormonde from Cork, 'have bestowed the 'presidency on any -other (though more worthy) personage, I hope your lordship will not -command my stay longer here.' Ormonde disliked his going, but gave no -direct order, and Inchiquin was at Oxford early in February. It soon -appeared that the King had many years before promised the presidency -to Portland, and though Radcliffe and Digby were in despair, the most -that could be obtained for Inchiquin was the reversion. As Portland -would not waive his claim, this really amounted to nothing. Inchiquin -received a warrant for an earldom; but that was not what he wanted, -and he did not use it. Hopes were held out to him of commanding the -Munster troops in England; but his best regiments had been assigned to -Hopton and others, and he saw no chance of anything in that direction. -At Oxford he dissembled his ill-humour, but before the end of March -it was generally known in Ireland that he 'came discontented from -Court.' Ormonde's idea was to keep the presidency of Munster vacant, -so that Inchiquin should be kept quiet by seeing the great prize -always dangling before him. Portland's object was to sell his interest -without going to Ireland; but he does not appear to have offered it to -Inchiquin, who kept pretty quiet during the spring and early summer. -When the result of the Oxford negotiations was known, he and the other -Munster officers declared strongly against a peace which could not be -had without abandoning the Protestants. As a proof of their danger, -they cited a Franciscan named Matthews who had been executed as a spy -after having confessed that he was concerned in a plot to betray Cork -to Muskerry. Ormonde had heard reports that there was some plot. After -Marston Moor it became evident that the King was powerless to protect -the Irish Protestants, and Inchiquin resolved to throw in his lot with -the Parliament. Broghill afterwards told Ludlow that he persuaded -him without much difficulty to take this step. The letter in which -Inchiquin declared himself--for he assured Ormonde that this was his -first advance--was signed also by Broghill as governor of Youghal, and -by the governors of Cork, Kinsale, and Bandon. Each of the subscribers -offered to go on board a parliamentary ship as a hostage, there to -remain until all four towns were in sure hands. A letter with the same -signatures was also sent to the King, who was urged to come to terms -with the Parliament as the only means of saving the Irish Protestants. -Aware that he might be distrusted, Inchiquin reminded the governor of -Portsmouth that he was forsaking a plentiful fortune 'for the good of -the cause,' and that he was ready to make room if another commander was -thought fitter to subdue the Irish rebels. Bandon was easily secured, -for it was a Protestant place; but Inchiquin took the strong step of -expelling the Irish inhabitants from Cork, Youghal, and Kinsale. This -was a very harsh measure, especially for a chief of the O'Briens; but -it may be defended on military grounds, the only defence of the Munster -Protestants lying in the four garrisons, without which they would be -quite cut off from England. Inchiquin's brother Henry, after making -great professions of attachment to the King, surrendered Wareham on -August 24 and brought his regiment over to serve the Parliament in -Ireland.[59] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[45] Bell's _Memorials of the Civil War_ (Fairfax Correspondence), i. -68; Dugdale's Journal in his _Short View_. Fairfax's report to Essex -is in _Rushworth_, v. 302; the accounts of Byron and his brother -Robert in Carte's _Original Letters_, i. 36-42. See also Fairfax's -_Short Memorials_ in Somers Tracts, v. 387; Clarendon's _Hist. of the -Rebellion_, vii. 403; and Gardiner's _Civil War_, i. 346. - -[46] Gumble's _Life of Monck_, 18; Carte's _Life of Ormonde_, i. p. -468. Crawford wrote an account of his proceedings under the title of -_Ireland's Ingratitude to the Parliament of England_, &c., which was -published by order of the House of Commons, February 3, 1643; and see -_Carlyle_, i. 173. - -[47] Text of the Solemn League and Covenant in _Rushworth_; Baillie's -_Letters_, ii. 102-103; Sir James Turner's _Memoirs_, p. 29. - -[48] Colonel O'Neill's _Journal_; _Castlehaven_, p. 46; _Bellings_, -iii. 3-7. - -[49] Rev. Patrick Adair's MS. in Reid's _Presbyterian Church_, ii. -439-454. Adair's narrative was published at Belfast in 1867. - -[50] Benn's _Hist. of Belfast_, 103-109; Turner's _Memoirs_, p. 33; -Report to Ormonde, May 27, 1644, in _Contemp. Hist._ i. 586. - -[51] Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, 48-53; O'Neill's Journal in _Contemp. -Hist._ iii. 202-4; British armies in Ulster to Ormonde, _ib._ i. 602. -The abusive account in the _Aphorismical Discovery_ may be neglected; -it absurdly states that Castlehaven was 'no soldier,' _ib._ i. 84. -_Bellings_, iii. 11. - -[52] The agreement between Montrose and Antrim is printed from the -original in Hill's _Macdonnells of Antrim_, 267. If the date, January -28, be right, then the King's and Digby's letter to Ormonde of the 20th -were not despatched for several days. Digby to Ormonde, February 8, -1644-5, in appendix to Carte's _Ormonde_. The intrigues at Oxford are -amusingly described by Clarendon, _Hist. of the Rebellion_, book viii. -264-278. - -[53] The King's instructions to Antrim, January 12, 1643-4, in -_Confederation and War_, iii. 88; Negotiation at Kilkenny, _ib._ 112; -Bellings to Ormonde, _ib._ iv. 276; Letters of Daniel O'Neill in -_Contemp. Hist._ i. 569; Antrim to Ormonde, June 27, 1644, in appendix -to Carte's _Ormonde_; Ormonde to Digby, _ib._ July 17, and to Nicholas, -July 22; Narrative by one of Macdonnell's officers in Carte's _Original -Letters_, i. 73; Reid's _Presbyterian Church_, i. 459-464; Napier's -_Memoirs of Montrose_, chap. 22. Turner (_Memoirs_, 39), who, however, -was not present at Tippermuir, says Montrose won with 'a handful of -Irish, very ill-armed.' - -[54] Spalding's _Hist. of the Troubles_, ii. 265-7; Patrick Gordon's -_Abridgment_, 65, 133, 161, 181. Wishart thinks Alaster 'Macdonaldorum -res privatas impendio curasse: de publico parum solicitum.' See also -Napier's _Memoirs of Montrose_, chaps. 22-27, and Gardiner's _Civil -War_, chaps. 26, 30, 33, and 36; Turner's _Memoirs_, p. 240. - -[55] _Bellings_, iii. 6, and in the same volume, Safe conduct for -agents, January 4, 1643-4, and letter to Bellings, April 7-10; -Michael Jones's speech, January 22, in appendix to Carte's _Ormonde_; -_Rushworth_, v. 897-900. The names of the Committee of Council are -given by Carte, but in the first letter to Bellings, mentioned above, -Cottington is added and Hyde omitted. It appears from Rushworth that -both attended the Committee. - -[56] The original propositions are in _Confederation and War_, iii. -128; the amended ones in _Rushworth_, v. 909. See also the following -letters in appendix to Carte's _Ormonde_: Arthur Trevor to Ormonde, -March 25, 1644; Radcliffe to Ormonde, April 2; Digby to Ormonde, -April 2; Muskerry to Ormonde, March 29; Ormonde to Muskerry, April -29. Statement by the delegates of the Council of Ireland in _Egmont -Papers_, i. 212-229, which seems to have been read or spoken by Lowther -or one of his colleagues to Charles's Privy Council. - -[57] _Rushworth_, v. 901-917. A manifesto published in French at Lille, -January 26, 1642-3, and intended for foreign consumption, contains the -following demands of the Confederates: '(1) That the Catholic religion, -the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and the religious orders be restored, and -no sect or heresy tolerated, except that of Protestants existing (_qui -a vogue_) in England, Germany, and some other provinces; that there be -no bishop other than Catholic; that the priests enjoy all benefices -and Church revenues; and that the Protestant ministers enjoy only such -bishoprics [_sic_] or benefices as those of their sect shall procure -them for a living. (2) That we be governed by a Catholic President, -Council, and officers; that all governors of castles, fortresses, -towns, and districts be Catholics,' &c. Reprinted in _Confederation and -War_, iii. 336. - -[58] Sir Philip Percival to Ormonde, May 23, in appendix to Carte's -_Ormonde_; the King's commission to Ormonde, his instructions, and his -answers to the Confederate agents, in _Confederation and War_, iii. -175, 198, 208; Daniel O'Neill to Arthur Trevor, July 26, in Carte's -_Original Letters_. - -[59] Inchiquin to Ormonde, January 3 and February 10, 1643-4, in -appendix to Carte's _Ormonde_, and in the same volume letters from -Radcliffe and Digby to Ormonde, February 8-20, and Ormonde to Digby, -March 8; _Bellings_, iii. 14, and one of March 29 from the Supreme -Council to Ormonde; Inchiquin to Ormonde, July 23 and August 4, -in Calendar of _Clarendon S.P._; Letters of Inchiquin, Broghill, -and others to the King and Parliament, and Declaration of Munster -Protestants, July 17 and 18, in _Rushworth_, v. 918-924; Ludlow's -_Memoirs_, ed. Firth, i. 85. Besides those in _Rushworth_, Inchiquin's -letters to Jephson, governor of Portsmouth, to Colonel St. Leger, and -to Sir J. Powlet were published in pamphlet form in 1644. For Henry -O'Brien, see Walker's _Discourses_, p. 46, and _Bellings_, iv. 10. - - - - -CHAPTER XXV - -INCHIQUIN, ORMONDE AND GLAMORGAN, 1644-1645 - - -[Sidenote: No truce with the Parliament.] - -Protestants in Ireland complained with reason that they got little help -from England during the truce, while communication with the Continent -was quite free to the Confederates. There were parliamentary cruisers, -but not nearly enough to do the work, and a Spanish captain named -Antonio was engaged by Castlehaven to keep them at a distance. His -frigate of 400 tons and sixteen guns appears to have been cast away at -Dungarvan; but he commanded other ships and was active to the very end -of the war. Letters of marque were issued from Kilkenny, and it was -long before even the port of Waterford was closed. The numerous inlets -on the west coast it was impossible to blockade at all. There were -endless complaints on both sides as to breaches of the truce, but the -recriminations on this subject are scarcely worth discussing. After he -had once taken the Parliamentary side, Inchiquin gave himself a free -hand.[60] - -[Sidenote: The no-quarter ordinance] - -On October 24, 1644, both Houses at Westminster passed an ordinance -to the effect that no quarter should be given to any Irishman, nor to -any Papist born in Ireland, taken in hostility against the Parliament -in England and Wales or on the high seas. All officers by land and sea -were therefore ordered to leave all such Irishmen and Papists out of -every capitulation, agreement, or composition. If taken, they were to -be 'forthwith put to death.' When the French National Convention made -a similar order about British prisoners, French officers refused to -carry it out; and the majority in the Long Parliament evidently feared -such a refusal, for they declared that every officer neglecting to -observe their ordinance should be 'reputed a favourer of that bloody -rebellion in Ireland,' and liable to such condign punishment as both -Houses might inflict. Pym and Hampden were dead, and it is uncertain -under whose influence this savage decree was passed; but it seems that -Captain Swanley and others had anticipated it by throwing prisoners -into the sea, and that they had been blamed for so doing, as there -were many English prisoners in Ireland upon whom it would be easy to -retaliate.[61] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin at Cork and Kinsale.] - -[Sidenote: Harsh treatment of the citizens.] - -[Sidenote: Broghill at Youghal.] - -[Sidenote: The Covenant.] - -[Sidenote: The Queen on Irish Protestants.] - -Cork had some time ago agreed to give 4000_l._ for the support of the -army, and a part of this sum still remained unpaid. Inchiquin's first -order during the last week in July was that the citizens should pay the -balance or make up its value in provisions and bedding. All the Roman -Catholic inhabitants were ordered to leave the town, except the mayor -and aldermen and their families, one hundred men selected by the rest, -the widows of aldermen, and the sick. They were to carry out nothing -with them, but if the supplies required were provided, they were to be -allowed to return from time to time and carry off all their property, -but not to remain in the town during the night. Robert Coppinger, the -mayor, made the best fight he could, but, according to his own account, -Inchiquin exacted more corn and money than was owing, and was very -harsh in other ways. He gave warrants, says Coppinger, to enter the -houses of the banished inhabitants, to carry off almost everything -that might be useful to the garrison, 'leaving all the doors of the -houses wide open, and exposed, with all the rest of the goods therein -remaining to the insolency of the common soldiers.' When the people -came back for their property, according to the proclamation, there was -very little left. From the nature of the case, and from what we know -of Inchiquin, it is not likely that the work was very gently done; -but it is nowhere alleged that any life was lost. Similar measures -were taken at Youghal and Kinsale. Broghill was governor of the former -town, and he forbade all officers, soldiers, and others 'to break open -the houses of any persons who have in obedience to my proclamation -left this town,' or to plunder any Irish Papists 'on pain of death.' -On August 24 eleven parliamentary ships entered Cork harbour, while -seven appeared at Youghal and six at Kinsale. Proclamation was at once -made that all civilians should leave Cork unless specially licensed -to remain, giving security to keep themselves in provisions for six -weeks. All Irish Roman Catholics were henceforth to leave the town at -six until Michaelmas, and at five after that day, so that the garrison -might be always ready to resist an attack. A market was established -outside the north gate. The Youghal people took the Covenant, and -Inchiquin told Ormonde that he should be compelled to do the same, -unless the Lord Lieutenant put himself at the head of the Protestant -movement. A stringent oath was at the same time administered to -Protestants, who declared themselves allied for defence and swore never -to make peace until the terms were approved by Parliament as well as -by the King. Colonel Brockett, governor of Kinsale, wrote to Ormonde -in commendation of Inchiquin's zeal, and announced that a ship laden -with provisions had come from Middleburgh to Cork for the relief of -the distressed Protestants. A little later in the year there was a -curious intrigue, the object on both sides being probably to see how -far Ormonde would go. Major Muschamp, the governor of Cork fort, let -Muskerry know that he had Royalist leanings and might be induced to -surrender his post to the Lord Lieutenant. Muskerry forged an order -from Ormonde to deliver the place to him. Muschamp said the order -must be placed in his hands; but this Muskerry refused for obvious -reasons. The plot came to nothing, and Muschamp told the whole story -to Inchiquin in presence of his staff. Ormonde was doing his best to -serve the King without betraying the Protestant cause, but he had -little thanks from anyone. That Henrietta Maria should call Inchiquin -a miserable knave was not to be wondered at. As to Ormonde, she is -reported to have said it was hard to trust him or 'any Irishman that is -a Protestant, for every Irishman that goes to church does it against -his conscience, and knows he betrays God.' The letter containing -this passage was intercepted, and a certified copy came to Ormonde's -hands.[62] - -[Sidenote: First negotiations for peace, September 1644.] - -The result of Ormonde's application to Muskerry and his colleagues -in the Oxford business was a letter from the general assembly of -the Confederates appointing commissioners to treat for peace. The -Oxford agents, all lawyers except Muskerry, Antrim's brother, and -Colonel O'Brien, were nominated, with the addition of Mountgarret, -Antrim, Archbishop Fleming, Sir Richard Everard, Patrick Darcy, and -John Dillon. Of these commissioners, Martin, Dillon and Barron were -afterwards proposed by the Confederates as judges of the superior -courts, and nearly all the others as Privy Councillors. Ormonde -objected at once to 'your Archbishop of Dublin, who, though a man as -free from exception (as unto his person) as any we could expect to be -treated with, for we have heard exceeding much good of him, and we -do believe no less, so as if we were to admit any of his function he -should be the man.' He had already announced that he would not treat -with any clergyman, and the Confederates gave way. Some delay had been -caused, and the commissioners did not meet Ormonde until September 1, -when they practically repeated the Oxford propositions. The cessation -was at once prolonged to December 1, and questions of statute law and -of title to land being involved, a committee of lawyers was appointed -to assist the Lord Lieutenant. The chief demands were the repeal of the -penal laws, the suspension of Poynings' Act, and the power of their -'free Parliament' to try offences. They were all rejected. - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's difficult position.] - -The negotiations were then suspended for a time. Sir Henry Tichborne, -who thought the cessation very dishonourable, left Oxford on December -31. He and others were taken at sea by one of Swanley's captains, and -were sent to the Tower. Tichborne was soon released, and afterwards -sided definitely with the Parliament in Ireland. About the same time -Swanley intercepted some correspondence between the Confederates -and their foreign allies, and he sent copies to Ormonde, cautioning -him about the dangers hanging over his 'truly honoured family' and -his ambiguous position with regard to the Protestants. The Lord -Lieutenant's task was indeed a hard one. The question of a universal -act of oblivion was left undecided, the Confederates contending that -their oath of association precluded all exceptions, while Ormonde was -unwilling to pardon criminals merely because the country had been in a -state of war. In the end, Charles conceded the act of oblivion to 'all -treasons and offences, capital, criminal, and personal' on land, and to -piracy and its attendant crimes in the Irish seas.[63] - -[Sidenote: Confederate diplomacy.] - -[Sidenote: Bellings at Paris. Mazarin.] - -[Sidenote: Bellings at Rome. Rinuccini.] - -[Sidenote: Attitude of Innocent X.] - -[Sidenote: Barren sympathies.] - -The negotiations dragged along slowly and intermittently throughout -1644 and 1645, but peace, as between Ormonde and the Confederates, was -preserved by frequent renewals of the cessation. In the meantime the -Kilkenny government sought eagerly for foreign support. Bellings left -Galway on the last day of December 1644 with credentials addressed to -Louis XIV., Anne of Austria, Henrietta Maria, Mazarin, Innocent X., -the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Cardinals Grimaldi and Bentivoglio, and the -Governments of Venice, Genoa, and Belgium. He had not intended to visit -anyone at Paris except Henrietta Maria; but the Jesuit O'Hartegan, who -was resident agent for the Confederates, persuaded him to see Mazarin. -The Cardinal was very inquisitive, and might stop Bellings in France if -thwarted. He did not like the application of the Confederates to Rome, -because Innocent X. was much under Spanish influence; but Bellings -answered that though his employers were bound to neutrality as among -Catholic princes, yet their natural leaning was to France, where their -exiled Queen had found shelter. Bellings himself had certainly French -sympathies, and told Mazarin that it was from France that Ireland -really expected help. 'And in truth,' he adds, 'the promises given now -and often before, had they been performed, might well have satisfied -our expectation.' On reaching Rome, Bellings found that Rinuccini was -already appointed nuncio. The two men disliked each other from the -first. When Bellings found that Innocent was sending a moderate sum of -money, he importuned for more, but was told that the late war in Italy -and preparations against the Turks had exhausted the papal treasury. He -then loudly proclaimed that he was quite satisfied with the Pope, lest -his backwardness should be an excuse for others. Innocent was at least -liberal with his briefs, but they had no effect either at Florence or -Genoa. Bellings did not even visit Venice, the Cretan war being excuse -enough for the republic. On his return to Paris he found that there -was little or no hope from France without assuming a hostile attitude -to Spain. As the final result of his long expedition Bellings reported -that 'all men wished well to the cause, but no man was in condition to -assist it.' He accompanied Rinuccini to Ireland.[64] - -[Sidenote: French and Spanish crimps.] - -[Sidenote: Foisset and Monnerie.] - -Bellings understood that the help of France and Spain 'rather seemed a -traffic for men and a gratification for the levies made in Ireland for -the service of both crowns, than marks of a royal bounty and a real -will to assist them.' Early in 1643 the Confederates allowed Spain -to recruit in Ireland, the number of men, after some haggling, being -fixed at 2000. Philip IV. then made them a present of 20,000 crowns, -which was laid out in arms and ammunition. With the Parliamentarians in -command of the sea, it took a long time to get the men away, and they -could not be spared till after the cessation. Then it became necessary -to promise the same number of soldiers to France. At last, in February -1643-4, the Spanish agent or envoy was received by the Supreme Council, -and told that he should have his men by June 25. He was a Burgundian -named Foisset, and came, not from Spain, but from Don Francisco de -Melo in the Netherlands. Next day the French representative, De la -Monnerie, was received and had exactly the same answer. Monnerie was -a gentleman of the bedchamber, and his sole business was to get as -much food for powder as possible in Ireland. It would seem that both -agents were privately told that the great object of the Council was to -favour their respective sovereigns. Meanwhile their lawful King was -calling for Irish troops in vain. Monnerie did manage to get off 1300 -men from Galway early in 1645, not being able to get shipping for more -in Ireland, and Mazarin failing to send the vessels which he promised; -but the recruiting still continued. Monnerie seems to have done better -than his rival, and reported that 'the Spaniard who is here' began to -lose heart and to declare loudly that the Supreme Council was quite -French. It was Mazarin against Don Luis de Haro. A Colonel Plunket was -promised forty crowns by Ottavio Piccolomini for every man he could -land in Flanders, but the Kilkenny authorities would not let him do the -work.[65] - -[Sidenote: Confederate envoys. Talbot and O'Sullivan.] - -[Sidenote: Hugh Bourke.] - -[Sidenote: The story told abroad.] - -[Sidenote: Heresy to be extirpated.] - -Immediately after the outbreak in 1641 the Irish of Western Munster -had sent Francis O'Sullivan, a Franciscan, to solicit the help of -Spain. A little later, James Talbot, an Augustinian, was sent on the -same errand, and returned with 3000_l._ in silver, 4000 muskets, -four pieces of cannon and other stores, purchased with the 20,000 -crowns obtained from Philip IV., but not without much bickering as to -whether the Celtic O'Sullivan or the Anglo-Norman Talbot deserved the -credit. In acknowledgment, it was proposed to send 1000 men to Spain; -but there was a difficulty about transport, and they never started. -Talbot was sent again in June 1643 with an offer of two thousand and -directions as to how he should spend any further sum he might receive. -The landing of the money and arms at Dungarvan during the negotiations -for a cessation made Ormonde's task harder; but the Spanish Government -had transferred the matter to the Governor of the Netherlands. Talbot -went there instead of to Spain, and returned with Foisset. He perhaps -thought it the best thing to do, but the Supreme Council never fully -trusted him afterwards. It was found that unauthorised persons had been -begging in Spain for the Irish cause, and had kept the money received, -and it was thought expedient to cancel all former credentials and to -send a new envoy to Spain. The person selected was Hugh Bourke, a -Franciscan, who had been doing good service in the Netherlands, whence -he was transferred directly. He went by Paris, where he met Rinuccini -on his way to Ireland, and impressed him by his cleverness and energy. -The instructions to Bourke, dated December 12, 1644, throw great light -upon the position of the Confederates. The war was represented as being -purely a struggle 'for the Catholic Church in its splendour.' Nothing -at all is said about the Ulster barbarities, but the Protestant party -are simply described as 'taking advantage, before we were provided of -arms and ammunition, to destroy many thousands of people unarmed, and -exercise barbarous cruelties against man, woman, and child, sparing -none that did come within their power, and intending to extirpate the -whole nation.' Nevertheless, the Confederates, having received some -arms from abroad, had re-established the Catholic religion in full -splendour and been victorious everywhere except 'in some particular -places and parts of the kingdom.' Among those particular places, -unfortunately, were Dublin, Cork, Youghal, and Kinsale, Londonderry -and Coleraine, Carrickfergus and the rising settlement of Belfast. -If the Spaniard inquired why such a victorious party had agreed to -a truce with Ormonde, Bourke was to reply that it was thought wise -to be on terms with one hostile party so as to be free to crush the -other. Nor had the calculation been unsuccessful, for Ormonde had sent -12,000 men to England, most of whom had been killed. As to the Oxford -propositions, the Confederates had thought it expedient to ask for -freedom of religion only, and 'you may inculcate the reason (which God -knows to be true), it was to win time, and our construction shall be -freedom in splendour if holpen with possibility of subsistence.' The -ultimate goal was to be an Ireland whose victorious soldiers 'would -not rest satisfied, but try their valours elsewhere for religion, as -long as any heretics did remain in the neighbouring provinces.' The -duplicity of Charles I. was rightly complained of by the Confederates; -but it was not greater than their own.[66] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Duncannon, Jan.-March 1644-5.] - -[Sidenote: Parties in the garrison.] - -[Sidenote: The cessation ignored.] - -[Sidenote: Lord Esmond's difficulties.] - -[Sidenote: A rival governor] - -[Sidenote: The Covenant.] - -[Sidenote: Charles I. characterised.] - -Duncannon Fort in Wexford guards the approach both by the Suir to -Waterford and by the Barrow to New Ross. Every large ship must -necessarily pass under the guns, but the place is very weak on the -land side, being commanded by higher ground. The defences had been -strengthened in 1611 by Sir Josias Bodley, a younger brother of Sir -Thomas, who founded the Oxford library. Bodley was a skilful engineer, -and was fully aware of Duncannon's weak point, though he probably -considered his works strong enough to resist a purely Irish attack. -When the rebellion broke out the governor of the fort was Laurence Lord -Esmond, a strong Protestant Royalist, and he held it for the King; but -the majority of his men were much more inclined to the Parliament. -Summoned by the Confederates to join them as the loyal party, Esmond -refused to do so without orders from the Lords Justices, and those -orders were of course never given. He made great efforts to maintain -discipline, but as he could neither pay nor feed his men they were -forced to drive cattle and otherwise spoil the country. With the -help of some English ships they burned Dunmore in Waterford, which -was too near a neighbour, but in an attempt to seize the Hook Tower, -their over-enterprising leader, Captain Aston, and some sixty of the -garrison, were taken or slaughtered, having been surrounded in a fog -by a large number of the natives. This was as early as July 1642, and -it settled the question as to whether the fort was really friendly to -the Confederates or not. The garrison continued to plunder in 1643 -and 1644 without regard to the cessation, and it was soon resolved at -Kilkenny that the fort must, if possible, be reduced. Among Esmond's -officers two should be mentioned, Major Ralph Capron, who said he -was 'too old to forego his loyalty,' and Lawrence Larcan, lieutenant -of Esmond's own company of foot, who made no secret of his adhesion -to the English Parliament. Esmond made great efforts to obtain relief -from Ormonde, but nothing effectual could be done for him, and early in -August Inchiquin sent Captain Smithwick to induce him to declare for -the Parliament. This he steadfastly refused to do, but told Ormonde -that his life was not safe 'among so desperate and mutinous a pack,' -as the garrison had become. 'Poverty is the cause of this, and to tell -truth, my lord, they are indeed naked.' A month later Captain Bright -arrived in the Parliamentary vessel _Jeremie_, and anchored off the -fort. He brought with him the Covenant and a commission from Inchiquin -appointing Larcan to the command. The Covenant was eagerly subscribed -by all but Esmond himself, Capron, Richard Underwood the principal -chaplain, and perhaps one or two other officers. Captain Bright -promised supplies, and the soldiers refused to obey Capron, whom Esmond -accordingly sent with despatches to Dublin. Larcan, who is described as -active and witty and a leader of men, said 'the King was a tyrant, an -extortioner, an oppressor of the subject, and a Papist,' and he hoped -that the Parliament would soon 'scour' him. In the meantime Larcan -did what he could to scour the country, while Parliamentary captains -were busy at sea. The fort became such a scourge that the Confederates -resolved to besiege it.[67] - -[Sidenote: Preston at Duncannon. A French engineer.] - -[Sidenote: Failure to relieve from the sea.] - -[Sidenote: An unsuccessful assault.] - -[Sidenote: Vice-Admiral Smyth's advice.] - -[Sidenote: The fort capitulates.] - -[Sidenote: High mass] - -Preston sat down before Duncannon on January 20, 1644-5, with about -1500 foot. He had both cannon and mortars, and the wonder is that the -place held out at all. There was a garrison of about 150 men with -twenty-two guns, but no proper supply of water inside the fort, and no -doctor or surgeon. A French engineer named Lalue directed the siege -operations, which dragged out to a great length. Three weeks after -the first investment Inchiquin wrote to say that he could give no -relief unless help first arrived from England, and he pointed out that -the Confederates might have easily mastered all the Munster towns if -they had not exhausted their strength in the Ulster expedition under -Castlehaven. Admiral Swanley wrote about the same time from Milford to -say that he was sending a collier under convoy to give the garrison -fuel, and also shipping to convey reinforcements for Inchiquin, but -that 'as for the soldiers from this country (England), they are not -to be drawn from this service without an inevitable prejudice.' -Inchiquin could hardly hold his own, nor could he trust unpaid men. -Communications between the fort and the sea were never interrupted, -and small supplies were sent in from time to time, and thirty-eight -seamen took their part in the defence on shore. At the beginning of -the siege an attempt was made by the Parliamentary ships to drive the -assailants from their works, but very few shot went even near the mark. -Fire from a floating platform is seldom satisfactory against an enemy -on a hill. As Lalue drew his lines closer and advanced his guns, still -less could be done from the sea. On February 19, five ships anchored -under Credan Head in full view of the fort, but their commanders dared -not come within reach of the plunging fire, by which one Parliamentary -vessel had already been sunk. Frequent sallies of the garrison annoyed -the enemy, who suffered from bad weather and from the labour of making -approaches in the rocky ground. Lalue contrived an infernal machine -which appears in advance of his time. A trunk filled with explosives -and calculated to go off when opened was left near the gate of the -fort. Esmond suspected a snare, and advised that the trunk should be -soaked in the sea for some hours, but the soldiers were too impatient, -and the explosion took place. The besiegers heard the noise and -expected great results, but only one person was killed, a woman who had -drawn near out of curiosity. There were some men in the fort who sided -secretly with the besiegers, and when the trenches approached the ditch -communicated with them by letters tied to bullets and flung by hand. At -last an assault was made, but, says Bellings, the musketeers who were -to cover the storming party had their pieces rendered unserviceable -by a whirlwind which blew away the priming and filled the pans with -gravel. The assailants were beaten off with great loss, but Larcan, who -had been the soul of the defence, was hit by a stone which a round shot -had displaced. A surgeon might have saved him, but there was none, and -he died. The sap went on until a mine was brought up to the rampart, -and the second assault was likely to be successful. Vice-Admiral -Smyth with the _Swallow_ and other vessels lay in the offing, and to -him Esmond made a last appeal. 'Your lordship,' the sailor quaintly -answered, 'hath but two things to consider of: first, the potency of -the enemy; next, your abilities to subsist. For, before any relief can -overtake you, it will be ten or eight days at soonest. Now, if you find -in your strength a disability, then our Saviour Jesus Christ gives you -the best counsel, who sayeth: agree with thy adversary quickly while -thou art in the way.' If they waited for the assault, he argued, they -would all be put to the sword, but if they capitulated so many gallant -men would be available for future service, and might perhaps even have -a hand in recapturing the fort. As for the guns, they must go with the -place, for if they were 'all of beaten gold' there was no means of -embarking them. The poor old governor could only lament that he had -been encouraged to hope for help which had never come, and replied that -he would try one stratagem more by asking for a Protestant garrison -named by Ormonde. Two days later he still defied Preston, and declared -that he would not surrender without the direct orders of the King or -the Lord Lieutenant. Larcan being gone, the other officers prepared to -take Smyth's advice, and Esmond was at last forced to ask for a parley. -Preston was not bloodthirsty, and on March 19, being the fifty-ninth -day of the siege, the garrison marched out with the honours of war, and -were allowed to go to Dublin, Bristol, or Youghal, as they themselves -preferred. A few men took service with Preston. Esmond waited till -a carriage could be got, but died at Adamstown on the road to -Enniscorthy. The fort was not without provisions or ammunition at the -time of surrender, but the want of fresh water was very pressing. There -had been torrents of rain, but either from want of time or from want -of vessels it had not been sufficiently utilised. Only about thirty -men had been killed, though the besiegers had burned 19,000 pounds of -powder. Duncannon was taken on March 19, and on Lady Day Scarampi came -in and said high mass. The Confederates boasted much of their success, -in announcing to their friends at Paris the capture of what they call -the 'impregnable fort of Duncannon.'[68] - -[Sidenote: The Glamorgan mission] - -[Sidenote: An extraordinary patent, April 1644.] - -Charles had handed over the reduction of the Irish rebels to Parliament -early in the day, and had told the Protestant agents at Oxford that -he would rather have war than peace at their expense. As long as -negotiations were entirely in Ormonde's hands this was no empty -promise, but when the King decided to employ a private envoy as well, -the situation was a good deal modified. The person selected was -Lord Herbert, eldest son of the Marquis of Worcester, who had made -immense sacrifices for the royal cause. Both father and son were Roman -Catholics, and ardent champions of their faith. In history the latter -is best known as Earl of Glamorgan, and so Charles styled him, though -the creation was never formally made. On April 1, 1644, when the Irish -agents were at Oxford, the King had granted him under the Great Seal -a patent of so extraordinary a character that its main provisions -must be repeated, though perhaps no episode in English history has -been more thoroughly discussed. By this document he was constituted -generalissimo with extraordinary powers of three armies, English, -Irish, and foreign, and admiral of a fleet at sea; with authority to -raise money by pledging wardships, customs, woods, and other hereditary -property of the Crown. 'Persons of generosity' were to be encouraged -to subscribe in return for titles of honour, 'for whom,' the King -wrote, 'we have intrusted you with several patents under our Great -Seal of England, from a marquis to a baronet, which we give you full -power and authority to date and dispose of without knowing our further -pleasure.' Charles solemnly bound himself to ratify all the patentee's -acts, and and to give his daughter Elizabeth to Glamorgan's son -Plantagenet 'with 300,000_l._ in dower or portion, most part whereof we -acknowledge spent and disbursed by your father and you in our service.' -Finally he was promised the dukedom of Somerset with power to 'put on -the George and blue ribbon' at his pleasure, and to bear the garter -in his coat of arms. The affixing of the seal to this patent may have -been an amateur performance, the joint work of Endymion Porter and of -Glamorgan himself, 'with rollers and no screw press,' but the document -was genuine, and the king knew all about it.[69] - -[Sidenote: Introduction of Glamorgan to Ormonde.] - -[Sidenote: Three commissions Jan.-March, 1644-5] - -[Sidenote: Glamorgan's instructions.] - -His sanguine hopes of Irish and foreign forces having been dashed, and -Marston Moor having been fought, Charles turned to Glamorgan again. The -latter had married Lady Margaret O'Brien, the late Earl of Thomond's -daughter, and his many Irish connections might give him influence. -Ormonde was informed that 'Lord Herbert'--the title of Glamorgan was -dropped here--had business of his own in Ireland, and that he might be -found incidentally useful in bringing about a peace. 'His honesty or -affection to my service,' says the King in a cypher postscript, 'will -not deceive you; but I will not answer for his judgment.' Yet to this -man of more than doubtful discretion were given three commissions, -the first of which authorised him to levy an unlimited number of men -in Ireland and other parts beyond sea. By the second Charles promised -'in the word of a King and a Christian' to confirm all Glamorgan -might do, whatever irregularities might appear when his powers came -to be criticised. The third was a royal warrant to treat with the -Confederate Roman Catholics of Ireland, proceeding with all possible -secrecy. Ormonde was warned by friends in England to be on his guard -against Glamorgan, who left Oxford soon after receiving the last -commission, but circumstances changed a good deal before the latter -reached Ireland. He sailed from the Welsh coast, but was chased by a -Parliamentary ship and driven to Lancashire, whence he made his way to -Skipton Castle, and there stayed for three months, during which Naseby -was fought. In his instructions to Glamorgan which preceded the first -of the three commissions above mentioned, the King promised solemnly to -ratify whatever should be 'consented unto by our Lieutenant the Marquis -of Ormonde,' but authorised him to supply if possible anything 'upon -necessity to be condescended unto and yet the Lord Marquis not willing -to be seen therein, or not fit for us at the present publicly to own.' -Glamorgan seems to have given a verbal promise to consult Ormonde in -everything, but there is no evidence that the Lord Lieutenant knew -this, and it is only known to historians because Glamorgan, after his -failure, was reproached by the King for not having done so.[70] - -[Sidenote: Charles lays down conditions of peace,] - -[Sidenote: but soon changes his mind.] - -[Sidenote: Still sanguine after Naseby.] - -A few days after giving Glamorgan his instructions, Charles wrote to -Ormonde defining clearly the extreme point of his possible concessions -to the Roman Catholics. He promised that 'the penal statutes should not -be put into execution, the peace being made and they remaining in their -due obedience. And further that when the Irish give me that assistance -which they have promised, for the suppressing of this rebellion, and I -shall be restored to my rights, then I will consent to the repeal of -them by a law. But all those against appeals to Rome and _Præmunire_ -must stand.' A month later the orders were that Ormonde should hasten -the peace upon the terms already granted, but that if he could not do -so he was to avoid a rupture and to continue the cessation. Only three -days later came a 'command to conclude a peace with the Irish, whatever -it cost, so that my Protestant subjects there may be secured and my -regal authority preserved.' Charles said he would not think it a hard -bargain if the Irish could be heartily engaged on his side in England -or Scotland, upon condition of repealing the penal laws at once, and of -suspending Poynings' Act for that and kindred purposes. But he did not -tell Ormonde whether he still considered the statutes against foreign -ecclesiastical jurisdiction part of his 'regal authority,' and he -directed him to 'make the best bargain he could, and not to discover -his enlargement of power till he needs must.' The King's position -remained substantially unaltered during the spring and early summer, -but four days after Naseby he told Ormonde that Irish help was more -necessary than ever. 'If,' he wrote, 'within two months you could send -me a considerable assistance, I am confident that both my last loss -would be soon forgotten, and likewise it may (by the grace of God) put -such a turn to my affairs, as to make me in a far better condition -before winter than I have been at any time since the rebellion began.' -The Lord Lieutenant was to conclude the peace as quickly as possible, -and then to come over himself at the head of an army. The course of -events was destined to be very different.[71] - -[Sidenote: Glamorgan in Ireland. August 1645.] - -[Sidenote: The Glamorgan Treaty, August 25.] - -[Sidenote: An army offered in payment.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde is kept in the dark.] - -When Glamorgan reached Dublin about the beginning of August, he -found no peace signed and no army ready to embark. As Charles's -necessities grew, so did the demands of the Irish bishops, and the -King's orders to conceal his powers prevented Ormonde from saying at -once what was the furthest point to which he could go. Glamorgan was -present at some of the meetings between the Lord Lieutenant and the -Confederate commissioners, and he then went to Kilkenny. Ormonde told -his brother-in-law Muskerry, who went there also, that the news of -Naseby had made the conclusion of peace more needful than ever. He -urged him to help Glamorgan, but at the same time acknowledged his -independence, and to some extent deprecated the idea that he was -acting in concert with him. 'I know,' he wrote, 'no subject in England -upon whose favour and authority with his Majesty, and real and innate -nobility you can better rely than upon his lordship's.' Muskerry, who -was anxious to come to terms with the King, no doubt made full use of -this testimonial, and so Glamorgan, relying entirely on his commission -of March 12, proceeded to 'engage his Majesty's royal and public -faith' for the due performance of the articles known as 'the first -Glamorgan treaty.' Ormonde was no party to them in fact or in name. -'Free and public use and exercise of the Roman Catholic religion' was -granted to all without exception. All churches possessed by the Roman -Catholics at any time since October 23, 1641, were granted to them, -'and all other churches in Ireland other than such as are now actually -enjoyed by his Majesty's Protestant subjects.' All jurisdiction of the -Protestant clergy over Roman Catholics was taken away, and an Act of -Parliament was promised to abrogate the penalties for breaches of the -Acts of supremacy and uniformity. Glamorgan also promised 'on behalf -of his Majesty,' confirmation to the Roman Catholic clergy of all -temporalities possessed by them at any time since the fatal October 23, -two-thirds of the profits for three years or during the continuance -of the war being applicable to the royal service and one-third to -the support of the clergy. Glamorgan afterwards explained that he -intended the immediate wants of the Protestant clergy to be provided -for out of the two-thirds reserved to the King. That any English -Protestants at that time were willing to grant unlimited toleration -may well be doubted, but it is certain that there were none ready to -confirm everything that had been done against their own clergy since -the rebellion began. The consideration offered by the Confederates was -10,000 men, armed one half with muskets and one half with pikes, to be -shipped by Glamorgan to any port he might choose. These troops were -to be kept together in one entire body under the Earl's leadership, -all other officers being appointed by the General Assembly or Supreme -Council. Ten days later Glamorgan solemnly swore to tell the King -everything, and 'not to permit the army entrusted to his charge to -adventure itself, or any considerable part thereof, until conditions -from his Majesty and by his Majesty be performed.' In the meantime the -treaty was kept secret, and the negotiations between Ormonde and the -commissioners of the Confederates went on pretty much as before.[72] - -[Sidenote: Copies of the treaty are secretly circulated,] - -[Sidenote: and thus becomes public.] - -[Sidenote: Charles writes to the Pope.] - -Glamorgan soon returned to Dublin, leaving the original of his treaty -in the hands of the Confederates, but Archbishop Walsh ordered copies -to be given to several ecclesiastics, and the secret was not very long -kept. Meanwhile the negotiations with Ormonde dragged their slow length -along, and the arrival of Lord Digby, who in those days was an Anglican -champion, did not make concessions on ecclesiastical matters more -probable. The appearance of a papal nuncio at this stage was the one -thing needful to make the situation hopeless. After Rinuccini landed in -Kerry, but before he reached Kilkenny, Archbishop Queely was killed in -a skirmish before Sligo, and a certified copy of the Glamorgan treaty -was found upon his person. As early as the previous April Charles had -written two letters, one to the nuncio and one to the Pope, and had -entrusted them to Glamorgan for delivery. He promised Rinuccini to -perform all that he should agree upon with Glamorgan, whom he praises -in exaggerated language. 'This,' he concludes, 'is the first letter -that we have ever written directly to any minister of the Pope, hoping -that it will not be the last, but that after you and the said Earl have -done your business, we shall openly show ourselves, as we have assured -him, your friend.' When the King wrote this dangerous letter, Rinuccini -was already at Genoa on his way to Ireland.[73] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[60] Castlehaven to Ormonde, November 7, 1643, in _Confederation and -War_, iii. 40; La Boulaye Le Gouz, _Tour in Ireland_ (1644), p. 35. - -[61] Husband's _Collection_, p. 576; Gardiner's _Great Civil War_, i. -396; La Boulaye Le Gouz, _Tour_, pp. 2, 135. - -[62] For the expulsion of the Cork citizens see _Confederation and -War_, iii. 221-230 and 235-247; for Broghill's proceedings Caulfield's -_Youghal Council Book_, p. 545; Calendar of _Clarendon S.P._, July -31-November 27, 1644. For the Protestant oath and for Henrietta Maria's -opinions, as reported by the Jesuit O'Hartegan, see _Confederation and -War_, iv. 49, 84; Muskerry to Ormonde, February 2, 1644-5, in appendix -to Carte's _Ormonde_. - -[63] Ormonde to Digby, October 1644, in _Confederation and War_, iii. -29, with the documents referred to at foot; and see _ib._ v. 296; -Brabazon, Tichborne, and Ware to Ormonde, January 5, 1644-5, _ib._ -iv. 116, and Swanley's letter, 121; Tichborne's letter to his wife, -appended to _Temple_, pp. 327, 330. - -[64] _Bellings_, iv. 1-6, and Monnerie to Mazarin, February 20, 1644-5, -in the same volume. - -[65] Receptions of Foisset and Monnerie, February 1643-4, in -_Confederation and War_, iii. 102, 106; Monnerie to Mazarin, February -20, 1644-5, _ib._ iv. 147. - -[66] _Aphorismical Discovery_, i. 32, 49; _Bellings_, iii. 8, and the -receipt to Talbot for the Spanish money in the same vol., p. 273. For -Bourke's mission, _ib._ 126 and iv. 90; Rinuccini's _Embassy_, 106, 307. - -[67] Bodley to Salisbury, October 15, 1611, in State Papers, _Ireland_, -and to Carew, in _Carew Cal._ 123; preface to _Confederation and War_, -iv. xxvii-xl, and in the same vol. 381-2; Captain Thomas Aston's _Brief -Relation of passages at Duncannon since June 8_, July 22, 1642, written -very shortly before the writer was killed. - -[68] Preface to _Confederation and War_, iv. xl-xlvii, and in the same -vol., which contains three plans of Duncannon, a diary of the siege, -written by Bonaventure Barron, the famous Latinist, in his favourite -tongue, 189; Depositions of officers and soldiers, 210-237; Letters of -Supreme Council, 203-209; Letters of Smyth, Swanley, &c., and articles -of capitulation, 177-183. The author of the _Aphorismical Discovery_, -i. 102, says 'the defendants behaved themselves exceedingly well.' - -[69] Dated Oxford, April 1, 1644: 'and for your greater honour and in -testimony of our reality we have with our own hand affixed our Great -Seal of England unto these our commission and letters, making them -patents.' Printed in Birch's _Inquiry_, p. 22, and elsewhere; S. R. -Gardiner in _English Historical Review_, ii. 687. - -[70] The instructions to Glamorgan are dated January 2, 1644-5, the -three commissions referred to in the text being of January 6 and 12 -and March 12 respectively. The King to Ormonde, December 27, 1644, in -Carte's _Ormonde_, appendix to vol. ii., No. 13. - -[71] The King to Ormonde, January 18, 1644-5; February 16, February 27, -May 21, 1645; June 18 and 26--all in Carte's _Ormonde_, appendix to -vol. ii. - -[72] Carte Papers, vol. xv., from which the letters, &c., are printed -in _Confederation and War_, v. 62-79; and the treaty dated August 25, -1645, printed from Husband's _Collection_, p. 821. When examined before -the Lord Lieutenant and Council, Glamorgan said he 'did not consult or -advise with any person whatsoever concerning any the matters contained' -in the treaty, _ib._ 220. - -[73] Charles I. to Rinuccini, April 30, 1645 (in French), printed by -Birch from the Holkham MS. Archbishop Queely was killed on October 17. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVI - -FIGHTING NORTH AND SOUTH--RINUCCINI, 1645 - - -[Sidenote: Castlehaven in Munster.] - -[Sidenote: Cappoquin] - -[Sidenote: Mitchelstown.] - -[Sidenote: Action near Castle Lyons.] - -Military operations in Munster, though contributing towards the general -result of the war, did not at the moment interrupt the negotiations -between Dublin and Kilkenny. As Lord President of Munster for the -Parliament, Inchiquin was not bound by any truces but those of his -own making, and Broghill as governor of Youghal was practically in -the same position. Duncannon being taken, and the truce expiring soon -after, Castlehaven invaded Munster with 5000 foot and 1000 horse. -'The enemy,' wrote Castlehaven long afterwards, 'in this province had -always been victorious, beating the Confederates in every encounter ... -every gentleman's house or castle was garrisoned, and kept the country -in awe. To begin, therefore, this field I made my first rendezvous -at Clonmel, and the army encamped not far from it. Thither came Dean -Boyle, now Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and then married to my Lord -Inchiquin's sister; his business was to persuade me to spare Doneraile -and other houses and castles not tenable.' They parted friends, but -Castlehaven made no promise, and marched to Cappoquin, where he -summoned the castle, believing that the failure to take it before -had been owing to the town being attacked first. Here and elsewhere -his terms were fair quarter in case of immediate surrender, but 'no -quarter at all' in case of prolonged resistance. Cappoquin preferred -the first alternative, but the commandant was afterwards executed by -court-martial for cowardice. According to Broghill and others, articles -of capitulation were not always well observed, but from what we know -of Castlehaven this may have been the fault of his subordinates. The -possession of Cappoquin bridge enabled him to pass the Blackwater at -will, and Inchiquin was too weak both in men and supplies to oppose him -seriously. Youghal was summoned with the boast that mass should be said -there in six days, but Broghill replied that God should be worshipped -there for six months. Mitchelstown refused the first summons, but soon -yielded at discretion, when 'two or three,' says Bellings, 'of which -one was a minister, that were charged to have been upon several actions -cruel to the Irish were hanged for their unsoldierly obstinacy.' The -logic or morality of this is not very clear. Dromana surrendered, as -well as Knockmone, which Sir Richard Osborne had defended since the -beginning; but Lismore held out under Major Power. In the meantime a -strong body of horse under Broghill had crossed the Blackwater by the -ford of Fermoy, and Purcell persuaded Castlehaven to detach his own -cavalry, 'which I count certainly among my other follies.' As Purcell -came on, Broghill retired over the river and faced about at Kilcruig, -half-way between the ford and Castle Lyons, with a scrubby wood between -him and his pursuers. The Irish straggled through the covert, and -before they had time to reform, Broghill charged and defeated them -with great loss. The main body of Castlehaven's army being visible in -the distance, he retired to Castle Lyons and sent all the men he could -spare to Inchiquin.[74] - -[Sidenote: Castlehaven generally successful,] - -[Sidenote: but Inchiquin holds his own,] - -[Sidenote: and Youghal still resists.] - -From Fermoy Castlehaven proceeded to clear the country north of the -Blackwater. Mallow, Doneraile, and Liscarroll were taken with little or -no resistance, but Milltown, which had made a brave defence in 1641, -threatened to give trouble. Some boys who made a hole in the courtyard -wall to steal cattle found a way into the castle: soldiers followed, -and the place was taken by assault. Annagh Castle, which was then -surrounded by bog, made a brave resistance under Lieutenant Fisher. -A breach was made with the artillery and the garrison was put to the -sword. The English account says this was done in cold blood after -Fisher had been treacherously killed during a parley in sight of his -own men. Bellings acknowledges the slaughter, but says it was during -an assault. While Castlehaven was busy to the north of the Blackwater -Inchiquin fell upon the district of Imokilly between Cork and Youghal. -Rostellan and Castle Martyr both held for his uncle Edmond Fitzgerald. -In the final division of the spoils the first fell to his lot, and the -second to Broghill's, and no doubt both leaders intended something of -the kind from the first. At Rostellan, says Bellings, 'Sir Richard -Meagh, the Catholic Dean of Cork, and Captain William FitzJames Barry -were hanged, which actions, how justifiable soever by arms, yet made -a great noise and increased the animosities between them, the clergy -of both sides being therein concerned. Hearing of Inchiquin's raid, -Castlehaven hurried to the relief of Castlemartyr, but was delayed by -a flood at Fermoy, and when he passed the river met the late garrison. -He thought that 140 men with plenty of arms and provisions ought to -have made a better fight. He found the castle burned, and having just -failed to intercept part of the Youghal garrison who retreated with -their guns at his approach, he seized Cloyne and Aghada and recaptured -Rostellan after a short struggle. Thomas Barham, Dean of Ross, was -hanged to match the other dean, and Inchiquin's brother Henry, 'one -of the most malicious of our enemies,' would have had the same fate, -but that the officers preferred to reserve him for special judgment -by the King. This was just before Naseby. Ballyhooly and Castle Lyons -were also taken, and at Conna Castlehaven made an example 'by putting -to the sword some, and hanging the rest.' He believed that the siege -of Youghal would 'rather be a work of hours than days,' but there were -plenty of men there, and the sea was open. Broghill hurried off to -England for help and to place his wife and his sister, Lady Barrymore, -with the young Earl, in a place of safety.[75] - -[Sidenote: Two baronies depopulated.] - -[Sidenote: Fall of Lismore.] - -[Sidenote: The Naseby prisoners.] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Youghal.] - -[Sidenote: Broghill relieves Youghal,] - -[Sidenote: and Castlehaven's army is dispersed] - -Castlehaven reported that he had cleared the baronies of Imokilly and -Barrymore completely both of people and cattle. 'I conceive in this I -have done my Lord of Inchiquin more mischief than in killing a thousand -of his men,' for this source of supply was quite cut off. He hoped to -take Youghal and to besiege Cork before harvest, but this sanguine -letter was written two days after Naseby. Lismore was taken at last -after a gallant defence by Major Power, and the garrison admitted to -quarter. Templemichael capitulated, Castlehaven undertaking the safe -custody of the garrison to Youghal, but Broghill complains that he -kept them for a fortnight and sent them in when nearly starved. The -general's proceedings at Mogeely and Strancally were also objected -to, but both banks of the Blackwater from Mallow to the sea were in -his hands before the end of June. Several hundreds of the King's -soldiers taken at Naseby were sent to relieve Youghal, but the curious -experiment was hardly successful, for when provisions ran short they -deserted. 'I could wish,' writes a zealous Protestant, 'no more might -be sent over. They are brutes, void of reason or understanding, or -they would never hasten so much to the herd of unclean beasts.' Some -of them, however, might have taken the oath of allegiance devised for -the benefit of Protestant Royalists, involving the independence of -the Irish Parliament and co-operation with 'the Confederate Catholics -(saving in the freedom of religion).' About the middle of July an -Irish vessel reached Nantes with the news that Youghal had fallen, -and that Castlehaven was on his way to Cork, but the wish was father -to the thought. Inchiquin sent some reinforcements from Kinsale, but -the _Duncannon_ frigate with many men was blown up in Youghal harbour -during an artillery duel with one of the Confederate batteries. After -this Youghal was effectively blockaded on both sides of the river, but -the besiegers never came to close quarters. At the beginning of October -Preston came with his army, but finding that in Munster he would be -only second to Castlehaven, went back in dudgeon to his own province, -leaving the country, as Bellings mildly puts it, 'much offended at the -unusual liberty the soldiers assumed in his return.' Youghal was no -longer in danger, having been relieved early in September by Broghill, -who brought over reinforcements from England. Inchiquin also was -able to send supplies from Cork and Kinsale, and the Parliamentary -Vice-Admiral Crowther commanded the sea. After Preston left him, -Castlehaven attempted to take the great island in Cork harbour, which -was of the highest importance to Inchiquin. The bridge at Belvelly -appears not to have been then in being, and the attempt to cross the -narrow channel failed, both horses and men sticking in the mud. After -some indecisive skirmishing in the direction of Blarney, Castlehaven -returned to Youghal, where he found his army dwindling away, and -disheartened by Preston's desertion. Those who remained were dispersed -into winter quarters, and Youghal was left to itself. So far as Munster -is concerned, this failure may be called the turning point of the -war.[76] - -[Sidenote: Three presidents of Connaught.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and the Scots.] - -[Sidenote: Activity of Coote] - -[Sidenote: Sligo taken, July 8] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Sligo, October 17.] - -[Sidenote: Four days later Rinuccini landed in Kerry.] - -While Castlehaven was in Munster the Scots threatened Connaught, where -there were now virtually three provincial presidents--Lord Dillon -of Costello for the King, Sir Charles Coote for the Parliament, and -Archbishop Queely for the Kilkenny Confederacy. Ormonde steadfastly -abstaining from denouncing the Scots as rebels, for many who had taken -the Covenant were really Royalists, and those who had refused it were -still worse disposed to the Parliament, whose promises of help had not -been kept. The hard treatment of the King at Uxbridge and Montrose's -successes in Scotland had a great effect in Ulster, and for a moment -Ormonde thought it possible to unite the English and Scots forces -there under his own banner. The officers of the British forces in -Ulster--excluding Monro and the new Scots--met at Antrim on May 17 and -agreed to receive commissioners from the Parliament. They proposed, in -spite of all the misery they had undergone, to continue the war until -the conclusion of a safe and honourable peace by consent of King and -Parliament, but, they significantly added, they 'called heaven and -earth to witness that it was not their fault, if they were forced to -take any other way whatever for their preservation and subsistence.' -Five days before this Coote, who was in England, received a commission -as President of Connaught. He hurried over to Ireland, and the presence -of so resolute an officer with the necessary authority soon changed the -aspect of affairs. First he entered his province at Ballinasloe and -ravaged the country almost up to Galway. His next thought was to take -Sligo, which was held by Teige O'Connor with a colonel's commission -from the Confederates. Four thousand foot and 500 horse assembled -at Augher in Tyrone on June 17, consisting both of English and old -Scots, and battering guns were sent to Sligo by sea. At the instance -of Clanricarde, Ormonde gave a commission to Lord Taaffe, authorising -him to raise troops and resist all who invaded Connaught in breach -of the cessation, and Lord-President Dillon was directed to use his -services in the last resort; but the appointment was ineffectual for -the immediate purpose. Ten days later cannon were brought to bear upon -Sligo Castle, and O'Connor surrendered. The town was defended a little -longer, but was carried by assault with great slaughter. The Irish -accounts say that men, women, and children were killed after quarter -had been promised, 'so as never a man escaped but two men and two -women'; but these charges were generally made by both sides during the -war, and it is not always possible to test them. The Sligo district -was now at the mercy of Sir Frederick Hamilton and his allies, but -recruits flocked to Taaffe's standard in considerable numbers, and he -turned his attention to Roscommon. Tulsk was taken by storm, and Major -Robert Ormsby, a redoubtable partisan of the Parliament, was taken -prisoner. Carrigdrumrusk and Boyle also fell, and then Lord Taaffe was -recalled to Dublin. The chief authority in Connaught was for a short -time in Archbishop Queely's hands, but Major Luke Taaffe appears to -have commanded the force which attempted to recover Sligo in October. -A priest is out of place at the head of any army, and probably some -of the evils attending a divided command were felt. At all events a -very bad look-out was kept. On October 17 a cavalry detachment from -Sir Robert Stewart's army, under Lord Coloony and another Coote, fell -upon the Irish and put them to flight. Sir Frederick Hamilton came up -in time to take part in the pursuit, and there was great slaughter. -Archbishop Queely was killed, and upon him was found the copy of the -Glamorgan treaty which played so important a part.[77] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio Rinuccini.] - -[Sidenote: His instructions.] - -[Sidenote: The Curia imperfectly informed.] - -[Sidenote: Scope of the nuncio's mission] - -Giovanni Battista Rinuccini was of a good old Florentine family, and -had been carefully educated. He was in his fifty-third year, and had -been Bishop of Fermo since 1625. In 1631 he refused the archbishopric -of Florence, telling the Grand Duke Ferdinand II. that he was too much -attached to his flock to leave them. When the Irish Confederacy begged -for a regular nuncio, Luigi Omodei, afterwards a cardinal, was first -chosen, but passed over as a Spanish subject, whose appointment might -be disagreeable to France. This was the reason given, and it seems -sufficient, but according to Bellings Rinuccini was preferred to please -Ferdinand, and that the revenues of Fermo might be applied for a time -in liquidation of the bishop's debts. He was given almost unlimited -ecclesiastical authority and patronage in Ireland, with power to visit -all monasteries and nunneries, even exempt jurisdictions, and to settle -disputes between the various orders. He was directed to be chiefly -guided by the advice of archbishop Queely and Bishop Emer Macmahon, -and he was to establish the Tridentine decrees firmly. With regard to -church lands in lay hands, he was to use his own discretion, treating -each case on its merits, and giving grants or leases as he thought -best, but always with the proviso that a sufficient part of the profits -should be retained for the support of the clergy. About ecclesiastical -matters in Ireland the Roman court was very well informed, Luke Wadding -being at hand to answer every question. But political affairs were less -well understood. Rinuccini was told, for instance, that the Parliament -had 'bound themselves by a sacrilegious oath to maintain and defend -what they called the true reformed Protestant religion against all -Popish inventions and innovations, and determined to extinguish every -spark of the Catholic religion, by extirpating all who adhered to that -faith, not only in England and Scotland, but even in Ireland. This -dreadful sentence came to the knowledge of the Irish at a time when -four thousand men were in arms, who had been levied for the service of -the King of Spain, but were then detained in Ireland by order of the -Parliament.' The detention of the troops was indeed one great cause of -the outbreak in 1641, but the men had been levied originally not for -any foreign prince, but to enable Charles and Strafford to crush the -English Parliament and their Scots allies. Parliament was undoubtedly -ready to oppress the Roman Catholics, but there is no evidence of any -intention to extirpate them. The friars persuaded the people that -this had been determined on, and the argument was too convenient to -be neglected. The main object of Rinuccini's mission was to 'restore -and re-establish the public exercise of the Catholic religion in -the island of Ireland, and further to lead her people, if not as -tributaries to the Holy See, such as they were five centuries ago, to -subject themselves to the mild yoke of the Pontiff, at least in all -spiritual affairs--thus to gain over souls innumerable to the glories -of Paradise.'[78] - -[Sidenote: Opinion held of Ormonde.] - -[Sidenote: The Queen distrusted,] - -[Sidenote: as well as the King.] - -The nuncio was informed that the cessation and its various renewals -had done no good, and that peace was unlikely because Ormonde would -'never yield save by force to the wishes of the Catholics.' The Lord -Lieutenant's Protestantism was sincere, but in Rinuccini's secret -instruction a lingering hope is expressed that he might be gained over, -perhaps through the Queen or 'any particular predilection of which -advantage might be taken.' He had one predilection, the supremacy of -the Crown in Church and State. The same secret instructions declared -that Henrietta Maria must be kept out of Ireland, because Royalist -heretics would flock round her and make the Irish suspicious, and -because queens are expensive people to maintain. The Pope would give -no help to the faithful in England except on condition that all -disabilities affecting them should be taken away, the oath of supremacy -abolished, and no peace made until these concessions were confirmed by -Parliament. 'To secure these conditions all the fortresses in Ireland -must be put into the hands of English and Irish Catholics, because -without some such pledge, their Majesties' promises can not be depended -on.' No Irish army was to be landed in England if of less force than -10,000 men, 'who may be able to defend themselves without danger of -being cut to pieces by the English who serve under the King ... the -Irish Catholics are so hated by the English Protestants that they would -be in constant danger of treachery, if marching with cavalry, commanded -by Protestant officers,' and therefore the provision of a body of -English Catholic cavalry proportionate to the Irish infantry was a -condition precedent to the latter serving in England, and there is much -more of the same kind. Had Charles known what ideas prevailed at Rome -there would have been no Glamorgan treaty, no royal letters to the Pope -or nuncio, and very probably no battle of Naseby.[79] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio's journey to Paris.] - -[Sidenote: French parties.] - -[Sidenote: Effects of Naseby.] - -[Sidenote: Attitude of Mazarin and Henrietta Maria.] - -Rinuccini travelled by Florence and Genoa, where the Doge's attentions -much delighted him, to Marseilles, and thence by Lyons, where the -cardinal archbishop was barely civil, and he reached Paris at the -end of the third week in May. He had strict orders not to linger -long in the French capital, 'lest the ill-affected should warn the -Parliament of the enterprise.' They were not likely to be ignorant, -for the English merchants at Leghorn had plotted to intercept him at -sea between Genoa and Cannes. He carried with him the golden rose, -which was a dead secret, and he was ordered not to deliver it to Anne -of Austria unless he was sure that it would be well received. There -was some ill-feeling on account of the Pope's late refusal to make -Mazarin's brother a cardinal, and this was increased by the mistake -of a secretary who infringed diplomatic usage by neglecting to inform -the nuncio at Paris of Rinuccini's mission. The refusal to give up -Beaupuis, who was implicated in the conspiracy of the _Importants_, -and had been arrested at Rome at the French queen's instance, made -matters worse, and Rinuccini soon determined not to offer the rose, -which would probably be refused under the circumstances. The Irish -flocked to the nuncio with requests and advice, but the French were not -enthusiastic. The Duke of Orleans, indeed, and the Prince of Condé, -were friendly, the latter expressing the most extravagant devotion to -the Holy See, but Mazarin was merely smooth and cautious. Jealousy -of Spain was much more apparent in Court circles than sympathy with -Ireland, but the devout Duke of Ventadour promoted a subscription of -100,000 crowns. After the news of Naseby the French became cooler than -ever, but Henrietta Maria begged Rinuccini to bring about peace between -the Irish, saying that she was empowered to do this by her husband. The -persons trusted by her in the matter were the Jesuit O'Hartegan, whom -Charles considered a knave; Bellings, who had reached Paris soon after -the nuncio; and the inevitable Jermyn. Scarampi in the meantime was -writing from Ireland that 'the peace, if concluded, would be fatal.' -Rinuccini's long stay in France was so far favourable to Scarampi's -views that the Confederates were unwilling to conclude anything until -he arrived, and in the meantime the King's necessities grew more -pressing. 'I have observed,' says the nuncio, 'that many in France are -anxious to assist the King of England, but would rather it should be by -the help of others, and consequently they would greatly like he should -be aided by the Irish. Mazarin, who made some difficulty about an -audience, gave vague promises, but was very cautious. Henrietta Maria -offered to see Rinuccini privately, but he declined anything short of -an official reception. It is perhaps true that she tried to prevent -him from going to Ireland, for Scarampi showed from her letters that -she was 'always ready to treat of peace without one word concerning -religion,' and indeed it was quite impossible for her to act so as to -alienate Protestant Royalists. It was equally impossible for her to -please all parties.[80] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini leaves Paris.] - -[Sidenote: The voyage to Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio lands in Kerry, October 11/21] - -[Sidenote: The journey to Limerick.] - -[Sidenote: Reception at Kilkenny.] - -Bellings, who is a very hostile witness, says Rinuccini disliked the -idea of Ireland, and tried to get himself appointed nuncio to France -instead of Monsignor dei Bagni, and Mazarin seems to have been of the -same opinion. However that may be, it is certain that he lingered for -more than three months in Paris, and that he was severely reprimanded -by the Pope for doing so without showing a sufficient reason to vary -his original instructions on that point. At the date of that reproof -he had got as far as Tours on his way to the coast. He succeeded in -wringing 25,000 crowns from Mazarin, and persuaded Bellings to go to -Flanders in the hope of preventing him from getting first to Ireland. -O'Hartegan had letters in his possession which showed that Charles was -trying to use the Irish for his own purposes, and had taken care that -they should be known in Ireland, his object being to prevent any peace -without extraordinary securities. Rinuccini sailed at last from the -island of Rhé, more than six months after leaving Florence, accompanied -by Bellings and about twenty Italians, of whom the most remarkable was -Massari, Dean of Fermo. A nephew of the great Spinola, who soon died -at Kilkenny, was sent before to explain or excuse the delay. There had -been much difficulty about shipping, but the frigate _San Pietro_ was -obtained with Mazarin's money. The cardinal said the French flag would -protect all on board, but this turned out not to be the case. Rinuccini -carried with him a considerable sum in specie and a large quantity of -arms purchased in France, a consignment of swords, pistols, and muskets -with 20,000 pounds of powder having preceded him to Ireland. The total -amount received from Rome and from Mazarin was about 200,000 dollars, -and of this nearly one-half had been laid out in arms and other warlike -material. At sea the nuncio was chased first by an English squadron -and afterwards by Plunket, a notorious rover or pirate, who, having -become 'a Puritan,' was trusted by the English Parliament. Superior -speed averted the first danger, but Plunket would have succeeded had -not a fire broken out in his galley. 'The frigate,' says Rinuccini, -'was dedicated to St. Peter, whose gilded image was placed at the poop -... and truly I see the hand of the Saint in the miraculous issue -of this pursuit.' In spite of this it was thought too dangerous to -approach Waterford, and after six days at sea the _San Pietro_ at -last found shelter in Kenmare bay. The nuncio's first letters are -dated from Ardtully, about four miles to the eastward of Kenmare. 'And -here,' he writes, 'I may give your Eminence another proof of the Divine -providence towards me in having discovered and touched land on October -21 and 22, which seem to be consecrated to an archbishop of Fermo, as -on the 21st my Church celebrates the feast of Saint Mabel, one of the -11,000 virgins, whose head we have at Fermo, and whom we believe on no -slight grounds to have been of Irish birth; while on the 22nd we also -celebrate the martyrdom of St. Philip, Bishop of Fermo.... My first -lodging was in a shepherd's hut, in which animals also took shelter.' -The arms were temporarily stored in Ardtully Castle, and to avoid -Inchiquin, Rinuccini proceeded by Macroom and Millstreet through the -mountains to Limerick. The ruggedness of the roads and the steepness -of the passes were, he says, indescribable, but the faithful flocked -to meet him, and Ormonde's brother Richard, specially sent by the -Supreme Council, was among those who escorted him. At Limerick he found -Scarampi, who had succeeded in making the hitherto neutral city declare -itself, and heard of Archbishop Queely's death. He reached Kilkenny -on November 12, and was received with much pomp, which he evidently -enjoyed. The Supreme Council held a special sitting in the Castle, and -the nuncio had a chair covered with 'red damask enriched with gold and -handsomer than the president's,' but Mountgarret did not leave his -place either at the beginning or end of the ceremony. The arrangements -were made by Bellings, who would be sure to preserve the dignity of the -civil power.'[81] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[74] Castlehaven's summons to Cappoquin is dated April 14, 1645, -_Youghal Council Book_, 552. Mitchelstown fell May 7 or 8, _ib._ lii. -Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, 54-56. For Castlehaven's effort to make his -soldiers respect capitulations, see _ib._ 61. _Bellings_, iv. 8. -Writing to the Parliament, Broghill says Colonel 'Ridgway, though -drunk, killed nine men that day with his own hand. His drunkenness -was owing to two tumblers of ryley ale, which he had from the Irish -sutler'--Smith's _Cork_, ed. Day, ii. 88. - -[75] Smith's _Cork_, ed. Day, i. 289, ii. 87, where the Egmont MS. -is cited; _Bellings_, iv. 8-11; Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, pp. 58-60; -Castlehaven to the Supreme Council, June 17, 1645, in _Confederation -and War_, ii. 281-4. Lady Broghill was Lady Margaret Howard, daughter -of the second Earl of Suffolk, and is supposed to have been the heroine -of Suckling's delightful lines, 'I tell thee, Dick, where I have been,' -&c. - -[76] Rinuccini, _Embassy_, p. 45; Broghill's _Letter-book_, Additional -MS. 25, 287; _Bellings_, iv. 11-16; Castlehaven to the Supreme Council, -June 17, 1675, in _Confederation and War_, iv. 281. As to the bad -relations between Preston and Castlehaven, Bellings agrees with the -_Aphorismical Discovery_, i. 196: 'Two generals with unsubordinate -power in one and the same army, neither obeying the other, or either -said by a council of war.' _Youghal Council Book_, lii. - -[77] Carte's _Ormonde_, i. 54; _Confederation and War_, iv. 353; -_Bellings_, iv. 16; _Aphorismical Discovery_, i. 93. The authorities -are collected in the two modern histories of Sligo by Archdeacon -O'Rorke and Colonel Wood-Martin. Scarampi wrote: 'Posteaquam se pactis -dediderant, occiderunt barbare præsidium nostrum circa ducentorum -militum necnon omnes pueros et mulieres'--_Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. -293. The Irish Cabinet containing the captured papers is in Husband's -_Collection_, p. 782, reprinted in _Harl. Misc._ v. 485, and in _Somers -Tracts_, v. 542. _Good News from Ireland_, communicated to Parliament, -January 12, 1645-6, and printed by authority, January 15. As to Coote's -first movements, Clanricarde to Ormonde, May 6, _Carte MSS._ vol. -lxiii. f. 443. - -[78] Papal brief of March 15, 1645 (Latin), in _Embassy in Ireland_, -xiii. Instructions to Rinuccini, _ib._ xxvii. - -[79] Secret Instructions to Rinuccini in _Embassy_, li.; Memoranda for -him, _ib._ lvii. - -[80] _Embassy in Ireland_, pp. 8-52, particularly Rinuccini's letters -of August 4 and 11; Scarampi's letter of May 8, _ib._ 553; and of July -14, in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 292; _Aphorismical Discovery_, i. -91. - -[81] Rinuccini's _Embassy_, p. 90; _Bellings_, iv. 5-7. See also the -translation of a paper preserved at Rome, reprinted in appendix to -Meehan's _Confederation_, from the _Dublin Review_ for 1845. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVII - -THE ORMONDE PEACE, 1646 - - -[Sidenote: Glamorgan and the nuncio.] - -[Sidenote: Digby in Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini and the Confederates not in accord.] - -[Sidenote: Attitude of Henrietta Maria.] - -While at Rochelle waiting for his ship, Rinuccini had seen Geoffrey -Baron, treasurer of the Confederation, who told him that no peace had -yet been made in Ireland, and who brought a letter from Glamorgan. -Baron, 'a cavalier of excellent countenance and very affable manner,' -was on his way to Paris to succeed O'Hartegan, who seems to have -returned to Ireland a little later. Glamorgan returned from Dublin -to Kilkenny one week after the nuncio's arrival, and in due course -delivered the King's letter to him. Of that to the Pope he only showed -the address, but he disclosed the contents of two 'patents in which -the King gives him secret but full powers to conclude a peace with the -Irish, on whatever terms he thinks advisable.' In the meantime Lord -Digby, who bore the now empty title of principal secretary of state, -had arrived in Dublin. It was characteristic of Charles's diplomacy -that his English minister was even more ignorant of Glamorgan's -business than his Irish viceroy. Glamorgan was sanguine that the nuncio -would agree to everything required; but Ormonde calls him 'the Italian -bishop,' and an 'unbidden guest,' which he would not have done had he -known of the King's letter to him. Rinuccini found that the majority of -the Confederates were inclined to accept Ormonde's political articles, -and to leave the religious question for later consideration. Noblemen -and lawyers saw plainly enough that the King could not grant what would -satisfy the Pope without making his position in England hopeless, and -they wished to save their properties with the hope of later concessions -in church matters. The certain ruin of the royal cause was the worst -thing that could happen, for from the Parliament nothing but evil was -to be expected. Some, says Rinuccini, 'audaciously declare that the -Catholic interest could not fail to prosper under the government of a -nobleman so warmly attached to the cause of Ireland as the Marquis of -Ormonde; others are not ashamed to say that it is sufficient to perform -the Catholic service in secret, provided it can be done in safety, and -that to expect more than this from the King, restricted as he is at the -present moment in his liberty, would be open injustice; and finally, -that it is not lawful to contend with him in this cause. No one holds -forth more loudly in favour of this doctrine than that priest Leyburn -sent here six months ago by the Queen, and whose words almost amount to -sedition.' Leyburn's mission was known and feared at Rome, where it was -well understood that Henrietta Maria was willing to make peace 'without -one word concerning religion,' and considered 'the whole well-being of -the Catholics to depend on peace with the Protestants.' A still greater -obstacle to peace on Rinuccini's terms was the personal popularity of -Ormonde, and the fact that the Council 'were mostly relations, friends, -clients, or dependants of his house.'[82] - -[Sidenote: Arrest of Glamorgan.] - -[Sidenote: Examination of Glamorgan.] - -[Sidenote: His answer.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish Government horror-struck.] - -A copy of the Glamorgan treaty came into Ormonde's hands, and was shown -to Digby, who was in Dublin before the end of November. Glamorgan -himself reached the Irish capital on Christmas Eve, and on St. -Stephen's Day he was arrested at Digby's instance, and closely confined -to the Castle, 'yet with needful attendance and accommodation,' and -not as Rinuccini heard, 'without even a servant left to attend him.' -The prisoner being brought before the Council, Digby produced copies -of the treaty, of the 'pretended authority' of March 12, 1644-5, and -of the oath taken by Glamorgan. The King complained at this time that -Ormonde had been long without writing, the fact probably being that -he knew just enough to make him cautious and not enough to enable -him to advise. The fatal papers were read to the Irish Council, Digby -declaring that the commission was either forged or obtained by fraud, -or at the very least limited by other instructions. It was 'destructive -both to his regality and religion,' and such as the King would -never grant to save his Crown or life, or the lives of his wife and -children. Next day Glamorgan was examined on interrogatories, framed -so as to shield Charles while accumulating blame upon his agent. It -was not sought to prove that he had forged the King's commissions of -January 12 and March 12, for probably both Ormonde and Digby knew in -their hearts that they were genuine, though they had not seen them -before the conclusion of the treaty. The fourth interrogatory was as -follows: 'Did your lordship grant, conclude, and agree, on the behalf -of his Majesty, his heirs and successors ... that the Roman Catholic -clergy of Ireland should and might from thenceforth for ever hold and -enjoy all and every such lands, tenements, tithes, and hereditaments -whatsoever by them respectively enjoyed within this kingdom, or by -them possessed at any time since October 23, 1641, and all other such -lands, tenements, tithes, and hereditaments belonging to the clergy -within this kingdom, other than such as are now actually enjoyed by his -Majesty's Protestant clergy?' In reply Glamorgan acknowledged the words -of the treaty, while considering them 'not obligatory to his Majesty.' -He was afterwards allowed to add the words 'and yet without any just -blemish of my honour, my honesty, or my conscience.' At the end of four -days Glamorgan was released from close imprisonment, but confined to -the walls of the Castle for more than three weeks longer. In reporting -to the King the Lord Lieutenant and Council confess that they were -'stricken with most wonderful horror and astonishment to find so sacred -a majesty so highly scandalled and dishonoured.' And, said Ormonde for -himself, 'it is manifest that the retarding of the peace is no way -on the part of me the Lieutenant, but ought rather to be attributed -to that underhand dealing of the said Earl, whereby that party have -been encouraged to hope for such concessions as they themselves had -before receded from, as wanting confidence to insist on matters so -unreasonable.' It was pointed out that Glamorgan had mis-recited -the commission authorising Ormonde to treat for peace, that he had -acknowledged Mountgarret's 'usurped style and title' as Lord President -of the Supreme Council, and that 'he had strangely misinterpreted the -facts of the case when he discerned the alacrity and cheerfulness of -the said Catholics to embrace honourable conditions of peace.' They had -shown their loyalty by 'entertaining a nuncio from the Pope,' and at -the same time negotiating with a messenger from the King of Spain, 'and -how comely it is that such treaty with foreigners should be held at the -same time that they are in treaty with his Majesty's commissioners we -humbly submit to his Majesty's high wisdom.'[83] - -[Sidenote: Charles repudiates Glamorgan.] - -[Sidenote: Negotiations for peace interrupted.] - -[Sidenote: Glamorgan released on bail.] - -As soon as Charles heard of the proceedings in Dublin, he proceeded -characteristically to repudiate Glamorgan, to whom, he said, he had -given a commission to raise and employ troops, 'and to that purpose -only.' All his other doings were without warrant, and 'framed of his -own head.' For himself the King was quite ready to go to London and to -confer with the two Houses on the basis of making no peace in Ireland -without their consent. Failing such a conference, Ormonde was to make -a treaty which would preserve the Irish Protestants and the Crown, -without being derogatory to the King's honour and public professions. -With chivalrous loyalty, which cannot be too much commended, Glamorgan -kept silence under this undeserved rebuke. He had already shown Ormonde -the original and given him an attested copy of a document which was -probably the patent of April 1, 1644, strictly charging him to keep -it secret. It might be useful to the Lord Lieutenant for his 'future -warrantry to his Majesty,' but publication would not be for the King's -service. Ormonde sent a copy of this paper to the King, describing it -as 'of an extraordinary nature and way of penning,' but expressing -no doubts of its genuineness. The Supreme Council at Kilkenny said -negotiations could not go on nor Chester be relieved until 'a nobleman, -so highly esteemed by the nation, and chosen general of that army -by the unanimous vote of the Confederate Catholics, were released.' -To Ormonde Charles averred 'on the word of a Christian' that he -never intended Glamorgan to do anything without his approbation. A -prosecution of the Earl was necessary to clear his Majesty's honour, -but he had been actuated by mistaken zeal. The King was quite satisfied -with the Lord Lieutenant, and begged him not to sentence Glamorgan, -unless he found it too dangerous not to do so. Glamorgan was liberated -after nearly a month's detention, but bound to appear within thirty -days after summons, bail being given for 40,000_l._, half on his own -part and half on that of the Earls of Clanricarde and Kildare. Both the -sureties had houses in Dame Street, where service was declared good. -Glamorgan went back to Kilkenny, entering the town late 'to avoid the -vanity' of popular demonstrations in his favour, and Rinuccini was -rather sorry to see him, because his return removed one obstacle to the -conclusion of peace. The interest of Rome was to continue the war, and -the nuncio pleaded hard for delay, at least until the articles came to -which the Pope had agreed.[84] - -[Sidenote: Mission of Sir Kenelm Digby.] - -[Sidenote: The Queen's religion.] - -[Sidenote: The broken reed to be sacrificed.] - -In the spring of 1645 Henrietta Maria sent Sir Kenelm Digby to Rome. -The choice of this fantastic genius was not a happy one, and the -cool-headed Italians soon found that he was not a serious diplomatist. -He could show no authority from the King, and that derived from an -exiled Queen, who was hated in England and not much loved in Ireland, -hardly afforded security enough. He received an order for 20,000 -Roman crowns to be laid out in munitions of war, and carried with him -articles to which he undertook to get the royal consent. He left Rome -in December for Paris, where he was to see the Queen. After that he -proposed to visit the King in England and the nuncio in Ireland. He -was at Nantes at the end of January and on the point of sailing for -Ireland, but returned to Paris instead, whence he made his way back to -Rome a few months later. 'Let him say what he will,' wrote Bonaventure -Barron to Wadding, 'this is certainly true that excepting going to -mass, the Queen has no other religion than the Lord Jermyn's, and -that both are all agreeing in this, that while there is any hope of -relieving the King by a Protestant, a Catholic shall never be admitted -to his succour, and while they think the Scots can do it, the Irish -shall never be admitted to a communication in the work, much less to -any good conditions for our nation, which is equally hated by the King, -Parliament, Scots, Queen, and Jermyn.' This was written in May, after -Charles had left Oxford on that sad journey which ended in the Scotch -camp, but the learned Franciscan was well informed, and had perhaps -seen some of the letters received by the Queen. In January the King had -told his wife that Ireland 'must at all times be sacrificed to save the -crown of England, Montreuil assuring me that France, rather than fail, -will assist me in satisfying the Scots' arrears.' His later letters to -her are in the same spirit, and with some reason from his own point of -view, he declares the Irish wanting in generosity. Colepepper about the -same time pronounced Ireland to be a broken reed, and the same simile -was applied at Rome to the heretics upon whom King and Queen alike were -disposed to lean.[85] - -[Sidenote: Sir Kenelm Digby's treaty.] - -[Sidenote: Protestants to be excluded from office.] - -[Sidenote: An Irish invasion of England.] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio throws over Glamorgan,] - -[Sidenote: who gives up his treaty.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's reflections on the business.] - -A copy of the articles agreed to with Digby was sent to Rinuccini -early in November 1645, and reached him in due course. This paper -was unsigned, and differed in some respects from the formally -authenticated version entrusted to Sir Kenelm himself, but the main -points were the same. Seven articles applied to Ireland, and by -them the King was required to grant the free and public exercise of -the Roman Catholic religion, and to restore the hierarchy, with all -churches and church property. The abbey lands 'pretended' to have been -confirmed to lay grantees by Cardinal Pole were to be left to a free -Parliament, and so were the bishoprics in the King's hands. All penal -laws passed since 'the defection of Henry VIII.' were to be first -abrogated by the King and then repealed by a free Irish Parliament, -'independent of that of England.' The viceroy and all the chief -placeholders were to be Catholics, and all towns, including Dublin, -to be placed in Catholic hands, and the King was to join his forces -with those of the Confederate Catholics so as to drive the Scots and -the Parliamentarians out of Ireland. When the King had done these -things, 'and whatever else Monsignor Rinuccini may add to or alter in -these articles,' the Pope would give the Queen 100,000 Roman crowns. -In England all penal laws were to be repealed and all disabilities -removed, and the kingdom was to be invaded by 12,000 infantry under -Irish chiefs, who were to be assisted by at least 2,500 English cavalry -with Catholic officers. As soon as a landing and junction had been -effected the Pope was to pay his money in twelve monthly instalments, -a like sum to be paid in the second and third year if circumstances -justified it. By an article added afterwards six months were given -for the ratification of the Irish articles, and ten for the English, -'after which his Holiness will not be bound by his present promise.' -Rinuccini received this document in February while the General Assembly -was sitting at Kilkenny. Glamorgan, not without some wry faces and -much to the disgust of his friends, at once agreed to abandon his own -treaty and to adopt Sir Kenelm Digby's. It was an excuse for delay that -the original had not yet come to hand, and that was the nuncio's main -object. Glamorgan was reminded that he had exceeded his instructions, -that he had talked at Dublin about what he had orders to keep secret, -that he had spoken of using an Irish army to force the King's hand, -and in short that he could only cast off his load of responsibility -by submitting to the Pope. It was evident that he could do nothing by -himself, and that his promises had melted into air, 'Lord Digby having -declared that the Protestants would rather throw the King out of window -than permit his Majesty to confirm them.' Speaking in the assembly -Rinuccini said that Glamorgan's treaty was worthless because its -confirmation depended on the will of another, and that the Roman treaty -was every way preferable. Both were really waste paper, and everyone -at Kilkenny knew it except the clergy and the clericals. Ormonde -reminded Glamorgan that the chief object of the peace was to relieve -Chester, and that could not be done unless troops were sent at once. -To this the poor man answered that the Queen's powerful hand effaced -the 'clandestine hopes' of his own endeavours. A burnt child, he said, -dreads the fire, and he would most willingly leave treaty-making to the -Lord Lieutenant, who could not as 'a great and public minister of State -and real Protestant' appear publicly, but who might give a hint to his -friends at Kilkenny to deal with the nuncio. For himself he proposed -to raise 100,000_l._ in Catholic countries, which was impossible if -the Pope were 'irritated,' or the nuncio 'disgusted.' Rinuccini, he -added, had agreed to let 3000 men go at once for the relief of Chester, -and he believed shipping could be readily had. When this was written -Chester had fallen, and a rumour had reached Ormonde when he penned -an answer in his best manner. 'My Lord,' he said, 'my affections and -interests are so tied to his Majesty's cause that it were madness in me -to disgust any man that hath power and inclination to relieve him, in -the sad condition he is in, and therefore your Lordship may securely -go on in the ways you have proposed to yourself to serve the King -without fear of interruption from me, or so much as inquiring into the -means you work by.' For himself he had a commission to treat with the -Confederates, and he intended to do so without venturing 'upon any new -negotiation foreign to the powers he had received.' In the meantime -the proposed succours were likely to be too late.[86] - -[Sidenote: Glamorgan's oath of fealty.] - -[Sidenote: Conclusion of peace.] - -Glamorgan was not satisfied with abandoning as worthless the treaty -which had cost him so much, he must needs swear fealty to the nuncio in -terms such as perhaps no other English layman has ever used. 'I swear,' -he wrote, 'to obey all your commands readily without reluctance and -with a joyful mind. I make this perpetual protestation on my bended -knees to your most illustrious and reverend lordship, not only as the -Pope's minister but also as a remarkable personage, and as witnesses -of the purity of my intentions I invoke the Blessed Virgin and all the -Saints of Paradise.' The result of this alliance was the consent of the -Supreme Council to prolong the cessation till May 1, so as to give time -for the arrival of Sir Kenelm Digby's original articles. Neither Digby -nor the documents ever reached Ireland, for the Queen did not choose -that they should, and peace was concluded with Ormonde on March 28, -on the understanding that the terms were not to be divulged until May -1, Rinuccini failing to get a further postponement. 'I command you,' -Charles had written, 'to conclude a peace with the Irish, whatever it -cost; so that my Protestant subjects there may be secure, and my regal -authority preserved. But for all this, you are to make the best bargain -you can, and not to discover your enlargement of power till you needs -must.' This was early in 1645. Six months later, after Naseby, the King -'absolutely and without reply,' commanded Ormonde to make the peace, -with the consent of his Council if possible, but to make it anyhow. -The contracting parties were Ormonde alone on the King's part and the -following commissioners for the Confederate Catholics: Ormonde's uncle, -Viscount Mountgarret, and his brother-in-law, Viscount Muskerry, Sir -Robert Talbot, Tyrconnel's eldest brother; Colonel Dermot O'Brien; -Patrick Darcy of Plattin; Geoffrey Brown and John Dillon, two lawyers -who were designated as future judges. The conditions of a peace -which was no peace might seem hardly worth dwelling on, but that -they mark clearly the furthest point to which Charles would openly, -if not altogether willingly, go in his dealings with the Irish Roman -Catholics. A few weeks after the peace was signed, and before it was -published, he ceased to be a free agent, and the desperate expedients -of a prisoner scarcely count. The articles occupy twenty-two printed -pages, but the principal points may be clearly brought out in a short -abstract. - -[Sidenote: Summary of the articles.] - -1. The oath of supremacy to be abolished, so far as concerns Roman -Catholics, in the next Irish Parliament; and an oath of allegiance -substituted. All statutory penalties and disabilities to be repealed -by the same Act. 'That his Majesty's said Roman Catholic subjects be -referred to his Majesty's gracious favour and further concessions.' - -2. An Irish Parliament to be held before November 30, when all the -articles were to be performed by law, the King undertaking to make no -alterations under Poynings' Act. - -3. All legal acts done against Roman Catholics since August 7, 1641, to -be vacated. Debts to remain as they stood before the outbreak. - -6. Titles to land to be confirmed under the graces of 1628. - -7. All educational disabilities affecting Roman Catholics to be removed. - -8. All offices, civil and military, to be open to Roman Catholics. - -9. The Court of Wards to be abolished on payment of 12,000_l._ - -10, 11. Peers without estates in Ireland to have no votes. Irish -Parliament to be as independent as it ever had been. - -12. Titles to land to be decided by law and not by the Council. - -13. Acts in restraint of trade to be repealed. - -14. Viceroys to hold for a limited term of years and not to acquire -estates. - -15. An Act of oblivion for all offences civil and criminal since -October 23, 1641, with some exceptions to be hereafter specified. - -16. Officials and judges to have no interest in the revenue. - -17. Monopolies abolished. - -18. To regulate the court of Castle-chamber. - -19. 'That two Acts lately passed in this kingdom, prohibiting the -ploughing with horses by the tail, and the other prohibiting the -burning of oats in the straw, be repealed.' - -20. Breakers of the cessation or of this peace to be punished. - -21, 22. Simplification of legal remedies. - -23, 24. Quit-rents increased by Strafford to be reduced again. - -25. Commissioners named to raise and transport to England 10,000 men -for the King's service, and to collect overdue taxes. - -26, 27. Commissioners named to appoint to judicial offices until -Parliament meets, but without power to decide questions of title, and -no other judges to have power within the Confederate quarters. - -28. The _status quo_ as to garrisons. - -29. Further details as to taxation. - -30. The judicial commissioners to have jurisdiction in every case, -including murder, arising since September 15, 1643.[87] - -[Sidenote: Delay fatal to Charles.] - -[Sidenote: Digby repulsed from Scilly.] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio's opinion of Charles I.] - -[Sidenote: Glamorgan's forlorn condition.] - -[Sidenote: The peace proclaimed at Dublin, July 30, 1646.] - -These articles when duly executed were placed in Clanricarde's hands, -to be kept secret until such time after May 1 as Ormonde might choose -for their publication. Before that day the Parliamentary fleets had -begun their summer cruises and the sea was entirely at their mercy. -Chester having fallen, it was almost out of the question to land -men in Wales. Six thousand of the promised troops were ready, and -orders were given for levying the remainder, but shipping could not -be provided, and there was no money either at Dublin or Kilkenny. The -attempt to put down the English people with Irish troops failed as it -had failed in the days of Strafford, and as it was destined to fail -in the days of Tyrconnel. In the meantime Lord Digby found a plan of -his own for bringing the Prince of Wales to Ireland and rallying round -him there all the forces opposed to the Parliament. Rinuccini dreaded -the success of this scheme, but it was not he who prevented it. Digby -sailed with two small frigates and 300 men to Scilly, where the Prince -remained from March 4 to April 16, but did not get there till after the -latter date. 'The men of the island,' wrote Plunket to Ormonde, 'put -themselves in arms and loudly cried that no Irish rebels should land -there, the Lord Digby thereupon parted thence with one frigate, and one -hundred of the men to Guernsey or Jersey.' The other frigate with the -remaining men returned to Waterford. According to Daniel O'Neill, the -King's principal secretary was 'drunk nine days out of ten with white -wine' during the preparation of his little expedition, which may have -had something to do with its being late. The Confederates depended -on Glamorgan's treaty for relief to their religion further than that -promised by Ormonde. It was true that both sets of articles depended -really upon the King's word and upon his ability to keep it, but as -professed Royalists they could not reject the first nor assume the -permanent absence of the second. Rinuccini, who had no duties except to -the Church, very rightly held that Charles's word was worth nothing, -and it was evident to him that if the royal power was destroyed in -England it could not long survive in Ireland without foreign help. The -King had justified the nuncio's opinion by repudiating Glamorgan, and -when this was known at Kilkenny he lost all credit, 'with the merchants -in particular, so that he really had not enough to live upon.' He -spoke to the French agent Dumoulin about leading the troops intended -for England into Louis XIV.'s service, but there was no chance of that -being allowed. The nuncio's position was strengthened by a royal -letter to Ormonde written from Newcastle under Scotch influence. 'We -think fit,' the King said, 'to require you to proceed no further in -treaty with the rebels nor to engage us upon conditions with them after -sight hereof'; the alleged motive being anxiety for the safety of the -Irish Protestants. This came to Ormonde's hands three months after the -signature of the Dublin peace. A very few days later Digby returned -from France, where a letter had been received from the King in which he -declared that he was no longer free, and that Ormonde was to proceed -as before. Digby accordingly publicly declared the Newcastle letter to -be a forgery or written under duress. This satisfied the Council, and -the peace was proclaimed in Dublin on July 30. On August 3 the Supreme -Council at Kilkenny followed suit. 'We require,' they wrote, 'the -above proclamation to be printed, and do order and require the same -to be published, and due obedience to be given thereunto by all the -Confederate Catholics of Ireland.'[88] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Bunratty, March-July, 1646.] - -[Sidenote: The castle in its grandeur] - -[Sidenote: Fight at Sixmilebridge, April 1.] - -Barnabas O'Brien, sixth Earl of Thomond, had endeavoured to stand -neutral during the early years of the war, and to live quietly in -Clare. As a Protestant his natural leaning was to Ormonde, who could -not protect him; and in October 1644 the Kilkenny assembly, treating -neutrals as enemies, ordered his tenants to pay no rent, and took steps -to sequestrate his vast estates for the benefit of the Confederacy. -Finding his position intolerable, Thomond surrendered Bunratty to -the Parliament in March 1646, and soon went himself to England. A -Parliamentary fleet under Penn lay in the Shannon, and there was no -difficulty about putting a garrison of 700 men under Colonel MacAdam -into Bunratty Castle, which lies upon the estuary of the Ogarney river. -It is now the most melancholy of ruins; but Rinuccini, who beheld it -in its days of grandeur, thought it the finest thing he had ever seen, -and Bellings's description bears him out. 'It is,' he says, 'a noble -structure, reputed strong when engines of battery were not so frequent, -and before time and experience had brought the art of taking in places -to perfection. On the south it hath the river of the Shannon, distant -from it about a mile of marsh and meadow ground. On the east it is -washed by the river which falling to the Shannon at the end of a goodly -plain, ebbs and flows with it. To the north at some distance from the -castle it is environed with an eminent ridge of earth, which bounds a -goodly park, save that it wanted the ornament of timber trees; it was -then stored with the largest deer in the kingdom.' Glamorgan, who was -now entirely in the nuncio's hands, went to Limerick and busied himself -about preparations for the recovery of Bunratty; but the garrison were -at first successful. A party of Irish, consisting of 120 horse and 300 -foot, came from Sixmilebridge and burned a few houses, but were routed -by a sally and lost eighty men, their commander, Captain Magrath, -and his lieutenant, being taken prisoners. In the afternoon of the -same day the victors, amounting to fifty horse and 600 foot, went to -Sixmilebridge and attacked the Irish camp. About 1400 men were strongly -entrenched there, but were driven out and took to the woods. A few were -slain, but a more important success was the capture of 250 barrels of -meal, which supplied the garrison of Bunratty with bread for six weeks. -Next day they went as far as Ballyquin, where the Irish had first -encamped, burned a large store of corn, and returned with some plunder -to Bunratty. Magrath and his subaltern both died of their wounds and -were buried with military honours. - -[Sidenote: Muskerry presses the siege.] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini joins the besiegers.] - -[Sidenote: Bunratty capitulates, July 14.] - -It was not till the middle of May that the Irish began to press the -siege by taking the outlying castles of Cappagh and Rossmanagher. The -works of Bunratty itself were strengthened by the labour and skill -of the sailors, but it became difficult to supply the garrison with -food and ammunition. The besiegers encamped in the park, where the -underwood supplied material for gabions and fascines, and ate the deer, -which they roasted with the dry wood of the palings. Muskerry arrived -at the end of the month, and after that the siege became closer. -Letters were received from Broghill, but no relief came. Rinuccini came -to Limerick about the middle of May, where he had the satisfaction -of superintending the rejoicings for Benburb, but he found that the -siege of Bunratty was likely to be raised for want of money to pay the -soldiers. There were frequent sallies from the garrison, but nothing -decisive on either side. The nuncio went himself to the camp at the -end of June with all that remained of the Pope's money, to which he -added some of his own, and the attack was after that pressed with more -vigour. Colonel MacAdam was killed by a stray round shot which came in -at a window, and his loss proved fatal to the defence. Eighteen bags of -money and some of Thomond's plate had been guarded by the commandant; -but this treasure was now divided among themselves by the officers -who found it, in spite of Penn's remonstrances. When Muskerry's men -succeeded in getting heavy guns down to the shore where the action of -the defenders was weak, ships could no longer lie near, and want of -provisions soon became felt. On July 14 the garrison capitulated, and -were carried off in Penn's boats. Rinuccini was satisfied that his -presence and assistance during the siege would cause 'the people to -recognise it as an apostolic undertaking,' and a _Te Deum_ was sung in -the cathedral, where ten captured colours were displayed.[89] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Benburb, June 5, 1646.] - -While Rinuccini was at Limerick, and before Bunratty was taken, O'Neill -gained his great victory at Benburb. The tidings were peculiarly -grateful to the nuncio, in that success was entirely due to the Ulster -Irish, and in no sense to the Supreme Council or to any who favoured -Ormonde's peace. And, moreover, the efficiency of O'Neill's army -was mainly due to the Pope's money, brought over and distributed by -Rinuccini himself. - -[Sidenote: Monro plans an attack on Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: Over-confidence of the Scots.] - -[Sidenote: Owen Roe's speech.] - -In the early summer of 1646 the Confederacy was so weakened by internal -dissensions that Monro thought it possible to take Kilkenny. It was -arranged that Sir Robert Stewart's army should enter Connaught while -he engaged O'Neill. In the event of both attacks being successful, he -could then march southwards without any great probability of meeting -an enemy that could stop him. He had 3400 foot 'effective under -arms,' with eleven troops of horse and six field pieces. Campbell -of Auchinbreck was left in command at Carrickfergus. The general's -nephew, Colonel George Monro, was to join him at Glaslough in Monaghan, -bringing 240 musketeers and three troops of horse from Coleraine. Monro -left the neighbourhood of Belfast on June 2, and spent the night of the -3rd at or near Dromore. On the following morning he detached a troop -of horse, under Daniel Monro, with orders to cross the Blackwater at -Benburb and meet his namesake at Dungannon. At Armagh Daniel learned -from a prisoner that O'Neill was concentrating his forces at Benburb, -and the fear lest George Monro should be cut off probably accounts for -the Scottish general's subsequent proceedings. The army spent the night -of the 4th at Hamilton's Bawn, and in the morning Monro went through -Armagh to view the bridges and ford at Benburb. Both are commanded by -high rocks crowned by Shane O'Neill's castle, and it was impossible -to attempt the passage in front of the Irish army. Monro then marched -to Caledon, where he crossed the Blackwater, doubled back on the left -bank, and faced the enemy late in the afternoon. After the long march -it would have been prudent to halt till the morning; and, moreover, sun -and wind were in the eyes of the Scots, but they were overconfident of -victory. 'All our army,' says Monro, 'foot and horse, did earnestly -covet fighting, which was impossible for me to gainstand without being -reproached of cowardice.' Sir James Turner, however, declared that his -greatest fault as a general was a tendency to underrate his enemy. -O'Neill had with him about 5000 men, including 500 horse, 'such as they -were,' and took up a position on hilly ground to the west of Benburb. -He detached the greater portion of his mounted men to intercept George -Monro, but they scarcely did more than neutralise that skilful leader. -The two armies met at Drumflugh, between the Oona brook and Benburb. -O'Neill made a short speech to his men, reminding them that they -were the ancient inhabitants of Ulster, professing the same faith as -those who first brought Christianity into Ireland. 'You have arms in -your hands,' he said, 'you are as numerous as they are; and now try -your valour and your strength on those that have banished you and now -resolve to destroy you bud and branch. So let your manhood be seen by -your push of pike; and I will engage, if you do so, by God's assistance -and the intercession of His blessed mother and all the holy saints in -heaven, that the day will be your own. Your word is _Sancta Maria_; and -so, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, advance, and give -not fire till you are within picket-length.'[90] - -[Sidenote: The Scots completely defeated,] - -[Sidenote: with great slaughter.] - -[Sidenote: Monro's apology.] - -[Sidenote: An old soldier's comments.] - -The battle did not begin till about six in the evening, by which time -the sun was well in the eyes of the Scots. The wind was also against -them, and there were clouds of dust and smoke. Monro's guns were placed -on high ground, but they did little damage, the round shot going over -the heads of O'Neill's men as they descended into the plain, which -was full of bushes and scrubby timber. Monro's front was too narrow, -and there were no proper intervals for his rear divisions to come -out in front. So learned a general might have remembered something -about the Roman maniples. Overcrowding resulted in confusion, and -this was increased by a squadron of his own cavalry, 'consisting,' -as he says, 'for the most part of Irish riders, although under the -English command, who did not charge, but retreated disorderly through -our foot, making the enemies' horse for to follow them at least one -squadron.' He thought they were at least half traitors. The foot fought -on bravely till sunset, when they broke and fled. The majority sought -the neighbouring ford of the Blackwater, where Battleford Bridge now -is, and the slaughter there was frightful. Sir Phelim O'Neill, who -commanded the horse, specially charged his men to take no prisoners -and to give no quarter. Others fled towards Caledon, and many of them -were drowned in Knocknacloy Lake. Of those who crossed the river a -large number were killed in passing through the county of Armagh. -Most of the horse escaped with Monro, who acknowledges a loss of 500 -or 600 men; but the Irish accounts say that from 3000 to 4000 bodies -were counted. A long train of carts followed the army, so that many -camp-followers were probably killed, and the truth is likely to be -somewhere between the two extremes. The Irish slain were under forty, -and the wounded under 250. George Monro got back to Coleraine without -the loss of a man. Monro's wig, cloak, sword, and cap fell into the -victor's hands with thirty-two colours and the standard of the cavalry. -Even those who escaped for the most part threw away their arms, which -enabled O'Neill to enrol fresh men. Lord Blayney, who commanded the -artillery, was killed, all his guns being taken. Lord Montgomery of -Ardes, who led the cavalry during the battle, was taken prisoner with -about twenty other officers. Monro's army was not annihilated, but it -was to a great extent disarmed, and ceased to be an aggressive force. -Over-confidence was certainly one main cause of his defeat. 'The Lord -of Hosts,' he says himself, 'had a controversy with us to rub shame -on our faces, as on other armies, till once we shall be humbled; for -a greater confidence did I never see.' The 'British Officer' agrees -that this was the chief cause of disaster; also mentioning the sun and -wind and the long march, and that the soldiers, who had had little -rest or refreshment since leaving Lisburn, stood to their arms for at -least five hours. Another reason, he adds, is 'that the Irish pikes -were longer by a foot or two than the Scottish pikes, and far better to -pierce, being four square and small, and the other pikes broad-headed, -which are the worst in the world. Withal to my knowledge, the soldiers, -I mean some that were not strong in the British army for his pike on a -windy day, would cut off a foot, and some two, of their pikes--which is -a damned thing to be suffered.'[91] - -[Sidenote: Small results of the victory.] - -[Sidenote: Rejoicings at Limerick,] - -[Sidenote: and at Rome.] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio's donative.] - -Military authorities are agreed that the general who wins a great -victory ought to pursue his beaten enemy to the uttermost. One reason -why O'Neill did not do this may have been that he was afraid of Sir -Robert Stewart falling upon Tyrone in his absence; but he was a man of -few words, and it does not appear that he ever said as much. He raised -new regiments, which he armed with the spoils of victory, and waited -for orders from Kilkenny. Want of money was no doubt a cause of delay. -His appearance at Augher caused Stewart to retire towards Londonderry, -and O'Neill lay inactive, first at Tanderagee and then at Loughanlea in -Cavan. Four days after the battle he sent Boetius MacEgan, an eminent -Franciscan, to Limerick with a letter to Rinuccini, who was quite -certain that a miracle had taken place. The Jesuit O'Hartegan, who had -returned from France, followed with the captured colours, which were -carried in procession through Limerick to the cathedral. The people -filled the streets and windows, the _Te Deum_ was sung by the nuncio's -choir, and high mass afterwards by the Dean of Fermo in the presence of -four bishops and of the civic magistrates. When the news reached Rome, -Innocent X. attended at Santa Maria Maggiore and heard a _Te Deum_ sung -there also. Rinuccini was sure that if he had only money enough he -could make the greater part of Ireland obedient to the Pope. All his -letters declare that money would do almost everything in Ireland; but -it was a scarce commodity, and without it even the clergy could not -'keep the soldiers quiet and united.' The nuncio had still a little -left, and he despatched Dean Massari to Ulster, who gave three rials to -each soldier and larger sums to the officers. The donative was small, -but it tended to foster the notion that it was the nuncio's war, and -that little regard need be paid to the viceroy or to the Council at -Kilkenny, where Anglo-Irish influences were in the ascendant. - -[Sidenote: Roscommon taken.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill forced to let his men plunder.] - -Preston had also been successful in Connaught, but the capture of -Roscommon, though important, paled before the glories of Benburb. -Neither general was in a condition to attack Sligo. Preston had no -ammunition for a siege, no means of drawing his guns over the Curlew -hills, and no money to pay his men. Even the sums promised--for they -had not arrived at the end of July--were not enough to last for a week -on active service. The country was so wasted that everyone would have -to carry a month's provisions with him, and this could only be had -for ready money. Ormonde urged Preston to reduce Connaught before the -summer season slipped away, but admitted that little help in money -for the Leinster army could be expected from Leinster. Both Preston -and O'Neill offered Rinuccini to march on Dublin, looking no doubt to -him for the means; but he refused because Dumoulin, the French agent, -was there, lest the Pope might be embroiled with the Most Christian -King. The part of that province which bordered on Ulster was overrun -by O'Neill's men, who plundered all classes and creeds impartially, so -that they appeared as conquerors rather than allies. Ormonde attributed -it 'to the necessities imposed on General O'Neill for want of means to -go on or to keep his men in better order where he is.'[92] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini works against the peace.] - -[Sidenote: The clergy at Waterford.] - -[Sidenote: The peace not proclaimed at Waterford.] - -Want of money and ill-feeling between the native and Anglo-Irish -notables prevented the greatest of Irish victories from having any -permanent results. Rinuccini left the Supreme Council at Limerick -under the impression that he would not object further to Ormonde's -peace, but he continued to counter-mine it while they despatched -Muskerry, who would have been more useful in Munster, to be present -at the proclamation in Dublin. Arriving at Waterford at the beginning -of August, the nuncio summoned the clergy to meet him there in order -to take steps for constituting a national synod. When he had got them -together, they immediately fell to debate the peace; and this had, no -doubt, been his real object. Scarampi, who had not yet sailed, was -authorised to write letters urging the municipalities of Limerick, -Cashel, Clonmel, Kilkenny, Galway, Wexford, and New Ross not to allow -the peace to be published. In the meantime, Ulster King-at-Arms had -arrived at Waterford with orders from Ormonde to proclaim the peace -there. The mayor and aldermen refused him permission on various -grounds. They had already been warned by the previous appearance of a -pursuivant, who had to give a little boy sixpence to show him the way -to the mayor's house, and who declared that there were 'by imagination -about a thousand priests and friars gazing' upon him and Ulster when -they had succeeded in getting an interview with the corporation. After -two days they were allowed to go in peace to Kilkenny, not without -covert threats of violence if their departure were longer delayed. -Scarampi's letters were written before they left Waterford, though the -attitude of the civic authorities was nominally due to the fact that -proclamation had not been first made at Kilkenny and by order of the -Supreme Council. Waterford was preferred on the ground that it was the -most ancient city of Ireland after Dublin; but perhaps Ormonde hoped -that his herald would create dissension enough to break up the clerical -assembly.[93] - -[Sidenote: The clergy reject the peace.] - -[Sidenote: Peace proclaimed at Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: Callan, Fethard and Cashel follow Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: Clonmel follows Waterford.] - -The Supreme Council at Kilkenny transmitted the original articles of -the peace to Waterford by the hands of Nicholas Plunket and Patrick -Darcy. The nuncio had not seen them before, though he was, of course, -well acquainted with their substance. After several days' debate it -was decided 'that all and singular the Confederate Catholics, who -shall adhere to such a peace, or consent to the fautors thereof, or -otherwise embrace the same, be held absolutely perjured: especially -for this cause, that in these articles there is no mention made of -the Catholic religion, and the security thereof, nor any care had for -conservation of the privileges of the country as is found promised in -the oath [of association]; but rather all things are referred to the -will of the most serene King, from whom in his present state nothing -certain can be had.' In the meantime everything remained subject to the -authority of Protestant officials, 'to free ourselves from which we -took that oath.' And it was plainly hinted that excommunication would -follow in due course. The document was signed by the nuncio himself, -by two archbishops, ten bishops, and many vicars-general and heads -of religious houses. It professes to be absolutely unanimous; but -Archbishop Bourke of Tuam, Bishop Dease of Meath, and the Franciscan -Peter Walsh, whose stormy career in Ireland now begins, did not sign, -though they took part in the debates and were among those to whom the -question was referred. On the same day the peace was proclaimed at -Kilkenny 'in the presence of the mayor and the magistrates only, the -people not choosing to appear,' according to Rinuccini, who says the -Supreme Council terrorised the city with soldiers. At Callan, Fethard, -and Cashel proclamation was made in spite of clerical opposition, but -there was no popular enthusiasm. The corporation of Clonmel declared -that they would do as Waterford had done. The town had received -supplies of arms from the nuncio and was subservient to the clergy, -though some of the more prudent inhabitants would have complied. The -most the herald could obtain was a promise to reopen the question after -proclamation had been made at Limerick.[94] - -[Sidenote: A herald's adventures at Limerick.] - -[Sidenote: The drum ecclesiastic.] - -[Sidenote: Gaol the only safe place.] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio approves of the riot.] - -The proclamation at Kilkenny was an open declaration of war with the -nuncio, who immediately sent Dean Massari to Rome to explain that both -clergy and people were against the peace, and that its few supporters -could do no harm. Meanwhile, Ulster went on his way to Limerick. -Arriving after the gates were shut, he was refused admittance, and had -to pass the night in an old house outside. Next day he was received by -Sir John Bourke, the mayor, and at first it seemed that all would go -smoothly; but the civic authorities went on arguing the question till -the following day was well advanced, and time was thus given for a -formidable agitation to grow. James Wolfe, a Dominican friar, harangued -a mob in the streets, and declared that all who adhered to the peace -would incur the penalties of excommunication. The chief citizens -assembled at the mayor's house, where Dr. Walter Lynch, warden of the -Galway college, employed his eloquence in the same cause. A third -priest 'carried a great crucifix through the streets on the top of a -pole.' The mayor, nevertheless, favoured the proclamation and tried to -protect the herald while doing his office, but stones flew like hail, -and his house was wrecked. He was himself knocked down and nearly -murdered, while Ulster was hunted from the room, the friars calling out -in Irish, 'Kill, kill! I will absolve you.' He received two serious -wounds on the head and one in the hand, while his body was covered -with cuts and bruises. Dr. Thomas Arthur, a famous physician, who had -succeeded twenty years before in curing Archbishop Ussher of a disease -which had puzzled the London faculty, did what he could to pacify his -co-religionists and to save the herald's life at the risk of his own. -Appeals to the law of nations which protects heralds were fruitless, -and the more moderate citizens were forced to carry Roberts to gaol for -safety and to give out that he was dead. He and his companions were -detained for ten days, when Rinuccini said they might be discharged. -Bourke was deposed from the mayoralty, and Thomas Fanning, a leader -of the rioters, was installed in his room. The new mayor received the -nuncio's thanks and apostolical benediction for his good conduct in the -matter.[95] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and the Protestant hierarchy.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde at Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and Owen Roe O'Neill.] - -While the Congregation at Waterford were fulminating their censures -against all who adhered to the peace with Ormonde, the Protestant -clergy who had taken refuge in Dublin were congratulating him on having -'preserved not only in this city, but also in all the out-garrisons, -the free and full exercise of the true reformed religion.' They -besought him to continue in this way as the only means to make Ireland -obedient to the King, and to provide them with some maintenance until -they could return to their benefices. 'If any of our number,' they -concluded, 'be found disaffected to the religion, book of service, -public worship, government of the Church, his Majesty's service, or -disturbers of the present peace, we do not supplicate for such, but -leave them to your lordship to be proceeded with as you shall find -convenient.' This was signed by eleven archbishops and bishops and by -seventy-seven other clergymen, many of whom afterwards rose high in the -Church. Ormonde's loyalty to the Church of England was incompatible -with Rinuccini's views; but it did not prevent the Council at Kilkenny -from inviting the King's representative to his own town and castle. -He left Dublin on August 28 and reached Kilkenny on the 31st, where -he was received with triumphal arches and many demonstrations of joy; -and even succeeded in collecting some of his long-lost rents. Ormonde -left 1500 foot at Gowran, under Sir Francis Willoughby, and took 500 -horse on with him, whom he quartered about Bennetsbridge. In passing -Naas he took the precaution of borrowing eight barrels of powder from -Sir John Sherlock, the governor, and they proved very useful. Digby -and Clanricarde accompanied him to Kilkenny. His previous negotiations -with Preston led him to believe that that general would keep the -victorious Ulster army at a distance. Ormonde's last act before -leaving Dublin was to send Daniel O'Neill to his uncle, Owen Roe, -with power to make him great offers if he would adhere to the peace. -These included the custody of all lands in O'Neill-land belonging to -men who questioned the King's authority and of all Lord Caulfield's -estate, and confirmation in his command. These were promises, while the -nuncio was able to give hard cash, without which an army could not be -moved--4000_l._ at first out of the Pope's money, and 5000_l._ later -from the contributions of the faithful, or by means of an advance from -the Spanish agent.[96] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini denounces the peace.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill and Preston.] - -[Sidenote: Limitation of Irish loyalty.] - -After staying a few days at Kilkenny, Ormonde went to his other house -at Carrick, so that he might be near Waterford and in a position to -confer with the clergy; but they were past the reach of argument. -Rinuccini issued a decree ordering them all to denounce the peace -publicly and to threaten actual excommunication by himself of all -who favoured it. He had seen, he said, 'with grief of heart that the -Protestant ministers in some places appear, and threaten that they will -recover both the churches and the exercise of their religion.' Finding -that nothing could be done on the Waterford side, Ormonde set out for -Cashel, intending to encourage those who had proclaimed the peace -there; but he was met on the road by a messenger from the mayor begging -him not to draw down upon the town the vengeance of O'Neill, who was -already at Roscrea. Piers MacThomas Fitzgerald, with the Munster horse, -'appeared upon a hill to the left hand, near Clonmel.' Preston had been -summoned to attend, but he pleaded ill-health, and a few days later -declared that, though he distrusted the Ulster army, he had 'received a -positive inhibition from the clergy that neither myself nor any of my -commanders, upon pain of excommunication, shall obey any orders from -my Lord lieutenant.' The position of Ireland could scarcely be better -described than in this letter of Preston's. The Confederates had all -along professed loyalty to the Crown, and had never denied that Ormonde -was the King's representative. But when it came to a trial of strength -between the viceroy and the papal nuncio, it was the latter that they -were forced to obey.[97] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde driven back to Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: The many-headed monster.] - -Castlehaven was sent to sound the clergy at Waterford, but he found -them impracticable, rejoined Ormonde near Cashel, and persuaded -him to get back to Dublin as quickly as possible, lest he should -be intercepted and captured. Castlehaven argued that the clerical -party was getting stronger every day, 'and that the Supreme Council -were dissolved on the proclamation of peace, and consequently of no -authority to make good the public faith.' Other advices were to the -same effect, and it seemed probable that O'Neill's object was to get -between the viceroy and his capital. Castlehaven tried in vain to gain -over MacThomas, who followed Ormonde as far as Callan, but without -coming to blows. Orders were sent to Willoughby to seize the fortified -pass over the Barrow at Leighlin Bridge with his infantry. Colonel -Walter Bagenal, who was in command there, offered no opposition, and -Ormonde joined the main body at Kilcullen. He had sent Castlehaven -and his brother-in-law, Sir George Hamilton, to the corporation of -Kilkenny, offering to stand by them if they wished it and would adhere -to the peace, but they begged him to pass on his way. The mob plundered -his baggage, and the very men, says Bellings, 'who a fortnight before -had employed both cost and invention in erecting statues and triumphal -arches adorned with inscriptions, setting forth his own actions, and -the trophies of his ancestors, were suddenly as busy in pulling them -down, and defacing the monuments of his solemn entry, lest the northern -army, which could have easily mastered, might be incensed to their -destruction.' Willoughby, when expecting an attack, found that the -bulk of his powder, which had been given in part payment of 30,000_l._ -by the Confederates at the first cessation, was so bad as to be quite -useless, and but for the eight barrels lately borrowed from Sir John -Sherlock he would have been in no condition to fight.[98] - -[Sidenote: Lord Digby's proposals.] - -[Sidenote: Triumph of Rinuccini,] - -[Sidenote: who imprisons the Supreme Council.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill and Preston at Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde ignores Glamorgan.] - -Digby remained at Kilkenny and made one more effort for the King. He -proposed that the nuncio and three or four bishops should give an -undertaking in writing to support the peace and unite with Ormonde -against the common enemy, on condition of receiving a firm private -assurance that the penal laws should be repealed and that they should -not be disturbed in their church possessions until a meeting of a new -Parliament to carry out the articles. Rinuccini would hear of nothing -less than Glamorgan's treaty fortified by part of Sir Kenelm Digby's. -Of the latter he never received the official text, and his instructions -were not to proceed without it. He entered Kilkenny in triumph and took -the city into his protection, relieving it from the interdict which -Roth, Bishop of Ossory, had proclaimed. O'Neill's army encamped in the -immediate neighbourhood and made all resistance impossible. Rinuccini -then proceeded to imprison the old Supreme Council. Mountgarret's -eldest son Edmond, Bellings the secretary and historian, and Lord -Muskerry, the viceroy's brother-in-law, were among those confined -in the castle. Geoffrey Brown, who had been conspicuous among the -commissioners for concluding the peace, and was intended to be a judge, -was arrested at Galway, but the citizens refused to send him to the -nuncio. O'Neill and Preston both entered Kilkenny, and assisted 'the -lord nuncio and congregation of the clergy' in choosing a new council -of seventeen members. Four were bishops, Walsh of Cashel, Bourke of -Clonfert, Macmahon of Clogher, and French of Ferns; among the others -were Glamorgan, who was appointed general of Munster in Muskerry's -place, Owen Roe O'Neill, Preston, and Sir Phelim O'Neill. The great -object was now to take Dublin, and Ormonde was told that he had no -chance of defending himself against 17,000 foot and 1700 horse. If -the city was taken by assault it was likely that neither man, woman, -nor child would be spared, but this might be averted if Ormonde would -adhere to the Glamorgan treaty. 'If,' was the Lord-Lieutenant's answer, -'I could have assured the clergy my lord of Glamorgan's conditions, I -had not retired hither. They are things I have nothing to do with, nor -will have. If they be valid in themselves, they need no corroboration; -if invalid, I have no power to give them strength.' After this -Rinuccini concluded that if he wanted Dublin he would have to get it -taken, while Ormonde, who felt his weakness, opened communications with -the English Parliament.[99] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill threatens Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: His army.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill and Preston on bad terms.] - -[Sidenote: A clerical commissary.] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio and his generals.] - -Rinuccini wished O'Neill to attack Dublin before Ormonde could return -thither; but the Ulster general excused himself on the ground that -he had no artillery, and came to Kilkenny instead. Benburb had been -fought and won by men who were defending a strong position in their own -country, and the means for a serious siege were wanting. An officer who -was with the northern army near Birr described it as consisting of 5000 -infantry, of which rather more than half were pretty well armed, 'the -rest as the rabble used to be in the beginning of the distractions.' -The horse were under 400, good and bad, and there were only five -field-pieces 'of about a foot and a half long.' When O'Neill was at -Kilkenny a month later Ormonde learned that his army was composed of -8000 foot, more than half of them without muskets, and seventeen or -eighteen small troops of miserable horse 'whereof not above two armed -with pistol, and none with defensive arms.' About 8000 'of the Ulster -families, unarmed,' accompanied the troops. Preston's cavalry were -well appointed, but it was estimated that the combined armies could -not in any case exceed 13,000, with five pieces of artillery and very -few stores of any kind. The two generals acted quite independently. -O'Neill took all the castles and towns in Queen's County, and made -himself master of Athlone. Preston temporised, and both were much -more intent upon outwitting each other than upon taking Dublin. The -Leinster people did not like to see the hungry northerns devouring -their province, and they flocked to Preston's standard, so that he -became as least as strong as his rival. Early in October Rinuccini went -to Kilkea, then in the possession of Robert Nugent, provincial of the -Jesuits, to whom it had been granted for the use of the Society by his -kinswoman Elizabeth Countess of Kildare. Nugent lent 1500_l._ to the -nuncio, and voluntarily undertook the task of victualling the army; -but this clerical commissary was not more successful than a clerical -general proved to be later on. 'The good man,' says Bellings, 'how -perfect soever his mathematical demonstrations might have been, failed -in the practice, which affords a thousand circumstances that commonly -lie out of the road of divinity and speculation.' The two armies were -together, though not united, in the neighbourhood of Kilcock, whence -they advanced by Harristown and Naas to Lucan, within seven miles of -Dublin. The Leinster men thought O'Neill's object was to conquer them, -while he believed, or perhaps only professed to believe, that Preston -was conspiring with Ormonde to place him between two fires. Successful -joint action under these circumstances was impossible, and it appeared -to the nuncio that 'arms at first devoted to religion were about to -minister to private passions alone.' The two generals met at Lucan, but -could not agree, and Rinuccini joined them there in hopes of at least -preventing a collision between Leinster and Ulster.[100] - -[Sidenote: Ulster and Leinster irreconcilable.] - -[Sidenote: Dublin in danger.] - -[Sidenote: Negotiations with the Scots,] - -[Sidenote: and with the Parliament,] - -[Sidenote: but nothing is settled.] - -'Besides the hatred of the generals,' Digby wrote from the midst of -Rinuccini's partisans, 'their men have a greater animosity one against -another, than those at Dublin have against either.' But for this the -capital might probably have been taken, for the defences were very -weak, ammunition was scarce, and famine was always in sight. The -fortifications were, however, repaired as well as possible, the ladies, -with the Marchioness of Ormonde at their head, setting an example -to the citizens by carrying baskets of earth. Ormonde had destroyed -the bridges over the Liffey, and the mills, so that the Irish had -great difficulties about food. Negotiations were opened by the Lord -Lieutenant with the Ulster Scots, but they ended in nothing, for the -survivors of Benburb were too few and too much discouraged to play an -active part. Colonel George Monro, whose Royalist proclivities were -doubtless known to Ormonde, apologised for his enforced inactivity. -The Lord Lieutenant suggested that 500 Scots should come to Dublin, -but the officers did not see their way to go so far south, though they -were willing to act as a garrison for Drogheda. The Lord Lieutenant -was not likely to accept such an offer, for Drogheda was in no danger. -Negotiations had also been opened with the Parliament, whose fleet -lay out in the bay. Sir Francis Willoughby, Sir Gerald Lowther, Chief -Baron, and Sir Paul Davis, clerk of the Council, sailed on Michaelmas -Day, and reached London a fortnight later. They were heard by a -committee of the Commons, and five commissioners, of whom Sir John -Clotworthy was one, reached Dublin on November 12 with power to treat -for its surrender. The negotiations lasted for ten days, failing at -last mainly because Ormonde would not deliver up the sword of state -without actual orders from the King, and thus dissolve the remnant of -the Irish Parliament on which the Protestants relied. The other points -upon which the Lord Lieutenant insisted and the commissioners failed -to satisfy him, were that they could give him no assurance for their -estates 'to the Papists who adhered to his Majesty's Government since -October 22, 1641'; that the Covenant should not be pressed, nor the -Book of Common Prayer suppressed; and that official vested interests -should be preserved. Ormonde was perhaps less anxious to come to terms -because the mere appearance of the commissioners had averted the danger -of a siege, and because he had been allowed to procure powder from the -Parliamentary ships. The supplies intended for Dublin were carried by -Clotworthy and his colleagues to Ulster.[101] - -[Sidenote: Vacillation of Preston.] - -[Sidenote: One of Digby's schemes.] - -[Sidenote: Preston's mental reservations.] - -The conduct of Preston throughout the whole of these proceedings -showed the weakness of the Confederate position as well as of his -own character. First he gave Ormonde to understand that he would -prevent O'Neill from marching southwards, and then he let the nuncio -persuade him to join forces with the northern general in the attempt to -intercept Ormonde and in threatening Dublin. On August 26 he wrote to -invite the Lord Lieutenant's commands as to the disposition of troops -to prevent O'Neill from entering Leinster. On September 5 he excused -himself from personal attendance. On the 17th he lamented that clerical -threats of excommunication prevented him from obeying any of the Lord -Lieutenant's orders. On October 10 he found that the peace published -in his camp and by his authority was 'destructive to my religion and -liberty of the nation,' and contrary to his oath as a Confederate. On -the 21st he swore solemnly to aid O'Neill in attacking Dublin, to 'use -and exercise all acts of hostility against the Lord Marquis of Ormonde -and his party,' and to damage him in every possible way. Digby, who was -a sanguine man, thought it possible to kidnap O'Neill and Rinuccini -and carry them to Dublin, and to spike Preston's guns, and he was also -inclined to believe that something might be done with that vacillating -general. Ormonde was less hopeful, but his patience was inexhaustible, -and he resolved to make another effort, and Preston took care to let -him know privately that he was not really irreconcilable, and would not -join O'Neill, and that if he captured towns or castles it was only to -prevent the Ulster general from getting them. Clanricarde was sent for -from Portumna, and came to Luttrellstown, where he was in a position to -communicate with all parties.[102] - -[Sidenote: Extreme demands of the nuncio.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's distrust of the Confederates.] - -[Sidenote: Agreement between Digby and Preston.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde does not adopt it.] - -[Sidenote: Proposed treatment of Protestants.] - -[Sidenote: Dublin cannot be taken.] - -Preston never really co-operated with O'Neill, but he joined him -in making certain proposals to Ormonde in which the nuncio's hand -can be very clearly seen. The first was that the Roman Catholic -religion should be exercised in every part of Ireland as in Paris or -Brussels. The third was 'that Dublin, Drogheda, Trim, Newry, Carlow, -Carlingford, and all the garrisons within the Protestant quarters be -garrisoned by the Confederate Catholics.' They were to be held for -the King, but only in name. 'The madness of their propositions to -you,' Digby wrote to Ormonde after he had joined Clanricarde, 'makes -him almost despair of doing any good with Preston.' Ormonde did not -condescend to discuss the propositions at all, but contented himself -with asking who composed the Council of the Confederates and by whose -authority they were established. 'These questions,' says Bellings, -pithily, 'were too knotty to be resolved on the sudden, and therefore, -as it is the custom in such cases, they were not answered.' Four days -later Clanricarde was at Tecroghan, near Trim, and at once opened -communications with Preston. Safe-conducts were granted to him and -Digby, but to the latter, who was still nominally Secretary of State, -not without great difficulty. 'I conjure you,' said Ormonde, '(as you -expect to serve our master, or his hereafter) not to venture any more -among so faithless a generation, if you have any probable hope of -getting away from thence. For, if I have any judgment, your coming will -be fruitless.' And fruitless it was. Two days later the Parliamentary -commissioners reached Dublin, and O'Neill, probably fearing to be -caught in a trap, threw an extempore bridge over the Liffey at Leixlip, -collected his men by firing a gun, and passed them all over to the left -bank. It was thought that Sir Phelim O'Neill, who was jealous of Owen -Roe's supremacy in Ulster and who had married Preston's daughter, might -be induced to join the latter. Digby's plan was to make Clanricarde -general, who would thus be in a position to make the best terms for -his own Church, while loyally co-operating with the Lord Lieutenant. -Preston and his friends bound themselves most solemnly to embrace the -peace in consideration of such additional securities as Clanricarde -undertook to procure. These included the repeal of the penal laws and -enjoyment by Catholics of such churches and ecclesiastical possessions -as they held at the conclusion of the peace, until a settlement by -a free Irish Parliament, 'his Majesty being in a free condition -himself.' To confirm these promises Clanricarde was to procure an -engagement under the King's hand as well as from the Queen and Prince -of Wales and the French crown. The peace once concluded on these -terms the Catholics were to be 'forthwith invested in such commands -by his Majesty's authority, both in field and garrison, as may pass -for a very sufficient part of the security.' Ormonde was no party to -this treaty, which could not be performed without his help, and he -was not anxious for it after he had got rid both of O'Neill and the -Parliamentary commissioners. Rinuccini's influence was at work all the -time, and it was insisted that the first thing should be the admission -of a Prestonian garrison into Dublin. Ormonde insisted on the original -peace being first accepted, and so the negotiations fell through. -Digby thought that if Preston had been promptly dealt with he would -have attacked O'Neill, but his judgment is not for a moment to be -set against Ormonde's. Preston was satisfied, and in a letter to the -mayor and citizens of Kilkenny, urged the acceptance of Clanricarde's -terms. What the ultimate position of the Protestants would have been -may be judged from this document. 'We have,' he said, 'by the divine -Providence, wrought the splendour of religion to that extension as -from Bunratty to Dublin there is Catholic religion publicly professed -and exercised, and from Waterford to the lower parts of Tyrone, -and confined heresy in this province to Dublin, Drogheda, Dundalk, -and Trim, these places which in four days will be garrisoned by my -army, by God's help; and then think you in what posture of religion -these parts are in, for us and ours, having all penal laws against -Catholics repealed; all in our own hands, churches and church livings -secured till the King in a free Parliament declare the same for us; -the government in the Catholics' hands; petitions of right allowed -the parties grieved; and, to make this good, our arms in our own -hands.' This was written under the impression that Dublin would soon -be in his hands, though in the same letter he admits that he could -not take it even with O'Neill's help. Rinuccini and his council had -already left the camp, and Preston's officers were soon induced to -break with Clanricarde on the ground that no concessions would be of -any use without a garrison in Dublin. 'That being denied did beget a -desperation of future performances.'[103] - -[Sidenote: The popular tide turns against Rinuccini.] - -[Sidenote: The Supreme Council released.] - -[Sidenote: The Confederate constitution breaks down.] - -[Sidenote: Officers not 'excommunication-proof.'] - -[Sidenote: Preston submits to the nuncio.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde in Westmeath.] - -The nuncio, says Bellings, entered Kilkenny, 'very incognito in his -single litter without guards or attendance, and the council and -congregation dropped in one after another without pomp or ceremony.' -The tide had turned, and the odium which so often attaches to authority -in Ireland, especially when it fails to make itself feared, was borne -by the clerical party. Rinuccini, yielding very unwillingly to Nicholas -Plunket and fearing lest the mob should do it without his leave, -allowed the old council to be liberated, and devoted his attention -to the elections for the next general assembly. All over the country -the clergy administered oaths to candidates binding them to reject -the peace. Absolution for other sins was denied to those who refuse -to take such an oath, and O'Neill's soldiers were everywhere called -in to enforce the clerical decrees. The vacant places in the Ulster -returns were filled up from the creaghts or nomad herdsmen whom Owen -Roe had planted in the Queen's County--'nay,' says Bellings, 'with -such an overcharge of supernumeraries, as for some boroughs three -have been returned and actually voted.' When the session began, the -verification of these returns proved to be impossible, and after much -wrangling the assembled members turned as they were to other business, -'and all formalities, how necessary soever, were quite omitted.' In -the meantime Preston had again gone over to the nuncio. On December -10 Walter Bagenal wrote by his orders to Ormonde, pressing him to -advance at once so as to join forces against the northern army, all -the nobility and gentry being ready to support him. 'If you fail or -delay,' Bagenal concluded, 'you ruin us all and yourself in us.' On the -same day that this was written, Preston made his submission to the -nuncio, who had threatened excommunication. Ormonde advanced to the -neighbourhood of Gowran, which was to be the place of meeting. He found -reason to believe that there was another plot to cut him off. A letter -from Preston to Clanricarde was brought to him at Grangebeg in which -the general said that 'his officers not being excommunication-proof, -were fallen from him to the nuncio's party.' On first receiving this -Clanricarde had so far forgotten his usual serenity as to call Preston -traitor. It was followed by a similar letter to Ormonde, and by an -abject declaration of obedience to the nuncio's commands. Ormonde -professed to believe that the letter, which was printed and circulated, -was 'a forgery, as also the reports raised that some of your army -are gathered in a body at Castle Dermot, with intent to intercept -my return, or destroy the remainder of my quarters.' He withdrew -into Westmeath and Longford, where there was still some country -undevastated by O'Neill, and where he maintained good discipline among -his men. Dublin was relieved for a short time without distressing -the country, and the Westmeath gentry actually scraped together a -voluntary contribution of 1000_l._ At Kells an attack was made upon -some of Ormonde's men by a party of O'Neill's soldiers. Ormonde -says two officers were barbarously murdered. Bellings admits that a -very bad impression was made, but O'Neill was hardly a party to the -negotiations. After conferring with the Lord Lieutenant, Clanricarde -went to Kilkenny in the vain hope that he might to some extent -counteract the nuncio and induce the assembly to embrace moderate -ideas. Ormonde soon found it necessary to reopen communications with -the English Parliament.[104] - -[Sidenote: Discord at Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: A clerical majority.] - -[Sidenote: The things that are Cæsar's.] - -[Sidenote: Mazarin supports the peace,] - -[Sidenote: but it is rejected publicly, Feb. 2, 1646-7.] - -The Confederate assembly met at Kilkenny on January 10, 'with all those -signs,' said Rinuccini, 'of discord and intrigues which generally -reign in such meetings.' The tempers of the old council had not been -improved by imprisonment, while the clergy, knowing that they had a -majority, were in no conciliatory mood. Bellings admits that former -assemblies had been turbulent 'and loud in their ayes and noes, yet now -it was grown clean another thing.' Edmond Dempsy, Bishop of Leighlin, -who was a famous preacher, and had probably a good voice, sat upon a -lofty bench which recalls the revolutionary Mountain. He had only to -wave his hat to raise a storm, the mass of members, 'like a set of -organ-pipes, as senseless and louder, depending for their squeaking, -or being still, on the hand of another.' After a few days the turmoil -partially subsided, and then the nuncio demanded an audience. He was -received with the same ceremony as at first, and proceeded to justify -his assumption of dictatorial power. He declared in plain terms that -the ecclesiastical authority was superior to the temporal, 'and that -ignorance of the true source of power had ruined the neighbouring -kingdom.' Above all things he urged the assembly to reject the peace -with Ormonde, and to take a fresh oath adverse to it. A letter was -read from Dumoulin, the French agent, who had positive orders from -his government to press for confirmation of the peace, but this had -no effect, though a letter from Mazarin had been previously received -urging them to merit help from France by re-establishing the King of -England. A remarkable speech of Walter Bagenal's has been preserved by -Bellings, in which he urged them to remember how strong England was -and how certainly they would be overwhelmed if they did not support -the King. Ormonde sent Lord Taaffe and Colonel John Barry to represent -him at Kilkenny, but the clericals would listen to nothing, and it -soon became evident that the peace would be rejected publicly. This -was done after three weeks' wrangling, but by no means unanimously, -and Scarampi started at once to carry the news to Rome. It was found -necessary at the same time to declare that the commissioners and others -who had a hand in the peace had 'faithfully and sincerely carried and -demeaned themselves in their said negotiation pursuant and according to -the trust reposed in them, and given thereof a due acceptable account -to this assembly.' This important matter being settled, a new and -stringent oath of association was taken by which all bound themselves -to make no peace without the consent of the General Assembly. One of -the conditions precedent was that the Roman Catholic clergy should -enjoy all churches and church property in as ample a manner as the -Protestants enjoyed them on October 1, 1641, in all places which the -Confederates should at any time possess 'saving the rights of Roman -Catholic laymen according to the laws of this kingdom.' The law, in -other words, was to protect Roman Catholics, but not Protestants. -All this referred to the secular clergy only, for the question of -abbey-lands was too dangerous to touch. To avoid the appearance of an -open breach with the Lord Lieutenant, Dr. Fennell and Geoffrey Baron, -who had just returned from France, were deputed to see him. Their -proposals for a sort of offensive and defensive alliance with Ormonde -came to nothing, but successive truces were patched up until April -10.[105] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[82] _Embassy in Ireland_, November and December, 1645, pp. 98, -103, 554, 569. Correspondence between Glamorgan and Ormonde in -_Confederation and War_, v. 197-200; 208-210. It appears from -Dumoulin's letters to Mazarin that Leyburn was at Limerick in April -1645, _ib._ 314, 325. - -[83] Lord Lieutenant and Council to Secretary Nicholas, January 5, -1645-6, printed in appendix to Carte's _Ormonde_ and in _Confederation -and War_, v. 234. Interrogatories, etc., _ib._ 211-222. Digby's letter -to Nicholas, January 4, 1645-6, was one of those which Fairfax rescued -from the sea at Padstow, _Husband_, p. 816. - -[84] The King's declaration, January 24, 1645-6, printed (from Reliquiæ -Sacræ Carolinæ) in _Confederation and War_, v. 252. Glamorgan to -Ormonde, January 7, 20 and 29, _ib._ 244, 255; Supreme Council to -Ormonde, January 16, _ib._ 246; _Embassy_, p. 115; the King to Ormonde, -January 30, _Carte MSS._ vol. lxiii. _f._ 386. - -[85] Rinuccini to Pamphili, March 5, 1645-6, in _Embassy_; Fr. Barron -to Wadding, May 11, 1646, in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii. 24; Charles -I. to Henrietta Maria, January 8 and February 8, 1645-6. Nuncio's -Memoirs (April or May) in Birch's _Inquiry_--"Pamphilius et nuncius -in hoc negotio caste et sincere partes egerunt suas; alii vero Regem -Reginamque impulerunt ad deferendum tractatum pontificium, et spem in -baculo arundineo, hæreticorum brachio, collocandam." Colepepper to -Ashburnham, Feb. Cal. of _Clarendon S.P._ 2135. - -[86] Sir Kenelm Digby's articles were printed by Birch, and are also -in _Embassy_, pp. 573, 577. The nuncio's advice to Glamorgan, _ib._ p. -120, and his speech, p. 122; Ormonde to Glamorgan, February 3, 1645-6, -_Carte MSS._, vol. lxiii. f. 354; Glamorgan to Ormonde, February 8, in -_Confederation and War_, v. 258, and Ormonde's answer, February 11, in -appendix to Carte's _Ormonde_. Chester surrendered on February 3. - -[87] The articles were printed in London in September 1646, and are -reprinted in _Confederation and War_, v. 286. Glamorgan's oath of -allegiance to Rinuccini, February 16, 1645-6, is given (Latin) in -Gardiner's _Civil War_, ii. 420. The King to Ormonde, February 27, -1644-5; May 22, 1645, in Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. and July 31 in -Halliwell's _Letters of the Kings of England_. On August 24, 1646, -Charles wrote to his wife: 'I have returned two messengers into Ireland -with my approving the peace there, to which I shall firmly stick,' -_Charles I. in 1646_. - -[88] N. Plunket to Ormonde, May 7, 1646, in _Confederation and War_ v. -335; Digby's Declaration, July 28, and Proclamation of Peace, July 30 -and August 3, _ib._ vi. 55-60; Daniel O'Neill to Ormonde, April 18, in -_Contemp. Hist._, i. 671; Rinuccini's letter, March 22, in _Embassy_, -p. 153; the Newcastle letter, June 11, in Birch's _Inquiry_, p. 208. - -[89] There are accounts of this siege in _Bellings_, v. 20-24; in -Penn's _Memorials_, i. 165-210; and in Rinuccini's _Embassy_, pp. -182-191; and see Frost's _Hist. of Clare_, pp. 371-376. - -[90] All the contemporary accounts mention O'Neill's short speech, -which evidently made a great impression. None say whether it was in -English or Irish. The 'British Officer' has been followed in the -text, 'MacArt spoke in the front of his own men these words, as I was -told, or to that effect.' The much longer speech in the _Aphorismical -Discovery_ is obviously a mere grammarian's figment containing allusion -to Gratian, Hannibal, Scipio, Plutarch, Polybius, the Maccabees, etc. -The number of Monro's army are given from his account, but the 'British -Officer' thinks the foot were near 5000. The numbers of the Irish are -from O'Neill's journal, and O'Mellan says nearly the same. - -[91] The battle is described by Bellings and in the _Aphorismical -Discovery_. In _Contemp. Hist. of Affairs in Ireland_, i. 676-686, are -printed (1) a short notice from _Carte Papers_, xvii. 25; (2) Monro's -despatch to the Scotch estates; (3) a London tract dated June 15, 1646; -(4) Rinuccini's account (Italian) published as a tract at Rome and -Florence; (5) the 'British Officer's' account from _Hist. of the Wars -in Ireland_. An eighth account is in Colonel O'Neill's journal, _ib._ -iii. 204. A ninth--not the least valuable--is in Young's _Old Belfast_, -being a translation from the Irish of O'Mellan the Franciscan, who was -chaplain to Sir Phelim O'Neill. The Rev. W. T. Latimer, in his _Hist. -of Irish Presbyterians_ (Belfast, 1893) identifies the localities from -O'Mellan and from his own local knowledge. I have satisfied myself by -actual inspection that he is right. A tenth account is in O'Neill's -letter (Latin) to Rinuccini printed in _Confederation and War_, v. - -[92] Officers of Preston's army to the Supreme Council, July 27, 1646; -Ormonde to Preston, August 3, and to Bellings, August 10--all in -_Confederation and War_, vi. Rinuccini's _Embassy_, pp. 173, 181, 189; -_Bellings_, v. 16; O'Mellan's _Narrative_. - -[93] William Roberts, Ulster, to Ormonde, August 11, 1646; Declaration -of William Kirkby, pursuivant; Letters by Scarampi--all in -_Confederation and War_, vi. 67, 110, 126. Rinuccini in _Embassy_, pp. -192, 197; _Bellings_, vi. 16. - -[94] Decree of Ecclesiastical Congregation, August 12, 1646, in -_Confederation and War_, vi. 69; _Bellings_, _ib._ 17; Roberts to -Ormonde, August 17, _ib._ 115; _Embassy_, p. 198. - -[95] Narratives of Roberts and Kirkby in _Confederation and War_, vi. -119-130; Rinuccini's letter, August 22, _ib._ 96; _Embassy_, p. 200. - -[96] Carte's _Ormonde_, i. 580-587; Remonstrance of the bishops and -clergy, August 13, 1646, _ib._ ii. appendix No. 471. - -[97] _Bellings_, vi. 18; Decree of Excommunication, September 1, 1646, -in _Confederation and War_, vi. 132; Sall, Mayor of Cashel, to Ormonde, -September 10, _ib._ 134; Preston to Ormonde September 5 and 17, _ib._ -132, 139. - -[98] _Castlehaven_, p. 66; _Bellings_, vi. 19; _Aphorismical -Discovery_, i. 125; Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. 580-583. - -[99] _Bellings_, vi. 21. Order by Rinuccini and the generals, September -26, 1646, in _Confederation and War_, vi. 144; Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. -583. - -[100] Rinuccini's letters, September 21 to December 29, 1646, in -_Embassy_, pp. 204, 224 _sqq._ The nuncio was with the two generals -at Lucan on November 11. Sir Robert Talbot to Ormonde, September 10; -Captain Cadogan to same, September 12; Ormonde to the Council, October -11--all in _Contemp. Hist._, i. 703-713. Digby to Ormonde, October 13, -in Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. 506. _Bellings_, vi. 22, 36. - -[101] The negotiations between Ormonde and the Parliamentary -commissioners are given fully in _Rushworth_, vi. 418-444. Bellings -(vi. 28-35) gives the correspondence with the Ulster Scots. Digby to -Ormonde, October 13, 1646; Ormonde to Digby, October 12 and November -20, in Carte's _Ormonde_, vol. iii. - -[102] Preston's letters, of which the dates are in the text, are all in -_Confederation and War_, vol. vi. Ormonde to Digby, October 22, 1646, -and all Digby's letters at this time in Carte's _Ormonde_, vol. iii. - -[103] Preston and O'Neill to Ormonde, November 2, 1646, and the answer, -November 4, in _Contemp. Hist._ i. 713; Ormonde to Digby, November 10, -in Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. 512, and all the letters there till November -26. Negotiations between Preston and Clanricarde in _Confederation and -War_, vi. 151-162. Preston's letters to the mayor of Kilkenny (from -Lucan), November 24, _ib._ 162; Theobald Butler to Ormonde, _ib._ 165. - -[104] _Bellings_, vi. 46; vii. 18. Papers of December 1646, in -_Confederation and War_, vi. 164-168, and in Carte's _Ormonde_, vol. -iii. _Embassy_, p. 347; Walter Bagenal to Ormonde, December 10, _Carte -MSS._, vol. lxiii. - -[105] Rinuccini's narrative and speech in _Embassy_, pp. 241, 244, -250; _Bellings_, vii. 1-12. The new oath of the Confederacy in -_Confederation and War_, vi. 168; Declaration by the General Assembly -against the peace, February 2, 1646-7, _ib._ 177; overtures of Fennell -and Baron, March 3, _ib._ 185. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVIII - -SURRENDER OF DUBLIN AND AFTER, 1647 - - -[Sidenote: Ormonde determined to surrender Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: An emissary from the Queen.] - -[Sidenote: Hostilities resumed.] - -Rinuccini's attempt on Dublin had completely failed, but Ormonde's -position there was nevertheless made worse. The two armies had -descended like locusts upon the districts from which he had drawn his -chief supplies. Excise could no longer be levied, and the citizens were -reduced to penury for the support of the garrison, and yet the soldiers -were half paid and half fed. As soon as it became evident that the -Kilkenny assembly would reject the peace Ormonde offered to surrender -the sword and his garrisons to the Parliament on the terms lately -offered by their representatives. The despatch was long delayed upon -the road, but the Parliamentary commissioners in Ulster at once agreed -to the terms proposed. English or Anglo-Irish soldiers who had hitherto -obeyed Ormonde found no difficulty in following where he led. Sir Henry -Tichborne was continued as governor of Drogheda, and 'embraced it with -cheerfulness.' In the meantime George Leyburn, whose diplomatic name -was Winter Grant, visited Ireland for the second time with powers -from Henrietta Maria and the Prince of Wales 'to renew,' in Ormonde's -words, 'motions of peace or accommodation.' He was a learned English -priest, educated chiefly at Douai, and one of the Queen's chaplains -since 1630. He had been for a time in the Tower, and knew Monck, whose -future greatness he foretold. Leyburn was sent to Dublin, but was -driven by wind to Waterford, and found that the assembly at Kilkenny -had just broken up. He had letters for the nuncio and clergy, but was -forbidden by his instructions to deliver them until after showing them -and all his other papers to Ormonde. The Queen would have made peace -on almost any terms, but the clerical party at Kilkenny maintained -their position. Dr. Fennell and Geoffrey Brown, who were despatched to -Kilkenny, would not commit themselves so far as to make proposals in -writing, nor even sign what Ormonde took down from their mouths. He -asked for a continuation of the truce, but this was refused, and on -April 10, the day on which it ended, Preston invested Carlow, which -resisted only for a few days. Still Ormonde professed himself willing -to delay the reception of Parliamentary troops in consideration of a -truce, but to this no answer was given. Both parties were anxious to -have the credit of making the last peaceful overture, the Confederates -because they were alarmed at Inchiquin's progress, Ormonde in order -to make it clear that he did not close with Parliament till the last -possible moment.[106] - -[Sidenote: Mission of Leyburn.] - -[Sidenote: A truce refused.] - -[Sidenote: Leyburn and the nuncio.] - -[Sidenote: Proposals from O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: Lord Digby's schemes.] - -[Sidenote: He is driven abroad.] - -At Kilkenny Leyburn attended the council, where his chair was placed -next to Antrim's, who presided. He told them that the Queen and Prince -were anxious for peace, without which the Catholic religion would -be ruined, but that he must see Ormonde first of all. Horses were -provided and he was passed on to Dublin. The Lord Lieutenant, says -Leyburn, expressed himself ready to cast away one son if necessary -for the King's service, but would 'give up those places under his -command rather to the English rebels than the Irish rebels, of which -opinion he thought every good Englishman was. To this I answered -nothing.' It took the inexperienced diplomatist two days to decipher -his instructions, which he then presented to Ormonde, who requested -him to go back to Kilkenny and obtain a truce for three weeks from -April 17 if possible, without binding him not to receive fresh -Parliamentary forces during its continuance. Leyburn consulted the -French agents Dumoulin, De la Monnerie, and Tallon, according to his -instructions, but he found the Council sanguine about the probable -successes of their army, and they refused any truce for less than six -months. There were already two thousand Parliamentarians in Dublin, -and Leyburn did not think it prudent to re-enter the city; but he was -in constant communication with Digby, who had found quarters in Sir -Nicholas White's house at Leixlip, and who professed to know Ormonde's -mind. Leyburn accompanied Bishop Macmahon to Kilkenny, and informed -the nuncio that the conditions of peace concerning religion had been -referred to France, and that Ormonde would not treat except on the -basis of the peace which the clergy had already rejected. Rinuccini -said he wished for peace, but was against a preliminary truce, which -Ormonde, who had already once deceived him, wanted only to gain time, -and that he could not trust him. 'I could see,' says Leyburn, 'he was -not my Lord Lieutenant's friend.... I found in him great animosity to -my Lord of Ormonde's person, my Lord of Clogher being a better hider of -his thoughts.' The Council of the Confederates as well as the clergy -came to Clonmel about the beginning of June, and Daniel O'Neill brought -a proposal from his uncle to establish a sort of joint government -between the Lord Lieutenant and the Council; but he was arrested for -not having a pass. Leyburn handed in the paper for him, but all these -delays had been fatal, for a letter came to Digby to say that the -Parliamentary commissioners had landed at Dublin with 1500 men, and -that Ormonde would now be forced to conclude matters with them. Leyburn -could come to no terms with the clergy, who would have nothing to say -to the rejected peace, while Ormonde would treat on no other basis. -They said God was not once mentioned in it, and he could only reply -that questions of religion might be settled later. He continued to -discuss matters with Digby and his secretary, Edward Walsingham, who, -according to Nicholas, was 'a great babbler of all his most secret -employments,' but it all led to nothing. Leyburn, however, persuaded -Clanricarde not to leave Ireland, which he had made up his mind to -do. In the end the best he could do for Digby was to procure him a -safe-conduct through the Confederate quarters, and he escaped to France -with some difficulty. At his earnest request Leyburn himself remained -in Ireland, and was sheltered by Clanricarde at Galway from August 1647 -until the following March. In November he received a letter of recall -from the Queen dated three months back, and in February another from -Digby to the like effect. He sailed in the same ship with Glamorgan and -his wife, who had now become Lord and Lady Worcester, and reached Havre -in five days.[107] - -[Sidenote: Leyburn's opinions.] - -[Sidenote: Effect of the cessation.] - -Leyburn, who was a very honest as well as intelligent man, favoured the -peace of 1646. The demand for a Catholic governor, he says, was one -which the King could not grant, and the objection to Ormonde's religion -was therefore invalid. He thought the divisions of Irish parties made -effective action hopeless, and that the hatred of the Leinster men to -O'Neill and the old Irish 'overbalanced their reason.' The cause of -the rebellion and of its savage character was that the 'Irish had not -enjoyed such a pleasant bondage under the English, but that they had -contracted ill will enough against their masters ... they ran hastily -and furiously to all kind of bloody executions, and as their rebellion -was without order so were their actions without measure, none that -was called English and was within reach escaping their fury ... they -either killed the English or forced them to forsake their habitations.' -The men of the Pale joined in because they had no arms, and were not -trusted by the Government. The massacres had been amply revenged -with much cruelty, the one committed 'by a rude, headless multitude, -the other by soldiers under order and command.' Insurgent slaves, he -says, seldom make good soldiers, and the Irish were always beaten -until Charles drew away to England the army which had been 'with his -consent employed against them by the Parliament,' which is perhaps the -strongest argument against the cessation of 1643. - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's reasons for surrender.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde leaves Ireland.] - -'The marquis,' says Clarendon 'in his defence of Ormonde, believed -it much more prudent, and agreeable to the trust reposed in him, to -deposit the King's interest and right of the Crown in the hands of the -Lords and Commons of England, who still made great professions of duty -and subjection to his Majesty, and from whom (how rebellious soever -their present actions were) it must probably revert to the Crown, by -treaty or otherwise, in a short time, than to trust it with the Irish, -from whom less than a very chargeable war would never recover it, in -what state soever the affairs of England should be; and how lasting -and bloody and costly that war might prove, by the intermeddling -and pretences of foreign princes, was not hard to conclude.' To -the Lord Lieutenant Ireland was essentially part of the same State -as England, and the King being temporarily in abeyance, the actual -wielders of power were trustees for the Crown. Parliamentary troops -began to be received in Dublin at the end of March, and on June 7 the -new commissioners arrived. At their head was Arthur Annesley, son of -Strafford's Mountnorris, and afterwards well known as Earl of Anglesey. -Other forces followed, and arrangements were soon made. Ormonde sailed -from Dublin on July 28, having left the sword of state in the hands -of the Parliamentary commissioners. 'He was,' says Carte, 'attended -by the prayers of the distressed clergy, great numbers of whom, with -their wives and children, had been kept from perishing through want by -his and his lady's bounty, and landed on August 2 at Bristol.' Colonel -Michael Jones became governor of Dublin for the Parliament. His father, -the Bishop of Killaloe, had died there just nine months before.[108] - -[Sidenote: Digby and Ormonde.] - -[Sidenote: Parliament prevents foreign enlistment.] - -Lord Digby's schemes were always unsuccessful, but he continued -plotting to the last moment. After a meeting at Leixlip with Bellings, -Sir Robert Talbot, and others of the Confederates who were more or less -opposed to Rinuccini, Digby urged Ormonde not to leave Ireland after -delivering the sword, but to go to Rathfarnham or some other country -where his presence would be a protection to the well-affected. He -might raise a force and transport it to France with Muskerry's help, -who was absolute in Munster. In this way he would avoid all appearance -of joining with the English Parliament. Ormonde received this strange -proposal only five days before he sailed. He replied that Preston and -the rest who refused his help while he still possessed an army and -fortresses would not be much impressed by his arguments in a private -capacity, that the Parliament commanded the seas, and that the very -worst way to get their leave to transport troops was to put himself -into the power of the Confederates. For himself, he could always go -from England to France, but to go from France to England would be -virtually impossible. True to the policy which had prevailed since -Strafford's time, the dominant party in England refused to allow troops -to be sent from Ireland into the service of any foreign prince. It was -evident that they might be used against England if France or Spain -were to espouse the King's cause. Yet it is probable that unrestrained -foreign enlistment would have gone far to settle the Irish question, -and might have made Cromwell's terrible campaign unnecessary.[109] - -[Sidenote: Glamorgan as general.] - -[Sidenote: Character of his army.] - -[Sidenote: He is ousted by Muskerry.] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini forced out of Leinster.] - -At the beginning of 1647 Clanricarde reported that Glamorgan was -despised and dejected, and Ormonde said it mattered little what became -of him or of Antrim 'if it were not for a natural propension in this -people to love their cozeners.' But the Kilkenny assembly had made -Glamorgan general of Munster, and an effort was required to make the -appointment a reality. He told the King that he had been forced to -undergo a seeming commission which should put him at the head of 12,000 -foot and 2500 horse, but that his enemies never rested and that he had -small hope of success. Rinuccini and his council moved to Clonmel at -the beginning of June, and for a moment it seemed as if they were going -to have their own way. Glamorgan, though not much of a soldier, had -had some experience in raising troops, but in Munster he did little, -finding it easier to multiply officers under the King's commission of -January 6, 1644-5, so that later on it was difficult to 'dissolve even -this airy structure, and to proportion the officers to the men the -province was able to contain.' Rinuccini, with the help of these new -colonels and captains, thought he could establish clerical supremacy -in Munster and displace all who adhered to Ormonde's peace. Of these -last Muskerry was by far the most important, for he had the confidence -of the soldiers, and the nuncio had been unable to exclude him from -the council. But his life was thought to be in danger, for three -Dominican chaplains suggested that it would be no harm to murder him or -the Munster commissioners. This kind of casuistry, as Rinuccini saw, -'made the impression to be expected on these idiots.' Muskerry came to -Clonmel and took his seat amongst the hostile clericals, but feared -a second arrest, and escaped to the camp. He found the old officers -friendly and afraid of being superseded by Glamorgan's creatures. -Moreover they professed themselves excommunication-proof, and declared -that they were ready to live and die with Muskerry. The men were then -mustered, and it was explained to them that their pay would be diverted -to the new officers, for that the province could not bear both. They -gladly followed suit, joyfully repeating Muskerry's name with cheers -and casting up of hats. 'And thus,' says Bellings, 'was the army, in -the space of one hour, without noise, save what witnessed their public -satisfaction, placed under his command.' Their resolution proved -irrevocable, and though the nuncio himself might be respected, his -adherents could not venture into the camp. Rinuccini therefore went to -Galway, and the Council returned to Kilkenny.'[110] - -[Sidenote: Preston's army.] - -[Sidenote: A sluggish general.] - -[Sidenote: Preston's vacillations.] - -[Sidenote: Design against Dublin.] - -While Ormonde was making his arrangements with Annesley and Jones, -Preston was at Monasterevan collecting an army with which he hoped to -neutralise the Parliamentarians in Dublin. Digby still struggled to -make this force available for the King's service, and his secretary -Walsingham wrote from Monasterevan that he had been cherished and -received as an angel of peace. When mustered a few days later on the -Curragh of Kildare, Preston's army amounted to 7000 foot and 1200 -horse, well officered and well appointed. Leyburn says the foot were -'as lusty appearing men, and as well accoutred with arms and clothes -as ever I did see,' and the horse up to the average. Jones, with a -much inferior force, advanced to Naas, while Preston encamped on the -left bank of the Liffey not far off. Jones drew back to Johnstown, -and then detached some cavalry to go round by the south of Naas and -intercept some of Preston's men. Leyburn had warned the latter of the -danger he incurred from the superiority of the English horse, but -there was a moment when they might have been annihilated between Naas -and Johnstown, and Bellings himself remonstrated with the sluggish -general, but it was then too late, and Jones was allowed to rally all -his men in safety on a hill near Kill, whence they reached Dublin -without further fighting. Preston's next encampment was at the Boyne -close to Trim. Walsingham came there by appointment, but found that -the political wind had changed, and that the general had changed with -it as usual. The presence of Bishop French was probably fatal to any -negotiation, and the unfortunate private secretary returned to Dublin. -Trim was held by an English garrison, and Preston wished to take, while -Jones was anxious to relieve it. Hearing that the Ulster Protestants -had come as far as Dundalk on their way to join Jones, but that they -would be obliged to retire in ten days for want of provisions, Preston -withdrew to an unassailable position at Portlester, where he intended -to remain until the invasion was passed. But Bishop French and Sir -Nicholas Plunket advised him to take active measures lest his own -supplies should run short. Jones, who in Bellings's words 'fought but -for bread and elbow-room about Dublin,' could not have kept the field -long, and Preston, by taking the advice of a priest and a lawyer on a -military question, lost the advantage of dividing his enemy's forces -and perhaps beating them in detail. Sir Henry Tichborne and others came -to Skreen with nearly 2000 men and two guns, and the united forces -marched through Trim. Jones mustered his army at the famous hill of -Tara, and found himself almost equal in strength to Preston, and rather -superior in horse, of which he despatched 500 under Major Harman to -reconnoitre at Portlester, but they lost their way. Preston left his -almost impregnable position and marched to Agher, south of Trim, where -he again took up strong ground. But news came from Leixlip that there -were only 500 soldiers in Dublin, and the Irish general, as rash as he -was generally supine, decided to make a dash for the capital through -Maynooth, which had already 'by especial Providence' voluntarily -surrendered to Jones. Preston left Agher on August 8, Harman with -his troopers hanging upon his skirts, and causing as much delay as -possible.[111] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Dungan Hill, August 8, 1647.] - -The wheel of a waggon which came off at a ford delayed Preston's march, -and the bulk of the enemy's cavalry gradually drew up to Harman's -support, while their whole army was visible in the distance. Jones was -upon Lynch's Knock or Summerhill, and Preston upon Dungan Hill, after -which the battle is generally named. It was evident that Maynooth -would never be reached without fighting, and Preston prepared for -battle in what he thought was a good position. Without any preliminary -cannonade the Parliamentary army advanced across the interval between -the two hills. The Irish horse were routed at the first charge, having -been posted in a narrow lane with high quickset hedges and without -power of forming line to the front. Perhaps the real cause of their -misfortune was that they were commanded by Lord Costello instead of by -their well-tried leader MacThomas Fitzgerald. Costello knew nothing of -war, but he was a recent convert, and that seems to have been thought -sufficient. A large part of the infantry stood in some very tall wheat, -where they were useless. Battalions were separated from each other by -high banks, and no manoeuvring was possible. The best fight was made -by four hundred Scotch Islanders under a Glengarry, but most of them -were killed. The bulk of the infantry took refuge in a bog, where they -were first surrounded, and then 'our foot,' says Jones, 'followed into -the bog, where they put to the sword all not admitted to quarter; such -of the rebels as left the bog fell into the power of our horse.' There -is the usual dispute as to whether men were slain after quarter given -or not. Bellings says 'most of the officers and some soldiers repaired -to the red colours, and to preserve them Colonel Flower commanded his -regiment to stand to their arms in a body; and having brought them to -Colonel Jones, they had quarter.' Jones's own account tallies pretty -well with this, for he says ninety-five commissioned officers were -taken prisoners, and only about 300 non-commissioned officers and men. -Five thousand four hundred and seventy bodies were counted on the -field, and many stragglers were afterwards killed by the troopers. No -mercy was shown to any English, nor to such of the Anglo-Irish as had -changed sides. Jones thought scarcely 500 of the infantry escaped. -The English lost three officers, of whom one, Captain Gibbs, really -died of drinking ditch-water when heated. The total number killed was -under twenty. Four twelve-pounders with sixty-four draught oxen, and -what was even more important, Preston's papers fell into the victor's -hands. All the colours were taken, which Jones 'could not be persuaded -to be brought into Dublin in triumph, as savouring (said he) of -ostentation, and attributing unto men the glory of this great work due -to the Lord only,' but there was a public thanksgiving in all the city -churches.[112] - -[Sidenote: The Parliament neglect Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: Victories of Inchiquin.] - -[Sidenote: Dungarvan.] - -[Sidenote: Bunratty.] - -[Sidenote: Adare.] - -The House of Commons voted 1000_l._ each to Jones and to Fenwick, who -commanded at Trim, 500_l._ to Colonel Conway, 200_l._, to Tichborne, -who commanded the rear guard, and 100_l._ to Colonel Culme, who -brought the letter. They also talked about sending provisions, but -these were long delayed. One thousand five hundred pounds borrowed on -personal security was looked upon as a god-send. Preston retired to -Carlow, giving up Naas and other places in Kildare, and busied himself -in collecting another army. In the meantime Inchiquin had become -formidable in Munster. Early in May 1647 he took Cappoquin, where there -was no powder to fire a shot, and Dromana, where the garrison only -fired four or five. Inchiquin had studied these places, and in 1642 had -pointed out how easy it would be to take Dromana and how troublesome -to take Dungarvan. The latter did in fact make a stout resistance, but -Inchiquin made himself master of the water-supply, which soon settled -the matter. All the garrisons were allowed to march out with military -honours, 'but some twenty Englishmen of the red-coats that had run to -the rebels were hanged.' Three thousand cows and two thousand sheep -were cut out from under the walls of Waterford. Dungarvan, being a -seaport, completed Inchiquin's chain of posts from Kinsale to the mouth -of the Suir, and its loss was much felt by the Confederates. The victor -has a bad name, but many grumbled at his comparative lenity. Rinuccini -attributed these disasters to general dissension among high and low, -and to the non-payment of the soldiers. About midsummer Inchiquin -invaded the county Limerick, and destroyed many castles, forced the -passage of the Mulkear at or near Barrington's Bridge, and plundered -the country up to the Shannon. A party crossed where O'Brien's Bridge -had once stood, and the terrified Irish of Clare burned Bunratty, which -had been so troublesome to take. Inchiquin then returned to Cork to -rest his troops, who were 'generally barefooted and extreme naked,' -but scarcely hungry after driving homewards 8000 cows and 5000 sheep. -In the meantime Colonel Byron, starting from the new base at Dungarvan -and Cappoquin, took Castle Grace in Tipperary, 'put the rogues to the -sword,' entered Limerick and stormed Adare 'where four friars were -burned and three took prisoners.' Byron's party also drove off between -two and three thousand cattle. Seven thousand pounds were voted to -Inchiquin by Parliament about the same time, and Preston's defeat at -Dungan Hill greatly increased his relative strength.[113] - -[Sidenote: Lord Lisle appointed Lord Lieutenant.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin will not obey Lisle.] - -[Sidenote: The officers support Inchiquin.] - -[Sidenote: Lisle leaves Ireland.] - -In January 1646 the House of Commons resolved that the Government of -Ireland should be vested in a single person of honour, and that there -should be a fresh appointment every year. In April Philip Lord Lisle, -who as Leicester's son might be supposed to have some claim, was made -Lord Lieutenant accordingly, with power to appoint officers for two -regiments of foot and one of horse, and with the command of all troops -raised and to be raised for the reduction of Ireland. The Parliament -exercised the power of naming a chief governor, and perhaps that was -the real object, for no attempt was made to provide him with the means -of doing anything. Lisle lingered in England for a year, and arrived at -Cork on March 9, 1647, George Monck being one of those who accompanied -him. Sir Adam Loftus and Sir John Temple were sent as commissioners for -the civil government of Munster, but Lisle's appointment expired on -April 15, and Inchiquin dissembled until then. Lisle lost no time in -reporting that he was equally ready to return to England or to remain -in Ireland if his commission were prolonged, but that he could do -nothing to reduce the rebels without further supplies. Then Inchiquin, -who had been expecting to be arrested, exhibited his own patent as -Lord President under the Great Seal, declared Lisle a private person, -and hinted at putting him under restraint if he interfered any further -with the troops. Most of the officers sided with him in spite of all -the efforts of Broghill, Loftus, and Temple. Lisle, finding himself -powerless, proposed to sail with his baggage on Vice-Admiral Crowther's -ship, but here again he was foiled. Crowther said he would do nothing -without the Lord President's orders, which were not given until Lisle's -trunks had been searched, and in the end the late Lord Lieutenant -was glad to get out of Ireland with his property and ten officers -who refused to serve under Inchiquin. Among them was Monck, who soon -returned to command all forces, both English and Scotch, in Ulster, -except those in charge of Sir Charles Coote. Broghill, Loftus and -Temple went with Lisle, Parliament having in the meantime decided not -to send a chief governor. The whole authority in Munster, both civil -and military, remained in Inchiquin's hands.[114] - -[Sidenote: Taaffe and Inchiquin.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin takes Cahir, &c.] - -[Sidenote: Sack of Cashel, Sept. 4.] - -When Ormonde left Ireland, Lord Taaffe, who had been and was to be his -adherent, took the oath to the Confederacy. Muskerry, having got rid -of Glamorgan, thought he could counteract Rinuccini most effectually -by attending the Council regularly; and he handed over the command -in Munster to Taaffe. The new general, who was perhaps not very sure -of his troops, invaded the county of Cork, but avoided an encounter -with Inchiquin, who disregarded him and made a dash into Tipperary, -which had hitherto suffered little by the war, and where there were -cows to be lifted and towns to be sacked. He reported the capture of -twelve castles, of which Cahir was the most important. There were a -hundred men in this strong place, which might have defied him if it -had been bravely defended. One of his soldiers was wounded and taken -in a plundering affray, and Colonel Hippesley, who had some skill in -surgery, obtained access to him in the guise of a doctor. He used his -opportunity to notice that there was a weak point in the courtyard -wall, and that a timorous spirit prevailed among the garrison. The -outer wall was carried by storm, and the castle surrendered on -condition that the soldiers' lives should be spared. The moral effect -of this success was great, for it was supposed then, and it has often -been said since, that Cahir held out for two months against Essex. -It is true that that ill-starred favourite wasted several weeks in -Munster, but his siege of Cahir lasted only three days. On September -4 Inchiquin came before Cashel, where there was a garrison of four -hundred men. A panic was caused by the fate of Cahir, and the soldiers -with a large part of the inhabitants took refuge on the famous rock, -which was well supplied with water and surrounded by strong walls. -Others wisely distrusted the acropolis, and hid themselves in the -woods and fields. Inchiquin offered to let the garrison march out with -the honours of war, without any conditions for the clergy and citizens; -but the officers bravely refused. The assailants had no cannon, but -trusted to fire within the walls. One account says Inchiquin piled turf -against the defences; another, that firebrands were thrown over the -battlements. The fine September weather did the rest. The assailants -swarmed in over the north wall, and a terrible carnage ensued. About a -thousand of the besieged perished, some women being killed and others -stripped. 'Three of the secular clergy, the prior of the Dominicans, -and one of our society (the Jesuits) fell in the performance of their -sacred duties.' A bishop who was present managed to hide himself, -as did the mayor and some others; but no respect was paid to the -church or even to the altar. According to the account most favourable -to Inchiquin, he tried to stop the slaughter as soon as he reached -the cathedral, but is said to have donned the archiepiscopal mitre, -boasting that he was governor of Munster and archbishop of Cashel too. -Ludlow says he 'put 3000 to the sword, taking the priests even from -under the altar: of such force is ambition when it seizes upon the -minds of men.' The soldiers sold the plunder, including the sacred -vessels, to the people who flocked in from the neighbouring villages -'as if to a fair.' Pictures of saints were used as horse-cloths, and -insults were offered to statues of the Virgin.[115] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini without money.] - -[Sidenote: _Disputatio Apologetica._] - -[Sidenote: The book publicly burnt at Kilkenny,] - -[Sidenote: and condemned at Lisbon.] - -Money was expected from Rome at the beginning of the year, but did not -come for twelve months, during which Rinuccini's influence waned; and -to this delay he attributed the expulsion of Glamorgan, the action -of Muskerry, and the defeat of Preston. Six thousand crowns would -have prevented it all. With eight thousand more O'Neill could have -retaken Sligo, subdued Connaught, and 'marched into Ulster to reduce -the fort of Enniskillen, and to take possession of the Holy Place of -St. Patrick's Purgatory, now about one hundred years in the hands of -the heretics.' Having seen Ormonde safe out of Ireland, the nuncio -himself withdrew to Galway, where his presence would still have some -of the charm of novelty and where he might expect less resistance than -at Kilkenny or Clonmel. But Clanricarde carefully avoided paying him -any attention, and he was confronted with a new difficulty immediately -after his arrival. A Jesuit named Cornelius Mahony, a native of Cork -but living at Lisbon, published in 1645 what he called an 'apologetic -disputation,' with an exhortation to his countrymen. He proves to his -own satisfaction that the English Crown had no claims upon Ireland, -having broken the conditions of Adrian's bull, and urges the Irish to -'elect a Catholic king, a vernacular or natural Irishman.' 'You have -already,' he says, 'killed 150,000 enemies in these four or five years, -as your very adversaries' howling openly confess in their writings, -and you do not deny. I think more heretic enemies have been killed: -would that they had all been! It remains for you to slay all the other -heretics, or expel them from the bounds of Ireland, lest they infect -our Catholic country with their heresies and errors.' A copy of this -incendiary production reached Ireland from France, and others followed -from Portugal. At Kilkenny the book was publicly burned, and close -search was made at Galway. Rinuccini expressed no disapproval of its -doctrines, and refused to punish John Bane, parish priest of Athlone, -with whom a copy was found. He attributed the outcry against it to -those who were in possession of ecclesiastical lands, and to those -who hated O'Neill, the only possible 'natural and vernacular' hero -who could be chosen king. The Portuguese kingdom had only lately been -re-established, and Mahony argued that the Irish had just the same -right to upset a heretic dynasty as the Portuguese had to drive out -their Castilian oppressors. Nevertheless, King John condemned the book, -and the possession of a copy was forbidden under grievous penalties. -Peter Walsh preached nine sermons against it on five successive Sundays -and holidays in St. Canice's Cathedral, and had no difficulty in -showing that loyalty to a Protestant king was an essential part of the -Confederacy's political creed.[116] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio dislikes O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: The Church held responsible for Ulster savagery] - -[Sidenote: Mutiny in O'Neill's army.] - -[Sidenote: Devastation of the Pale.] - -[Sidenote: Munster refuses O'Neill's help.] - -Rinuccini, though O'Neill was his only champion, came to hate him -almost as much as he hated Ormonde. He even made excuses for Preston, -whose intrigues with the latter might be explained by O'Neill's -ambition 'under cover of religion.' After Benburb, the northern -general had increased his army without orders, and he thirsted for the -plunder of Leinster. Monck took care that he should have no supplies -from Eastern Ulster. 'If I had not sent my confessor to dissuade him -from so unjust a resolution,' said the nuncio, 'Kilkenny would have -been sacked and much innocent blood shed.' Wherever O'Neill went, the -Ulster soldiers, 'barbarous enough by nature, although good Catholics,' -spread terror and destruction around. The worst of it was that they -called themselves the army of Pope and Church, and when they 'perform -any act of cruelty or robbery, the sufferers execrate his Holiness -and me, and curse the clergy, whom they consider the patrons of this -army.' Two regiments harried the property of Mountgarret, who brought -a crowd of women to the nuncio's house, 'where they made a dreadful -uproar with howls and lamentations, thus giving it to be understood -that I countenanced the cruelties perpetrated by the Ulster men.' -After the failure of the attack on Dublin, O'Neill was made general of -Connaught, and devoted himself to the affairs of that province. He was -at Boyle, preparing to march against Sligo, when the news of Dungan -Hill reached him, with a pressing summons to enter Leinster again, so -as to prevent Inchiquin from joining hands with Jones. Muskerry was a -party to this, for he could see no other means of safety; but O'Neill -refused to move. The personal entreaties of Bishop Macmahon at last -prevailed, but many of his officers, with Alexander MacDonnell at their -head, refused to obey. Partly by persuasion and partly by turning his -guns on the mutineers, the general pacified them for the time, and -established his quarters at Castlejordan in Meath, until November 1647. -He had then collected about 12,000 foot and 1500 horse, and with these -he proceeded to make a famine round Dublin. Tichborne followed the -northern army everywhere, and cut off many stragglers. The destroyers -passed near the scene of Preston's defeat to Dunboyne and Clonee, -and all southern Meath was burned or spoiled. Turning northwards, -they went almost to Balbriggan. Two hundred fires were counted at one -time from St. Audoen's steeple in Dublin. On the sixth day, between -Ratoath and Garristown, Jones and Tichborne showed themselves; and the -latter wished to fight, but was overruled, so that O'Neill returned -to Castlejordan without having to strike a blow. He offered to -quarter 4000 men in Munster, who were to spare the Confederates while -galling Inchiquin's partisans; but the provincials refused such help. -Inchiquin's methods of making war were not gentle, but there was some -excuse for doubting whether the deliverers would be much better.[117] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin's soldiers hungry,] - -[Sidenote: but anxious to fight.] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Knocknanuss Nov. 13.] - -[Sidenote: Alaster Macdonnell again.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin completely victorious.] - -[Sidenote: Death of Macdonnell.] - -Having access to a sea which their friends commanded, neither Jones -nor Inchiquin were easy to assail. They could always retire into their -coast towns and exist there somehow. Yet the Munster Protestants were -in miserable state enough. 'It would make your soul bleed,' writes a -resident in Cork to his cousin in England, 'to see the poor common -soldier march out with never a whole rag to his back, nor shoe to his -foot, feeble and faint for want of what should suffice nature.' The -prospect of a battle was a relief, and 'those that were sickish skipped -for joy.' Taaffe, says the author of the 'Aphorismical Discovery,' 'was -a well-spoken man of both art and delivery, a fencer, a runner of a -tilt, a brave, generous gamester, and an exceeding good potator in -any liquor you please.' He was a brave soldier, but more diplomatist -than general. In the King's interest, Digby had urged him to avoid a -general action, but Fabian tactics require a Fabius, and probably he -was forced to fight by the feeling which Inchiquin's doings at Cashel -had excited. At all events, he drew his forces together early in -November, when Inchiquin concentrated his at Mallow, and went to look -for him. Taaffe, with 7000 foot and 1200 horse, was strongly posted on -the hill of Knocknanuss, about three miles to the eastward of Kanturk. -A bog and stream ran along his front. Inchiquin with a much smaller -force advanced to a place called Garryduff on November 12, where he -received a letter from Taaffe, who declared that he was fighting in -the King's cause, and proposed a contest between 2000 foot a side, -'more for recreation' than for any serious military reason. Inchiquin -retorted that Taaffe was not really preserving the King's interest, and -that he would wait till the morning before engaging in a battle for -recreation. He sheltered his army in a wood for the night, and when the -first light disclosed Taaffe's position, suggested in his turn that he -should descend from his hill, cross the stream, and fight 'upon a very -fair piece of ground.' Taaffe answered verbally that he was soldier -enough to improve the advantage that he had. He refused to abandon his -position, but did what was nearly as bad by shifting his men in sight -of the enemy and finally posting them so that the bend of the hill hid -his two wings from one another. The right, under Alexander MacDonnell, -consisted of Scots islanders and Ulstermen, the Munster troops being -on the left, where Taaffe himself stood. Inchiquin began the attack -with his artillery, but the Highlanders, having fired a volley, threw -away their muskets and rushed sword-in-hand upon the guns, of which -they retained possession for an hour. Inchiquin's left was driven -back towards Mallow, but on the right he was completely victorious. -Rupert's faults were not his, and he did not pursue, but turned back -to look after his defeated wing. The Highlanders and Purcell's horse, -believing the battle won, were scattered all over the country, and -made no effective resistance. Half of Taaffe's army were slain, the -remainder flying to Liscarroll and Newmarket; while Inchiquin lost -only about 150 men. 'We were killing till night,' he says; and few -prisoners were made, except among the officers. The arms of 6000 men -strewed the field, and Taaffe's commission from the Confederates as -general of Munster was taken with his baggage. Bellings had heard -that Alexander Macdonnell was killed by an officer in cold blood, -after quarter given; but the English accounts give no hint of this; -and Rinuccini says distinctly that he refused quarter. The result of -the battle was to place all Munster at Inchiquin's discretion, except -Limerick, Waterford, Clonmel, and Kilmallock. He received the thanks of -Parliament, and 1000_l._ were voted to buy horses.[118] - -[Sidenote: The dwindling Assembly at Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio's party outnumbered] - -[Sidenote: A property qualification.] - -The General Assembly of the Confederates met at Kilkenny on November -12, the day before the battle of Knocknanuss. In the previous year -there had been seventy-three members to represent Ulster, and these had -given Rinuccini his majority. This time, 'from poverty or some other -cause,' only nine appeared, who claimed to hold proxies for the whole -number. This claim was disallowed, and Munster and Connaught, being -under-represented owing to the difficulties of travel, the powers lay -with 'the mob of Leinster, many of them the minions of Muskerry.' On -the very day of meeting, apparently, the Assembly proceeded to pass -what was in effect a new constitution. This document, extending to -fifteen printed pages, and no doubt carefully prepared beforehand, -begins by setting forth the ruin wrought by military violence. To -repress this for the future a new Supreme Council was appointed, -consisting of twelve from each province; but the real power was given -to a committee of twelve 'residents,' three for each province, chosen -out of the larger number. Bellings was one of the twelve, only two -of whom were bishops; of these, Edmund O'Dwyer, Bishop of Limerick, -was a pronounced Ormondist; while Emer Macmahon of Clogher was by -no means averse to treating with the Lord Lieutenant. When seven, -being an absolute majority of the committee, came to any decision, -the dissidents were to sign as if they had been assenting parties. -Elaborate orders were made for the repression of malefactors, for -raising money, and for the arming and training of a militia consisting -of all men between sixteen and sixty, 'forcing such as are able to -provide for themselves swords and muskets, and the rest pikes and -skeyns.' It was recited that in all former assemblies many of the -members had been 'serving-men and men uninterested in the kingdom,' -and ordered that only estated gentlemen should be eligible in future. -Finally, orders were given for the regulation of the 'creaghts' or -nomad herdsmen of Ulster, who had followed Owen Roe O'Neill into the -other three provinces and settled upon them like locusts, turning the -cultivated country into a desert.[119] - -[Sidenote: The Queen's opinion about Ireland] - -[Sidenote: Envoys sent to Rome,] - -[Sidenote: to Spain,] - -[Sidenote: and to France.] - -'I wonder,' wrote Henrietta Maria to her husband a few days before the -Assembly met at Kilkenny, 'that the Irish do not give themselves to -some foreign king; you will force them to it in the end, when they see -themselves offered as a sacrifice.' Many in Ireland were of the same -opinion, and Rinuccini feared that Louis XIV. would be chosen. His own -sympathies were rather Spanish, but he could not deny that France was -likely to be the best paymaster and the most vigorous protector. A -neutral would be preferable, and, like a good Florentine, he suggested -the Grand Duke Ferdinand II. who had sent or promised some arms. But -the Assembly had no thought of repudiating the English Crown, though -they eagerly sought help from Continental sovereigns, and even from -the Dutch States-General. None of the envoys chosen were such as -Rinuccini approved. Bishop French and Sir Nicholas Plunket were sent -to Rome, and in this case he could say that the object of the Council -was to get good men out of the way. They were to represent generally -the fidelity of Ireland and her need of help, and in particular to beg -the Pope's intercession with the Queen and Prince, with the sovereigns -of France and Spain, and with all other Christian princes. If all else -failed, they were empowered to invite Innocent to be himself protector -of Ireland, and they were to ask his help even if matters should be -accommodated with the Queen and Prince. Sir Richard Blake, a decided -opponent of the nuncio, was sent to Spain with instructions to offer -the protectorship to the King; but only in the last resort and after -they had heard the result of the Roman mission. The same instructions -were given to those who went to France. Viscount Muskerry, Bishop -Emer Macmahon, and Geoffrey Brown were at first chosen; but Macmahon -positively refused to go on the grounds that the Queen hated him, that -Jermyn and Digby had threatened his life for opposing the Ormonde -peace, and that he spoke neither French nor English. The latter can -hardly have been strictly the case, but perhaps he did not speak well -enough for diplomacy. It was nevertheless carried by a majority that -he should be compelled to go. 'He then rose,' says Rinuccini, 'and, -with much displeasure, added the following words: "You, sirs, have -gained your victory, but I say that under no circumstances will I go -to France."' More than fifty members left the hall, exclaiming that -the Confederation was at end; but a bishop said that the disaffection -of one need not dissolve the union of others. Muskerry, Taaffe, and -Preston wished to imprison Macmahon, but the mayor sheltered him. -There was a cry that O'Neill was coming, and the city gates were shut. -Preston went to look for soldiers, and when Macmahon returned to the -Assembly next day he was driven away as being himself under discussion. -The lawyers said a bishop might be imprisoned, but the clergy objected, -and the Council contented themselves with forbidding him to leave the -city. In the end, Antrim was substituted for the bishop as envoy to -France, and the matter dropped for the time.[120] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin's bare-footed army] - -[Sidenote: is everywhere victorious.] - -[Sidenote: Flight of the Supreme Council.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin ill-supported by Parliament,] - -[Sidenote: which he resolves to desert.] - -On December 16 Inchiquin marched out of Cork with 1000 foot and a few -horse, 'and was fain to have a gathering among the poor inhabitants -to get so much monies as to buy them brogues to keep their feet from -being cut to pieces by ice.' Owing to the difficulty of feeding men -and horses, he could not increase his force materially. But, small -as it was, Rinuccini reported at the end of January that it met with -no resistance anywhere. A few days later Inchiquin relieved Cahir, -occupied Carrick, and repaired the bridge there; threatened Waterford, -where Rinuccini then was, and, turning northward, took Callan by -assault. No artillery was used, all the gates being blown down with -petards, and three hundred men were put to the sword, 'besides some -women, which the soldiers' mercy would not extend to, notwithstanding -orders to the contrary.' The victors were unpaid and half starved, -and even the officers underwent 'intolerable extremities.' Fethard -was also in Inchiquin's hands, and the Council of the Confederates -fled in haste to Kilkenny from Clonmel, whither they had gone to -compose local differences. Rinuccini went to Waterford, and Inchiquin -raised contributions up to the very walls of Kilkenny. Perhaps he -did not really want to take it, being already suspected of a wish -to turn against the Parliament which had supplied his wants so ill. -His officers continued to protest their fidelity, but dwelt upon the -'improbable successes' which they had attained without help. The -Derby House Committee promised money and clothes, which either never -came or came in ridiculously small quantities, showing that they were -distrusted. They would be obliged to make terms with the rebels, unless -Parliament sent shipping to fetch them off. The officers' remonstrance -was not read in the House of Commons until March 27, but Inchiquin had -been for some time in communication with Ormonde. This did not prevent -him from attempting a junction with Jones, which was prevented by -O'Neill, or from sending Major Patterson to Edinburgh, offering to join -the Scots with 6000 men if they would declare for the King against the -English Parliament.[121] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde in England, Aug.-Feb., 1647-8.] - -[Sidenote: He escapes to France.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish envoys at Paris, March, 1647-8.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde advises an evasive answer.] - -On landing in England, Ormonde went for a few days to Acton, near -Bristol, where he stayed with his uncle, Sir Robert Poyntz. Having -received a pass from Fairfax, he went to London and to the King at -Hampton Court, to whom he presented an elaborate account of his -proceedings in Ireland. He had a friendly meeting with Fairfax at -Putney, and lived for some time at Kingston, to be near the King; but -the army became jealous of the Royalist confabulations at Hampton -Court, and on October 9 he had to take leave of Charles, whom he -never saw again. He returned to Acton, which was conveniently near to -Ireland, and sent, first, Colonel John Barry, and then Edward Synge, -afterwards Bishop of Cloyne, to negotiate with Inchiquin. Fearing that -he might be arrested, he crossed the country to Hastings and escaped in -a fishing-boat to Dieppe. Many believed that he had gone to Scotland. -He reached Paris early in March where he met Glamorgan and Antrim, each -of them hoping to be the 'Catholic viceroy' for whom Rinuccini had so -long contended. Muskerry and Brown reached St. Malo on March 14, and -on April 2 made written proposals to the Queen and Prince. They were -debarred from considering religious matters until the return of the -envoys from Rome, and were content to stand for the present upon the -terms of the Ormonde peace. In the case of property they were more -specific, insisting that all lands forfeited since the first year of -James and reconquered since October 23, 1641, from 'any of the party -adverse to us' should be confirmed to the actual holders, that all who -had lost their estates since the accession should be allowed to recover -them, no statute or patent being pleadable to the contrary. No king of -England could have granted these terms, and Henrietta was surrounded -by English Protestants. Ormonde advised a friendly answer without any -definite promises, and this course was taken. The Queen and Prince -regretted the violation of the late peace, declined to discuss matters -of religion with men who were not authorised to treat, and promised -to send someone to Ireland empowered to 'condescend to whatever may -consist with justice and with his Majesty's honour and interest to -grant unto the said Confederated Catholics.' This answer was not given -till May 13, by which time the situation in Ireland had materially -changed.[122] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[106] George Leyburn's _Memoirs_, 1722; Tichborne's _Letter_ to his -wife, June 8, 1657; _Bellings_, vii. 15 _sqq._ - -[107] Leyburn's _Memoirs_; Digby's letters in Carte's _Ormonde_, vol. -iii., appendix. - -[108] All the material facts for this paragraph are in Carte's -_Ormonde_, and Rinuccini's _Embassy_, pp. 276-329; Clarendon's _Hist. -of the Rebellion, Ireland_, p. 39. The garrisons surrendered with -Dublin were Drogheda, Naas, Trim, Dundalk, Carlingford, Narrow-water, -Newry, Greencastle, Slane. - -[109] Letters of Digby and Ormonde in Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. 17-23, -July. - -[110] Clanricarde to Ormonde, January 8, 1646-7, with Ormonde's -answer of same date, in Carte's _Ormonde_, iii.; _Bellings_, vii. -21-27; Rinuccini's _Embassy_, June 18 and August 22, 1647; Muskerry -to Clanricarde, June 17, 'from the camp, near Kilmallock,' in -_Confederation and War_, vii. 203; Glamorgan to the King, March 31, -_Additional MSS._, 28,938, _f._ 129. - -[111] _Bellings_, vii. 27-32; Culme's Diary referred to below; -Leyburn's _Memoirs_. - -[112] _Bellings_, vii. 32, 349; Jones's account in _Rushworth_, vii. -779; Rinuccini's account in _Embassy_, p. 306; Borlase's _Rebellion; A -Diary of Passages_, August 1-10, 1647, brought to London on August 18 -by Lieut.-Colonel Arthur Culme, who was present, and presented by him -to Parliament, to which a list of prisoners is appended, giving the -names of 101 commissioned and twenty-five non-commissioned officers, -with 241 privates not named. Lord Westmeath is at the head of the list. - -[113] Culme's _Diary_, _ut sup._; Lismore Papers, 2nd series, p. 111; -_Rushworth_, vi. 486, 562, 632 and vii. 787 (Letter of August 12, 1647) -_Two letters_ from Lord Inchiquin to the Speaker, May 4 and 10, 1647, -ordered to be printed May 18. - -[114] _Rushworth_, vi. 248, 455; _Whitelock_, March 9, 1646-7; -_Confederation and War_, iv. 19-25; Blencowe's _Sydney Papers_, pp. 6, -13, 17; _A True and Brief Relation_ of Lord Lisle's departure (a letter -from Cork), 1647. Monck's Ulster appointment was made in July 1647. - -[115] For the sack of Cashel I have chiefly followed Father Andrew -Sall, S.J., who was a native of the place, and who appears from -internal evidence to have been at least in the neighbourhood. A -translation from his Italian narrative is printed in Murphy's _Cromwell -in Ireland_, pp. 388-392. The _Aphorismical Discovery_ (i. 182) says -thirty priests and friars were killed; Carte says 'near twenty.' -Carte's _Ormonde_, ii. 7; Ludlow's _Memoirs_, ed. Firth, i. 85; -Lenihan's _Limerick_, p. 161. - -[116] I have used the very scarce Dublin reprint of the _Disputatio -Apologetica_: the original is, of course, still scarcer. Nearly all -that is known of Mahony is in Walsh's _Remonstrance_, part ii. sec. 22. -The Portuguese decrees are in _Contemporary Hist._ i. 739; Rinuccini's -_Embassy_, p. 321. - -[117] Rinuccini's report on O'Neill's proceedings, 1647, in _Embassy_, -p. 281. For the great and increasing hatred excited by the Ulster -troops, _ib._, 290, 309, 324, 347, 353-4, 357, 359; O'Neill's Journal, -1647, in _Contemporary Hist._, iii. 206; Sir H. Tichborne's _Letter_ to -his wife; Sir Maurice Eustace to Ormonde in _Confederation and War_, -vi. 207. - -[118] Letters in _Rushworth_, vii. 916, 947; Inchiquin's letter to -Taaffe is in Meehan's _Confederation of Kilkenny_; Carte's _Ormonde_, -ii. 9; Smith's _Cork_; Rinuccini's official account of battle in -_Embassy_, p. 335, and further particulars at p. 519; _Bellings_, vii. -34, 350; Inchiquin to Lenthall, November 18, 1647, ordered by the House -of Commons to be printed, November 30. _A Perfect Narrative_ of the -battle of Knocknanuss, by an officer present, 1647; _A Mighty Victory_ -in Ireland, November 29, 1647, being a letter from William More written -in the field on November 13. - -[119] Rinuccini's _Embassy_, p. 343; _Confederation and War_, vi. 208, -232. - -[120] The Queen to the King, December 1/11; 1647, in Bruce's _Charles -I. in 1646_; Rinuccini's _Embassy_, pp. 330, 332, 340, 343; _Bellings_, -vii. 36. Instructions for the agents to Rome, France, and Spain in -_Confederation and War_, vi. 223-227. Speech of the agent in Holland, -_ib._ 232. - -[121] Letter in _Rushworth_, vii. 947; _ib._ 1006, 1029, 1041; -Rinuccini's _Embassy_, pp. 367, 370; _Thurloe_, i. 93; _Bellings_, vii. -36-39. - -[122] Carte's _Ormonde_, ii. 15. Ormonde's report on Ireland to the -King is _ib._ iii. appendix No. 565; _Rushworth_, vii. 795. The Paris -negotiations in _Confederation and War_, vi. 228-232. _Bellings_, vii. -37. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIX - -INCHIQUIN, RINUCCINI, AND ORMONDE, 1648 - - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin and the Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: He is distrusted,] - -[Sidenote: and voted a traitor, April 14, 1648.] - -Inchiquin's espousal of the Parliamentary cause had been generally -attributed to his disgust at the King's foolish appointment of -Portland to be President of Munster over his head. But the motives of -men are, for the most part, mixed, and he may have thought, as was -indeed the fact, that he was taking the best course to protect the -Protestants of southern Ireland. Ormonde could do little for them, -and the masters of the sea could do much. But Parliament was torn -by factions, and help was sent to Ireland grudgingly. Having gained -two great victories and successfully maintained the three seaports, -Inchiquin thought he deserved better treatment. Besides all this, he -disliked the Independents and dreaded their growing power. In November -1642 he assured Ormonde that he was no Roundhead; and in August 1645, -after Naseby and after his expulsion of the Roman Catholics from -Cork and Youghal, he told his brother-in-law, Michael Boyle, that -he would waive all dependence on Parliament if he could see safety -for the Protestants by any other means. Even before the battle of -Knocknanuss he was distrusted in Parliamentary circles, and after it -he began to draw towards Ormonde. The Confederacy was evidently on the -decline, and there was some chance of a general combination against -Owen Roe O'Neill. Purely selfish considerations would probably have -confirmed him in his allegiance to the Parliament; for since Cornet -Joyce's raid it was easy to see that the 'Roundheads' were going to -win. On March 30, after the letter from Inchiquin's officers had been -considered, three members of the House of Commons were appointed to go -as commissioners to the Munster army. A fortnight later Major Elsing, -one of the officers who refused to follow their general, reported his -defection to the House, who thereupon recalled their commissioners, -cancelled all Inchiquin's powers, and voted him a rebel and traitor. -Before declaring himself openly he had taken the precaution of -bespeaking a welcome in France in case the worst came to the worst. -Broghill, his rival in Munster, was also intriguing with Ormonde and -the Queen; but in his case it came to nothing. His cousin, Sir W. -Fenton, and other officers who refused to declare for the King, had -been imprisoned by Inchiquin, and this may have tended to prevent -Broghill from joining him.[123] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin's truce with the Confederacy] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini's opposition.] - -[Sidenote: The truce condemned by the bishops, April 27.] - -Inchiquin having declared himself a Royalist, there was nothing to -prevent those who had made the Ormonde peace from coming to terms -with him also. When the late raid was fresh in his memory, even -Rinuccini had seen the necessity of doing something of the kind. Now -that Kilkenny and Waterford seemed safe he strenuously opposed any -cessation or truce on the ground that it would leave things as before. -Inchiquin's change of front had left him without allies, and this -was the time to crush the author of the Cashel massacre. The Supreme -Council urged that they were in no condition to maintain a war, and -that even if they were it would be bad policy to drive Inchiquin to -desperation. The result would be to deliver Cork, Youghal, and Kinsale -to the Parliament, who would always grant him fair terms for such -valuable possessions. Inchiquin was certainly very anti-Catholic, -'yet, as we are informed, he suffers our priests to live and mass to -be celebrated within his quarters,' and he would allow tithes to be -paid in Tipperary and 'Cashel and all the churches which were profaned -there' to be restored to their old uses. Michael Jones was making -great preparations in Dublin, and the Confederacy would soon have to -reckon with him. 'Your lordship knows by experience,' they reminded -the nuncio, 'that when the enemy insulted over your lordship at the -walls of Waterford, and stood at defiance with us at the gates of -Kilkenny, how slow our forces were drawing to a head, when after -orders upon orders, ten times at least, issued by us, one on the neck -of another, to General Preston, General O'Neill, and the Lord Taaffe, -scarce three thousand men could be brought into the city before the -enemy retreated.' But Rinuccini above all things dreaded the return -of Ormonde, and persisted in opposing a truce 'with any of a contrary -religion,' though he was willing to agree to an 'accommodation, -confederacy, or some such like contract,' based not upon the _status -quo_, but upon a distinct advantage to be gained. He held a meeting of -fourteen bishops, who decided that no one could with a safe conscience -agree to the truce. There was a minority of six, but, according to the -custom on such occasions, they signed with the rest.[124] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini goes to the Ulster army.] - -[Sidenote: The truce concluded in his absence, May 20.] - -[Sidenote: Interdict and excommunication follows.] - -'The nuncio,' says Bellings, 'seeing that no opposition he could give -was of force to interrupt the cessation, judging it, perhaps, unfit -for him to be present at the publishing of it, left the town in such -a manner as might well persuade the people somewhat had been plotted -against his person, for, passing through the garden of Mr. Shea's -house, where he lived, and mounting to the town wall by a ladder, -he went out at the gate, and thence to the northern army in Leix, -where the Ulster creaghts, from the time Owen O'Neill had taken the -fort of Maryborough on his advance to the siege of Dublin, had been -planted.' Bishop Macmahon left Kilkenny next day. Some monks had told -the nuncio that a plot against his life had been revealed to them -under the seal of confession. Somebody may have said this to drive him -away, but that there was such a plot is quite incredible, and it may -be doubted whether Rinuccini believed it himself. He fled to O'Neill -at Maryborough, and when he was gone the truce was quickly concluded. -The Council, more for the sake of popularity than because they wished -for his presence, made great efforts to induce him to return, but he -was irreconcilable, and was destined never to see Kilkenny again. -The truce was concluded without his consent on May 20, to last until -November 1, upon the basis of each party retaining its own and of a -mutual exchange of prisoners. Inchiquin's quarters were defined as -the counties of Cork, Kerry, and Waterford, with the proviso that he -should not tax the baronies of Glenaheiry, near Clonmel, and Gaultier, -near Waterford, nor the towns of Dingle and Tralee. He undertook not -to interfere with the free exercise of religion outside his garrison -towns. A week later the nuncio excommunicated all who accepted the -truce, and laid an interdict on towns and villages receiving it. -Macmahon and four other bishops signed the document, and the penalties -of excommunication were declared to be incurred by all who removed or -defaced it.[125] - -[Sidenote: The Supreme Council appeal to Rome.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill supports the nuncio.] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone's sword.] - -[Sidenote: Preston and O'Neill at war.] - -'The lord nuncio's excommunications,' says Bellings, 'had now by his -often thundering of them, grown more cheap.' A sense of this may have -been the reason why he made it as stringent as possible, though he was -without books or canonists, and therefore open to criticism in point -of form. In the letters written at the time he admits that the result -varied very much in different places, but in the narrative composed -after he left Ireland he says he 'knew of no occasion when the censure -has better deserved the name of a thunderbolt,' and that it had at -once sent 2000 of Preston's soldiers over to O'Neill. The paper was -publicly posted in Kilkenny, and the Supreme Council at once appealed -to Rome. O'Neill and his officers declared unreservedly for the nuncio, -professing to believe that Ormonde was really a partisan of the -Parliament, and that those who adhered to him were inclined the same -way. The Council thereupon revoked his commission as general of Ulster, -and advised him and his officers by letter. O'Neill collected these -missives and burned them publicly in the presence of Bishop Macmahon -and others, and proceeded to increase his forces as fast as possible. -Some money brought from Rome by Dean Massari enabled him to do this. -The Dean had also brought a sword from Luke Wadding, which was said to -have been Tyrone's, and for which he had a splendid scabbard made at -Paris. As a former Pope had sent Tyrone a crown of peacock's feathers, -so this was thought to be a confirmation of the report that Owen -O'Neill was designated as king in Mahony's pamphlet. The sword never -came into O'Neill's hands, and there is no evidence that he had any -such ideas, though the nature of his ambition must always be somewhat -questionable. Things came to a head about the end of July, when James -Preston, the general's son, besieged Athy, which was held by Shane -O'Hagan against the Confederates, and where O'Neill had established a -bakery for ammunition-bread. Summoned by O'Hagan to his relief, the -northern general came from Longford without meeting much resistance, -and passed the flooded Barrow by felling an oak tree across it. Preston -drew off at his approach, and he encamped a few days later in Lord -Mountgarret's park at Dunmore with 10,000 foot and 500 horse. His men -ate the deer and drank the good ale in the lodge. He made no attempt on -the town, about which Preston had collected some troops, and after a -stay of five days drew off into Queen's County, Inchiquin following him -with a much inferior force.[126] - -[Sidenote: Panic at Kilkenny, May-August.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin urges Ormonde to return.] - -While O'Neill's tents were visible from the walls of Kilkenny there -was great confusion inside. Some churches were shut; others, in -defiance of the interdict, remained open. A letter was intercepted in -which Paul King, guardian of the Franciscans and a special confidant -of the nuncio's, invited the northern general to take possession. -The Council imprisoned King and made Peter Walsh guardian. Walsh was -employed to draw up queries and answers, which were afterwards signed -by Bishop Rothe, against the validity of Rinuccini's censures. 'I -remember very well,' writes the learned friar, 'how (besides others) -Richard Bellings, Esq., a leading member and chief secretary of the -said Council, came several times from them to my chamber to hasten my -despatch, and to tell me of the great danger of delay, being the enemy -was in sight and the people so divided.' He worked for five days and -nights consecutively without closing his eyes, and preached in the -cathedral at the end of it. A respectable number of divines followed -Rothe and Walsh, but it was evident that the Confederacy could not be -restored. O'Neill, who alone of the Irish generals had the prestige -of victory, openly defied the authority of the Council and adhered to -the nuncio. Jones was gradually growing stronger in Dublin, and it was -evident that no one except Ormonde could have the weight necessary. -Inchiquin had urged him to come as soon as the truce was concluded. -'Divers of my men,' he said, 'have died of hunger, after they had a -while lived upon cats and dogs, as many do now. And if, while I am in -this condition, the Parliament shipping should arrive according to our -expectation, grounded upon good advertisement, with some officers, -money, clothes, and victuals, and make tender thereof unto our -soldiers, if they will give up the officers they have now, a greater -strait than I shall be in cannot be imagined.'[127] - -[Sidenote: Activity of O'Neill, August-September.] - -[Sidenote: He is generally unsuccessful.] - -After leaving Kilkenny, O'Neill marched to Borrisoleigh in Tipperary. -Here he received an invitation to visit Clare, and went to Killaloe, -whence he detached Rory Maguire to surprise Banagher. He then turned -back into Tipperary, and sent another detachment to Nenagh, which was -taken by storm. From Silvermines he went to Birr, where he heard that -Athy was again closely besieged by Preston, and sent a party to relieve -it. Inchiquin, in the meantime, recovered Nenagh by undermining the -wall, while his men were sheltered with wooden barriers. The garrison -surrendered before the mine was fired, and Inchiquin then went to -Banagher, where he was joined by Clanricarde and Taaffe. They were so -well posted that O'Neill was unable to raise the siege, and retired -by Tullamore to the neighbourhood of Belturbet in Cavan. Athlone was -already in Clanricarde's hands, so that the party opposed to Rinuccini -had been successful all along the line. O'Neill's object had been -to reach Kerry, which had not been devastated and where there were -harbours to receive foreign supplies, and mountains suited to his -peculiar tactics. He remained inactive in Ulster for the rest of the -year.[128] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill makes advances to Inchiquin,] - -[Sidenote: and to Michael Jones,] - -[Sidenote: and denounces the Confederates.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill proclaimed traitor, Sept. 30.] - -Early in September O'Neill employed Rory O'More, the original plotter -of the rebellion, on a mission to Inchiquin. He offered to leave him -the whole of Munster without any condition but that of non-interference -in the other provinces. Adopting Rinuccini's view that anything was -better than the Supreme Council, he also entered into negotiations -with the governor of Dublin. Jones was represented by his brother, -the Bishop of Clogher, while Macmahon, who claimed the same see, was -hand-and-glove with O'Neill. The General Assembly declared that 'as -Owen Roe and the Bishop of Clogher (Macmahon) mislead those adhering -unto them with deep protestations of their loyalty, and desires to -advance the Catholic religion, and his Majesty's interests, and his -aversion to Jones and his ways; so of the other side Jones with his -Protestant Bishop of Clogher, by the same acts and illusions (while -they be practisers with Owen O'Neill) endeavours to persuade his -officers and soldiers that he intends to prosecute him as a pestilent -blood-sucker, and a sworn enemy to the English nation and Government; -and we are informed that when despatches come from Owen O'Neill, and -the messengers of Vicar-General Edmond O'Reilly are seen at Dublin, -Jones gives out that they are sent from the Council at Kilkenny.' In -his declaration against the truce with Inchiquin O'Neill denounced the -Confederates for surrendering all to Ormonde, 'the great personage whom -in their souls they know to be wholly disposed to betray the kingdom to -the Parliament.' It is hard to believe that O'Neill thought any such -thing; at all events, he heartily congratulated the great personage -on his safe arrival in Ireland. 'None,' he said, 'shall be found in -the kingdom more obedient and dutiful to his Majesty, and consequently -to your Excellency.' Ormonde replied that he would have no reason to -complain if his actions were agreeable to his professions. In the -meantime the Supreme Council had proclaimed O'Neill a traitor, along -with Bishop Macmahon, Vicar-General O'Reilly, Dominic Fanning, and -others, and had ordered all their adherents to lay down their arms -before October 25 on pain of being held traitors likewise.[129] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde lands at Cork, Sept. 29.] - -[Sidenote: The King's orders to him.] - -Ormonde reached Cork harbour on Michaelmas Day. Inchiquin begged him -to come, with or without money, but to multiply the real sum by four -so as to encourage the soldiers. What he actually brought was thirty -pistoles, his slender resources having been expended through various -accidents and delays before he left France. He issued an address to -the Munster army, declaring that he had come 'to employ his utmost -endeavours for the settlement of the Protestant religion, for defence -of the King in his prerogatives, and for maintaining the privileges -and freedom of Parliament, as well as the liberty of the subject.' -Independency he would do his best to suppress. He had still all the -legal authority of a viceroy, but his special powers to treat with the -Irish had been exhausted in 1646. He had fresh powers from the Prince -of Wales, but they might be objected to, and the King was applied to -for their confirmation. 'I must command you two things,' wrote Charles -from Newport, 'first, to obey all my wife's commands; then, not to -obey any commands of mine until I send you word that I am free from -restraint. Lastly, be not startled at my great concessions concerning -Ireland, for that they will come to nothing.' Ormonde stayed a few days -at Cork, and then went to his own house at Carrick, so as to be near -Kilkenny.[130] - -[Sidenote: Riot at Galway, July.] - -[Sidenote: The archbishop defies the nuncio.] - -[Sidenote: The General Assembly denounce the nuncio's party,] - -[Sidenote: and welcome Ormonde to Kilkenny.] - -The mayor of Galway attempted to proclaim the truce, as Kilkenny had -done, but Rinuccini opposed him in person, and in the riot which -followed some lives were lost. The mob generally sided with the -nuncio, and he had the bell of the Carmelites' church taken down, -that order having opposed him. Two priests were posted at the door -'to keep Catholics from the mass, to the great scandal of Catholic -religion in the country, where there are many Protestants that, by -good example, might be converted to the Catholic faith.' Archbishop de -Burgo reached the town at this juncture, and demanded the production of -the warrant under which Rinuccini acted. 'I won't show it,' said the -nuncio. 'And I won't obey you,' replied the archbishop, and ordered -the church doors to be forcibly opened by a man who got in through -a hole in the roof. The archbishop celebrated mass in spite of the -interdict. In order to neutralise the action of the Kilkenny Council, -Rinuccini summoned a national synod to meet at Galway on August 15; -but Clanricarde, who had the assistance of Inchiquin, surrounded the -town and quite prevented any episcopal gathering there. No letters -reached the nuncio, and it was with great difficulty that he despatched -any. On August 30 he published a declaration, which was signed by six -bishops and some other dignitaries, setting forth that adhesion to the -truce with Inchiquin was 'a deadly sin against the law of God and His -Church.' This did not prevent the Assembly from meeting at Kilkenny -on September 4, who denounced the malice and irregularity of those -who signed the declaration, and pronounced them guilty of the late -bloodshed at Galway. A few days later they sent John Roe, provincial -of the barefooted Carmelites, to Rome with letters for the Pope. They -had fought, they said, for the faith for seven years, and their reward -was to have the papal thunders loosened upon their heads by the nuncio. -As soon as Ormonde arrived they congratulated him, and announced their -willingness to conclude 'a well-grounded and lasting peace' with him. -Commissioners, of whom Sir Phelim O'Neill was one, were appointed to -carry on the negotiations. Early in November Ormonde was invited to -Kilkenny, and entered the town with great pomp, the members of the -Assembly going out along the road to meet him and conducting him to his -own castle. It was just three years since Rinuccini had been received -with equal or greater rejoicing.[131] - -[Sidenote: Antrim tries to thwart Ormonde] - -Antrim was much disgusted at not being made Lord Lieutenant, and -reached Ireland about the same time as Ormonde, with the intention of -thwarting him. He was not trusted by the Confederates, and the most -important part of the Paris negotiations had been hidden from him. -Wexford favoured the nuncio, and Antrim collected about a thousand -men there with a view of making a diversion in aid of Owen O'Neill. -They consisted of a battalion of Highlanders, under Macdonald of -Glengarry, and of levies made among the O'Byrnes and Kavanaghs. They -were attacked on the road between Wexford and Arklow by the Confederate -forces, and routed by MacThomas and his cavalry. This is what Antrim -in his autobiographical memoir calls 'living privately at Wexford and -Waterford.' He escaped by boat to Arklow, and thence to O'Neill's -garrison at Rebane in Kildare. In the following year he became a -pensioner of Cromwell.[132] - -[Sidenote: The Parliament masters of Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: Monck takes Carrickfergus and Belfast, September.] - -In the meantime the aspect of affairs in Ulster had changed very much. -Coote was governor of Londonderry, but much straitened by the fort -of Culmore, which was held by Sir Robert Stewart. Stewart was now a -decided Royalist, and his guns commanded the channel of the Foyle -so that supplies reached the city with difficulty. Monro still held -Carrickfergus and Belfast, while Monck held O'Neill in check from -Dundalk and Lisburn. When Monro's nephew George, who had escaped so -narrowly at Benburb, went over to Scotland for the King, he took with -him men from most of the Scottish regiments. This was done with his -uncle's connivance, and Monck had strict orders from the Parliament to -seize Belfast. During the night of September 12 he arrived accordingly -before Carrickfergus with a strong force. The captain of the guard -opened the gate, Monro was taken in his bed, and sent over to England. -Belfast then surrendered without resistance. The thanks of Parliament, -which was in good humour after Preston, were given to Monck, who was -voted 500_l._, and made governor of Belfast and Carrickfergus. A few -weeks later, Coote was equally successful, and he also received the -thanks of Parliament. Stewart was inveigled into Londonderry to attend -a christening, and was seized, along with Audley Mervyn. They were sent -over to England, and Culmore fort soon surrendered to Coote, as did -Lifford and some other places. With the exception of Charlemont, which -the Irish had held since 1641, every fortified place in Ulster was in -Parliamentary hands by the end of the year.[133] - -[Sidenote: Mutiny in Inchiquin's army.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde at Cork, November.] - -[Sidenote: The Prince of Wales expected.] - -While Ormonde was negotiating at Kilkenny, a serious mutiny occurred -among the cavalry of Inchiquin's army. Many of the officers were not -Royalists, and many of the men had received no pay. It was true that -their wants had been neglected by Parliament; but the Houses had at -least the means of becoming prompt paymasters, while Ormonde could only -give promises. The proceedings in Ulster showed that the Parliamentary -cause was gaining ground. By simultaneously seizing several of the -chief officers, by offering an indemnity for the past, and by promising -to detain no man against his will, Inchiquin quelled the mutiny; but it -was thought desirable that Ormonde should visit Cork, and he left the -Assembly sitting at Kilkenny. Richard Fanshawe reached Kinsale at this -juncture with letters from the Prince of Wales and power to announce -that Rupert was coming with his fleet and supplies. The Duke of York -was expected at once, and his elder brother as soon as he had recovered -from an attack of smallpox. Ormonde urged the Prince of Wales to come, -for his presence was the one thing necessary to restore the confidence -of 'a discouraged rather than disaffected army.' Money and additional -men would be very useful, but Charles himself much more so. Having done -what he could in Munster, the Lord Lieutenant returned to Kilkenny -within a fortnight as he had promised.[134] - -[Sidenote: No help from Rome.] - -[Sidenote: Peace concluded, January, 1648-9.] - -[Sidenote: Commissioners of Trust appointed.] - -Ormonde was ill after his return to Kilkenny, and the discussions -about the peace were suspended till December 19; but the Confederates -were in no condition to drive a hard bargain. Bishop French and -Sir Nicholas Plunket had returned from Rome empty-handed, the Pope -alleging troubles in Crete and a possible invasion of Italy by the -Turks as reasons for turning a deaf ear to Ireland. The agents were -also reminded that no account had been given of the large sum sent -over by Massari. The Remonstrance of the army in England became known -at Kilkenny about the same time, and it had a very sobering effect. -The Assembly receded from its extreme claim in the matter of religion, -and on January 17 a peace was concluded which differed but slightly -from that made in 1646 and afterwards rejected by Rinuccini's advice. -Everything was referred to a free Parliament to be held in Ireland -in six months, or as soon after as possible, and no man was to be -molested for any matter of religion in the meantime. The Confederacy -was dissolved and the powers of a provisional government were vested -in twelve lay notables, of whom three were peers, afterwards known as -the 'Commissioners of Trust.' The peace was signed at Kilkenny and -proclaimed on the same day, and a circular letter was also sent out by -nine bishops. These prelates advised their co-religionists to accept -the peace loyally. 'In the present concessions,' they said, 'and in the -expectation of further gracious favours from his Majesty's goodness, we -have received a good satisfaction for the being and safety of religion; -and the substance thereof, as to the concessions for religion, is -better than the sound; by the temporal articles lives, liberties, and -the estates of men are well provided for ... you fight fiercely against -sectaries and rebels for God and Cæsar, and under those banners you may -well hope for victories.'[135] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio loses all credit.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde on ultramontane politics.] - -While Ormonde was negotiating at Kilkenny, Rinuccini was in low -estate at Galway. 'For eight months,' he wrote, 'I have seen none -of my attendants, and am reduced to such a point, that however bad -the vessel, the sea is almost safer for me than the land.' He sent -his confessor, Giuseppe Arcamoni, a Theatine, to Rome in order to -counterbalance the efforts of the Carmelite Roe. The Confederates -had gone so far as to order him out of Ireland to make his defence -before the Pope in person, and to forbid him in the meantime to -'intermeddle directly or indirectly' in Irish affairs. A duplicate of -this letter was sent to the Corporation of Galway, and both original -and copy were accompanied by a long statement of charges against the -nuncio. The corporation were peremptorily ordered to have no further -dealings with the 'lord archbishop of Fermo.' He was accused generally -of arbitrary and tyrannical conduct, of endeavouring to subvert -fundamental laws and to withdraw the people from their allegiance to -the Crown, and of plotting to 'introduce a foreign, arbitrary, and -tyrannical government.' In a paper drawn up about this time Ormonde -says, 'the nuncio is a foreigner, and no subject of his Majesty's; -therefore not at all interested in any agreement between his Majesty -and his subjects, and may have aims prejudicial to both, wherefore his -satisfaction may be as difficult as unnecessary.'[136] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini leaves Ireland, February 1648-9.] - -[Sidenote: Reasons of his failure.] - -[Sidenote: What was thought at Rome.] - -Rinuccini was completely beaten, though the great bulk of the clergy -were with him. He could claim seventeen bishops against eight, and the -vast majority of the religious orders, excepting the Jesuits. He had -with him the Celtic population, as represented by Owen Roe O'Neill, -and the poorer classes generally, who cared much for the Church and -very little for the Crown. But the nobility and the legal profession -were against him. 'A few days,' he wrote, 'after my arrival in Kilkenny -some lawyers inquired from Father Scarampi if I were going to erect a -tribunal. When he said yes, they replied that they would not put up -with it by any means.... In the public assembly Viscount Muskerry said -that the day of my arrival was a fatal one for the country; in short, -they have shown in every action that they cannot endure the authority -of the Pope; they are even not ashamed to say in private and in print -that his succours were mere empty hopes, vanity, and vexation. It may -be therefore by the will of God that a people Catholic only in name, -and so irreverent towards the Church, should feel the thunderbolt of -the Holy See, and draw upon themselves the anger which is the meed of -the scorner.' Rinuccini declared that a nuncio to a heretic viceroy -was an absurdity, and prepared to leave the country. With difficulty -he succeeded in securing the very _San Pietro_ on board of which he -had first come. Plunket and French went to Galway to report the result -of their Roman mission, but he did not await their arrival, and it -was thought that he feared orders from the Pope incompatible with his -late proceedings. He sailed on February 23, crowds of weeping people -accompanying him to the ship; the poor were much better Catholics -than the lords and lawyers. The demonstration on his arrival had been -less than 'on the completion of his mission to a poor and persecuted -minister, and could not be ascribed to the hopes of assistance which -they entertained.' He thought the corrupted nations nearer Rome should -'journey to a distant clime where the sun is never seen, that they may -fully comprehend the due subjection of the faithful to their head.' -In the meantime he sent his confessor to Rome with instructions to -press for certain specific measures. The authorities were called upon -to suspend Bishop Rothe of Ossory, to summon Archbishop de Burgo to -Rome, to call Peter Walsh 'before the Inquisition or any other tribunal -in Rome,' to summon the chiefs of the recalcitrant Carmelites, and -to order Malone, provincial of the Irish Jesuits, out of Ireland. -Arcamoni arrived in March, but Rinuccini lingered long in France and -in his native Florence, and did not reach Rome till the second week -in November. No one there approved of his proceedings in Ireland, and -the Pope accused him of rashness. More than two years before he had -abstained from making him a cardinal, though urged to do so by Bishop -Macmahon.[137] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[123] _Bellings_, vii. 37; _Rushworth_, vii. 1060; Carte's _Ormonde_, -ii. 24-31. - -[124] _Bellings_, vii. 37-58, where the documents are all given. The -episcopal declaration is dated April 27. Rinuccini's _Embassy_, pp. -380-391. The printed declaration and protestation of Lord Inchiquin and -his officers, dated May 6, 1648, attributes their action to the fact -that the Independents had denied them supplies. - -[125] Rinuccini's _Embassy_, p. 393. The articles with Inchiquin in -_Confederation and War_, vi. 235; the Excommunication in _Aphorismical -Discovery_, i. 194; _Bellings_, vii. 69. - -[126] O'Neill's _Journal_; _Bellings_, vii. 98, 104; _Aphorismical -Discovery_, i. 240. - -[127] Walsh's _Remonstrance_, xlvi.; the Queries, _ib._, appendix 1; -_Bellings_, vii. 103-12; Inchiquin to Ormonde, May 29, 1648, in Carte's -_Ormonde_, iii. - -[128] _Bellings_, vii. 104-108; O'Neill's _Journal_, September, 1648. - -[129] Documents in _Contemporary Hist._, i. 745-754, September and -October, 1648. - -[130] Carte's _Ormonde_, ii. 39-41; the King to Ormonde, October 28, -in Carte's _Original Letters_; Ormonde to Sir R. Blake, Walker's -_Discourses_, p. 71. - -[131] Rinuccini's _Embassy_, August and September; Hardiman's _Hist. of -Galway_; Letter to the Pope, September 17, in _Confederation and War_, -vi. 280; _ib._, 300. - -[132] Hill's _Macdonnells of Antrim_, pp. 278-303; _Bellings_, vii. -114; Carte's _Ormonde_, ii. 42. - -[133] Benn's _Hist. of Belfast_, p. 122; _Rushworth_, vii. 1277, 1282, -1386; Lodge's _Peerage_, vi. 244. - -[134] Ormonde to the Prince of Wales from Cork, November 27, 1648, in -_Confederation and War_, vii. 149; Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. 44-47. On -December 12, Digby reported, but without believing the story, that a -'she correspondent' of Jermyn had told him that Inchiquin had agreed -with the Derby House Committee and promised to give up Ormonde, _Carte -MSS._ vol. 63, _f._ 565. - -[135] Articles of peace, proclamation of same, and circular of -prelates, January 17, 1648-9, in _Confederation and War_, vii. 184-213. -The Commissioners of Trust were Viscounts Dillon and Muskerry, Lord -Athenry, Alexander MacDonnell (Antrim's brother), Sirs Lucas Dillon, -Nicholas Plunket, and Richard Barnewall, Geoffrey Brown, Donogh -O'Callaghan, Turlagh O'Neill, Miles O'Reilly, and Gerald Fennell -Esquires. - -[136] Rinuccini's _Embassy_, October 31, 1648; Sir Richard Blake to -Rinuccini and to the town of Galway, October 19, with enclosure, in -_Confederation and War_, vi. 294; Notes by Ormonde in _Contemp. Hist._ -i. 756. - -[137] Rinuccini's _Embassy_, pp. 436, 467. The Pope's words to -Rinuccini, as reported by Father Roe to Peter Walsh, were _Temerarie -te gessisti_,--_Hist. of the Remonstrance_, xxxiv. Castlehaven alludes -to them, and may have had his information from either Roe or Walsh. -Macmahon to the Pope in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 303; Robert -Meynell to Hyde and Cottington, Rome, October 18, 1849, in _Clarendon -S.P._, and Father Roe to Hyde, Nov. 27, _ib._ - - - - -CHAPTER XXX - -RINUCCINI TO CROMWELL, 1649 - - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's commanding position.] - -[Sidenote: He tries to gain O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill, Jones and Coote.] - -Having pacified the Confederates and driven away Rinuccini, Ormonde was -now for the moment almost master of Ireland. If he could only regain -Dublin before Cromwell was ready, the chances of war and politics might -yet turn in the young King's favour. He attempted to win over O'Neill, -who had still 5000 foot and 300 horse, though many chiefs had deserted -him and 2000 of his men had gone to Spain under O'Sullivan Bere. -O'Neill was willing to accept the peace if he might be allowed 6000 -foot and 800 horse at the expense of the country, but the Commissioners -of Trust, with whom all such questions rested, would not agree to more -than 4000 foot and 600 horse. When at last they yielded it was only on -condition that the regiments of Sir Phelim O'Neill and others who had -deserted the Ulster general should form part of the force. Suspecting -ill-faith, Owen O'Neill turned to Jones and Monck, from whom he might -expect a supply of powder, and the former actually sold him some. -Ormonde then approached Michael Jones, but he refused to abandon those -from whom he held his command. Coote professed himself ready to obey -the King's orders as soon as his Majesty was in a position to enable -him to do so safely. He was, however, deserted by some of Sir Robert -Stewart's old officers, who seized Enniskillen, imprisoned Sir William -Cole, and declared for the King. Ormonde pressed Charles to come to -Ireland, but Scotch influences proved too strong.[138] - -[Sidenote: Charles II. proclaimed, February.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and Jones.] - -[Sidenote: Attitude of Jones.] - -[Sidenote: Milton and the Ulster Scots.] - -[Sidenote: The Scots a hired army.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and Cromwell compared.] - -[Sidenote: All the treaties with the Irish condemned.] - -Ormonde went to Cork early in February in order to communicate with -Prince Rupert. At Youghal on his return he heard of the King's -execution, and immediately proclaimed Charles II. The same was done -wherever his authority extended, and the new sovereign lost no time in -renewing his commission as Lord Lieutenant with the fullest powers. -His negotiations with O'Neill at this time had no result, but he had -some hope that the King's execution would detach Michael Jones from -the Parliament. There was, he said, an evident intention to abolish -monarchy, 'unless their aim be first to constitute an elective kingdom -and Cromwell or some such John of Leyden being elected then by the -same force to establish a perfect Turkish tyranny.' Nothing better -could be expected from 'the dregs and scum of the House of Commons -picked and awed by the army,' which was all that remained of the -ancient constitution. Jones in his answer pointed out that the peace -just concluded scarcely gave any protection to Protestants, and that -none was to be expected from a Papist army. His business was not to -meddle in affairs of State, but to carry out the work for which he was -appointed. The intermeddling of Irish governors with English parties -had always had the effect of weakening the colony, and Ormonde himself -had provided a case in point by sending most of his English army across -the channel, and thus very nearly abandoning Ireland to the rebels. -The English interest could evidently only be preserved by the English, -and it was upon that ground that he had surrendered Dublin to the -Parliament, 'from which clear principle I am sorry to see your lordship -now receding.' Jones said nothing either in approval or condemnation -of the King's execution, but he did not allow it to affect his action. -The Scots in Ulster, while condemning it unreservedly, did not think -it a reason for supporting Ormonde. The Presbytery of Belfast were -chiefly anxious to overthrow the sectaries who had departed from the -Solemn League and Covenant, and even showed an intention of tolerating -all religions, even 'paganism and Judaism.' But they were scarcely -less bitter against those who 'combined themselves with Papists and -other notorious malignants.' Milton, who was just beginning his -career as Latin secretary, was employed by the House of Commons to -answer both Ormonde and the Ulster presbyters. With the latter he had -little difficulty, for they admitted that Ireland was dependent upon -England and not upon Scotland. 'The Presbytery of Belfast, a small -town in Ulster,' said the poet, should have enough to do in overseeing -their own flock, without meddling in affairs of State. The House of -Commons were accused of seizing upon the King's person, 'but was he -not surrendered into their hands an enemy and captive by their own -subordinate and paid army of Scots in England?' And Knox, who was -the founder of Scotch presbytery, 'taught professedly the doctrine -of deposing and of killing kings.' Ormonde on his part made a great -mistake in comparing Cromwell to John of Leyden, for never was any -man more unlike the Puritan chief than the polygamous scoundrel who -had enjoyed a brief royalty at Münster. Cromwell, said Milton, had -'done in few years more eminent and remarkable deeds whereon to found -nobility in his house though it were wanting, and perpetual renown to -posterity, than Ormonde and all his ancestors put together can show -from any record of their Irish exploits, the widest scene of their -glory.' Dealing with the articles of the peace in greater detail than -Jones had done, Milton shows that the Protestants of Ireland were -really left at the mercy of those who were more or less responsible for -the massacres. The cessation of 1643 and the abortive articles of 1646 -were open to the same objection, but this last treaty went further in -proposing to give an Irish Parliament power to repeal Poynings' Act, -and by abandoning the militia, 'a trust which the King swore by God at -Newmarket he would not commit to his Parliament of England, no, not for -an hour.' Nor did Milton omit to notice the article 'more ridiculous -than dangerous' which provided for the repeal of laws against ploughing -by the tail and burning in the straw, showing how 'indocible and averse -from all civility and amendment,' the Irish rebels were.[139] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill and Monck.] - -[Sidenote: They combine against Ormonde and Inchiquin.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill helps Coote.] - -George Monck was governor of Ulster for the Parliament. Being deserted -by the Scots under Sir Robert Stewart and Sir George Monro, he found -it hard to maintain himself, but he was able to victual Londonderry, -Coleraine, Greencastle, and Lisburn. He himself lay at Dundalk, where -he feared to be attacked on all sides. To keep O'Neill from joining -with Ormonde was therefore his chief object. Sooner or later O'Neill -would have had to accept the Lord Lieutenant's overtures, for he was -entirely cut off from the sea and had no other means of replenishing -his stock of powder. Monck, who knew that help was coming from England, -resolved to give the necessary powder on condition of an offensive and -defensive alliance for three months, during which O'Neill bound himself -to make no terms with Ormonde or Inchiquin or with any opponent of the -Parliament. Each of these two silent men, who were soldiers and not -politicians, thought the preservation of his army the first object. -O'Neill was responsible to no one; but Monck took the precaution -of reporting all he had done to Cromwell, who would understand the -military argument, and see that political prudery was out of place in -the midst of war. The immediate result of the treaty was to reduce the -activity of the Scots by whom Londonderry was beset. Later on Coote -followed Monck's example, and O'Neill's help enabled him to hold out -until relief came from England. Ormonde, on the other hand, drove -O'Neill out of Leinster, Maryborough, Athy, and other garrisons being -taken by Castlehaven during the month of May.[140] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde before Dublin, June.] - -[Sidenote: Rupert gave no help.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin takes Drogheda, June 28.] - -[Sidenote: Monck gives powder to O'Neill,] - -[Sidenote: but Inchiquin captures it.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill relieves Londonderry.] - -On June 19 Ormonde, with 7000 foot and 3000 horse, advanced almost to -the walls of Dublin, and fixed his camp at Finglas, about three miles -north of the town, his tents being visible to the besieged. Jones -had nearly as many foot, besides armed citizens, but only about 500 -horse. Outside the capital Parliament now held only Drogheda, Trim, and -Dundalk in Leinster. Jones had no hay or oats for horses and oxen, and -was short of provisions, there being neither fish nor flesh in the -market; but while the sea was open that was not likely to last, though -a more enterprising general might perhaps have succeeded in a sudden -attack. The army, however, as it turned out, was not a very good one, -and doubtless Ormonde knew it. Rupert was at Kinsale with his piratical -fleet, and Ormonde urged him to blockade Dublin, but the prince either -could not or would not comply while the possibility existed, and after -Blake's arrival on May 22 even the possibility ceased. Pressed probably -by want of forage Jones sent most of his cavalry to Drogheda, but -they were attacked on the road by Inchiquin and suffered great loss. -Inchiquin was then detached with 2000 foot and 1500 horse to beleaguer -Drogheda, and on the 28th it capitulated. The garrison were allowed to -go where they pleased, and a few joined Jones, but the greater part -went over to Ormonde. O'Neill's chief strength was at this time in -Cavan and Monaghan, and at the beginning of May he held a provincial -council at Belturbet, where it was decided to help Coote if he would -give the necessary ammunition. This negotiation failed at the time, -and in June O'Neill drew down with 3000 men to the neighbourhood of -Dundalk, where he encamped. Monck was ready to give the powder if -O'Neill would bring it off, and Colonel Ferral with the requisite -carts and an escort of 500 men was sent on this duty. From the town to -the camp was only about seven miles, and the road was open. Inchiquin -found out what was going on, and sent Colonel Trevor with a strong -body of horse to attack the convoy. The Irish soldiers had got drunk -in Dundalk, and made but a poor resistance, so that the stores were -captured and most of the escort killed or taken. O'Neill immediately -fell back to Clones and renewed his negotiations with Coote, who was -now willing to give thirty barrels of powder with sufficient match, and -either three hundred beeves or 400_l._ in money. As soon as O'Neill -approached Londonderry the Scots marched away, and the bulwark of the -North was threatened no more. Inchiquin was left free to deal with -Dundalk, which Monck had no idea of surrendering, had his men allowed -him to hold it. But they were hungry, they were unpaid, and to their -eyes it seemed that their chief was engaged in an unholy transaction -with the authors of the Ulster massacre. Dundalk opened its gates and -Monck was allowed to go where he pleased. He went to England to tell -his own story.[141] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde encamps at Rathmines.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin is detached to Munster.] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Rathmines, August 2.] - -[Sidenote: Total defeat of the Royalists.] - -After Drogheda and Dundalk were taken Ormonde crossed the Liffey and -established his camp at Rathmines, leaving Lord Dillon at Finglas -with a small force. On the same day Jones received a reinforcement of -1500 foot and 600 horse under Reynolds and Venables, and the chance -of taking Dublin was proportionately diminished, for the garrison -had become more numerous than the besieging army. 'We had it,' says -Ormonde, 'from many good hands out of England and from Dublin, that -Cromwell was at the seaside ready to embark for this kingdom, and that -his design was for Munster.' Lest Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal should -fall while Dublin was still untaken it was decided by a council of war -to send Inchiquin to Munster with three regiments of horse. This proved -fatal, but it was supposed that Cromwell meant to land the greater part -of his army in the south, and his intention was made known by some who -came in the ships which brought fresh troops to Jones. Ormonde realised -that if he did not take Dublin before Cromwell came he was not likely -to take it after. He diverted the conduit which brought the Dodder -water from near Templeoge to Dublin, and thus stopped the mills, though -there was still enough to drink from other sources. Wheat was selling -in Dublin at 5_l._ 10_s._ a quarter and rye at 4_l._ 10_s._, yet the -garrison would hardly starve while they had command of the river, but -it was different with the horses who depended upon the grazing of the -meadows between Trinity College and the mouth of the Dodder. Having -first reduced Rathfarnham, which annoyed his rear, Ormonde decided to -fortify Baggotrath Castle, which stood near the point where Waterloo -Road now joins Upper Baggot Street, and thus deprive Jones's cavalry -of their supply of fodder. Soon after dark on the night of August 1 he -sent Purcell with 1500 men to occupy the place, which had already been -examined carefully, and he expected to find tenable entrenchments there -in the morning. The distance was scarcely a mile, and Purcell had been -at Baggotrath during the day; but he wandered about all night, and when -the morning broke nothing had been done. This was attributed to the -treachery of a guide, and Peter Walsh says Edmund O'Reilly, afterwards -Archbishop of Armagh, had been engaged in conducting an intrigue -between Owen O'Neill and Jones, and that he was guilty of betraying the -camp at Rathmines. Ormonde sat up during the night to write despatches, -but rode to Baggotrath with the first light. He found very little -progress made with the entrenchments, while the garrison of Dublin were -evidently on the alert and busily moving about under shelter of their -works. Jones had 4000 foot and 1200 horse under arms, having at first -no intention but to prevent the Royalists from establishing themselves -on the shore, but the first encounter gradually developed into a -general engagement, when the superior quality of the Parliamentarian -troops soon became manifest. Expecting no attack, Ormonde had lain down -to rest about nine o'clock, and some of his officers left their posts, -so that the troops were partly surprised. He himself was roused by -the firing about ten, and most of his men made but slight resistance, -'many of them running away towards the hills of Wicklow, where some -of them were bred, and whither they knew the way but too well.' The -fighting continued for about two hours and ended in a complete rout, -the cavalry dispersing after the death of their commander, Sir William -Vaughan. Jones's loss in killed was not above twenty, and he reported -that he had taken 2517 prisoners and that 4000 Royalists were killed; -but the latter figure is doubtless much exaggerated. A vast quantity -of arms and stores of all kinds fell into the victor's hands. Ormonde -escaped with very few followers, having totally failed to rally his -broken regiments, but that portion of his army which had remained on -the north bank of the Liffey escaped to Drogheda and Trim. Many of -Inchiquin's old soldiers afterwards took service with Jones, and not -a few of Ormonde's did the same, declaring with loud shouts that they -would return to their own countrymen. Jones secured all the guns, and -Ormonde lost his papers, besides 'velvets, silk, scarlets, wines, -grocery, and some convenient quantity of money.' He went to Kilkenny, -and a week after started for Drogheda with 300 horse. Jones, who had -moved northwards to attack that town, thereupon withdrew into Dublin -and awaited Cromwell's arrival. Rathfarnham, Maynooth, and other strong -places near Dublin fell into the victor's hands, but Ormonde took -Ballyshannon immediately after the battle, persuading the governor that -Dublin had surrendered. When the truth was known Inchiquin's soldiers -in Munster began to desert and enter the Parliamentary ranks.[142] - -[Sidenote: Charles II. invited to Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: But Scotch influences prevail.] - -The peace was signed on January 17, and on the 22nd Ormonde sent Lord -Byron to invite the Prince of Wales to Ireland. If he could bring money -and supplies with him he would be doubly welcome, but in any case his -presence would be of the greatest value. All England and Scotland -were either engaged in rebellion or subdued by the rebels, otherwise -Ormonde would not have invited the Prince 'so far from the more vital -part of his hopes.' Byron found Charles at the Hague nearly two months -later surrounded by Scotch lords, who were for the most part opposed -to an Irish venture, though Montrose strongly favoured it. On his way -through Paris Byron had seen Henrietta Maria, who thought the change -of her son's condition from prince to king 'an argument rather to -hasten than retard his repair thither.' Charles himself was anxious -to go, but he had no money and the States would give none unless he -would go to Scotland and take the Covenant. Among the Scots the extreme -Presbyterians even insisted on his parting with Montrose. The idea of -going to Ireland was not abandoned for some months, but the means were -wanting, and Charles spent some time at St. Germains, where he divided -his attentions between Lucy Walter and Mademoiselle de Montpensier. -He reached Jersey in the middle of September, and there heard for the -first time of the defeat at Rathmines. Henry Seymour, who carried a -garter for Ormonde, was sent to find out how things were really going -in Ireland, but the news of the fall of Drogheda and of Cromwell's -progress arrived before he could start. When he reached Ireland he -found Ormonde still anxious for the King's appearance, but he must have -seen that the cause was hopeless. Seymour was back in Jersey about -the end of January 1650, and Charles left the island, which he had -found intolerably dull, about a fortnight later. He went to Breda to -make arrangements for becoming a covenanted King of Scotland and for -denouncing Ormonde's treaty with the Irish Confederates, with which he -had before declared himself highly satisfied.[143] - -[Sidenote: Prince Rupert at Kinsale.] - -[Sidenote: His behaviour in Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: Blockaded by Blake.] - -Prince Rupert left Helvoetsluys January 21, 1649, with 'three -flagships, four frigates and one prize ... in company with the -_Amsterdam_, a Dutch ship of 1000 tons, and two others of less burden.' -His own second-rate had but forty sailors and eighty soldiers instead -of the normal complement of 300. The frigates, whose business it -was to prey upon merchantmen, were a little better manned. The Duke -of York was invited to sail with this fleet, but Hyde says he was -dissuaded by 'his old Presbyterian counsellors.' Rupert was blown as -far as Crookhaven, but by the end of the month he had collected his -ships at Kinsale. Fanshawe was at hand to receive such part of the -expected plunder as might help to fill the exiled King's exchequer, -and Hyde impressed upon him the importance of maintaining friendly -relations between Rupert and Ormonde. The Prince of Wales wrote to -the same effect, but Rupert preferred to play an obscure game of his -own and to intrigue with Antrim, O'Neill, and the Irish generally -against the Lord Lieutenant. As a sea-rover he was at first successful -enough, keeping a squadron at Scilly, which had revolted from the -Parliament, and announcing his intention to make a second Venice of -the little archipelago. A great many prizes were taken, but Rupert -lost one frigate, taken at sea by Parliamentarian cruisers. His great -difficulty was want of men, but he picked them up wherever he could -about the Irish coast in sufficient numbers to man some extra ships. -The depredations upon commerce lasted until May, when a powerful fleet -under Deane, Popham, and Blake came before Kinsale. Towards the end of -June Rupert made a show of attempting to break through the blockade, -but had to draw back without fighting. He had greatly strengthened the -fortifications at the harbour's mouth, which prevented the republican -squadron from entering. Then provisions and crews began to dwindle -again, and nothing more was attempted throughout the summer. In -October Blake was driven off the coast by a storm. Rupert seized the -opportunity to slip out, and Ireland knew him no more. His presence at -Kinsale had no real influence on events.[144] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell sent to Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: Broghill persuaded to serve.] - -When there had been a difficulty about getting soldiers for Ireland -in the spring of 1647 the officers in Saffron Walden church, had -shouted 'Fairfax and Cromwell and we all go.' Skippon was chosen, much -against his will, but he never crossed the channel. It was not till -March 1649 that Cromwell was appointed, and he hesitated to accept -the command. He was ready to go where Parliament sent him, but could -hope for no success unless the soldiers were satisfied as to their pay -and arrears. He was much impressed with the importance of reducing -Ireland, lest England should be attacked by Presbyterians and Papists -at once. He would rather see the Cavaliers triumphant than the Scots, -but a predominant Irish interest would be the most dangerous of all. -The money difficulties were got over, and it was decided to send -12,000 men to Ireland, the regiments casting lots for the danger or -honour. No individual was forced to go against his will, but those who -refused were dismissed from the army, and their places easily filled by -volunteers. The troubles with the Levellers followed, and it was not -till July that Cromwell was ready to start. His first idea was to land -in Munster, where the allegiance of Inchiquin's troops was known to be -shaken, but reinforcements were sent to Jones, which enabled him to win -the battle of Rathmines. In the meantime Broghill, who had been for -some time inactive and thought of joining Charles abroad, was gained -over by Cromwell on the understanding that he was expected to fight -only against the Irish.[145] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell leaves London, July 10.] - -[Sidenote: Lands at Dublin, August 15.] - -On July 10 Cromwell left London 'in very noble equipage, with -coaches and six horses apiece, his lifeguard of eighty, who had all -been officers, and a great number of attendants.' Many well-wishers -accompanied him as far as Brentford. It was fifty years and a few weeks -since Essex had started on his ill-fated expedition with the same title -of Lord Lieutenant. Cromwell was at Bristol four days later, where -he spent some days with his wife and other members of his family. A -hundred thousand pounds, the want of which had doubtless caused this -delay, was despatched at the end of the month, and he then pushed on -to Milford Haven, where he saw Monck, who probably dissuaded him from -going with his whole force to Munster. Cromwell was on board ship on -August 13, and 'as sea-sick,' says Hugh Peters, 'as ever I saw a man -in my life,' but before sailing he had the news of Rathmines, which he -described as 'an astonishing mercy.' He reached Dublin two days later, -with about 3000 men in thirty-five vessels. Ireton, with a second and -stronger division, contained in seventy-seven ships, went as far as the -mouth of Youghal harbour, where he, perhaps, expected a welcome; but -the pear was not yet ripe, and he was soon driven by stress of weather -to Dublin. By the middle of September the whole force was assembled in -and about the Irish capital.[146] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[138] Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. 55-65; Owen O'Neill to Ormonde, March -24, 1648-9; to Plunket and Barnewall, March 25; Relation from Ireland, -April 13--all in _Contemp. Hist. of Affairs_. - -[139] _Observations on the Articles of Peace_, May 1649, in Milton's -prose works, Bohn's ed. ii. 139. The articles with Ormonde's and -Jones's letters and the Representation of the Belfast Presbytery are -given in full. - -[140] Agreement between Monck and O'Neill, May 8, 1649, with other -papers, reprinted in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 216 _sqq._ - -[141] O'Neill's _Journal_; Monck's letters _ut sup._; _The Present -Condition of Dublin_ (two letters), London, June 22, 1649. - -[142] Ormonde's account is in a letter to the King, August 8, and in -one to Lord Byron, September 29, Carte's _Original Letters_, ii. 392, -407; and see his answer to the Jamestown prelates, October 2, 1650, -in appendix 48 to Cox's _Hibernia Anglicana_. Colonel John Moore to -Fairfax, August 4, _Egerton MSS._ 2618, _f._ 36. Jones's account, -dated August 6, is in Cary's _Memorials of the Civil War_, ii. 159; -Clarendon's account is virtually Ormonde's, _Hist. of the Rebellion, -Ireland_, pp. 77-79; Walsh's _Hist. of the Remonstrance_, p. 609; the -account given by _Bellings_, vii. 127, does not differ materially -from Clarendon's. The discipline of Ormonde's heterogeneous army was -probably bad. The author of the _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 102, -says the Lord Lieutenant 'kept rather a mart of wares, a tribunal of -pleadings, or a great inn of play, drinking, and pleasure, than a -well-ordered camp of soldiers.' For the topography of the battle I -have used Mr. Ellington Ball's article in the _Journal of the Royal -Society of Antiquaries of Ireland_, vol. xxxii. For the plunder taken -see _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 158, and a version of Jones's account rather -fuller than that given by Cary in Z. Grey's _Examination of Neal_, iv. -appendix 6. As to the state of the garrison _see Two Great Fights in -Ireland_, London, 1649, and a _Bloody Fight at Dublin_, July 4. - -[143] Ormonde to the Prince of Wales, January 22, 1648-9, in appendix -to Carte's _Ormonde_, No. 601; Lord Byron to Ormonde, March 30 and -April 1, 1649, N.S., in Carte's _Original Letters_, i. 237, and October -12, _ib._ 319; Charles II. to Ormonde, February 2, 1649-50, in Carte's -_Ormonde_, i. 108. - -[144] MS. quoted in Warburton's _Life of Rupert_, iii. 281; Hyde to -Fanshawe, January 21, 1648-9, _ib._ 279; Rupert's letter of April 12, -ib. 288; Prince of Wales to Ormonde, _Carte MSS._ vol. lxiii. _f._ 570; -letters of Blake and Deane, May 22, July 10, _Leyborne-Popham Papers_, -pp. 17-21; Carte's _Ormonde_, ii. 65; Relation taken at Havre, April -13, 1649, printed from the Clarendon MSS. in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 204, -where it is noted that Rupert had met Ormonde at Cork; Sir W. Penn's -_Memorials_, i. 291. - -[145] Cromwell's speech to the officers is in _Clarke Papers_, ii. 200, -and in the appendix to the new edition of _Carlyle_. For the episode of -the Levellers, which hardly belongs to Irish history, _see_ Gardiner's -_Commonwealth_, chap. 2, and as to Broghill, _ib._ i. 106. - -[146] It is evident from the dates collected in Gardiner's -_Commonwealth_, i. 115, 116, that Monck went from London to Milford and -back again between August 1 and 10. Cromwell's letter to his daughter -Dorothy, August 13, 'aboard the _John_'; Robert Coytmor to Popham, -August 25; Blake to same, September 10; Deane to same, September 14, in -_Leyborne-Popham Papers_, Hist. MSS. Comm. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXI - -CROMWELL IN IRELAND, 1649 - - -[Sidenote: Reception of Cromwell in Dublin, August 1649.] - -[Sidenote: He restores discipline.] - -[Sidenote: Civil liberty for peaceful people.] - -Jones had pretty well cleared Dublin of all but Protestants, and -it is, therefore, not surprising that the new Lord Lieutenant was -received with much rejoicing. He made a speech, of which no full -report is extant, promising favour and reward to all who helped -'against the barbarous and bloodthirsty Irish, and all their adherents -and confederates, for the propagating of the Gospel of Christ, the -establishing of truth and peace, and restoring of this bleeding nation -of Ireland to its former happiness and tranquillity.' And the people -shouted 'We will live and die with you.' When he had had a week to -look about him, he found that profane swearing and drunkenness were -prevalent, and issued a declaration to the citizens against them. -These offences were forbidden both by civil and military law, and all -officers and soldiers were ordered under the severest penalties to -co-operate with the mayor in suppressing them. A separate declaration -to the army recited the too frequent practice of 'abusing, robbing, -pillaging, and executing cruelties upon the country people.' He was -resolved, he said, to put down such wickedness by the most stringent -enforcement of the articles of war, and officers found negligent would -be cashiered. A free market was granted to all in every garrison, and -ready money was to be always paid. A general protection was granted -till January 1, during which time the inhabitants of the country would -have time to make up their minds. Those who intended to plough and -sow were to apply to the Attorney-General or other authorised persons -for further protection. Some officers who appeared incorrigible -were actually got rid of, and proper discipline was henceforth -established.[147] - -[Sidenote: The garrison of Drogheda.] - -[Sidenote: Sir Arthur Aston.] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell's advance.] - -Ormonde's first care when he had rallied after Rathmines was to -garrison Drogheda with about 2000 foot and 300 horse, the flower of -his remaining force, and to victual it for a long siege. Ludlow and -Bate say the majority of the garrison were English, but this has been -denied by modern critics, and there is really no satisfactory evidence -on the point. The choice of a Roman Catholic governor may be thought -to indicate that the defenders were mainly Irish, but Sir Arthur Aston -had been governor of Oxford under the late King's immediate eye, and no -Royalist would be likely to take offence at his appointment. Wood says -he brought 'the flower of the English veterans' to Ireland. Aston was -a brave soldier, and had made a good defence of Reading against Essex, -but he was an unpopular man, and Clarendon, who was at Oxford during -his command there, has little good to say of him. He lost a leg from -the effects of a fall 'when curvetting on horseback in Bullingdon Green -before certain ladies.' At Drogheda he had much trouble with ladies -who insisted on corresponding with Jones. A boy was employed to carry -letters, 'whom, I fear, is of too small a size to be hanged.' Ormonde -did not think there was any serious plot, expressing an opinion that -'woman is given much to make little factions.' On September 2, Aston -sent out men to seize the neighbouring castles, but Cromwell's advanced -parties were beforehand with him, and no outlying obstacle could be -raised against his main body. Next day the infantry made its appearance -with some small field-pieces, and the Boyne was forded at Oldbridge, -but the garrison sallied forth and drove them back. In announcing this -small success to Ormonde the governor hoped 'shortly to understand of -his Excellency's march with a gallant army.'[148] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Drogheda, Sept. 3-11.] - -[Sidenote: The town carried by storm.] - -[Sidenote: No quarter.] - -[Sidenote: An avenger of blood.] - -On August 31 Cromwell mustered a field force consisting of eight -regiments of foot and six of horse, with some dragoons, in a field -three miles north of Dublin. He marched next day and encamped next -night at Ballygarth on the Nanny River, very near Julianstown, where -the English forces had been routed eight years before. On September -3, Cromwell's lucky day, he was close to Drogheda, where there was a -week's delay before the batteries could be got ready, and the heavy -guns landed below the town. On the 7th, Aston made a successful sally, -but without in any way interrupting the assailants' preparations. -On the morning of the 10th Cromwell summoned the town in the name -of Parliament. 'To the end,' he wrote, 'effusion of blood may be -prevented, I thought fit to summon you to deliver the same into my -hands to their use. If this be refused you will have no cause to -blame me.' Aston did refuse, and a cannonade was opened against the -south-east angle of the town, one battery being against the east, and -the other against the south side of St. Mary's Church. The steeple -fell, but the breach did not prove practicable until the next day. Some -of the siege guns carried shot of sixty-four pounds weight, and the -cannon of the defenders must have been quite overmatched. No regular -approaches were necessary, and about five on the second day the breach -was assaulted. The stormers were repulsed once, according to Cromwell -and Ludlow, twice according to Royalist accounts. The general entered -the breach himself at the head of a reserve of infantry, who carried -the church and some trenches which the defenders had made inside -the walls. These inner works really helped the assailants, for they -prevented Aston from using his cavalry. The bank was too steep for -the English horse, but the foot soldiers seized the entrenchments and -drove a large part of the garrison 'into the Mill-mount, a place very -strong and of difficult access, being exceeding high, having a good -graft and strongly palisaded; the governor, Sir Arthur Aston, and -divers considerable officers being there, our men getting up to them -were ordered by me to put all to the sword; and, indeed, being in the -heat of action, I forbade them to spare any that there were in arms in -the town.' This is Cromwell's own account, and he estimates the slain -at about 2000. A part of the defenders were driven across the bridge -and as far as St. Sunday's Gate, at the far end of the town, where a -tower was occupied, as was another near the west gate. About a hundred -took refuge in St. Peter's Church tower, which was fired by Cromwell's -orders. The parties near the two gates surrendered next day, and in -one case, where fatal shots had been fired, 'the officers were knocked -on the head, and every tenth man of the soldiers killed and the rest -shipped for the Barbadoes; the soldiers in the other tower were all -spared as to their lives only, and shipped likewise for the Barbadoes. -I am persuaded that this is a righteous judgment of God upon these -barbarous wretches, who have imbrued their hands in so much innocent -blood, and that it will tend to prevent the effusion of blood for the -future, which are the satisfactory grounds to such actions, which -otherwise cannot but work remorse and regret.' Sir Arthur Aston was -known to be fond of money, and it was rumoured that much was hidden in -his wooden leg. This turned out not to be the case, but 200 gold pieces -were found in his belt. According to Wood's account he was actually -despatched with this wooden leg. Several friars were in the town, and -they were all killed. That some others of the slain were not soldiers -is at least highly probable, for Cromwell himself mentions 'many -inhabitants,' and in this the case of Drogheda does not differ from a -hundred others, in which no special blame rests on the general. Ormonde -says not a word about women having suffered; but Bate, who was not in -Ireland, states in a book published in the following year that 'there -was not any great respect had to either sex.' The stories attributed to -Thomas Wood, the great antiquary's brother, rest entirely on hearsay -evidence, and Thomas was a noted buffoon.[149] - -[Sidenote: The carnage lasted for two days.] - -[Sidenote: Richard Talbot.] - -[Sidenote: Demoralisation of Ormonde's followers.] - -That a garrison duly summoned should be put to the sword after the -storming of their works was not contrary to the laws of war in those -days. Ormonde speaks of 'the book of Martyrs, and the relation of -Amboyna,' but the case of Magdeburg would have been more to the point. -Ludlow says 'The slaughter was continued all that day and the next, -which extraordinary severity, I presume, was used to discourage others -from making opposition,' but he says nothing more, though he did not -love Cromwell. 'And truly I believe,' wrote Oliver to Bradshaw, 'this -bitterness will save much effusion of blood.' The charge that many -were killed after quarter given may be founded on fact, but if quarter -was anywhere promised it was by persons not authorised to give it, for -Cromwell himself says that he forbade it immediately after entering the -town. English and Irish alike were treated as accomplices in the Ulster -massacre, though very few even of the latter could have had anything -to say to it. Among those who escaped was Cornet Richard Talbot, -afterwards Duke of Tyrconnel, who owed his safety to the humanity of -Colonel John Reynolds. According to Hugh Peters the total number slain -was 3552, the loss to the Parliamentarians being only sixty-four, -while Cromwell estimates his killed at under a hundred, but with many -wounded. Aston expected to be relieved, and was himself expected to -hold out much longer. He complained that ammunition ran out fast, but -it was certainly not exhausted when Cromwell forced the place, and -Ormonde expressly states that there was enough for a long siege. He -was not in a position to do anything, though he had about 3000 men, -for they were demoralised by the Rathmines disaster, and decreased -daily, either by going to their own homes, 'or by the revolt of some -officers and many private soldiers, the rest showing such dejection -of courage, and upon all occasions of want, which are very frequent -with us, venting their discontent in such dangerous words, that it -was held unsafe to bring them within that distance of the enemy, as -was necessary to have kept him united, and consequently, one side of -the town open to receive continual supplies.' As many as forty-three -troopers deserted in one batch. Colonel Mark Trevor, with a strong -party of horse, was in charge of ammunition and provisions at Ardee, -but was unable to approach Drogheda on the north side.[150] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's treaty with O'Neill, Oct. 20.] - -[Sidenote: Terms of their agreement.] - -Even before the loss of Drogheda, Ormonde saw clearly that his only -chance was in an alliance with Owen Roe O'Neill, who could still -dispose of 6000 foot and 500 horse. He wrote to him immediately after -the battle of Rathmines, and a few days later sent John Leslie, Bishop -of Raphoe, and Audley Mervyn to confer with him. They were followed by -the ubiquitous Daniel O'Neill, who was believed to have influence with -his silent uncle. Immediately before the attack on Drogheda, Charles -II. wrote from St. Germains to the Irish general, urging him to return -to his allegiance, and Father Thomas Talbot, an elder brother of the -more famous Richard, was sent by him to Ireland. Talbot was directed by -Ormonde to carry his letters to Owen O'Neill, along with others for his -nephew, 'and to proceed by the said Daniel his advice and direction, -and not otherwise.' The negotiations ended in a treaty, but this was -not concluded until October 20, and a great deal had happened in the -meantime. The terms finally agreed upon were that the Kilkenny peace -should include Ulster, and that O'Neill should be general of that -province with 6000 foot and 800 horse. In case of his death or removal, -the provincial nobility and gentry were to nominate a successor for -the approval of the King's Lord Lieutenant. A part of the Ulster army -co-operated with Ormonde, but O'Neill was already ill and unable to -lead them himself after the capture of Drogheda.[151] - -[Sidenote: Dundalk and Trim abandoned] - -[Sidenote: Carlingford, Newry, Lisburn, and Belfast taken.] - -[Sidenote: Coleraine taken.] - -[Sidenote: Death of O'Neill, Nov. 6.] - -[Sidenote: His last letter to Ormonde.] - -[Sidenote: His character.] - -Ormonde had given directions to burn and abandon Dundalk and Trim, -but the garrisons fled in too great haste, leaving their guns behind -them. Having secured these important places Cromwell sent Venables to -join Coote, while he turned his own steps southwards. Carlingford, -which contained the largest magazine in Ulster, capitulated after -some well-directed shots had been fired at Captain Fern's frigate; -seven cannon and a thousand muskets, with much powder and many pikes, -fell into the victor's hands. Newry also surrendered on articles. At -Lisburn, Trevor with his cavalry surprised Venables' camp by night and -very nearly gained a complete victory, but the trained soldiers soon -recovered from their panic, and re-formed in a position where horsemen -could not reach them. Trevor had to fall back as far as the Bann, and -Belfast capitulated soon afterwards, leaving guns and powder to the -enemy. A large number of the Scotch inhabitants were driven out. Coote -made himself master of Coleraine, and by the end of November Ormonde -reported that Carrickfergus, Charlemont, and Enniskillen were the -only considerable Ulster garrisons still in Royalist hands. Before -that time Owen Roe O'Neill had died at Cloughoughter, in Cavan. In -the previous May he had likened Ormonde to Baal, and rejoiced that he -was one of those who had not bowed the knee; but he saw clearly that -it would be necessary to join either the King's or the Parliament's -party, though opposed to both, unless help came from abroad. He was -driven to extremity, and could not otherwise support his army, which he -regarded as the last hope of Ireland. It was with this object that he -had dealings with Coote, Monck, and Jones, and was driven finally to -unite with Ormonde, to whom he wrote only five days before his death. -'Being now in my death-bed,' he wrote, 'I call my Saviour to witness -that, as I hope for salvation, my resolution, ways, and intentions from -first to last of these unhappy wars tended to no particular ambition or -private interest of my own, notwithstanding what was or may be thought -to the contrary, but truly and sincerely to the preservation of my -religion, the advancement of his Majesty's service, and just liberties -of this nation, whereof, and of my particular reality and willingness -to serve your Excellency (above any other in this kingdom), I hope that -God will permit me to give ample and sufficient testimony in the view -of the world ere it be long.' He concludes by recommending his son -Henry to Ormonde's care. As a soldier all accounts agree in praising -O'Neill, whose word was always kept, and who is not charged with any -acts of cruelty or unnecessary severity. Of his patriotism there can -be no doubt, but of Ireland as a separate nation he seems to have had -no definite idea. He was a Royalist, and his natural leaning would -have been towards Ormonde as the special representative of the Crown. -But he was above all things attached to the religion of Rome, and -Rinuccini's ban weighed heavily upon him. It was this that separated -him so long from his natural ally, while it did not prevent him from -helping Monck and Coote. 'The Bishop of Raphoe and Sir Nicholas -Plunket,' wrote Daniel O'Neill, 'have agreed upon an expedient about -the excommunication which has so troubled that superstitious old uncle -of mine in his sickness that I could render him to no reason.' The -expedient was a letter signed by Plunket and Barnewall on behalf of the -nuncio's opponents in the late Confederation, who agreed to petition -the Pope to remove his censure, and also to write a sort of apology 'in -a loving and friendly manner' to Rinuccini himself.[152] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Wexford, Oct. 1-11.] - -[Sidenote: Ulster troops in the town] - -[Sidenote: Proposals of the governor.] - -[Sidenote: Terms offered by Cromwell] - -After a few days' rest in Dublin, Cromwell marched towards Wexford. -Fortified posts near Delgany, at Arklow, 'which was the first seat -and honour of the Marquis of Ormonde's family,' and at Limerick, 'the -ancient seat of the Esmonds,' were taken without firing a shot. Ferns -and Enniscorthy also surrendered without resistance, and on October 1 -the army came before Wexford, where there was a garrison under Colonel -David Synnott, who was an old adherent of Preston, and therefore not -very popular with the townsmen, who had favoured the nuncio. Two days -later a summons was sent in the usual terms 'to the end effusion -of blood may be prevented,' and Synnott was willing to parley, but -Cromwell refused any truce during negotiations, 'because our tents -are not so good a covering as your houses.' It was arranged that four -persons should come out under safe conduct, but while Cromwell was -expecting them Castlehaven managed to introduce 1500 Ulster foot on -the north side of the town, and Synnott then changed his mind. The -safe conduct was withdrawn, and in the meantime Jones led a party -of horse and foot round to the long point of Rosslare, at the end -of which was a fort whose defenders at once took to the water and -were all captured by the Parliamentary fleet. The weather was rough, -and it took some days to land the siege train, but all was ready by -the evening of the 10th. The battery was placed at the south-east -corner of the town opposite the castle, which was outside the wall, -Cromwell seeing that if it was once taken the town could make little -further resistance. After nearly a hundred shots had been fired, 'the -governor's stomach came down,' and he sent out four representatives on -safe conduct with written propositions, which Cromwell forwarded to -Lenthall 'for their abominableness, manifesting also the impudency of -the men.' The principal demands were that the inhabitants should for -ever have liberty publicly to profess and practise the Roman Catholic -religion, retaining all the churches and religious houses without -interference, that Bishop French and his successors should have full -jurisdiction in the diocese of Ferns, that the garrison should march -out with flying colours, and be escorted to Ross with all their arms -and other possessions, and that the townsmen should be guaranteed -their municipal privileges, lives, and properties. Cromwell engaged to -protect the civilians, to give private soldiers leave to go home, 'with -their wearing clothes,' on condition of bearing arms no more against -Parliament, and to spare the lives of the officers, they remaining -prisoners of war.[153] - -[Sidenote: Dissensions among the garrison.] - -[Sidenote: The castle surrendered.] - -[Sidenote: Great slaughter after the assault.] - -Considering the state of affairs, Cromwell's terms were not very -hard, but there were divided counsels in Wexford. Synnott did not -command confidence, and Ormonde, who appeared near the river, sent -Sir Edmund Butler to supersede him with a further relief of 500 men. -There was no truce during negotiations, and Captain James Stafford, who -commanded in the castle, was so much alarmed that he surrendered his -post before Synnott's answer was given. The men on the nearest part -of the town wall were panic-stricken when they saw what had happened, -and the Cromwellians scrambled over the battlements with the help -of their pikes. Sir Edmund Butler had just arrived, but had no time -to ferry over his men, and was killed by a shot while attempting to -rejoin them by swimming. Barricades and cables had been drawn across -the streets, and the passage of the assailants was hotly disputed by -the garrison and by many armed citizens. The final contest was in -the market-place, and the total number slain between soldiers and -townsfolk was not far short of 2000. The loss of the besiegers was -trifling, perhaps not more than twenty. For this slaughter Cromwell -is not personally liable as he is for Drogheda, and he expresses some -regret for it, but not very much. He mentions two instances in which, -as he was informed, the Wexford people showed little mercy to others. -'About seven or eight score poor Protestants were put by them into -an old vessel, which being, as some say, bulged by them, the vessel -sank, and they were all presently drowned in the harbour. The other -was thus: they put divers Protestants into a chapel (which since they -have used for a mass-house, and in which one or more of their priests -were now killed), where they were famished to death.' A very large -number of guns and several valuable ships were taken. As at Drogheda, -little or no mercy was shown to priests or friars, the deaths of seven -Franciscans being particularly recorded. As to the tradition of 300 -women being slaughtered, the story first appears in Macgeohegan's -history, published in 1758, and Bishop French, writing in 1673, made no -mention of anything of the kind. A contemporary account says 'There was -more sparing of lives of the soldiery part of the enemy here than at -Drogheda.' An empty town remained in the victors' hands.[154] - -[Sidenote: New Ross taken, Oct. 19.] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell on liberty of conscience.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin's men join Cromwell.] - -Less than a week after the capture of Wexford, Cromwell marched to -New Ross, on the right bank of the Barrow, below its junction with -the Nore. There was then no bridge, and Ormonde with Castlehaven and -Lord Montgomery of Ards were able to ferry over 2500 men into the -town, many of them under Cromwell's very eyes. The governor was Lucas -Taaffe, who made some show of resistance when Cromwell appeared and -sent the usual summons 'to avoid effusion of blood.' Two days later a -breach was effected, and Colonel Ingoldsby was chosen by lot to lead -the stormers. Taaffe knew very well that the case was hopeless, and -accepted the very liberal terms offered. The garrison were to march -away with colours flying and with their arms, leaving the artillery -behind, and 'protection from the injury and violence of the soldiers' -was guaranteed to the inhabitants. Those who wished to depart with -their goods were given three months to think it over. 'For what you -mention,' wrote Cromwell, 'concerning liberty of conscience, I meddle -not with any man's conscience, but if by liberty of conscience you mean -a liberty to exercise the mass, I judge it best to use plain dealing, -and to let you know, where the Parliament of England have power, that -will not be allowed of.' He told Lenthall that there was nothing to -prevent the garrison from recrossing the river without his leave. About -500 English soldiers of the garrison, many of them from Munster, here -joined Cromwell, as they had probably been long anxious to do. There -was a considerable delay after this, for Oliver was determined before -moving to make a satisfactory bridge for access to Kilkenny and the -interior generally. Before the work was completed Cork and Youghal -surrendered, and Inchiquin's once formidable army practically ceased to -exist.[155] - -[Sidenote: Broghill adheres to Cromwell.] - -[Sidenote: Broghill and Inchiquin.] - -[Sidenote: Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal join Cromwell. November.] - -Lord Broghill had played a very important part in the earlier years -of the civil war, his last considerable exploit being the relief of -Youghal in September 1645. He was never on very cordial terms with -Inchiquin, but could work with him as the champion of the Protestant -interest in Munster. The scene changed when Inchiquin deserted the -Parliament, and Ormonde was fain to ally himself with the Kilkenny -Confederates. Broghill retired to Marston Bigot in Somersetshire, -which his father had bought for him, and waited there for the times -to disentangle themselves. The execution of Charles I. seems to have -been too much for him, and the Royalist idea prevailed so far that he -was preparing to go to Spa, nominally for the gout, but really to be -within reach of Charles II. According to the Rev. Thomas Morrice, who -is the sole and not very trustworthy authority for this passage of -Broghill's life, Cromwell visited him at this juncture, and offered -him his choice between the Tower and a general's command in Ireland. -He accepted the latter on the understanding that he was not expected -to fight against any but the Irish. It is at all events certain that -he was with Cromwell not very long after his arrival in Ireland, and -that he told Inchiquin that he served upon some such terms and would be -glad to do him personal service, 'though, perhaps, I might not believe -it.' The promise of a general's commission is doubtful from what -Ludlow says, but work was soon found for Broghill, who, in Cromwell's -own words had 'a great interest in the men that came from Inchiquin.' -At the beginning of November 1649, he was at Cork and Youghal as a -commissioner for Munster, along with Sir William Fenton, the two famous -seamen Blake and Deane, and Colonel Phaire, who was on duty at the -late King's execution. The military authority was at first in Phaire's -hands, but a troop of reformadoes--that is, unemployed officers--was -given to Broghill, and before Christmas he was in command of at least -1200 horse. Kinsale was the first Munster garrison to declare for -Cromwell; Cork soon followed, and commissioners from the English -inhabitants were with him before he left Ross. Their first request, -'out of a sense of the former good service and tender care of the Lord -of Inchiquin to and for them,' was that he should enjoy his estate -and have his arrears paid up to the last peace, and that an Act of -oblivion should be passed in his favour. This article Cromwell refused -to answer, but promised that Inchiquin's defection should not be -remembered to their prejudice, and that their charter should be renewed -in its old form. Similar terms were given to the Youghal people, who -abstained by Broghill's advice from making any conditions. He informed -Cromwell that he and his colleagues were received at Youghal 'with all -the real demonstrations of gladness an overjoyed people were capable -of.'[156] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin attempts a diversion,] - -[Sidenote: but is defeated.] - -After the capture of Ross Cromwell lay there for about a month, his men -being occupied in making a bridge of boats over the Barrow, below its -junction with the Nore. He ordered the invalided soldiers in Dublin -to march along the coast to Wexford, which they did to the number of -1200, of whom nearly one-third were cavalry. Many of them were but -imperfectly recovered. At Glascarrig near Cahore Inchiquin set upon -them with a greatly superior force, the detachment sent to meet them -not arriving in time. 'But it pleased God,' says Cromwell, 'we sent -them word by a nearer way, to march close and be circumspect,' so that -they were not entirely surprised. Inchiquin overtook their rear, but -the passage was narrow between high sand-hills and the sea, so that the -number of his cavalry was of comparatively little advantage. After a -sharp fight the Dublin party were victorious, and pursued Inchiquin's -men for a short distance, after which they proceeded to Wexford without -further molestation. Not many fell on either side, but Colonel Trevor, -who had showed so much enterprise as a cavalry leader, was dangerously -wounded.[157] - -[Sidenote: The bridge at Ross.] - -[Sidenote: Carrick-on-Suir taken.] - -Cromwell was very ill during a part of his stay at Ross, but the bridge -greatly impressed the Irish with a sense of his power as Cæsar's -had impressed the Germans in an earlier age. 'A stupendous work,' -says the author of the 'Aphorismical Discovery,' 'for there were two -main rivers, Nore and Barrow, joining there unto one bed, and the -sea-tide passing over the town in the said rivers six or seven miles, -he was building this bridge upon this swift and boisterous-running -tide-water with barrels, planks, casks and cables.' Ormonde had a -superior force in the neighbourhood, but the dissensions between his -officers and between the English and Irish elements of his army made -it impossible to risk a pitched battle. Taaffe made an unsuccessful -attempt to destroy the unfinished bridge, and Cromwell lost no time in -fortifying Rosbercon, on the Kilkenny bank. Ireton and Jones occupied -Inistioge without fighting, but found the bridge at Thomastown broken -down and the walled town garrisoned, while the bulk of Ormonde's army -retired towards Kilkenny. The road into Tipperary was, however, open -from Inistioge, and Reynolds was detached with a body of cavalry to -Carrick-on-Suir. While he was parleying with the garrison at one gate, -a part of his men surprised the other and took more than a hundred -prisoners, the remainder escaping in boats over the Suir. The castle, -'one of the ancientest seats belonging to the Lord of Ormonde,' made -no further resistance, and Cromwell with the main body of his army, -having taken Knocktopher by the way, passed through Carrick towards -Waterford, which he summoned on November 21.[158] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Waterford Nov.-Dec.] - -[Sidenote: Castlehaven relieves Duncannon,] - -[Sidenote: but is refused admission to Waterford.] - -Waterford was unassailable from the left bank of the Suir, and -Cromwell, like Mountjoy before him, had to cross at Carrick. Before -the naval superiority of the Parliament could be made available it was -necessary to secure the forts at Duncannon and Passage below the city. -Duncannon had been in the hands of the Confederates since 1645, and was -commanded by Captain Thomas Roche, a very incompetent officer. Jones -was detached from Ross with 2000 men to besiege the place, and he took -Ballyhack, commanding the ordinary communication between the Fort and -Waterford. Parliamentary ships lay near, and seeing that Duncannon was -in danger Ormonde sent Captain Edward Wogan to supersede Roche. As a -deserter from the Parliamentary army Wogan fought with a rope round -his neck, and he restored the courage of the garrison. Ormonde then -sent Castlehaven to Passage opposite Ballyhack, whence he managed to -get to Duncannon in a boat. After consultation with Wogan, Castlehaven -returned, and that night embarked eighty horses without riders in -boats, which slipped into Duncannon on the tide. Wogan mounted officers -and picked men on the horses thus provided, and immediately attacked -the Parliamentary camp. The appearance of cavalry where there had -been none before seemed to indicate the approach of an army, and the -siege was raised next morning. After this piece of service Ormonde -made Castlehaven governor of Waterford with 1000 men, but the citizens -refused to admit him or his soldiers.[159] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde garrisons Waterford.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin repulsed from Carrick, Nov. 24.] - -While Cromwell was threatening Waterford, Ormonde brought his whole -army to Carrick, the recapture of which he left to Taaffe and -Inchiquin, while he marched on with the tidal river between him and -the Parliamentary host. The city was open on the river side, and -there was no difficulty in ferrying over 1500 Ulster soldiers with -Lieut.-General Ferrall as governor. Jones had previously succeeded in -occupying Passage, 'a very large fort with a castle in the midst of -it, having five guns planted in it, and commanding the river better -than Duncannon.' The garrison surrendered on condition of quarter only, -and Ballyhack being already in Cromwell's hands, Waterford was pretty -thoroughly cut off from the sea. The attempt to recapture Carrick -failed, perhaps for want of a good engineer, for the assailants' mine -exploded to their own injury, and without damaging the wall. Reynolds's -men spared their ammunition and defended themselves mainly with stones. -The gates were burned, but quickly barricaded inside with rubble, -and Inchiquin, having no stock of provisions, was forced to retreat -with heavy loss. Ormonde on his return was very nearly captured, for -he expected to find Carrick in the hands of friends, and had to ride -twenty miles round to join his men at Clonmel. He met the Tipperary -rustics flying in all directions with their portable goods, so as to -escape being plundered by the soldiers.[160] - -[Sidenote: The siege of Waterford raised, Dec. 2.] - -[Sidenote: Death of Michael Jones.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's difficulties.] - -Ormonde said that if the weather 'proved but as usual at this time of -the year,' Cromwell might be repulsed from Waterford. Two days later -the siege was abandoned for this very reason, a great part of the men -being sick, and Cromwell marched to Kilmacthomas on 'as terrible a day' -as he had ever known. He found poor quarters, but in the morning was -encouraged by a messenger from Broghill, who lay at Dungarvan, which -had lately surrendered to him, with about twelve or thirteen hundred -men. Michael Jones died at Dungarvan of 'a pestilent and contagious -spotted fever,' contracted during a cold and wet march, and Cromwell -lamented his loss both as a friend and as a public servant. The -Parliamentary cause certainly owed him a great deal, though there is -reason to believe that he did not approve of the execution of Charles -I. At the moment Ferrall made an attempt to recover Passage, the loss -of which made it very difficult to victual Duncannon, but Colonel -Sankey was despatched with 320 men from Cappoquin, and after a sharp -fight succeeded in taking about the same number of prisoners. Ferrall -retreated into Waterford, where Ormonde was himself present, though -the mayor absolutely refused to let his troops cross the river, saying -that an increase of the garrison would cause a famine in the town. It -was proposed to quarter them in huts outside the walls, but even this -was rejected, and Passage remained in the enemy's hands, though an -overwhelming force was ready to attempt its relief. Wogan was among the -prisoners taken by Sankey, and Cromwell seriously thought of hanging -him; but he was sent to Cork, whence he soon escaped, and went to -England to seek the adventure which has made him famous.[161] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's apparent superiority in numbers.] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell in Munster.] - -[Sidenote: He is reinforced.] - -When Cromwell broke up from before Waterford on December 2, he had not -more than 3000 effective infantry in the field, the garrisons taking -up many and sickness accounting for more. Ferrall had as many men in -Waterford as there were besieging him, and the whole of Ormonde's -army was ten or twelve thousand including O'Neill's men, who were at -least 7000 and all effective, 'these being the eldest sons of the -Church of Rome, most cried up and confided in by the clergy.' The rest -were old English, Irish, some Protestants, some Papists, and other -popish Irish. The interests of Ormonde, Clanricarde, Castlehaven, -Muskerry, Taaffe, and the rest provided a formidable force, who could -live on the country, for there were scarce twenty natives favourable -to Parliament. 'God hath blessed you,' Cromwell wrote, 'with a great -tract of land in longitude, along the shore, yet it hath but a little -depth into the country,' and the inhabitants were so robbed by their -neighbours that they could give little help. Therefore it was still -necessary to send money and stores from England, and to maintain a -strict naval blockade, lest supplies should reach the enemy from -abroad. But Ormonde had to disperse his men in winter quarters for -want of means to support them in the field, and Cromwell did the same, -his headquarters being at Youghal. He spent the short winter days in -visiting Cork and other Munster garrisons. The tradition is that he -went to Glengariffe, where the ruins of 'Cromwell's bridge' may still -be seen, but there seems to be no evidence of his having gone further -west than Kinsale. His applications to Parliament for help were not in -vain, for 1500 fresh men were sent to Dublin about this time, and a few -weeks later Henry Cromwell came to Youghal with further reinforcements, -followed by thirteen ships laden with oats, beans, and pease. The sick -men recovered with rest and dry lodgings, and by the end of January -Cromwell was able to take the field again.[162] - -[Sidenote: Broghill's campaign, November.] - -[Sidenote: Cork.] - -[Sidenote: Kinsale and Bandon.] - -[Sidenote: Baltimore, &c.] - -Broghill, who was now Master of the Ordnance, left Youghal about the -middle of November with 500 foot and 300 horse. A fort with three -guns on the Corkbeg peninsula partially commanded Cork harbour, and -had annoyed Blake's ships. Captain Courthope, 'who knew not only the -commander of it, but every particular soldier in it, so well persuaded -and terrified them that they delivered up the fort' without fighting. -At Belvelly, commanding the strait between the mainland and the island -on which Queenstown now stands, Colonel Pigott had a strong castle and -three Irish companies. Broghill had formerly 'particularly well known' -this officer, and in half an hour's private conversation satisfied -him that it was a national quarrel. At Cork, Broghill found 700 armed -inhabitants and 500 foot soldiers, who received him 'with as great a -joy as is almost imaginable.' A messenger came from Kinsale to offer -that town to the Parliament, and a detachment was sent strong enough to -check the garrison of the fort. At Bandon, Colonel Courtney, 'who had -ever been my particular friend,' stood for the King; but the townsmen -and most of the soldiers were English Protestants, and he could but -surrender. Broghill armed the inhabitants, and nearly all the officers -and soldiers ultimately joined him. The people showed 'at least an -equal joy to our reception at Cork.' The bridge at Bandon enabled -Broghill to march straight to the south side of Kinsale harbour, where -Rupert had greatly strengthened the fort, which was held by 400 Irish -under a Scotch governor. The works were too strong to attack before -the return of Blake's fleet, but the regiment inside was commanded by -'an Irish Protestant, a great sufferer by the rebellion; an ancient -dependant of our [the Boyle] family, and one particularly recommended -to my care by my father,' who set the governor aside, and persuaded the -soldiers to capitulate. After this Baltimore, Castlehaven, Crookhaven, -and Timoleague surrendered without giving Broghill the trouble of -a march, and Mallow did the same, thus securing the only bridge -over the Blackwater, except that at Cappoquin, which was already in -Parliamentary hands. Colonel Crosby was detached to see what could -be done in Kerry. Cromwell might well say that Broghill had a great -interest in the men and in the districts which were lately Inchiquin's, -and that there could have been no rebellion if every county had -contained an Earl of Cork.[163] - -[Sidenote: Surrender of Carrickfergus, Nov. 2.] - -While Cromwell was building his bridge at New Ross, Dalziel was -closely besieged in Carrickfergus by Coote and Venables. It was the -most important place in Ulster, and the Scotch veteran made good terms -for himself and his men, agreeing to surrender on December 13 if not -relieved in the meantime. A few days before that date Sir George Monro -with Lords Montgomery and Clandeboye, collected a force which Coote, on -the report of deserters, estimated at 2000 foot and 800 horse, their -object being to relieve Carrickfergus. On December 1 they were at -Comber and next day at Newtownards. After a good deal of manoeuvring -Coote took up his quarters at Lisburn, while Monro crossed the Laggan -somewhere between that place and Moira. On their return upon the -Antrim side of the river, Coote allowed them to pass him, and then -attacked their rear 'upon a boggy pass on the plain of Lisnesreane.' -Sir Theophilus Jones, who had come out of Lisburn with his cavalry, met -with little resistance, and during a pursuit of ten miles over 1000 -were killed with scarcely any loss to the victors. Monro and Montgomery -fled to Charlemont, most of their Scots followers leaving them, and -Carrickfergus was then surrendered in due course.[164] - -[Sidenote: The Clonmacnoise decrees, Dec. 4.] - -[Sidenote: Toleration not to be expected.] - -[Sidenote: "Idle Boys" excommunicated.] - -Rinuccini having departed and O'Neill being dead, the Irish were as -sheep having no shepherd. Stubborn resistance was made in detail, -but there was very little concerted action after Cromwell's arrival. -The remains of the Confederacy still adhered to Ormonde, but it -became evident after the last peace that he could never rally the -native population. Under these circumstances twenty bishops, with -the procurators of three others, the abbot of Holy Cross and the -Provincials of the Dominicans and Franciscans, met at Clonmacnoise -on December 4, of their own mere motion as they were careful to set -forth. After some days' deliberation they announced that nothing could -be done without unity, and that past differences must be laid aside. -It was, they said, the evident intention of Cromwell and his masters -to root out the Catholic religion, which could only be done by getting -rid of the people and recolonising the country, 'witness the numbers -they have already sent hence for the tobacco islands and put enemies -in their places.' Cromwell had told the governor of Ross that he -meddled with no man's conscience, but that a liberty to exercise the -mass would nevertheless not be allowed of. This was naturally quite -enough for the clergy, and doubtless for most laymen also. The formal -decrees of Clonmacnoise were embodied in four articles. By the first -fasting and prayer were ordered 'to withdraw from this nation God's -anger, and to render them capable of his mercies.' By the second -the people were warned that no mercy or clemency could be expected -'from the common enemy commanded by Cromwell by authority from the -rebels of England.' By the third the clergy were ordered under severe -penalties to preach unity, 'and we hereby manifest our detestation -against all such divisions between either provinces or families, or -between old English and old Irish, or any of the English or Scotch -adhering to his Majesty.' The last decree was one of excommunication -against the highwaymen called Idle Boys, and against all who relieved -them. Clergymen were forbidden on pain of suspension to give them the -Sacrament or to bury them in consecrated ground.[165] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[147] The two declarations, August 23 and 24, are in the new edition of -Carlyle's _Cromwell_, i. 455 and iii. 410. - -[148] Wood's _Fasti_, ed. Bliss, 77, and his _Life and Times_, ed. -Clark, i. 110. The correspondence between Aston and Ormonde, from the -Carte MSS., August 25 to September 10, is in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. -233-261. As to the composition of the garrison see also Gardiner's -_Commonwealth_, i. 124, and the note to Murphy's _Cromwell in Ireland_, -p. 86. - -[149] The chief authority for the storm is Cromwell's own letter to -Lenthall, dated September 17; Ormonde's account is dated September -29. The above, with those of Ludlow, Bate, and Wood, are collected in -_Contemp. Hist._ ii. 262-276. For Cromwell's battering train see Mr. -Firth's _Cromwell's Army_, p. 170. Elaborate accounts of the siege, -with maps, are in Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, chap. v., and in Murphy's -_Cromwell in Ireland_, chaps. vii. and viii. - -[150] Letters of Peters and Cromwell, September 15 and 16, in -_Whitelock_, iii. 110, which were read in Parliament; letters of -Ormonde and Aston, _ut sup._ For Talbot's obligations to Reynolds see -Clarke's _Life of James II._ i. 326. Hugh Peters says shortly 'Aston -the governor killed, none spared.' - -[151] The terms of the treaty between Ormonde and O'Neill from the -Carte papers is in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 300, the negotiations, _ib._ -237 _sqq._ The first mention of O'Neill's illness is in his letter of -September 19, 'an unexpected fit of sickness in my knee, whereof I am -not fully cleared yet.' - -[152] Summons to Dundalk, September 12, 1640, in Carlyle. Venables to -Cromwell, September 22, in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 267; Brief Chronicle, -_ib._ iii. 157; Ormonde's report on the state of the armies, _ib._ -ii. 465; O'Neill's last letter to Ormonde, November 1, _ib._ 315; -_Aphorismical Discovery_, chap. xiv. In _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii. -33, are four letters from O'Neill, dated May 18, 1649, to Rinuccini, to -Dean Massari, and to Cardinals la Cuena and Pamphili. Daniel O'Neill's -letter of October 6 to Ormonde is in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 294. There is -no reason whatever to suppose that Owen Roe O'Neill was poisoned. - -[153] Cromwell's letters are in _Carlyle_, and the terms demanded by -Synnott in Cary's _Memorials_, ii. 181. Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, p. 80. - -[154] Cromwell's despatch of October 11, 1649, in _Carlyle_. There are -elaborate narratives of this siege in Murphy's _Cromwell in Ireland_, -chaps. xiii. and xiv., and in Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, chap. v. There -is a candid note by Father Meehan in the appendix to his _Franciscan -Monasteries_, 4th ed., 1872, p. 296. See also Carte's _Ormonde_ and -Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, p. 80. Peters wrote on October 22, 'It is a -fine spot for some godly congregation, where house and land wait for -inhabitants and occupiers; I wish they would come,' in _Collections of -Letters_, &c., London, November 13, 1649. _The Taking of Wexford_, a -letter from an eminent officer (R. L.), London, October 26, 1649. - -[155] The correspondence between Cromwell and Taaffe is in _Carlyle_. -The articles of surrender, dated October 19, are printed in Murphy's -_Cromwell in Ireland_, p. 188, where there is a full account of the -whole affair. - -[156] Morrice's Memoir prefixed to _Orrery State Letters_, i. 18; -Inchiquin to Ormonde, December 9, 1649, in _Clar. S.P._; Ludlow's -_Memoirs_, February 8, 1651. The authorities as to the revolt of Cork -and Youghal are collected from various sources in the new edition -of Carlyle's _Cromwell_, some in the Supplement. Lady Fanshawe's -_Memoirs_, p. 53. Blake to Popham, November 5, _Leyborne-Popham -Papers_, p. 49. Cork and Youghal declared for Cromwell about November -1, Kinsale a few days later. - -[157] Cromwell to Lenthall, November 14, 1649, Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. -239; Carte's _Ormonde_. - -[158] Cromwell to Lenthall, November 14 and 25, in _Carlyle_; Ormonde -to Charles II., November 30, in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 329. - -[159] Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, p. 81. The siege of Duncannon was raised -November 5. - -[160] Cromwell to Lenthall, letter 116, in _Carlyle_; Carte's -_Ormonde_. The attempt on Carrick was on November 24. - -[161] Ormonde to Charles II., November 30, _Contemp. Hist._ ii. -330; Cromwell to Lenthall, December 19, 1649, in _Carlyle_; Carte's -_Ormonde_, ii. 103. Concerning Jones see a note in Gardiner's -_Commonwealth_, i. 160. For Wogan see _Clarke Papers_, i. 421. - -[162] Cromwell to Lenthall, December 19, 1649, in _Carlyle_. Brief -Chronicle published by authority in 1650, and reprinted in _Contemp. -Hist._ iii. 157; Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, i. 163. note; Murphy's -_Cromwell in Ireland_, chap. xx. - -[163] _Relation of the Particulars of the Reduction of the Greatest -Part of the Province of Munster_, &c., London, 1649 (containing -Broghill's letters of November 22 and 26, and the Remonstrance and -Resolution of the Protestant Army at Cork, October 23); Caulfield's -_Council Book of Kinsale_, pp. 55, 357-363; Bennett's _Hist. of -Bandon_, chap. xii. - -[164] _Two Letters_ from William Basil, A.G., to Bradshaw and Lenthall, -London, December 12, 1649; _War in Ireland_, p. 100; MacSkimin's -_Carrickfergus_, p. 16, where Dalziel's articles are given; _Two -Letters_ of Sir Charles Coote to Lenthall with Scobell's imprimatur; -December 8 and 13, London, 1649. Coote notes that 'Colonel Henderson -that betrayed Sligo was killed.' - -[165] _Certain Acts and Declarations_ made by the ecclesiastical -congregation, &c., printed at Kilkenny and reprinted at London, 1650. -Printed also, with some slight verbal differences, in _Spicilegium -Ossoriense_, ii. 38-42. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXII - -CROMWELL IN IRELAND, 1650 - - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and the Clonmacnoise decrees.] - -In their published utterances the bishops were careful to say nothing -alarming to Protestants, and to lay stress upon the royalism or loyalty -of those for whom they spoke. In writing to Rome they were silent -about the King, but urged the necessity of union among Catholics. -Ormonde, who had no illusions, thought it much that there had been no -public demand for his own removal; but this too was to come later. He -knew that Antrim had been intriguing to obtain such a declaration, -and he begged the King to recall him before his position became quite -untenable. Charles directed him to hold on as long as possible, and to -leave Ireland when he was finally convinced that nothing more could be -done.[166] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell's Declaration, Jan. 1649-1650.] - -[Sidenote: Liberty of conscience.] - -[Sidenote: The laws of war.] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell misunderstood Ireland.] - -The printed proceedings of the Clonmacnoise prelates reached Cromwell -at Youghal, and he lost no time in answering it. The task of uniting -clergy and laity, he said, was only necessary because the distinction -had been invented by 'the Antichristian Church' of Rome, and maintained -by her priests as the foundation of their own power. Their royalism -was a 'fig-leaf of pretence,' whereas they really fought for their -own supremacy. Cromwell had a right to say that they began the war, -but he much exaggerated the goodness of the terms on which English -and Irish had lived before the outbreak. No doubt there were some -friendships, but all competent observers had long realised that the -Ulster settlement would be disturbed whenever the children of the -dispossessed natives had the chance. As to liberty of conscience, he -took his stand upon the purely English ground that the mass had long -been prohibited by law, and that he could not extirpate what had no -root. He reiterated his statement to the governor of Ross and said -plainly, 'I shall not, where I have power, and the Lord is pleased -to bless me, suffer the exercise of the mass where I can take notice -of it.... As for the people, what thoughts they have in matters of -religion in their own breasts I cannot reach; but think it my duty if -they walk honestly and peaceably, not to cause them in the least to -suffer for the same.' He defended the raising of money by mortgaging -lands which rebels would forfeit, but denied that there was any -intention to extirpate the people. He defied anyone to give an instance -since his arrival in Ireland of 'one man not in arms, massacred, -destroyed, or banished' with impunity. Those who had been exiled to the -West Indies were all in fact liable to be put to the sword according to -the laws of war. All who had not been actors in the rebellion should -be spared and protected. 'And having said this,' he concluded, 'and -purposing honestly to perform it,--if this people shall headily run -on after the counsels of their prelates and clergy and other leaders, -I hope to be free from the misery and desolation and blood and ruin -that shall befall them; and shall rejoice to exercise utmost severity -against them.' Cromwell's ideas about toleration were in advance of -his age, but his knowledge of Ireland before 1641 was derived from the -published histories of May and Temple.[167] - -[Sidenote: Lady Fanshawe at Cork, Nov. 1649.] - -When Lady Fanshawe joined her husband, a few weeks before Cromwell's -landing, she found Cork an agreeable place of residence enough, and -so it remained for about six months. She lived in the old Augustinian -Friary called the Red Abbey, which then belonged to Michael Boyle, -Dean of Cloyne, who vied with Inchiquin and Roscommon in civility to -her. She calls the latter Lord Chancellor, but he is not generally -included in the list. 'My Lord of Ormonde had a very good army, and -the country was seemingly quiet.' And so it continued outwardly for -some time, though Inchiquin's power had been gradually wasting away -since Rathmines. Suddenly one night, at the beginning of November, Lady -Fanshawe was roused from her bed by the sound of cannon, and by screams -and cries outside. Opening the window, she saw a crowd, who informed -her that they were 'all Irish stripped and wounded and turned out of -the town by Colonel Jeffries.' Hurrying off to the Colonel she reminded -him of her husband's former civilities to him, which he handsomely -acknowledged, and at once granted a free pass. She passed 'through -thousands of naked swords' with her family, 1000_l._ in cash and other -light property, and got to Kinsale where she was safe for the moment. -Cromwell was much annoyed at Fanshawe's papers having thus escaped -him.[168] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell's campaign in the South, Jan.-March, 1650.] - -[Sidenote: Surrender of Fethard, Feb. 3.] - -The Parliamentary managers were alarmed by the negotiations of Charles -with the Scots. They knew, too, that Fairfax could hardly be trusted to -lead an attack on the Presbyterian kingdom, and they resolved to recall -Cromwell. The letter was written on January 8, but it did not reach him -until he was already in the field again, and he thought proper to treat -the reports of its coming as Nelson treated the signal at Copenhagen. -On January 29 he set out from Youghal with twelve troops of horse, -three troops of dragoons, and between two and three hundred foot. -Reynolds and Ireton, with about the same number of horse and dragoons -and 2000 foot, were sent to Carrick to threaten Ormonde's quarters -at Kilkenny. Cromwell himself marched towards Mitchelstown, took -Kilbenny Castle, Clogheen, and Rehill, near Cahir, and went from there -to Fethard. The last-named walled town surrendered after a night's -discussion 'upon terms which we usually call honourable; which I was -the willinger to give, because I had little above two hundred foot, -and neither ladders nor guns nor anything else to force them.' - -[Sidenote: Cashel protected.] - -[Sidenote: Callan taken.] - -[Sidenote: Enniscorthy surprised and retaken.] - -[Sidenote: Ardfinane.] - -[Sidenote: Cahir surrendered, Feb. 24] - -The besiegers had not fired a single shot. The honourable terms were -that the garrison should march away with arms and baggage, and that the -inhabitants, including priests, should be fully protected. Some Ulster -foot at Cashel, hearing of Cromwell's arrival at Fethard, ran away in -confusion, and he protected the townsfolk at their own request. He -then went onto Callan, which he found already in Reynolds's hands. The -garrison of two castles 'refusing conditions seasonably offered were -put all to the sword.' Those in a larger castle surrendered, and were -allowed to march away without their arms. Among the prisoners taken in -a skirmish was one of those who had betrayed Enniscorthy, and he was -hanged. Some Irish gentlemen had feasted the garrison and sent in women -to sell them spirits. When most of the soldiers were drunk the enemy -rushed in and killed all, except four who had been bribed to open the -gates. Colonel Cooke, the governor of Wexford, soon retook Enniscorthy -by storm, and in his turn put all the garrison to the sword. Reynolds -was despatched to take Knocktopher, and after a fortnight in the field, -Cromwell returned to Fethard, 'having good plenty of horsemeat and -man's meat' in that rich district. Ireton took Ardfinane, of which -Henry II. himself had chosen the site, and which was important to -bring guns 'ammunition, and other things' from Youghal and Cappoquin. -Cromwell came before Cahir, which was surrendered without costing -a man. He was told that it had stood an eight weeks' siege against -Essex, but that most incompetent of heroes really took it in two days. -Kiltinan, Goldenbridge and Dundrum were also taken, and the county of -Tipperary submitted to a contribution of 1500_l._[169] - -[Sidenote: Operations in Leinster, Dec.-March, 1649-50.] - -[Sidenote: Ballisonan taken, March 1.] - -The regicide John Hewson was governor of Dublin with a numerous -garrison, consisting chiefly of sick and wounded. A division of -these half-recovered invalids had won the fight at Glascarrig and -joined Cromwell, and by the end of the year a good many more were -fit for service, and some reinforcements had also arrived from -England. Kildare, the hill of Allen, Castle Martin and other places -were occupied, but Kilmeague was found too strong to attack without -artillery. When his provisions were spent Hewson returned to Dublin, -where he received a curious proposition from the strong garrison of -Ballisonan or Ballyshannon near Kilcullen. This he describes as 'having -double works and double moats full of water, one within another, and -a mount with a fort upon it, most of the officers with me esteeming -the taking of it to be unfeazable.' After the rout at Rathmines some -of Ormonde's fugitive cavalry had summoned this formidable stronghold, -which surrendered to them under the impression that Dublin was taken. -The defenders now offered to join the Parliament, on condition of being -made a regiment with their own officers, liberty of religion, and two -priests as chaplains. Their arrears since May were to be paid, Taaffe -and Dillon to be excluded from any accommodation with the Parliamentary -party. In fact, they preferred Cromwell to Ormonde, which shows how -desperate the latter's position had become. Such terms were of course -unacceptable, and Hewson attacked Ballisonan with a force of 2000 foot -and 1000 horse, with two guns and a mortar. An entrenched battery was -erected, but the place capitulated before any breach had been made. -Hewson was glad to give easy terms, as Castlehaven was at Athy, and -might make an attempt to raise the siege. The garrison marched out -with the honours of war, Maryborough and Kilmeague were abandoned by -the Irish, and all Kildare except the extreme south was in Hewson's -power.[170] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde withdraws into Clare, February.] - -[Sidenote: Castlehaven commands in Leinster.] - -[Sidenote: The net drawn round Kilkenny.] - -After consulting the Commissioners of Trust, Ormonde allowed agents to -meet at Kilkenny in January for the discussion of grievances affecting -the different districts, but nothing was reduced to writing, and there -were, as he expected, no results. The agents proposed an adjournment -to Ennis, and to this he agreed. The approach of Cromwell's forces on -the south and of Hewson's on the north had doubtless something to say -to this, and the plague which began to rage in the town still more. -Cromwell made a strong reconnaissance towards Kilkenny, where a Captain -Tickle had been bribed or in some other way induced to undertake that -one of the gates should be opened, but the plot was discovered and -the captain hanged; so that Cromwell had to retire. In spite of the -plague and of enemies within and without, Castlehaven used to go out -fox-hunting in the early morning. Ormonde met him in the field, told -him that it was decided to withdraw into Clare, and appointed him, -much to his disgust, general of Leinster. Ormonde himself went to -Limerick during the first week in February, and was not destined to see -Kilkenny again until after the Restoration. Cromwell, having failed -in the plot with Tickle, waited patiently and let the plague do his -work. Castlehaven had one success, surprising Athy and taking Hewson's -garrison of 700 men, but he found the place untenable. 'Not knowing,' -he writes, 'what to do with my prisoners, I made a present of them to -Cromwell, desiring him by letter to do the like to me ... but he little -valued my civility, for in a very few days after he besieged Gowran, -where Colonel Hammond commanded, and the soldiers mutinying and giving -up the place, he caused Hammond with some English officers to be shot -to death.' Cromwell's own account confirms this, and he adds that -Hammond was 'a principal actor in the Kentish insurrection,' and so -not entitled to mercy more than Lucas or Lisle. A priest who acted as -chaplain to the Roman Catholic soldiers was hanged. 'I trouble you with -this the rather because this was the Lord of Ormonde's own regiment.' -At Gowran Cromwell was joined by Hewson, who had taken Castledermot, -Lea, Kilkea, and other castles in the meantime, he himself having -taken Thomastown. Castlehaven did not find himself strong enough to -meet Hewson in the field. Lord Dillon promised to join him with about -3000 men, but they never came, and all he could do was to provision -Kilkenny and leave it with a garrison of 1000 foot and 200 horse. Soon -afterwards an Ulster regiment, which was nearly half his army, deserted -on account of the plague, saying that they were ready to fight against -men but not against God. Having tried to relieve Kilkenny in vain he -gave orders to the governors of the town and castle to make the best -terms they could, and not to attempt to hold the latter after the -former had surrendered. Cromwell and Hewson corresponded about this -time by letters enclosed in balls of wax, so that the messenger might -swallow them if necessary. Some of these reached Castlehaven, but only -served to show him that he was hopelessly overmatched.[171] - -[Sidenote: Capitulation of Kilkenny, March 27.] - -[Sidenote: Citizens and soldiers] - -[Sidenote: Fair terms granted.] - -Cromwell approached Kilkenny by Bennet's Bridge and sent in his summons -on March 22. Sir Walter Butler, a cousin of Ormonde's, was governor of -the town, and briefly replied that he held it for the King. A battery -with three guns was accordingly planted at St. Patrick's Church, and -on March 25 about a hundred shot struck the wall near the castle. -An attempt to carry the breach failed with the loss of a captain -and twenty or thirty men, the garrison having erected earthworks -and palisades inside. At the same time a thousand men were detached -to attack the Irish town near the cathedral, where the wall was but -weakly defended by the townsmen, and the Cromwellians entered with a -loss of only three or four men. After this, the walled portion of the -town on the other side of the Nore was easily taken, and the victors -endeavoured to enter the main city over St. John's Bridge, but they -were driven back with a loss of forty or fifty men. In the meantime -fresh guns were brought up, and the mayor sent to represent the -difficult position of the citizens. No doubt, he wrote, Cromwell would -be willing to grant them fair terms, but they were in the power of the -garrison, and so 'in danger of ruin as well from our own party as -from that of your Honour's,' and it was reasonable that the soldiers -should be included. To avoid further loss, and perhaps to get away -from the plague, Cromwell after some discussion acquiesced in this -view, and on the next day Butler saw that further resistance would be -useless. Considering that Kilkenny had been the very centre of the -lately powerful Confederacy, the terms granted were liberal enough. The -garrison marched out with the honours of war, surrendering their arms -two miles out of town and then going where they pleased. The citizens -submitted to a payment of 2000_l._ in two instalments, in consideration -of which Cromwell had 'made it death for any man to plunder.' Those -who wished to remove themselves or their property might do so, -'none excepted,' within three months. There was no armistice during -the negotiations, and the garrison of Cantwell Castle, now called -Sandford's Court--'very strong, situated in a bog, well furnished with -provisions of corn'--surrendered, though specially ordered by Sir -Walter Butler to abandon their post and strengthen the scanty garrison -of Kilkenny. They were allowed to go beyond sea.[172] - -[Sidenote: The town not plundered.] - -[Sidenote: Damage to the churches.] - -[Sidenote: Death of Bishop Rothe.] - -Leaving the plague-stricken city with a small garrison, Cromwell went -to Carrick. 'The goodness of God,' says a contemporary newswriter, -'was exceedingly manifested in preventing the plunder of the place, -which must needs have hazarded the army by infection.' None of the -soldiers, in fact, suffered, which was 'the Lord's own doing and -marvellous in our eyes.' The clergy were not in any way excepted from -the terms granted to the citizens, and there is no evidence that -violence was done to any priests. But the churches suffered terribly, -Bishop Ledred's beautiful painted windows, which even Bale had -spared, were broken in pieces, and Thomas Earl of Ormonde's splendid -tomb was totally destroyed. A special interest attaches to the fate -of the bishop, the learned David Rothe, who had opposed Rinuccini. -There is nothing to show that he suffered from violence, but he was -seventy-eight years old, and it is not surprising that he died in great -discomfort, and in concealment. Bishop Lynch, who wrote from Clonfert -in August, says he was stripped and mocked by the soldiers, but allowed -to enter the nearest house, where he died within three weeks of old age -and disease. Archbishop Fleming, who was also in Ireland, and who wrote -in June, says much the same thing.[173] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Clonmel, May.] - -[Sidenote: Vain appeals to Ormonde,] - -[Sidenote: and to Preston.] - -[Sidenote: Clonmel is assaulted.] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell repulsed.] - -In the meantime Ennisnag Castle was taken, 'where were gotten a -company of rogues which had revolted from Colonel Jones. The soldiers -capitulated for life and their two officers were hanged for revolting.' -Adjutant-General Sadleir, with two guns, took all the castles in -the Suir valley from Clonmel to Waterford without resistance except -at Poulakerry, five miles below the former town. This was taken -by assault, thirty or forty being killed, 'and the rest remaining -obstinate were fired in the castle.' On April 27 Cromwell came before -Clonmel, and offered favourable terms, which were promptly rejected by -the governor, Hugh Boy O'Neill, a nephew of Owen Roe, who had about -1500 Ulster men with him. O'Neill, whom Cliffe describes as 'an old -surly Spanish soldier,' had expected to be attacked as far back as -February, and Ormonde had written from Ennis at the beginning of March -to say that he would 'draw all the forces of the kingdom into a body -for the town's relief.' But he could do nothing, for the Commissioners -of Trust were more anxious to thwart him than Cromwell, and would not -allow a levy to be made in the county of Limerick. An attempt to send -an expedition from the county of Cork was foiled by Broghill, and -Clonmel was left to its fate. Preston had promised, but failed, to send -ammunition from Waterford, and with Carrick in an enemy's hand it is -not easy to see how he could have done so. O'Neill and the mayor, John -White, made a last appeal to Ormonde. The long threatened attack had -come at last, and the preservation of the town was almost Ireland's -last hope. 'It is,' they wrote, 'our humble suit that the army, if in -any reasonable condition, may march night and day to our succour.' But -no such army was available, and Cromwell planted his battery without -hindrance. Reynolds and Theophilus Jones had a force in the field -sufficient to prevent Castlehaven from giving any trouble. Approaches -were made from the north side of the town, and there were many sallies -and much fighting before the breach was practicable. A comparison of -extant accounts fortified by local tradition seems to indicate that the -spot was near a gate which stood a little to the eastward of St. Mary's -Church. The assault was made about eight in the morning of May 9, and -the storming party entered without difficulty, but found that their -work was still to do. O'Neill had manned the houses and erected two -breastworks of 'dunghills, mortar, stones and timber,' making a lane -about eighty yards inwards from the breach with a masked battery at the -end. The 'British Officer,' who got his facts 'not only from officers -and soldiers of the besiegers,' but also from the besieged, describes -what followed. The stormers poured in and found themselves caught in a -trap. Those in front cried 'Halt,' and those behind 'Advance,' 'till -that pound or lane was full and could hold no more.' Two guns hailed -chain-shot upon this dense mass, while a continual fire was kept up -from the houses and the breastworks. Volleys of stones were thrown, and -great pieces of timber hurled from slides which O'Neill's ingenuity had -provided, 'so that in less than an hour's time about a thousand men -were killed in that pound, being atop one another.' Colonel Culham, who -led the stormers, and several other officers were among the slain, and -the survivors were driven out again through the breach. Contemporary -accounts estimate Cromwell's total loss at Clonmel at somewhere from -1500 to 2500. This repulse, said Ireton afterwards, was 'the heaviest -we ever endured either in England or here.' His own regiment lost most -of all. It is stated that Major Fennell, who commanded the few cavalry -within the town, had plotted, like Tickle at Kilkenny, to open one of -the gates. This was certainly believed at the time, but if there was -such a plot it came to nothing.[174] - -[Sidenote: The garrison escape,] - -[Sidenote: and the town capitulates.] - -O'Neill had not ammunition to continue the defence, and he knew that -there was no hope of relief. About 9 o'clock the same night he slipped -out quietly by the bridge and made his way to Waterford, advising the -mayor to make the best terms he could. White accordingly capitulated -both for the inhabitants and for the garrison. All arms and ammunition -in the town were surrendered, the civil population being guaranteed -protection 'for life and estate, from all plunder and violence of the -soldiery.' Next morning the besiegers marched in, and though Cromwell -was angry at being outwitted, the conditions were kept. The garrison -were pursued and stragglers cut off, amongst whom there were probably -some women and at least one priest. On reaching Waterford admission -was denied by Preston to O'Neill's men. There was plague both in his -camp and in the city, and after a time he ordered his foot soldiers to -shift for themselves. He and Fennell, with the horse, made their way to -Limerick.[175] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin and Broghill march.] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Macroom, April 10.] - -Inchiquin was in Kerry in January, whence he invaded Limerick with -three regiments of cavalry, sweeping away the cattle and devastating -most of the county. Broghill and Henry Cromwell fell upon his camp -towards the end of March, and drove him across the Shannon 'with more -cows than horses.' Inchiquin's men were chiefly English, and some of -the officers were shot as deserters from the Parliament. After this -Broghill joined Cromwell, who was then preparing to attack Clonmel, and -was detached by him to deal with a force of 4000 foot and 300 horse -which had been raised in Kerry, chiefly by the exertions of Boetius -Egan, Bishop of Ross, an Observant friar promoted by Rinuccini. The -Irish, bent on relieving Clonmel, advanced to Macroom, and garrisoned -Carrigadrohid Castle on the Lee, which Broghill reached on April 8. -He had 1500 cavalry, and hurried on, leaving a like number of foot to -guard his rear. He seems to have had no guns with him, but the Irish -probably thought he had, for they burned Muskerry's castle at Macroom, -and assembled in the park. They were raw levies and probably badly -armed, for they were routed in a very short time, 'though in a place,' -says Broghill, 'the worst for horse ever I saw, and where one hundred -musketeers might have kept off all the horse of Ireland.' Several -hundred were killed, and among the prisoners were the bishop and Lord -Roche's son, the high sheriff of Kerry, who was in equal authority with -him. Carrigadrohid was taken by parading pieces of timber with teams -of oxen, as if they were guns. 'I gave orders,' says Broghill, 'that -if the garrison in it delivered it not up, we should hang the bishop -before it. The former not being done the latter was.... The bishop -was wont to say there was no way to secure the English but by hanging -them. That which was his cruelty became his justice.' The castle was -then surrendered on fair terms, and Broghill went back to the siege of -Clonmel.[176] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell leaves Ireland, May 26.] - -[Sidenote: His plans of reform.] - -Cromwell quitted Ireland on May 26, leaving Ireton as his deputy. His -last extant letter before going was to Hewson, in favour of young Lord -Moore, son of the brave soldier who was killed at Portlester, and -grandson of Lord Chancellor Loftus. Moore had fought against Cromwell, -who nevertheless ordered that he should be 'fairly and civilly -treated, and that no incivility or abuse be offered unto him by any -of the soldiery, either by restraining his liberty or otherwise; it -being a thing which I altogether disprove and dislike that the soldiers -should intermeddle in civil affairs farther than they are lawfully -called upon.' Necessity afterwards devised the major-generals, but it -was to civil justice, to a Matthew Hale rather than a Desborough, that -Cromwell looked for real improvement. It was a crime, he said, 'to hang -a man for six and eightpence, and I know not what--to hang for a trifle -and commit murder.' In Ireland particularly much might be done for the -poor people by the cheap and impartial administration of justice. They -had suffered more by the oppression of the great than any 'in that -which we call Christendom. And indeed they are accounted the bribingest -people that are, they having been inured thereto.' And he rightly -considered that the best guarantee for purity was to pay good fixed -salaries to the judges and to get rid of the fees and perquisites which -had been a 'colour to covetous practices.'[177] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin charged with treachery] - -[Sidenote: Submission of Protestant Royalists.] - -[Sidenote: Easy terms given.] - -[Sidenote: Safe conducts rejected by Ormonde and Inchiquin.] - -Some papers, which Broghill thought important, were found in Bishop -Egan's possession. An anonymous correspondent of Hyde's says one of -them was a letter in which Inchiquin proposed during the latter part -of 1649 to go over to Cromwell. Carte, without giving his authority, -says that some such letter was forged by Antrim, who was perhaps -tricky enough to do it, and the editor of the Clarendon State Papers -adopted Carte's account. Probability seems against Inchiquin having -made any such overtures, but his position after Rathmines was very -uncomfortable, for his men left him and he knew that the Irish would -always hate him for his proceedings at Cork, Cashel, and elsewhere. -He admitted that he had talked too freely to one of the enemy's -trumpeters, and it may be that he asked questions which gave rise to -the idea that he was wavering. But in April 1650, when Kilkenny had -fallen and Ormonde had no army in the field, Protestant Royalists -grew tired of the hopeless struggle, and Cromwell was ready enough to -meet them halfway. Nor did Ormonde make any difficulties. Sir Robert -Sterling, Colonel Daniell, and Michael Boyle, Dean of Cloyne, made -the first advances 'on behalf of the Protestant party in Ireland now -under the command or obedience of the Lord Marquis of Ormonde.' They -were all, whether soldiers or civilians, allowed to go where they -pleased on engaging not to act against the Parliament, taking all -their movable property except horses, arms, and ammunition, and even -these they might sell to the army or to English Protestants. Questions -of land were reserved for the decision of Parliament, and until that -was given were referred to the Commissioners for Revenue, and those -who gave assurance of fidelity to the Parliament might enjoy their -estates in the meantime. Colonel Wogan and the officer who helped him -to escape from Cork were the only persons excepted. Lord Montgomery -surrendered at Enniskillen, Sir Thomas Armstrong at Trim, and Colonel -Daniell at Doneraile. Dean Boyle had strict orders not to make any -overtures on behalf of Ormonde or Inchiquin, but Cromwell nevertheless -sent them both passes to go beyond seas. Admiral Penn, whose squadron -lay in the Shannon, was directed to make it easy for any of the -Protestants who came in his way. Ormonde contemptuously rejected the -safe conduct, which was civil enough in point of form, adding that if -he ever had to return the compliment he would not use it 'to debauch -any that commanded' under Cromwell. Inchiquin was angry, but his wife -had already been allowed to depart with her family and servants under -convoy to Middleburgh.[178] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[166] Letter from Clonmacnoise signed by the four archbishops and seven -bishops, including the secretary of the congregation, to the Pope, -December 12, 1649, in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 327. Ormonde to -the King, December 15 and 24, and the answer from Jersey, February 2, -1649-50, in Carte's _Original Letters_, ii. 417-425. - -[167] Declaration of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for the undeceiving -of deluded people, January 1649-50, in _Carlyle_, ii. 1, and see the -strictures on this 'remarkablest State paper' in the notes to the 1904 -edition and in Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, i. 163-166; the Declaration -was first printed at Cork and reprinted in London, March 21. - -[168] Lady Fanshawe's _Memoirs_, p. 53, ed. 1907. Sir Richard Bolton -died about a year before the revolt of Cork, after which the Great Seal -of Ireland may have been placed irregularly in the hands of Roscommon, -who had married Strafford's sister. - -[169] Cromwell to Lenthall, February 15, 1649-50, and to Bradshaw, -March 5, in _Carlyle_; also letters in the Supplement, pp. 54-56. In -the articles for the surrender of Fethard (No. 55) it is stipulated -that the garrison might retire to 'any place within his Majesty's -quarters.' When Cromwell signed this, he either did not notice the -draftsman's expression, or thought it did not matter. For Enniscorthy -see Whitelock's _Memorials_, p. 437. - -[170] _Bellings_, vii. 129. _Several Letters from Ireland_, March -18, 1649-50. This tract is reprinted in the _Kilkenny Archæological -Journal_, new series, i. 110, with a contemporary plan of Ballisonan, -but the latter must have been drawn to illustrate the capture of the -place by Jones in September 1648. - -[171] Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, pp. 83-86; Cromwell to Lenthall, April -2, 1650, in _Carlyle_. And see Murphy's _Cromwell in Ireland_, chaps. -24 and 25, and Lord Dillon's apologetic letter in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. -373; Clarendon's History, _Ireland_, p. 96. - -[172] Articles for surrender, March 27, in Murphy's _Cromwell in -Ireland_, p. 301. All the letters extant are printed by Carlyle, vol. -ii., see especially that of Cromwell to the mayor on March 26. The -_Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 69, states that the townsmen capitulated -behind the governor's back, and that the garrison were not mentioned in -the capitulation, which shows the untrustworthiness of the writer. And -see Carte's _Life of Ormonde_, ii. 113. - -[173] Cromwell's letter of April 2, in _Carlyle_, ii. 48, with the -notes; Grave's and Prim's _Hist. of St. Canice's Cathedral_, pp. 74, -138, 296; Letters of Fleming and Lynch in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. -341, 348; Murphy's _Cromwell in Ireland_, chaps. xxv. and xxvi. - -[174] Seven contemporary accounts of this siege, including one from -Bates's _Elenchus_, are printed in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 408-415. See -Murphy's _Cromwell in Ireland_, chap. xxviii.; Ireton to Cromwell, -July 10, 1651, _Milton State Papers_, p. 72. Cromwell's own account is -wanting, but the notes to letter 132 in Carlyle may be consulted. In -the churchyard of St. Mary's, very near the breach, is a large stone -inscribed NL ET SOCII, and the tradition is that fifty of Cromwell's -soldiers lie beneath. - -[175] Authorities as for last paragraph; _Aphorismical Discovery_, p. -616; Dillingham to Sancroft in Cary's _Memorials of the Civil War_, -ii. 217. The articles of surrender are printed in Murphy's _Cromwell -in Ireland_, p. 341, with the date May 18, but the letter in Whitelock -(456) says May 10. Certainty is unattainable, but Cromwell's battery -was probably near the railway station on the slope of Gallows Hill. -Since the above was written I have read the account of this siege in -Rev. W. S. Burke's _Hist. of Clonmel_, 1907, but have not thought it -necessary to alter the text. - -[176] Broghill's letter, dated April 16, is printed in Murphy's -_Cromwell in Ireland_, p. 324; Borlase's _Irish Rebellion_, p. 240; the -Brief Chronicle printed in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 165, says Roche was -'condemned to be shot to death by a council of war'; Cox's _Hibernia -Anglicana_, ii. 16, where the date is erroneously given as May 16. - -[177] Cromwell to Hewson, May 22, 1650, in _Carlyle_, Supplement 61; to -John Sadler, December 31, 1649, _ib._ appendix 17. The latter letter -offers Sadler, a master in Chancery in England, 1000_l._ a year as -Chief Justice of Munster. Sadler did not go, but the place was given to -a vigorous law reformer, John Cook the regicide. - -[178] Broghill's letter of April 16; Letter among the _Clarendon -MSS._, July 6, o. s., endorsed by Hyde as from 'J. Barn.' (perhaps -Barnewall).; Carte's _Life of Ormonde_, ii.; Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, -i. 153, 168. It is remarkable that in Hill's _Macdonnells of Antrim_ -nothing is said about the alleged forgery, though the writer can hardly -have been ignorant of Carte's statement. Cromwell's articles granted to -the Protestants, dated April 26, are printed in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. -393, where the other letters may be found, pp. 401-408, 410, and 411, -and see Supplement 58 to _Carlyle_. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIII - -ORMONDE'S LAST STRUGGLES, 1650 - - -[Sidenote: Hopeless dissensions among Irish Royalists.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde meets the bishops at Limerick, March.] - -[Sidenote: Limerick excludes Ormonde's garrison.] - -The Anglo-Irish Catholics had been drawn into the war against their -will in many cases, and in many others only in the hopes of obtaining -religious toleration. They were genuine Royalists, though the interests -of the sovereign did not always seem to be theirs. But the Celts -cared extremely little for the Crown and a great deal for the Church; -even more perhaps for the land which they had lost. Rinuccini's whole -influence went to widen the difference between the two sections. The -dominant faction among the clergy were quite ready to submit to a -foreign protector, and Ormonde's last struggles were with the bishops. -The Clonmacnoise decrees having failed to secure union, he summoned -twenty-four prelates along with the Commissioners of Trust to meet -him at Limerick, whither he went after finally leaving Kilkenny. They -met accordingly on March 8, and five days later presented him with -a paper of advice. They suggested that a Privy Council should be -appointed consisting of 'peers and others, natives of this kingdom, at -once spiritual and temporal,' to sit daily with the Lord Lieutenant -and determine all weighty affairs. The answer to this was easy: that -the appointment of Privy Councillors belonged to the King alone, and -that in the actual condition of affairs the Commissioners of Trust -were quite Council enough. There were vague charges of preferring -Protestants to Catholics, and suggestions made as to the rendering of -accounts and the administration of justice, very suitable for peaceful -times, but not at all applicable to the desperate state of affairs -really existing. Ormonde's immediate object was to place a garrison in -Limerick, and there all was refused to him, Lord Kilmallock, Catholic -though he was, being imprisoned by the citizens for quartering part of -his own troop within the walls by the Marquis's orders. Some of the -bishops made a faint attempt to reconcile the townsmen; but Ormonde -went away to Loughrea on March 18, and the prelates and Commissioners -followed him thither next day. It had been represented to him by some -of them that all would be right if he would only get rid of Inchiquin; -while others told the latter that he, as a chief of the ancient Irish, -was the proper person to command, if only he would separate from -Ormonde. The two lords compared notes, and easily perceived that the -real object in view was to get rid of them both.[179] - -[Sidenote: A successor to Owen Roe O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: Bishop Macmahon appointed, April 1.] - -By the fourth article of his agreement with Owen Roe O'Neill, Ormonde -was bound to give the command in Ulster to the person nominated by the -nobility and gentry of that province, who assembled for that purpose -at Belturbet in March, under the presidency of Eugene Swiney, who -had been Bishop of Kilmore since 1628. Antrim, who had already been -in communication with Cromwell and was soon to be in alliance with -Ireton, was a candidate, and had many supporters among the officers. -It was thought that Sir George Monro and his Scots might follow him, -though they would dislike an Irish and especially a clerical general. -Hugh O'Neill, who would have been by far the fittest man, was absent -in Munster; and Daniel O'Neill was practically disqualified by being -a Protestant. The other candidates were Sir Phelim O'Neill, who had -never shone as a soldier, Owen Roe's son Henry, General Ferrall, and -Bishop Macmahon of Clogher. The bishop professed no great anxiety for -the post, but there seems little doubt that he left no stone unturned. -These intrigues were successful, and Ormonde signed his commission on -April 1. He was, says the 'British Officer,' 'a great politician, but -no more a soldier fit to be a general than one of Rome's cardinals.' - -[Sidenote: Englishmen turned out of the army.] - -Before the end of April, Monro surrendered Enniskillen to Coote 'for -500_l._ and other trivial things.' At the beginning of May the Bishop -began his active campaign. Toome, at the foot of Lough Neagh, was -surprised, and, though it was retaken not long after, this prevented -Coote from besieging Charlemont; and the Irish army got between his -garrison at Londonderry and that of Venables at Coleraine. A council -of war was held at Loughgall in Armagh to decide whether the attack -should be on the Belfast district or on Londonderry. According to the -'British Officer,' the latter course was taken owing to the secret -practices of Sir George Rawdon, who wished to keep the war away from -his own country. Macmahon summoned Dungiven, which was defended by -Colonel Beresford with about sixty men, to whom he wrote, 'if you shed -one drop of my soldiers' blood, I will not spare to put man, woman, -and child to the sword.' The place was taken by assault, the soldiers -mounting the ramparts by means of short sticks thrust into the sods, -and all found in arms were killed, except Beresford himself, who was -sent wounded to Charlemont, where he recovered. The women, among whom, -according to the 'British Officer,' were Lady Coote and Mrs. Beresford, -were sent safely to Limavady, which was maintained by the successor of -Sir Thomas Phillips. The Bishop hoped that some Scots would join him on -Royalist grounds; but he got rid of all Englishmen, and a declaration -was published by himself and the Bishop of Down, which was signed by -twenty-nine officers, every one of them with Celtic names.[180] - -[Sidenote: Over-confidence of Bishop Macmahon,] - -[Sidenote: who divides his forces,] - -[Sidenote: and rejects Henry O'Neill's advice.] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Scariffhollis, June 21.] - -[Sidenote: An old soldier's comments.] - -The Bishop of Clogher styled his followers 'the confident, victorious -Catholic army of the North,' but its career of success was not long. -Ballycastle, on the northern shore of Antrim, was taken without -resistance, and garrisoned; but it could be of little use, and the -army, amounting at this time to about 4000 foot and 400 horse, returned -through the mountains. The Foyle was crossed at a little-frequented -passage below Lifford, Coote being encamped higher up with a much -inferior force. A smart skirmish took place in which the Irish had the -best of it, Captains Taylor and Cathcart being killed. If the Bishop -had followed up this success, he might have gained a great victory, -for Coote had to retire by a narrow causeway through bogs. The Scotch -settlers were numerous between Lifford and Londonderry, and agreed to -give some provisions to the Bishop's army; but Coote persuaded them -all to retire into Inishowen with their cattle, so that there was -little left for the enemy to eat. Macmahon occupied Lifford, which -Major Perkins surrendered as soon as he saw Ormonde's commission, and -remained there for a week, when supplies began to run short. He then -imprudently weakened his force by sending a large detachment to take -the remote castle of Doe on Sheephaven, and smaller ones to forage -about the country, so that when he took up a position at Scariffhollis -on the Swilly, some two miles above Letterkenny, he had not with him -more than 3000 foot and 400 horse. In the meantime, Coote was growing -stronger: 1000 foot, under Colonel Fenwick, came to him from Venables -at Belfast, and every available man was drawn out of Enniskillen, so -that he had a large force by the fatal 21st of June. The principal -officers in the Irish army were for adhering to the Fabian tactics of -their late chief, his only son among them. Their arguments were sound -and based on experience; but we may be sure that the speech put into -Henry O'Neill's mouth is very different from that uttered by him. The -report occupies little more than a page, but in it are mentioned by -name Mars, Ulysses, Ajax, Antiochus, Hannibal, Fabius Cunctator, Scipio -Africanus, Scanderbeg, Spinola, and Maurice of Nassau. The Bishop -retorted by actually accusing him of want of courage; and after that -there was nothing left but to fight. They were, says Coote, posted on -a mountain-side, 'inaccessible to either horse or foot,' but descended -on the enemy's appearance into ground 'which was extreme bad,' but yet -possible to traverse. The infantry on both sides were perhaps nearly -equal, but the English had a great superiority in cavalry, so that when -the Irish broke after an hour's hard fighting it was easy to pursue -them in all directions. About 3000 were killed, including a large part -of the officers, and few unmounted men can have escaped. Sir Phelim -O'Neill got away to Charlemont, and the Bishop managed to keep some -200 horse together, with which he fled southwards. All his colours, -arms, ammunition, and baggage fell into the victors' hands. Coote's -casualties of all sorts were under a hundred, and only one officer -was killed outright. Colonel Fenwick, who fell at the first fire, -afterwards died of his wounds. 'Now the reader may observe,' says the -British Officer, 'the sequel of making the Bishop a general that was -nothing experienced in that lesson, nor becoming his coat to send men -to spill Christian blood; and how that for want of conduct and prudency -in martial affairs he lost himself and that army that never got a foil -before he led them.'[181] - -[Sidenote: The Bishop is captured.] - -[Sidenote: and executed.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill put to death.] - -One of the Maguires, who knew all the short cuts, hurried off to -Enniskillen as soon as he saw the result of the fight, and warned Major -John King that the Bishop was coming his way. King got out one hundred -fresh horsemen and fell upon the fugitives, who were in no condition -to resist. Macmahon's leg was broken in the scuffle, and he was taken -prisoner. During his captivity he made a good impression, bewailing his -many shortcomings and foretelling the course of events. King tried to -save his life, but he was hanged after some weeks and his head fixed -upon one of the gates of Londonderry. The responsibility for this must -be shared between Ireton and Coote, but particulars are wanting. 'I do -not know,' says the historian Lynch, 'what the Bishop foretold, but -I am certain that our nation never experienced worse calamities than -she has done since he was taken from our midst.' Ormonde praised him -long afterwards as a truthful man who kept to his agreements. Several -officers of rank were put to death by Coote after the battle, some -of them, if we accept O'Neill's Journal, with circumstances of great -brutality. Henry O'Neill was among them, who reminded Coote that his -father had saved him when he was near having to surrender Londonderry. -To this Sir Charles replied that those services had been paid for at -the time, and that he owed him nothing. The Irish accounts say that -these officers had all been received to quarter and should have been -treated as prisoners of war; and it is remarkable that the English -accounts say nothing about it, though Ludlow notes that there were few -prisoners, 'being for the most part put to the sword.' It is never -possible to ascertain exactly what happened in a battle, but the -probability is that immediate quarter for life given on the field was -not supposed to cover acts of treason or rebellion, and all Coote's -victims would have come within those qualifications of the subsequent -Act of Settlement which barred pardon for life and estate.[182] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde is unsupported.] - -[Sidenote: Assembly at Loughrea, April 27.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde kept out of Limerick,] - -Ormonde has been blamed by many Irish writers for not supporting the -Bishop of Clogher; but he had no army with him and no means of raising -one. Inchiquin's force had disappeared in the manner already described, -and Castlehaven could do little with his small following. Meanwhile, -the Shannon estuary was at the mercy of the Parliamentary fleet. -Kilrush and Tarbert were burned and all country boats destroyed, so -that Clare was cut off from the rest of Munster. The possession of -Limerick was absolutely necessary to keep up the communications between -Connaught and the other provinces, and Limerick was contumacious. -To those who criticised him for keeping the few soldiers he had in -scattered country quarters instead of concentrating them in important -garrisons, the Lord Lieutenant sarcastically answered that the towns -themselves were responsible, 'wherein we cannot yet prevail, nor ever -could, till by the enemies' lying at one end of the town we were, not -without articling and conditioning, permitted to put such men as we -could then get in at the other end.' He summoned a general assembly -to meet at Loughrea on April 27, enclosing a copy of the young King's -letter, which permitted him to leave Ireland if he could not secure -obedience. He had a vessel ready in Galway Bay, but the conciliatory -attitude of the assembly, owing to the presence of a lay element, -induced him to dismiss her and to stay on in Ireland a little longer. -The Archbishop of Tuam and Sir Lucas Dillon went to Limerick with -directions to settle matters between the town and Ormonde, who in -consequence received a rather halting invitation from the mayor, John -Creagh. He came within four miles of Limerick, and agreed to visit the -city on condition that he should be received with the respect due to a -Lord Lieutenant; that he should have military command within the walls, -and that he should be attended by his own guard of fifty horse and one -hundred foot, all Roman Catholics and old soldiers of the Confederacy. -The mayor would have agreed, but Dominick Fanning and a friar named -Wolfe possessed themselves of the keys, collected a number of young -men, who had already distinguished themselves by plundering Ormonde's -papers on board a ship, and admitted Colonel Murtagh O'Brien with an -Irish regiment consisting largely of recruits. Clanricarde, supported -by the Commissioners of Trust, called upon the Bishop of Limerick to -excommunicate Fanning and O'Brien; but, of course, this was not done. -Ormonde offered to remain in Limerick during the coming siege and take -his chance with the rest, provided he was allowed to put in a proper -garrison and strengthen the works as he thought fit; but his efforts -were all in vain, and Galway was equally determined not to admit -Clanricarde.[183] - -[Sidenote: and Clanricarde out of Galway.] - -[Sidenote: Progress of Ireton.] - -[Sidenote: Tecroghan taken, June 25.] - -[Sidenote: Castlehaven failed to relieve it.] - -While Ormonde persevered in his hopeless task, Ireton was gradually -reducing the few strongholds which held out to the east of the Shannon -after Cromwell's departure. The first to fall was Tecroghan, in the -south-west corner of Meath, which capitulated on June 25, only four -days after the disaster at Scariffhollis. That strong castle belonged -to Sir Luke Fitzgerald, whose daughter married the ill-fated Henry -O'Neill, and had been Ormonde's headquarters when Cromwell came to -Drogheda. Reynolds besieged Tecroghan about the middle of May, the -garrison being commanded by Sir Robert Talbot, a kinsman of Lady -Fitzgerald, under Ormonde's orders. This appointment displaced Major -Luke Maguire, and the everlasting jealousy between the native Irish -and the men of the Pale caused great dissension between the partisans -of the late and present governor. In order to relieve the place, -Clanricarde came to Tyrrell's Pass with 2000 foot and 700 horse, under -Castlehaven's command. Several miles of bog had to be crossed, and a -council of war was disinclined to move; but Castlehaven offered to -march with the foot, leaving the cavalry to distract the enemies' -attention, if possible. The latter part of the advance was along a -narrow causeway with deep ditches on either side, and the rearguard, -under Captain Fox, was ordered to face about and protect the convoy. -'He turned to his men,' says Castlehaven, 'and spake something in -Irish that I did not know, and, marching two or three hundred paces in -such a fashion that I could not tell whether he intended fighting or -running away. At last he did run away, and all his party followed.' -The van marched on into Tecroghan, but without the provisions and -ammunition; and Castlehaven with difficulty got back. Fox was tried by -court-martial and shot. No further attempt could be made to relieve -Tecroghan, which capitulated on honourable terms, the garrison marching -out with the honours of war, and protection was given for the property -of Lady Fitzgerald and some of her friends. By a special article, half -the guns in the castle were to remain with Talbot, provided he took -them within eight weeks. Carte says this was not done, and calls it a -shameful breach of faith; but it is very likely that the pieces were -not claimed within the specified time.[184] - -[Sidenote: Surrender of Carlow, July 24.] - -Ireton summoned Carlow on July 2, having already thrown a bridge -over the Barrow. Major Bellew, who commanded a garrison of about 200 -men, asked for three days' truce, which were granted, to communicate -with the Bishop of Dromore and with Preston at Waterford. Further -negotiations then took place, and it seems evident that the news of -Scariffhollis had greatly damped the ardour of the defenders. Ireton -took the bulk of the army with him to Waterford, leaving Sir Hardress -Waller to take Carlow, which capitulated as soon as a tower near the -bridge had been battered and carried by assault. The terms were as good -as those granted to Tecroghan, and Ireton, says Ludlow, 'caused them -punctually to be executed, as his constant manner was.'[185] - -[Sidenote: Surrender of Waterford, Aug. 10.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton's military justice.] - -[Sidenote: Waterford capitulates,] - -[Sidenote: and Duncannon also.] - -After the fall of Clonmel and the departure of Cromwell, Waterford -was almost isolated, though Duncannon was still in Irish hands, and -communication by the river could not be altogether prevented. But -Ireton had control of all the county of Waterford and of Carrick, where -was the lowest bridge over the Suir. It was therefore practically -impossible to relieve the city, and a small force encamped at some -distance was probably enough to stop the introduction of cattle or -other provisions by land. When Carlow was once invested, Ireton could -spare a larger force, and he left that place early in July to press the -siege of Waterford, having first sent a summons to offer fair terms. -The garrison were to march out and surrender their arms within four -miles of the town, officers and gentlemen retaining their swords and -pistols. Cannon were not to be removed. Private property of all kinds -was protected, and two months given to carry it away. Civilians were -to be disarmed, but not otherwise interfered with in any way, and the -soldiers might go where they pleased on promising not to serve against -the Parliament in England or Ireland. No obstacle was placed in the -way of taking service under any foreign government. These terms were -rejected, and a further summons was sent after the surrender of Carlow. -Preston or his son, Sir James, then made a sporting offer to admit -Ireton's infantry and let them do what they could inside the town. -There is a good deal of grim humour in the letters exchanged on this -subject, Ireton suggesting that 'old General Preston' must be dead. Of -course, this came to nothing. More importance attaches to the murder -of a man named Murphy, who was going out of Waterford into the country -with 80_l._ in his pocket. A major and a cornet were implicated, and -Ireton had them both shot. At last, after much correspondence, Sir -James Preston and others came out upon safe conduct dated the last of -July. The place of meeting was then called New Cross, just outside the -town on the south-east side and close to the Suir. It was probably the -news of Carlow having fallen that decided Preston to surrender, for -Ireton seems not to have been ready for an assault, though he could -annoy the town with his artillery. The terms were virtually the same -as those offered a month before, and on August 10, says Ireton, 'there -marched out about 700 men, well armed, the townsmen more numerous than -before we believed, and the town better fortified in all parts and -more difficult to be attempted than our forces conceived, there being -many private stores sufficient to have maintained them a long time.' -Duncannon, which it was now evidently useless to defend, capitulated -seven days later.[186] - -[Sidenote: Surrender of Charlemont, Aug. 14.] - -[Sidenote: A desperate defence.] - -[Sidenote: Sir Phelim O'Neill.] - -Having taken a fortnight's rest after Scariffhollis, Sir Charles Coote -proceeded to besiege the strong fort at Charlemont, which had been -in Sir Phelim O'Neill's hands since the first outbreak in 1641. As -Sir Phelim had accepted the peace of 1649 it was reckoned as a royal -fortress, and was the last to hold out for the King in Ulster. Venables -joined Coote, and a hot fire was kept up with guns and mortars; but it -was not till near the middle of August that a practicable breach was -made. The garrison made a desperate resistance, assisted by many women, -'who more appeared like fighting Amazons than civilised Christians.' -The storming-party were assailed not only with shot, but with scalding -slops and hot ashes, and were beaten back after two or three hours' -fighting. Venables had a narrow escape, but Coote, who commanded in -chief, remained 'a spectator, smoking of tobacco at distance.' The -total loss of the besiegers was not less than 500 men, but O'Neill's -ammunition was running short, and only thirty men out of 140 were able -to bear arms, all the rest being killed or wounded. He went out himself -to confer with Coote, while Colonel Audley Mervyn, afterwards Speaker -of the House of Commons, and Major King, afterwards Lord Kingston, were -sent in as hostages. The garrison marched out with arms and baggage, -Sir Phelim having leave to go beyond sea, and Coote undertaking to find -him a vessel. Unfortunately for himself, O'Neill remained in Ireland, -while Venables returned to Carrickfergus and Coote to Londonderry. A -Parliamentary garrison was left in the fort which had been so dearly -won.[187] - -[Sidenote: Meeting of bishops at Jamestown, Aug. 6.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde rebukes the prelates.] - -While the strong places of Leinster, Munster, and Ulster were being -reduced, Ormonde was struggling to maintain the semblance of royal -authority beyond the Shannon. The Loughrea conferences had led to -no good result, and the bishops assembled on their own account at -Jamestown in Leitrim on August 6. They announced their intentions to -Ormonde through the Archbishops of Dublin and Tuam, who reminded him -of what he knew only too well--that there was no army and no money, -and that the enemy were actually drawing large contributions from -Irish Catholics, whose country was in their hands; so that 'we are in -a fair way for losing our sacred religion, the King's authority, and -Ireland.' They invited the Lord Lieutenant to send a representative -to Jamestown, but he answered with perfect truth that this would be -useless after what had already happened. 'Ancient and late experience,' -he said, 'hath made evident what power those of your function have -had to draw the people of this nation to what they thought fit.' Yet -they had been unable or unwilling to give him possession of Limerick, -without which successful military operations east of the Shannon were -quite impossible. But he wished the Jamestown assembly all success, -especially if the object of the prelates was, as they themselves -admitted, to clear their own consciences. He had endeavoured to show -'that the spring of our past losses and approaching ruin arises from -disobedience, and it will not be hard to show that the spring of these -disobediences arises from the forgeries invented, the calumnies spread -against government, and the incitements of the people to rebellion by -very many of the clergy.'[188] - -[Sidenote: The bishops order Ormonde out of Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: His adherents excommunicated.] - -[Sidenote: Another fruitless conference.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde predicts increased confusion.] - -The Jamestown congregation met as announced, and after three or four -days' deliberation they despatched Bishop Darcy of Dromore and Charles -Kelly, Dean of Tuam, to Ormonde with full powers to explain their -views. They had observed with 'grief and admiration' that he threw -some of the blame upon them, showed to their own satisfaction that -they were not in fault, and left it to their emissaries to declare -what they believed to be the only possible means of preserving the -country. Ormonde prudently required the plenipotentiaries to put their -message upon paper; and the result was a peremptory notice to him to -quit Ireland forthwith. The writers plainly said that he was of no use -there, but that his great position and experience might avail something -if he was by the King's side. In the meantime, he was to leave the -viceregal authority in the hands of someone 'trusty to the nation, and -such as the affection and confidence of the people will follow.' On -the day before this message was delivered the assembled prelates had -actually excommunicated all who adhered to the Lord Lieutenant, so that -there was little sincerity in sending the Bishop of Dromore and his -colleague at all. The excommunication, with the declaration prefixed, -though dated August 12, was withheld from publication until September -15, so that Ormonde's answer might be first received. The Commissioners -of Trust persuaded him to summon the bishops to another conference at -Loughrea on August 26, and he went there himself; but they only sent -the Bishops of Cork and Clonfert, with no instructions except to demand -an answer to their order for his leaving the kingdom. In giving this, -Ormonde pointed out that he had returned to Ireland from a sense of -duty, that he had been prepared in April last to make room for a Roman -Catholic viceroy, but that many of the prelates themselves had then -begged him to stay; and that he waited now because the King's position -in Scotland was hopeful and orders might come which he would be sorry -should arrive in his absence. 'We plainly observe,' he added, 'that -though the division is great in the nation under our government, yet -it will be greater upon our removal; for which in a free conference we -should have given such pregnant evidence as we hold not fit this way to -declare.' The best chance of prevailing upon Charles to send supplies -was to be able to tell him how obedient and dutiful the people were. -A majority of the Commissioners of Trust, all Roman Catholics, wrote -in much the same strain, urging that disloyalty on the part of the -clergy would reflect upon the nation at large, and could only result in -general ruin.[189] - -[Sidenote: Charles II. repudiates the 'bloody Irish rebels,' Aug. 16.] - -[Sidenote: The King's mother idolatrous.] - -[Sidenote: And Ormonde's peace exceeding sinful.] - -[Sidenote: Commissions to Cavaliers revoked.] - -[Sidenote: Opinions of Clarendon, Carte, and Walker.] - -On August 16, four days after the decree of excommunication was -passed at Jamestown, an event happened in Scotland which was alone -sufficient to destroy all Ormonde's plans. It is less famous and was -less important than the Glamorgan treaty, but it shows that Charles -was his father's son, and he even contrived to better the instruction. -At Dunfermline on August 16, he was induced to sign a declaration in -which he professed himself 'deeply humbled and afflicted in spirit -before God' for his father's sin in opposing the Covenant, 'and for -the idolatry of his mother, the toleration whereof in the King's -house, as it was matter of great stumbling to all the Protestant -churches, so could it not but be a high provocation against Him who is -a jealous God, visiting the sins of the father upon the children.' He -further declared his conscientious conviction of the 'exceeding great -sinfulness and unlawfulness of that treaty and peace made with the -bloody Irish rebels, who treacherously shed the blood of so many of his -faithful and loyal subjects in Ireland.' For the future he would prefer -affliction to sin, and employ no one who had not taken the Covenant; -and he 'recalled all commissions given to any such persons.' The -baseness of this declaration can hardly be matched in our history, but -George IV. tried to emulate it when he authorised Mr. Fox to inform the -House of Commons that he was not married to Mrs. Fitzherbert. Clarendon -can only say that Charles was 'absolutely forced to consent' and other -apologists take the same line, but Carte, with all his royalism, was -not deceived by sophistry of this kind. He makes every allowance for -Charles's youth and difficulties, but with the scathing reflection that -'if a man once gets over his natural magnanimity he is afterwards fit -for anything; and having done one mean thing, is capable of doing ten -thousand.'[190] - -[Sidenote: Charles had confirmed the peace.] - -[Sidenote: His apology.] - -[Sidenote: Effect of Charles's declaration in Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: The Commissioners of Trust support Ormonde.] - -The articles of the peace had been brought by Lord Byron to the -Hague early in March 1649, and Charles had written twice to confirm -them, declaring himself 'extremely well satisfied.' These letters -were found by Carte among Ormonde's papers, as well as the latter's -acknowledgment, so that their delivery is not doubtful. Charles did -not deny the facts, and he sought for the means of neutralising them -as much as possible. The emissary chosen was Dr. John King, Dean of -Tuam, who had taken refuge in Scotland, and we have his own account of -the interview where he received his instructions. 'The Scots,' said -Charles, 'have dealt very ill with me, very ill. I understand you -are willing to go into Ireland. My Lord of Ormonde is a person that -I depend upon more than anyone living. I much fear that I have been -forced to do some things which may much prejudice him. You have heard -how a declaration was extorted from me, and how I should have been -dealt withal, if I had not signed it. Yet what concerns Ireland is -no ways binding, for I can do nothing in the affairs of that kingdom -without the advice of my council there; nor hath that kingdom any -dependence upon this, so that what I have done is nothing.' It is only -fair to say that after Dunbar had been fought he took the opportunity -of another trusty messenger to express his gratitude, begging Ormonde -not to run any unavoidable personal risk, but to leave Ireland whenever -he pleased. He had already advised him that Scotland was not safe, -and that he should seek France or Holland. It took Dr. King about -two months to get to Ormonde, and he at once undertook 'through -much hazard' to take the answer back to Scotland. The Dunfermline -declaration was already known in Ireland through other channels, and -Ormonde at first thought the report was a fabrication circulated by the -Scots politicians for their own purposes, but the Dean of Tuam brought -a printed copy with him, and there was no longer room for doubt. This -was on October 13, and Ormonde at once summoned the Commissioners of -Trust to meet him at Ennis on the 23rd, and by their advice convened -an assembly to sit at Loughrea on November 15. To the Commissioners -he explained in writing that the Dunfermline declaration had been 'by -some undue means obtained from his Majesty' upon one-sided assertions -of the peace being unlawful and without hearing the other parties. For -himself he was determined by every means in his power to maintain the -validity of the peace as binding the King and all his subjects until -the authorised representatives of the Irish nation should have 'free -and safe access unto his Majesty,' provided always that the Jamestown -declaration forbidding obedience to him as Lord Lieutenant should be -revoked, that the bishops should acknowledge that they had invaded his -Majesty's prerogative, and that he and the necessary forces under his -command should be freely admitted into all garrisons. The Commissioners -of Trust accepted the excuses made for Charles, whose declaration -they had read with 'inexpressible grief,' and for themselves agreed -to the Lord Lieutenant's provisoes. In order to prepare matters for -the 'assembly of the nation,' they asked and obtained leave to go to -Galway, and to confer with the standing committee of bishops there.[191] - -[Sidenote: A conference at Galway.] - -[Sidenote: The bishops will not have a Protestant governor.] - -[Sidenote: The excommunication maintained.] - -Six bishops met the Commissioners accordingly, among them being Darcy -of Dromore, French of Ferns, who was Ormonde's bitter enemy, and Lynch -of Clonfert, who had protested even against the short delay interposed -between the decree of excommunication and its publication. Bellings -and his colleagues suggested that the peace and the maintenance of -the royal authority were the only means of preserving union, and to -this end they asked that the excommunication and declaration should be -withdrawn with a promise not to renew them. It was understood by both -parties that Clanricarde was Ormonde's only possible successor, but the -bishops could and did argue irresistibly that Charles had withdrawn -his own authority 'and thrown away the nation from his protection -as rebels.' With less wisdom they declared in the baldest way that -it was a scandal to have a Protestant governor over Catholics, and -that in the abortive agreement between the Pope and Henrietta Maria -this had been provided against. They positively refused to annul the -excommunication or to promise not to renew it, and they reiterated -the complaints of bad administration already so often made against -Ormonde. In conclusion they agreed that Clanricarde should govern -with the consent of all parties and with 'the King's authority from -the Lord Lieutenant which he conceives is in him' until a free and -lawful assembly should otherwise order. If such a body decided to treat -with the enemy the Church would acquiesce, though she would be the -heaviest loser, but they conjured the Catholics of Ireland to imitate -the Maccabees, whose fears were greater for the Temple than for their -nearest and dearest kinsfolk. The result of this preliminary conference -was not very hopeful, but the compromise was accepted by Darcy, who two -months before had been authorised to demand that Ormonde should put the -viceregal authority into commission, the commissioners being all Roman -Catholics nominated by the bishops. This he had of course refused to -do, and Clanricarde was the only alternative.[192] - -[Sidenote: Assembly at Loughrea, Nov. 25.] - -[Sidenote: A Deputy to be appointed. Clanricarde.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde leaves Ireland.] - -The assembly began to meet at Loughrea on November 15, but did -not constitute themselves until the 25th, when Sir Richard Blake -was elected chairman. The lay element from the first asserted -itself, and some bishops, who in purely ecclesiastical manifestoes -considered themselves bound by the majority, showed a certain amount -of independence. On December 7 an agreement was rather unexpectedly -arrived at, and probably this was hastened by the fact that Ormonde -was on shipboard and might leave Ireland without delegating his -authority. First the prelates were induced to say that they had no -intention at Jamestown of usurping the royal authority, and no aim -but the 'preservation of the Catholic religion and people.' The -assembled 'Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Gentry' then declared -their conviction that the royal authority was the best bond of union, -and that no body of men in Ireland had any power to impair it. It is -to be observed, and no doubt Ormonde did observe, that the deposing -power of the Pope is not referred to. They then besought the Lord -Lieutenant to leave his authority in some person faithful to his -Majesty 'and acceptable to the nation,' to whom they promised ready -obedience. And they fully acknowledged that the retiring viceroy had -risked person and property for the royal cause, and that, even when -unsuccessful, he had 'faithful intentions and hearty affections to -advance his Majesty's interests and service.' This manifesto reached -Ormonde at Gleninagh in Clare, where he had put in before taking his -final departure. He wrote to say that he was not fully satisfied, but -that he had sent a commission as Deputy to Clanricarde, and he left it -to him to get further explanations and to accept or reject the charge -according to their tenor. This was his last act in Ireland until after -the Restoration and, having refused Ireton's offer of a pass, he sailed -on December 11 in a very fast vessel of twenty-four tons and four -guns which the Duke of York had provided for him in Jersey. He was -accompanied by Inchiquin, Bellings, Daniel O'Neill, and many officers, -and it was three weeks before they reached land at Perros Guirec in -Brittany. Forty men in a boat of twenty-four tons in the open Atlantic -and in midwinter must have endured very great hardships. Ormonde made -his way to Caen, where his wife and children were, and from thence -to Paris. A second ship with Sir George Lane and others reached -France, and a third with servants and baggage was lost at sea. The -distinguished exiles were from the first in the direst distress.[193] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[179] Clarendon's _Hist. Ireland_, 97-106; Cox's _Hibernia Anglicana_, -appx. 45. - -[180] Ormonde's Commission in Borlase's _Hist. of the Rebellion_, -ed. 1743, p. 311, and in the _Parliamentary Hist._ xix. 297; Sir C. -Coote to Lenthall, July 2, _ib._ appx. 28; British Officer's _Warr -of Ireland_, 115-119; O'Neill's Journal in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. -212; Declaration of the Ulster Party, May 20, _ib._ ii. 418; Bishop -Macmahon to Beresford, May 30, _ib._ ii. 422. In the English official -account, _ib._ iii. 166, the Bishop's army is described as 'all Irish -or Papists, not a Protestant among them, having taken up an opinion -that they should never prosper till they had cleared their army of -all Protestants.' A letter from Nantes, May 26, 1650, in _Spicilegium -Ossoriense_, i. 340, says: 'Decreverunt Catholici nostri nullam dare -auctoritatem ulli Anglo, et specialiter Protestanti, quia experti sunt -eos semper fuisse perfidos in omni occasione, et ita deduxisse nos in -ultimam fere ruinam.' - -[181] English official narrative in _Confed. and War_, iii. 166. -Coote's account seems pretty faithful in his letter to Ireton of -July 2, _ut sup._ The British Officer's _Warr of Ireland_ gives some -details. _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 86, can hardly be trusted, but -it condemns the idea of an episcopal general as much as the last. -An extract from a Latin narrative by John Lynch, printed from the -Carte Papers in _Confed. and War_, iii. 154, says Coote had double -his opponent's number of infantry and treble of cavalry, and that the -Bishop gave battle 'concilio bellico refragante.' There is a good -account in Ludlow's _Memoirs_, ed. Firth, i. 255, but it is certain -that the Bishop was executed long after the battle. - -[182] Lynch's MS. _De Presulibus_ as above; O'Neill's Journal in -_Contemp. Hist._, iii. 212. Both Lynch and the Aphorismical Discovery -mention the Irishman (nefarius aliquis), who carried the news to -Enniskillen, 'per viarum compendia,' and the latter says his name was -Maguire. See Cox's _Hibernia Anglicana_, p. 23, and Borlase's _Hist. of -the Rebellion_, ed. 1743, p. 313. - -[183] Charles II. to Ormonde from Jersey, February 2, 1649-50, in -Carte's _Life of Ormonde_, ii. 107. The general assembly to Ormonde -from Loughrea, April 30, 1650, and his answer (same place), May 1, in -app. 46 to Cox's _Hibernia Anglicana_. Ormonde's correspondence with -Limerick, June 12, in Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion, _Ireland_, -117-121, and his instruction to Hugh O'Neill and John Walsh, June 29, -in _Confed. and War_, ii. 430. Ormonde's letter of June 14 to the mayor -of Limerick is printed by Cox, ii. 22. Captain W. Penn to Cromwell, -April 5, 1650, _Milton State Papers_, p. 5. - -[184] Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, p. 91; Carte's _Life of Ormonde_, -ii. 115; Dillon and others to Ormonde, May 16, in _Contemp. Hist._, -411, and the articles of surrender, _ib._ 489. The account of the -Aphorismical Discovery, who saw treason everywhere, is hardly to be -trusted, but he notes that the cannon were not sent for within three -or four weeks, and for a wonder does not accuse Reynolds of bad faith, -_ib._ ii. 95. - -[185] The summons and articles are in Borlase's _Hist. of the -Rebellion_, ed. 1743, appx. 26. Ludlow's _Memoirs_, ed. Firth, i. -255. The Diary of one of Waller's officers printed in _Confed. and -War_, iii. 218, says 'a passage over the Barrow was by one bridge of -bulrushes and another of timber.' - -[186] Ireton's account is in _Parliamentary Hist._, xix. 336. Diary of -a parliamentary officer employed in the parleys in _Contemp. Hist._, -iii. 219. Most of the letters are in the diary of Mr. Cliffe, who was -Ireton's secretary, printed in Borlase's _Hist. of the Rebellion_, -ed. 1743, appx. 32-45. Sir James Preston always signs as governor, -and perhaps his father, whose patent as Viscount Tarah is dated -Ennis (where Ormonde was), July 2, 1650, considered himself as still -general-in-chief. He stayed for some time in Waterford after the siege. -A round shot, which from its position may have come from the other side -of the Suir, still sticks in the tower built by Reginald the Dane, -which formed the south-east angle of the walls. - -[187] British Officer's _Warr of Ireland_, p. 131. Archbishop of Armagh -and others to Ormonde, August 18, 1650, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 173. - -[188] The letter of the two archbishops, July 24, and Ormonde's answer, -August 2, are in Clarendon, _Ireland_, 130-132. - -[189] The Jamestown congregation to Ormonde, August 10, and the -Bishop of Dromore's statement, August 13, in Clarendon, _Ireland_, -133-137; Ormonde's answer, August 31, in Cox, ii. 32, where the date -is misprinted; eight Commissioners of Trust (none of the names Celtic, -Bellings one) to the Archbishop of Tuam, September 2, in _Contemp. -Hist._, iii. 179. Fourteen bishops and the procurators of several -others signed the Jamestown declaration. Among the other subscribers -were representatives of the Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians. -The Jesuits refused to sign on the ground that they were not allowed to -meddle in politics and affairs of State, _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. -359. - -[190] The Dunfermline declaration is in the _Parliamentary History_, -xix. 362, and in Walker's _Historical Discourses_, p. 170. Whitelock's -summary leaves out the Irish part. Sir Edward Walker, who was with -Charles at the time, remarks, 'What induced him to do it I cannot say.' - -[191] The papers concerning Dean King's mission, August to October -1650, are in Carte's _Original Letters_, i. 391-399; the King's second -letter to Ormonde, September 13, _ib._ ii. 444, and his two letters -confirming the peace, March 9 and 20/30, 1648-9, _ib._ i. 363, 368. The -Ennis negotiations with the Commissioners of Trust are in P. Walsh's -_Hist. of the Remonstrance_, appx. 123-126. - -[192] Proposals of six Commissioners of Trust (Bellings being one), -October 29, and the six bishops' answers, November 5, in Walsh's _Hist. -of the Remonstrance_, appx. 127-135. - -[193] The Act of the Loughrea assembly, dated December 7, is printed -by Cox, ii. 51. For Ormonde's movements see Carte's _Life_, ii. 136, -and Clarendon, _Ireland_, 175; Ormonde to Sir E. Nicholas from Caen, -January 9, 1650-51, in _Nicholas Papers_, i. 215. Cox says Ireton -was advised to send a pass to Ormonde by a great man still living in -1688--this might seem to point to Ludlow, who, however, was not in -Ireland at the moment. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIV - -CLANRICARDE AND IRETON, 1651 - - -[Sidenote: The plague and famine.] - -When Ludlow landed in Ireland a few weeks after Ormonde left, one of -his first acts was to sign a proclamation prohibiting the slaughter of -calves and lambs. The waste of the war had been so great that there was -a danger of depleting the country of its stock. Starvation was imminent -everywhere, and to this the plague was added, which first appeared in -Galway and was supposed to be imported from Spain. The Aphorismical -Discovery relates with something like glee that the first house visited -was that of Sir Richard Blake, which had been cursed by Rinuccini, -and that the contagion flowed thence 'as from a channel, the divine -vengeance of high power unto the respective provinces of Ireland, -except Ulster, as not guilty of either censure, curse, or ejection of -my lord nuncio.' Ludlow says simply that it reached most parts, and -Bishop O'Brien of Emly that it was in every corner. It was very bad in -the south, Kilkenny, Waterford, and Limerick being severely scourged. -Bishop Comerford of Waterford estimates the deaths in his own diocese -at 5000, and many priests were taken. 'Our sins,' he adds, 'have -provoked this scourge.' - -[Sidenote: A devoted friar.] - -At first the English soldiers were nearly exempt, but suffered equally -afterwards; as a punishment, Ireton thought, for trusting in the -carnal arm and not giving God the glory. The bishops and the clerical -politicians generally do not show to advantage in their disputes -with Ormonde, and the narrative of a poor friar is much better worth -reading. Having visited in disguise Kilkenny, Ross, and many other -places he came to Waterford, where many were dying of the plague. 'Here -have I been,' he says, 'these six weeks ministering indifferently to -poor and rich, and here I intend to stay until plague or gallows ends -my life. I had no confessor until God sent an English priest to this -city, who, coming lately out of Spain into England, was pressed for -military service by the Parliamentarians, who did not know he was a -priest, and sent with others to Ireland, where he escaped and is now -in hiding here. I go freely about the city as gardener of its chief -heretic, and even work at carrying burdens with the porters. I am -indifferent whether God continues thus to hide me or not, but if I can -get away unrecognised I will go to Dungarvan and Youghal and so round -Ireland until He pleases to take me to Himself. Our father Gregory is -within fifteen or twenty miles, but being known and unwieldy he cannot -come to me, nor can I go to him or account of the scarcity of priests -in these parts, all the native clergy being driven out.'[194] - -[Sidenote: A regicide government.] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow and Cromwell.] - -[Sidenote: Instructions to the Commissioners, Oct. 1650.] - -Ireton was Lord Deputy, and commanded the army, but the Council of -State found it necessary to give him help in the civil government. -After some discussion, Edmund Ludlow, Miles Corbet, John Jones, and -John Weaver were appointed to settle the affairs of Ireland 'with -the advice and approbation of General Cromwell, Lord Lieutenant -thereof, and Henry Ireton, Esq., his deputy, or either of them.' Of -these commissioners the first three were regicides, while Weaver had -been appointed one of the late King's judges, but had never acted. -Ludlow was also general of the cavalry, and his friends suggested -that Cromwell only wished to get him out of the way, 'but I,' he says -himself, 'could not think myself so considerable and therefore could -not concur with them in that opinion.' He was not anxious to go, but -Cromwell declared that he was the fittest man, and that private affairs -must yield to those of the public. The Commissioners were instructed -to advance religion and to suppress 'idolatry, popery, superstition, -and profaneness,' executing the statutes against Recusants and taking -care that Papists should have no public employment, nor be allowed to -'practise as counsellors at law, attorneys, or solicitors, nor to keep -schools for the training up of youth.' They were to study the revenue -and reduce expenses as soon as the progress of the war allowed, and to -take especial pains as to the administration of justice. Ludlow and his -colleagues were all at Waterford before the end of January, and Lady -Ireton, who travelled with them, joined her husband there.[195] - -[Sidenote: Ireton a dilatory general.] - -[Sidenote: Hugh O'Neill at Limerick.] - -[Sidenote: Athlone town occupied, Sept. 16.] - -After the surrender of Waterford, Galway, Limerick and Athlone were -the only walled towns still held by the Irish, and the next work -awaiting Ireton was to find a passage over the Shannon. Vast quantities -of cattle, some stolen, had been driven into the Wicklow mountains, -which were diligently searched by Ireton's parties. In Glen Imale, -where the Royal Artillery now practise, a great herd was captured, and -part of it was handed over to Sir Hardress Waller, who was detached -at the beginning of September to summon Limerick, and to blockade it -as far as that could be done from the left bank of the Shannon. By -his defence of Clonmel Hugh O'Neill had earned the respect of his -foes, and civilities passed between him and Waller, but he declared -his resolution to maintain the city to the death, 'for the use of his -Majesty King Charles.' The citizens were well disposed to resistance, -but the unfortunate governor had no soldiers, and the corporation -would admit none. He himself was not 'excommunication-proof,' to -use Preston's phrase, and he thought it best to keep quiet until -circumstances changed. His personal safety even was doubtful, and -he begged Ormonde's pardon for not going to bid him farewell, since -he 'gloried in nothing more than to be esteemed a faithful observer -of monarchical government.' If Ireton had been a great commander he -would not have divided his army, and probably he could have taken -Limerick by pressing it resolutely when no preparations had been made -for resistance, and while dissensions were rife within the walls. -Instead of this he went to Athlone, where the garrison abandoned -the town on the Leinster side. Sir Charles Coote established a camp -among the half-burned houses, and Ireton occupied himself in reducing -scattered garrisons, which might safely have been neglected. The most -important was Birr, which was deserted by its garrison on the approach -of the army and occupied on September 28. Roscrea, Thurles, Cashel, -and Thomastown near Tipperary were visited, and on October 4 Ireton -encamped near the old Desmond stronghold at Lough Gur, whence he -approached Limerick on the western side. He asked for a passage through -the city, which he would then protect, but of course this was refused, -and on October 9 the Deputy went to see what could be done about making -a bridge at Castle Connell.[196] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde invades Leinster, October.] - -[Sidenote: Slaughter at Meelick, Oct. 25.] - -Axtell left Kilkenny with 800 men on October 6, and marched towards -Athlone, from which Coote had withdrawn northwards. While he was on his -way Clanricarde crossed the Shannon with over 3000 men, took Ferbane -and besieged Kilcolgan in King's County. In the face of a superior -force Axtell was unable to cross the Brosna, and drew back to Roscrea. -The Irish then summoned Birr, taking Streamstown and two other castles -near it, but retired again before a fresh advance of Axtell, whose -force was trebled in a few days by the arrival of contingents from -Tipperary and Wexford. On October 25 the Parliamentarians advanced to -the Shannon, where they found the enemy strongly posted in the island -or peninsula of Meelick, near Banagher, which was then accessible -only by one passage flanked with bogs and defended by three separate -entrenchments one behind the other. The two first were carried pretty -easily, but at the third it came to a hand-to-hand fight. Axtell's men -burst into the island and the slaughter was very great, five hundred -being driven into the river and drowned in one body. Out of at least -3000 men only 300 escaped by swimming across. Clanricarde, who thought -there was no danger, was away, but his waggon and tent fell into the -victors' hands. The lately captured castles were abandoned, and Axtell -returned to Kilkenny, having sent a part of his force to help Ireton -in besieging Nenagh. The latter place surrendered on October 30, its -garrison of 108 men marching out without arms, and the army soon -afterwards went into winter quarters at Kilkenny.[197] - -[Sidenote: Charles Duke of Lorraine.] - -[Sidenote: A belated condottiere.] - -Charles IV., Duke of Lorraine, who, according to Voltaire, spent his -life in losing his dominions, had been a lover of the open-hearted -Duchess of Chevreuse, for whose sake his state was made the focus -of intrigue against Richelieu. Louis XIII. when dying ordered this -mischievous lady to be kept out of France, and Mazarin afterwards -noted how disaster had dogged her footsteps in Lorraine and everywhere -else. Her sojourn in England preceded the rebellion there, her voyage -to Madrid was followed by the loss of Portugal and Catalonia, and her -stay at Brussels coincided with the progress of French arms at the -expense of Spain. Acknowledging the suzerainty of the Emperor and -repudiating that of the French king, the Duke of Lorraine had visions -of an eighth electorate, and of a commanding military position like -that of Wallenstein. He lost his duchy, he did not gain his electorate, -and the mercenaries whom he gathered from all sides, and supported by -plunder or by forced contributions, were used by the Emperor or the -King of Spain with very little regard for the permanent interests of -their leader, who, however, made money by the business like an Italian -condottiere of the fifteenth century. At the beginning of 1646 he gave -a commission to Colonel Thomas Plunket to raise an Irish regiment for -service in Flanders, and sought the assistance of Ormonde in so doing. -Plunket brought letters to the Confederate Catholics, also, with money -enough for recruiting purposes, and with a gift of four field pieces, -thirty barrels of powder, and some pikes and muskets. Through the -Spanish ambassador in London he had also obtained a safe conduct for -himself and a passage for his men through the places held for the -Parliament, and he was allowed to carry some of his levies to Flanders. -As the Parliamentarians had command of the sea, it was easy for Ormonde -to say that he countenanced nothing against the French court, and that -there was little chance of Irish recruits being obtainable for the -service of Louis XIV.[198] - -[Sidenote: The Duke's objects.] - -[Sidenote: Mission of Bishop French.] - -[Sidenote: Abortive dealings with Ormonde.] - -At the beginning of 1646 the Duke proposed to send 10,000 men into -England to help Charles I., but the plan was frustrated, if it was -ever meant seriously, by the unwillingness of France and Holland to -allow the embarkation in their respective territories. Interference -in England would have had sentimental motives mainly, but Charles -had other reasons for looking to Ireland. He was a bigamist, having -children by a second wife during the lifetime of the first, and he -was not of a rank to imitate Henry VIII. His object was to dissolve -the first union and to legitimate the second, and assistance given to -the Irish Catholics might gain him favour at Rome. The Irish officers -in his service would naturally push him in the same direction, and -the Irish clergy assembled at Clonmacnoise in December 1649 deputed -Nicholas French, bishop of Ferns, and William Burke, provincial of the -Dominicans, to ask the Duke's help. French carried a secret commission -signed by some bishops and others under their control, and without -any regard to the viceroy. The strength of England had not yet been -exerted, and the clergy fancied that Ireland could break off with some -foreign help. Many regretted that they had not supported Rinuccini -better. Patrick Rochfort, recorder of Wexford, a partisan of the -nuncio, went to Jersey about the same time to open communications with -Charles II., but he had no authority from anyone holding power in -Ireland. His main object seems to have been to intrigue for Ormonde's -removal from the Irish Government. The Duke of Lorraine's first -idea was to deal with Ormonde as the King of England's unquestioned -representative, and he sent over Colonel Oliver Synnott nominally to -recruit soldiers in Ireland as of old under Ormonde's authority, but -also with letters relating to the more important negotiations. Rochfort -followed Charles to Breda, and proposed to give Duncannon Fort to -the Duke of Lorraine as security for an advance of 24,000_l._ This -negotiation was carried pretty far, but nothing actually came of it, -and Duncannon was in Ireton's hands in the following August. Rochfort -and Synnott reached Ireland in May, declaring that they had thrown -overboard their most secret and important despatches for fear of their -capture by a pursuing frigate. There seemed probability enough in their -story to induce Ormonde to treat with them, and he gave a commission -to Lord Taaffe, Lord Athenry, and Geoffrey Browne to negotiate on his -behalf. Galway was now the object instead of Duncannon, but there -was mutual distrust between Ormonde and Synnott, and they came to no -agreement.[199] - -[Sidenote: Taaffe's mission to Charles II.] - -[Sidenote: Mazarin and De Retz.] - -[Sidenote: An exile at Paris.] - -While Synnott's business hung fire, Ormonde sent Lord Taaffe to the -King, and he sailed from Galway Bay on the last day of June, after the -arrival of Charles in Scotland. The Duke of York, who was the next -best authority, gave him a letter of credence to the Duke of Lorraine -at Brussels. Taaffe, whom Carte rightly calls 'a bold and forward -undertaker,' went first to Paris, which he found hard to leave, as -Rinuccini had done before him, and as so many others have done since. -Mazarin was much more anxious to keep on good terms with the Parliament -than to promote an Irish crusade. Moreover, his enemy De Retz was, by -Hyde's account, the best friend Charles had in France, and he certainly -gave him sound advice when he said that the profession of Catholicism, -however desirable for his soul's good, would prevent him from regaining -his kingdom. De Retz had befriended the Queen when he found her at the -Louvre, a few days before her husband's death, without funds or credit, -and obliged to keep the future Duchess of Orleans in bed for lack of -a fire. The coadjutor attributes this destitution to Mazarin, and -exaggerated his own services, but it appears from later researches that -the Queen's or Jermyn's extravagance had much to do with it. The Duke -of Lorraine had hesitated about embarking on an Irish adventure without -knowing the King of England's views, but it was thought impossible to -send a Catholic emissary to Scotland, and Henrietta Maria wrote twice -to that effect, advising the Duke to place the fullest confidence -in Taaffe. Later on she had not so good opinion of him, for without -consulting her he tried to negotiate a betrothal between the Duke of -York and the Duke of Lorraine's infant daughter. After lingering six -weeks in the French capital, Taaffe did not reach Brussels till the end -of November, nearly five months after his departure from Ireland. Want -of means may have been one cause of delay, for he says: 'I was like to -starve at Paris, though every person saluted me with "votre très humble -serviteur jusqu'à la mort!"' It became clear to him that nothing could -be expected either from France or Spain, but there was some chance from -Lorraine.[200] - -[Sidenote: A Lorraine envoy to Ireland] - -[Sidenote: Bishop French at Brussels.] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde and the Lorraine proposals.] - -[Sidenote: What Clanricarde agreed to.] - -Ormonde left Ireland in December 1650, and was destined not to return -until 1662. Meanwhile, the Duke of Lorraine sent Stephen de Henin, -Abbot of St. Catherine's, a person much in his confidence, to Ireland, -with letters addressed generally to the men in authority there. -Shortly afterwards he wrote to the Pope claiming to be the Church's -champion, and asking for Innocent's blessing and prayers. De Henin was -accompanied by George Dillon, a Franciscan who was Taaffe's uncle, -and who brought 5000_l._ as an earnest of what might be expected from -Lorraine. They landed at Galway on February 26, when Bishop French, -who hated Ormonde above all created beings, had sailed for France with -a private commission from some of the clergy. He stayed some time at -Paris, went on to Brussels about the end of April, and speedily gained -the Duke of Lorraine's ear. Madame de Chevreuse and the Duchess of -Orleans gave what help they could, and De Henin found the viceregal -authority in Clanricarde's hands, and being, in Clarendon's words 'a -wise man and of phlegm enough,' he refused to treat with anyone else. -Four of the Commissioners of Trust, of whom two had already been -employed by Ormonde, summoned Clanricarde from Banagher, and he gave -the Lorraine envoy a public audience at Tirellan. De Henin handed him -the Duke's letter, and Dillon the two last from Taaffe to Ormonde. -Dillon, who had had opportunities of knowing the Lorrainer's plans, was -called upon to submit proposals, and they were not such as Clanricarde -could possibly agree to. It was suggested that the protectorate of -Ireland should be handed over to the Duke, 'his heirs and successors,' -that Limerick and Galway should be given in pawn for his outlay, that -he should be invited to come over in person, and that in the meantime -Lord Taaffe should 'have as ample commission to treat and conclude -with his Highness, as his Highness's ambassador hath to this kingdom.' -Many of the Commissioners of Trust and several bishops had come to -Galway on hearing of the stranger's arrival, and they drew up fresh -proposals less bold in form, but equally destructive of the viceregal -authority. In the long negotiations that followed, Clanricarde showed -a good deal of diplomatic skill, and had no difficulty in proving -that neither the King alone nor any popular assembly without him -could convey away Ireland as an estate of inheritance. In the end the -Lord Deputy covenanted with De Henin that the Duke of Lorraine should -give 20,000_l._, including what Dillon had already brought, on the -security of Limerick and Galway, and of the whole nation collaterally, -but without binding any man's separate estate. The Duke was to have -the appointment of a commandant in each cautionary town, provided, -nevertheless, that 'in case of pressing necessity for the public -service of the kingdom, the Lord Deputy may make use of his power as -hitherto accustomed.'[201] - -[Sidenote: What Charles II.'s advisers thought.] - -[Sidenote: Extent of the Lorraine succours.] - -[Sidenote: Bishop French's abuse of Clanricarde.] - -[Sidenote: The viceregal authority set aside.] - -Ormonde, and the rest of the exiled family's chief advisers, with Hyde -at the head of them, had little hope from the Duke of Lorraine, whom -they considered fond of money, very cunning, and very much inclined -to have his pound of flesh. Nicholas saw very clearly that Taaffe was -no match for him, and that he was liar enough to 'deceive the Earl -of Norwich or any man living.' The object was to make a diversion in -Ireland, and so give the King some chance in his Scotch venture. The -Duke of Lorraine did actually give 20,000_l._ for Ireland, but this -was not enough seriously to affect the desperate situation there. If -anything, the expectation of these shadowy succours had the effect -of preventing the Irish from exerting themselves. Bad bargains were -made in buying arms, there was a good deal of waste, and the discount -on bills of exchange was so heavy that 'the sheer money,' to quote -Bellings, 'came far short of the first mouthful.' Dean King reported -that the 20,000_l._ was thus reduced by 6,000_l._ Rumours that more -was coming were sedulously propagated, and great things were expected -as far off as Madrid, and the farce was continued during the whole of -1651. This reliance upon a broken reed probably weakened the efforts of -the Irish. The Duke proposed to send a small army, but neither Spain, -France, nor Holland would allow it passage, and it was arms and money -that were wanted, for of men there were already plenty in Ireland. It -seems probable that the Duke had no intention of doing anything, and -that his real object was to further his matrimonial suits at Rome. To -that end he might be willing to outwit the Irish clergy as well as -the Protestant Royalists and the non-clerical Deputy. In addressing -the Pope he took his stand upon a decree of the Lateran Council under -Innocent III., where legates from England and all other States were -present, which gave the Pontiff power to appoint a protector if any -state fell into heresy. Innocent X., however, was cautious, thought the -Irish nation should be consulted, and that some more powerful prince -might undertake the work. Bishop French told Taaffe and his colleagues -that they derived their authority from the 'withered and accursed -hand of one for several causes excommunicated _a jure et homine_, and -at Rome accounted a great contemner of the authority and dignity of -churchmen, and persecutor of my lord nuncio and some bishops and other -churchmen ... who never joined the Confederate Catholics until he found -the opportunity of bearing down the Pope's nuncio ... comrade-in-arms -with Lord Inchiquin, who not long before dyed his hands in the blood -of priests and innocent souls in the church or rock of St. Patrick, in -Cashel.' He urged the agents to ignore Clanricarde's commission, and -to 'go on cheerfully in the contract with this most Catholic' prince. -Taking advantage of Taaffe's absence from Brussels, Plunket and Browne -did accordingly make an agreement with the Duke of Lorraine without -mentioning the Lord Deputy, and in the name of the 'kingdom and people -of Ireland.'[202] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's opinion.] - -[Sidenote: Terms of agreement with Lorraine.] - -[Sidenote: A "Protector Royal."] - -There was an Irish agent at Paris named Tyrrell, who intrigued with -Madame de Chevreuse and the Duchess of Orleans, but even before the -battle of Worcester Ormonde saw that the Duke would do nothing serious. -'He must,' he wrote, 'sit down with the loss of 20,000_l._, and they -(the Irish) with the state of perfect slavery, the frequent lot of -such as affect immoderate power upon weak foundations. The remaining -consolation is that, if the King recover England, Ireland will soon -follow, without which, if he had it again so peopled as it was, it -would be lost.' The agreement was signed on July 2, but was not -transmitted to Clanricarde until September, after the news of Worcester -had reached Brussels. Taaffe, who had hitherto been so sanguine, now -thought that the Duke of Lorraine would be unable to do anything; and, -indeed, he had probably no further object but to gain credit at Rome -by a show of strong clerical leanings. 'His proposals,' Taaffe wrote, -'discovered more of self-interest than affection to his Majesty.' As -far as the agreement could do it, he was constituted the 'true royal -protector of Ireland, and this to pass to his heirs and successors.' -The army and militia present and future were placed absolutely in his -hands, with power in his absence to appoint a substitute 'professing -Catholic religion, excluding all other whosoever.' All heretics were to -be expelled from Ireland. When these points had been granted, certain -provisoes making a show of preserving the royal authority were hardly -worth the paper on which they were written. Ormonde, who might easily -have been communicated with, never heard of the agreement until a copy -was sent back by Clanricarde from Ireland. At the time of its despatch -Limerick was closely besieged, and within a few days of surrender, but -the corporation of Galway received a direct letter from the Duke of -Lorraine, in which he held out hope of further supplies, and claimed -their help in carrying out the agreement made with Plunket and Browne. -Some powder was sent towards the end of 1651, but it was the 'basest -ever seen, not worth 2_s._ a barrel,' yet the Irish were afraid to -complain for fear of offending the Duke. In 1652 a very small further -supply was sent to Innisbofin. They sent a favourable answer by special -messenger, addressing the Duke as royal protector of Ireland, and when -the Lord Deputy remonstrated they practically refused to make any -excuse. He reported fully to the Queen and to Ormonde, and he could do -no more. The latter at least fully understood the matter. The object of -the Irish clergy, he said, was to call in a Roman Catholic protector, -'from which office to absolute sovereignty the way is straight and -easy,' and they were so intent upon this that they allowed the country -to fall into the power of the English rebels.[203] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde condemns the Lorraine agreement,] - -[Sidenote: and Charles II. approves.] - -[Sidenote: The Duke of Lorraine's reflections.] - -Clanricarde plainly told the Duke of Lorraine that he had been duped -'by the counterfeit shew of a private instrument, fraudulently -procured, and signed by some inconsiderable factious persons.' He -laid the chief blame on French, as the violent and malicious enemy of -royal authority in Ireland, and 'a fatal instrument in contriving and -fomenting all those diversions and divisions that have rent asunder -the kingdom.' He bade Bishop Darcy of Dromore, and the Archbishop of -Tuam, who must have known all about it, to observe the efficacy of -that prelate's powerful spirit in persuading and 'prevailing with the -commissioner to break and betray their trust.' Letters took a long time -in transit, but in February 1652 Charles II. wrote to Clanricarde, -entirely approving of his conduct, expressing full confidence in -him, and allowing him to leave Ireland whenever he thought fit. This -did not reach the Lord Deputy until August, and in the meantime all -negotiations with the Duke of Lorraine had been broken off. 'De Henin,' -says Clarendon, 'returned in the same ship that brought him, and gave -the Duke such an account of his voyage and people that put an end to -that negotiation, which had been entered into and prosecuted with less -wariness, circumspection, and good husbandry, than that prince was -accustomed to use.' While still professing his anxiety to help the -Irish Catholics, the Duke declined to have anything more to say to the -Commissioners, whose factiousness had spoiled all. Charles II. had -reminded him that Clanricarde was 'as zealous for the Catholic religion -as anyone in Ireland, and that he knew the affections and interests of -that people as well as any, whatsoever others pretend.' Of his dislike -to Clanricarde he made no secret, calling him a traitor and base -fellow, whom he would do his best to injure if he came within reach, -and when the Marchioness reached the Continent he regretted that her -sex prevented him from satisfying his feelings of revenge. The remnant -of the Irish in Innisbofin continued to hold the island for the Duke of -Lorraine, and to hope against hope for his arrival until late in the -year 1652.[204] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde on the results of Worcester.] - -[Sidenote: No help, even from Rome.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and the Ultramontanes.] - -[Sidenote: The Duke of Lorraine's failure.] - -When the news of Worcester reached Ormonde he knew that all was over -for a very long time. A Scottish army in England under Charles in -person, a still unsubdued Scotland behind that, and at the same time -enough resistance in Ireland to occupy a large Parliamentary force, all -these made a combination very unlikely to recur. The only chance, and -that a remote one, was that the parties into which England was divided -might fall out among themselves, and so the King come by his own. -'This,' he wrote to Clanricarde, who may never have got the letter, 'I -take to be a remote, lazy speculation, and very near lying in the dirt -and crying God help. God often blesses very improbable endeavours, but -I find not where he promises, or where he has given success to flat -idleness, unless contempt or misery, which are the proper fruits of it, -may be so called.' He thought the only thing to do was to seek foreign -help, and that the best chance was to try to make the Pope a mediator. -Attempts to get money from Rome for the Irish war had already failed, -but it was proposed to send Taaffe there a little later. The Pope -would do nothing unless Charles would satisfy him that he had joined -the Roman communion, and to let this be known would have alienated -England irretrievably. When, in due time, the treaty of Dover was -signed, Ormonde was kept in the dark. Bishop French, who had reviled -Taaffe for not signing the agreement with the Duke of Lorraine, did not -return to Ireland, but he attacked Ormonde long after the Restoration -for preferring Cromwell's protectorate to that of a distinguished -Catholic prince. It was, perhaps, impossible for an Irish Ultramontane -to understand the position of an English Royalist, but it is easy to -see now that Ormonde and Clanricarde were essentially in the right. -Neither they nor their master could help the usurpation, but they would -have destroyed their chances altogether by placing the sovereignty -of Ireland in the hands of a foreign adventurer, who could not call -a single sea-port his own. Two years later the Spaniards seized his -person, and the French annexed his army.[205] - -[Sidenote: Hopelessness of the struggle in Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: Operations in the midland counties, March.] - -[Sidenote: Finnea Castle, March 14.] - -The Parliamentary Commissioners knew that the Irish in Connaught -had received arms and money from the Duke of Lorraine, and that they -had great hopes from de Henin's mission. But Ludlow and the rest saw -clearly that the subjugation of Ireland was only a matter of time. They -did not advise any immediate reduction in the army, but a large part -of the country was now contributing to its support, and they saw their -way to diminishing the parliamentary grant for Ireland from 33,000_l._ -to 20,000_l._ a month. They hoped that the area still to be occupied -would on these terms be much narrowed by Michaelmas. Provisions and -clothes were scarce, 'yet your poor naked soldiers upon all commands -do go out most cheerfully,' and they were seldom idle. The Irish were -making great efforts to form a strong force out of the remnants of -O'Neill's and Preston's armies in Westmeath, Cavan, and Longford. To -prevent this coming to a head Hewson left Trecroghan on March 14, -marching by Tyrell's Pass to Kilbride, which made some resistance, and -through Mullingar to Donore, where Reynolds had stormed the castle with -much corn and other plunder in it. The two officers here joined their -forces to garrison and repair Lord Netterville's castle at Ballimore, -which had been partly dismantled by the Irish. Ballinalack, which -commanded a passage into Longford, was taken without much trouble, but -a strong stand was made between Loughs Kinale and Sheelin, where Lord -Westmeath had left a garrison in his castle of Finnea. He himself had -retired with all portable property to a stronghold at Termonbarry, in -Roscommon. Colonel Alexander MacDonnell, Antrim's brother, and Philip -MacHugh O'Reilly held the neighbouring village of Togher, where there -was another castle, but there was little discipline, and whisky was -easily obtainable, so that Hewson had an easy victory. O'Reilly, who -had kept his own head clear, could do nothing, and was fain to gallop -away, Sir Theophilus Jones being sent in pursuit of the demoralised -crowd. Many were killed and about 400 prisoners taken, including -the colonel, lieutenant colonel, and major--all MacDonnells, twelve -captains, and twenty-eight subalterns. According to the Irish account, -those who did not die in Dublin were 'transported to St. Christopher -as slaves.' The garrison of Finnea then surrendered on fair terms, the -men marching away under safe-conduct without arms, and Longford and -Cavan were at the mercy of the Parliament. Many still remained in arms -under Lord Westmeath's nominal orders, but they were little better than -brigands, plundering the poor, and even depriving fugitive friars of -such cattle as they had preserved for their sustenance.[206] - -[Sidenote: A turning movement in Connaught.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton's advice to Castlehaven.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton passes the Shannon, June 2.] - -[Sidenote: Coote and Reynolds elude Clanricarde.] - -Leinster and Ulster being now pretty safe, Coote was directed to cross -the Erne near its mouth, and to turn the line of the Shannon. Reynolds -was sent with a regiment of horse to help him, and there was no force -in Connaught able to repel the invasion. Coote and Reynolds were at -Athenry before the end of May, while Ireton himself advanced to the -Shannon opposite Killaloe, and Hewson to Athlone. Castlehaven was at -Killaloe with what were called ten regiments, 'but nothing answerable -in numbers,' and there he received a long letter from Ireton setting -forth the justice of the Parliamentary cause, speaking slightingly of -the King, and inviting him to retire to England, where he would be well -received. He would thus save his property and be spared a hopeless -struggle in company unworthy of him. Peter Walsh was with Castlehaven, -and by his advice Ireton's offers were spurned, after which all -intercourse ceased between the two generals. Preparations for crossing -at Killaloe, where the bridge was broken down, were openly made, and -more quietly at O'Brien's Bridge, where there had been no bridge for -generations. A few men were sent over in a boat at daybreak, and seized -an old house on the Clare side, under cover of which and of field guns -on the Tipperary shore 500 men were ferried over in one hour. The Irish -were seized with panic, and deserted their entrenchments, while Colonel -Ingoldsby with 300 horse crossed the river unopposed at Castleconnell. -Castlehaven came too late to rally the fugitives, and in his absence -Colonel Fennell deserted his post at Killaloe and fled to Limerick. -Ireton then crossed himself without trouble, while Castlehaven, whose -force had dwindled to 300 horse, lost his plate and other property, -and went northwards in hopes of joining Clanricarde and intercepting -Coote and Reynolds, who had left Londonderry together on May 5, and -who for the first time dragged two pieces into Donegal over Barnesmore -gap, 'till then thought impassable for the lightest carriages.' When -they drew near the Curlew mountains, where Sir Conyers Clifford -was overthrown in the Elizabethan days, their scouts reported that -Clanricarde had occupied the passes, whereupon they turned westward, -and got 'by strange and unexpected ways undiscovered into the county -of Mayo,' near Ballaghdereen, leaving Clanricarde two days' march in -their rear. They were at Athenry on May 31, and outside Loughrea on -June 2, where they lost no time, but pushed on towards Portumna without -fighting. Clanricarde and Castlehaven were together at Loughrea, but -too weak to do anything. They warned all the population to fly with -their property, and retired beyond the Galway river, taking refuge in -the town when Coote appeared on its eastern side.[207] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow's march to Portumna, June.] - -[Sidenote: Desperate defence of Gort.] - -[Sidenote: The laws of war.] - -As soon as he heard of Coote's approach, Ireton sent 1000 cavalry and -dragoons to meet him, with whom Ludlow, who volunteered his services, -started northwards through a desolate country. One 'creaght' or -encampment of half a dozen families with their cattle, was sighted, -and the soldiers would have killed these poor people as enemies had -not Ludlow interfered. 'I took a share with them,' he says, 'of a -pot of sour milk, which seemed to me the most pleasant liquor that -ever I drank.' Having marched forty miles in about twenty-four hours, -Ludlow left the bulk of his men comfortably encamped, and hurried on -with sixty troopers to Portumna, which, having repulsed one attack, -surrendered next morning. Coote being safe, Reynolds joined Ludlow with -500 horse, and they pursued Clanricarde as far as Ballinasloe, which -surrendered and was garrisoned. Reynolds then returned to Portumna, and -Ludlow marched through Clare to Limerick. At Gort he found that Sir -Dermot O'Shaughnessy had gone to Galway, leaving his tenants with some -soldiers under an English lieutenant named Foliot to hold the castle. A -countryman employed by Ludlow deserted, and told the garrison that he -had no artillery or other equipage for a siege. But faggots or fascines -were made, and each soldier carried one to use as a shield first, and -afterwards to fill up the ditch. Enraged by the fall of two comrades -the men climbed the twelve foot wall of the courtyard, helping each -other to the top. Some ladders were found inside which gave admission -to more, a window was soon forced open, and the occupants of the room -killed. Foliot fought desperately 'with a tuck in one hand and a -stiletto in the other,' but was soon run through the body. Faggots were -piled against the gates and fired, when the garrison, fearing to be -burned alive, hung out a white flag and threw down their arms. Ludlow -gave one of his men twenty shillings to fetch out two barrels of powder -that were near the fire, which could not be put out, eighty men besides -many women and children being rescued by 'skeins of match thrown up -into the chambers.' A few soldiers were put to death as defenders of an -untenable post. Ludlow says he was pressed by his council of war to use -this severity, but O'Shaughnessy's tenants were all dismissed unhurt to -their homes, and the general went on to Ireton, driving before him 500 -cattle which his foragers had collected among the Burren hills.[208] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Limerick, June-Oct.] - -[Sidenote: The bombardment does little harm.] - -Ireton came before Limerick on June 3 on the Clare side of the Shannon. -A large number of cattle had been collected at a place called Ferboe, -a little above the town, where there was a narrow pass partly defended -by an old castle. A stout resistance was made here, but Ingoldsby -forced the passage with his cavalry and drove the Irish back to -Thomond Bridge, about 150 being killed or drowned. The cattle formed a -welcome addition to the commissariat, and Ireton marched on without -further opposition. The estuary was in the hands of the Parliament, -and the next few days were spent in landing cannon and mortars. The -word bomb was, perhaps, first applied to the mortar-shells used during -this siege. June 18 was set apart as a day of thanksgiving 'for the -Lord's mercies in bringing us over the Shannon,' and other unexpected -successes, and on the next day Ireton having formally summoned -Limerick, at once began the bombardment. A battery of twenty-eight -guns played upon the castle defending Thomond Bridge. Two mortars, -afterwards increased to four, threw shells into the town, but the -largest, carrying projectiles of two hundred weight, burst, but without -hurting anyone. Ludlow joined Ireton three days later, and found that -a lodgment had already been effected on the great salmon-weir above -Limerick, where a castle still stands. Two guns were brought to bear, -and from one the first shot went in at a window and broke a soldier's -leg. The garrison at once took to their boats, but the fire was so hot -that they all rowed to shore and surrendered, some to Tothill on the -Clare bank, and some to Ingoldsby on the Limerick bank.[209] - -[Sidenote: Ireton's justice.] - -Ireton, says Ludlow, 'was so great a friend of justice, even where -an enemy was concerned, that, though Colonel Axtell was a person -extraordinarily qualified ... he suspended him from his employment.' A -court-martial had found that he killed prisoners who had been promised -quarter by soldiers, though not by himself. This seems to have been in -the attack on Meelick. Tothill was now charged with the same offence -and deprived of his regiment, his ensign being also cashiered. Tothill -pleaded that he thought no one could grant quarter but the commanding -officer, and that the Lord Deputy would be angry if he showed mercy. -Ireton said the punishment was too little for the offence and the -excuses equally abominable, 'for the base and servile fear pretended -in the latter part, as for the pride of spirit predominate in the -former.' He was somewhat consoled by the fact that Ingoldsby spared all -lives on his side.[210] - -[Sidenote: Fruitless negotiations, June.] - -[Sidenote: Non-combatants turned out of Limerick.] - -[Sidenote: Disaster to the besiegers, June 23.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton's explanation.] - -On the same day that the castle on the weir was taken, the garrison of -Limerick sent out a drum in answer to Ireton's summons. A truce was -asked for, hostages to be given by the Deputy during the time that -the representatives of the besieged were in his camp. Both conditions -were refused, but Ireton had no objection to treat for a capitulation, -and six commissioners were sent out, two for the garrison, two for -the citizens, and two for the clergy, a like number being named by -the Deputy. Among the former were Major-General Purcell and Geoffrey -Baron, one of the late Supreme Council; among the latter, Ludlow, -Waller, and Colonel Henry Cromwell. They met in a tent between town and -camp, dined together every day, and discussed the terms in a leisurely -way; but Limerick did not yet despair of relief, and the negotiations -came to nothing. Meanwhile, the bombardment continued, two bridges -being thrown across the Shannon, one of wood at Castleconnell and the -other of boats or floats, below the weir. O'Neill tried to reduce the -number of useless mouths by driving non-combatants out of the town. On -one occasion Ireton ordered that four of these poor wretches should -be knocked on the head, but the order was wrongly given, and forty -were killed--'an act much disgusted by his Excellency.' The castle on -Thomond Bridge was stormed after many hand-grenades had been thrown -in; which, strange to say, failed to ignite some barrels of powder -specially laid to blow up the assailants. An open arch under the -drawbridge was filled up with rubbish and faggots, so that the captured -work could be used against the town; but the garrison broke down other -arches, and there appeared to be no chance of entering that way. As -soon as the floating bridge was finished, Ireton fortified the Clare -end of it, and transferred the bulk of his army to the county Limerick -side. More than a dozen boats were laden with men, and an attempt was -made to seize the upper end of King's Island, upon the lower end of -which a large part of Limerick stands; but here the besiegers met with -a serious reverse. Four boats got over safely, under Major Walker, who -had been distinguished at O'Brien's Bridge, and three other officers. -Finding no resistance at first, the men got out of hand and ran through -the enemies' line up to a fort in the middle of the island. The -garrison sallied out and drove them back to their boats and to a fifth -which was just coming ashore, so that nearly all were either shot or -drowned. 'We find missing,' Ireton wrote, 'eighty-six or eighty-seven -men, besides the four commissioned officers aforementioned, and not -more whatever may be reported.' Abundant reinforcements were at hand, -but before order was restored it was broad daylight, and nothing more -could be done. A night attack is always risky, and Ireton acknowledges -that there was mismanagement; but some of Tothill's men who had broken -faith with the enemy were among those who perished, and on that -account, he adds, 'that most justly the Lord hath rebuked us, and cast -reproach and confusion of face upon us.'[211] - -[Sidenote: Athlone Castle taken, June 18.] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow in Clare, July.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton's devotion to duty.] - -The next day was set apart as one of humiliation for the sins of the -army, and on the following came the news that Coote had taken Athlone -Castle. Great efforts were made to relieve Limerick. Muskerry had about -5000 men in Kerry, with whom he intended to join Fitzpatrick, who -collected what was left of the Leinster forces at Galbally, near the -Glen of Aherlow. Meanwhile, David Roche was active with some 3000 men -in Clare, and Ludlow was detached to look after him. Roche, who was -besieging Carrigaholt, which had been but lately taken, drew off as -soon as he heard that Ludlow had passed the Fergus, and Captain Lucas -took the opportunity of slipping out with his men, whom he brought -safe to the Parliamentary camp. Roche then occupied the passage of -the river at Inch Cronan, so as to prevent Ludlow from returning -to Limerick; but his party were soon routed by a superior force of -cavalry. Some skirmishing took place among woods and bogs, during which -Connor O'Brien of Leamaneh, who commanded a regiment of horse, and was -perhaps the most considerable person in Clare, was shot. The Irish -were so light of foot that Ludlow could do but little execution; but -Carrigaholt was burned or blown up, whether by him or by Roche does not -seem quite certain; it was too remote to have much effect on military -operations. Having dispersed the Clare gathering and made all safe on -that side, Ludlow rejoined Ireton, and while the engineers were pushing -on the siege works accompanied him to Killaloe, where he repaired or -rebuilt the bridge. The Lord Deputy 'rode so hard that he spoiled many -horses, and hazarded some of the men; but he was so diligent in the -public service, and so careless of everything that belonged to himself, -that he never regarded what clothes or food he used, what hour he went -to rest, or what horse he mounted.' As a cavalry leader he might have -done better by giving heed to Francesco Sforza, one of whose three -leading principles was never to ride a horse that stumbled or cast its -shoes.[212] - -[Sidenote: Broghill made a general.] - -[Sidenote: His campaign against Muskerry.] - -[Sidenote: His victory near Kanturk, July 26.] - -[Sidenote: Superstition of Muskerry's men] - -Lord Broghill thought his services had been insufficiently -acknowledged, and when Cromwell left Ireland he announced that he would -obey no one but Ireton and Adjutant-General Allen. Ludlow sympathised -with his discontent, though he occupied in command of the cavalry -the very post that Broghill coveted. This, he assured Ireton, he -would never have accepted but as a matter of duty and in obedience to -positive orders. He advised that something should be done to content -Broghill, who, after much discussion, was appointed Lieutenant-General -of the Ordnance, with the rank of a general officer. In July 1651 he -was detached to intercept Muskerry, with not more than 600 foot and 400 -horse as a field force; but his own troop, consisting of reformadoes or -unemployed commissioned officers, was particularly efficient. Muskerry -collected nearly 3000 men, of whom about one-third were cavalry or -dragoons, in the woods near Drishane, where he had defeated Colonel -Elsing in the previous winter, and he got over the Blackwater to -Dromagh without fighting. At Castlelyons, Broghill had a message from -Ireton ordering him to use every exertion to intercept the Irish army. -On the 21st he went to Mallow with this object, and next day followed -them towards Castle Ishin, on the border of county Limerick, coming -upon their outposts at midnight in a storm of rain and wind. Muskerry -doubled back to Dromagh, 'but through a place and country that the -very Teigs themselves could hardly march in,' leaving Broghill to bar -the road to Limerick. On the 24th the Irish were at Drishane again, -whither Broghill followed next day, crossing the Blackwater, which -had risen much from the great rain. Unable to bring them to action, -he determined to return to Mallow for fresh provisions and take up a -position at Courtstown, where he could watch the road to Fitzpatrick's -position at Galbally. Before they had marched half a mile the enemy -suddenly appeared on the hills to his rear, and at last their whole -force descended into the plain at Knockbrack, to the south of Banteer -railway station. Broghill's men fought with great alacrity, and he -thought 'better knocking' had never been known in Ireland. One division -of Irish pikemen particularly distinguished themselves, and all fought -well, but, though almost surrounded by superior numbers, the veterans -had the best of it. Broghill narrowly escaped with his life, which was -specially aimed at, the Irish soldiers calling to each other to 'kill -the fellow with the gold-laced coat.' He lost under thirty men killed, -but there were four or five times as many wounded, and he admits -that his force was extremely shattered. Having no means of keeping -prisoners safely, he had given orders to make none, and at least 600 -were killed, but a few officers were taken to Cork. The priests had -exhorted the Irish to fight, and fortified their speech with holy -water and charms, many of which were 'found quilted in the doublets of -the dead,' and there was also a large stock of spare ones. A specimen -guaranteeing the wearer against war, water, fire, and pestilence, was -sent for parliamentary inspection: it claimed to have been approved by -the Council of Trent, and it was supposed that the Virgin Mary would -appear to the owner fourteen days before his death.[213] - -[Sidenote: The last battle.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton and Ludlow in Clare, Aug.-Sept.] - -[Sidenote: Guerrilla warfare.] - -[Sidenote: Pirates in the channel.] - -The fight at Knockbrack was the last in this war which deserves the -name of a battle. There was a prophecy current among the country people -that there would be one on that spot, and that the English would get -the day. Broghill noted that it was like Naseby, fair weather at the -beginning, then a thunderstorm, and then sunshine again. It made the -relief of Limerick impossible, and Ireton was justified in firing -salvoes of artillery and musketry. But guerrilla warfare continued in -many places, and the besiegers were always in danger of being attacked. -At the end of August or beginning of September Ireton and Ludlow were -both in Clare, catching horses and cows, but seldom their masters, -and placing a garrison at Clonroad to curb Clare Castle. Seizing the -opportunity of their absence, two thousand foot sallied out of Limerick -and almost surprised the cavalry guard; but the latter 'immediately -mounted, and being not accustomed to be beaten,' drove them back -into the town. Muskerry again collected some force, but Broghill -easily dispersed them, and the Irish general soon retired to Galway. -Occasionally the Parliamentarians suffered small reverses. Meelick, for -instance, was recaptured by Fitzpatrick at the beginning of August, -the garrison being all asleep. Phelim M'Hugh O'Reilly attacked Finnea -on August 5, but was beaten back with great loss; and there were other -considerable bodies of the Irish still together in Leinster and Ulster. -'I found them unwilling to fight,' says Hewson, 'though their numbers -be great.' But they sometimes surprised and routed small bodies of -troops, and they exhausted the country and made it impossible for the -people to contribute towards the support of the army. The detached -Parliamentary garrisons could just hold their own, but were scarcely -able to act on the offensive. Early in October Venables made an attempt -on Ballinacargy, O'Reilly's chief stronghold in Cavan, but was foiled, -the Irish retreating to a bog whenever he advanced, and watching to -intercept provisions, so that he had to return to Dundalk. It was -evident that nothing of importance could be done as long as Limerick -held out and kept the main strength of the army occupied. Even within -a few miles of Dublin, Sherlock kept 2000 men among the mountains, -and there was no force to attack him. Meanwhile, the coast was but -carelessly guarded, no Government ships being seen between July and -October. At Carrickfergus and at Wexford rovers took many English -vessels out of the harbours, and it was as hard to get in the customs -as the assessments from the country.[214] - -[Sidenote: Limerick closely invested, Aug.-Sept.] - -[Sidenote: Sufferings of the besieged.] - -[Sidenote: The party of surrender prevail.] - -After the failure of the boat attack in June, Ireton had been content -to rest his hopes mainly on famine and on the plague which raged -within the walls of Limerick. The garrison sometimes made signals with -fire, but without result, and spies had not much chance. One poor -woman brought a message from Roche, which might have caused a combined -attack by the garrison and by his men in Clare, but she was caught -and 'hanged for fear of giving further intelligence.' All attempts -to escape from the doomed city were ruthlessly repressed. No threats -were strong enough to deter these poor wretches, and an example was -made by hanging two or three and having the rest driven back with -whips. One old man desired to be hanged instead of his daughter, 'but -that,' says Ludlow, 'was refused, and he with the rest driven back -into the town.' A gibbet was then raised in sight of the walls upon -which condemned criminals were hanged, and this stopped the exodus, -but only for a time. Michaelmas came round without starving out the -place, and Ireton, having greatly strengthened his battering train, -resumed active operations, for the winter was approaching, and an Irish -soldier boasted from the walls that snowballs would beat bombshells. -But heavy guns had been brought up from the ships, and the counsels -of the defenders were divided. Overtures were made to Ireton early -in October, but three weeks elapsed and a fresh bombardment began -before the scale turned in favour of the party of surrender. The news -of Worcester had probably destroyed all hope, but an actual breach -was made before the decisive step was taken. A weak spot had hitherto -escaped notice, where there was no counter-scarp in front and no mass -of earth behind, and Ludlow thought it would soon have been untenable; -but Ireton, who had no vanity, thought the sudden surrender 'a mercy -most seasonable at the beginning of winter.' The English and Irish -accounts agree that there were two parties in the beleaguered city, and -it is possible that the weak place was pointed out by a deserter or by -one of the commissioners who had been going and coming between city and -camp. The charter required that a new mayor should be chosen on October -6, and the election resulted in the substitution of Peter Creagh, who -was peacefully inclined, for Thomas Stretch, who had sworn that the -city should be defended during his year of office. After more than two -months of a mere blockade, 'we began our approaches,' says Ireton, 'in -one night, and finished our batteries and planted our guns the second, -and next morning began to batter.'[215] - -[Sidenote: Capitulation of Limerick, Oct. 27.] - -[Sidenote: Persons exempted from quarter.] - -[Sidenote: Excommunication and interdict have no effect.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill surrenders to Ireton.] - -[Sidenote: Fate of Fennell] - -The articles offered to the besieged in June and July had been on the -whole favourable, but an exception was made as to those who 'committed -the murders and outrages in the first insurrection before the first -General Assembly.' The members of that first Assembly and the clergy -generally were also denied all protection, so that the city contained -many desperate men, who naturally prolonged the siege as far as -possible. This mistake was not now repeated, but twenty-two persons -were excepted by name, who were all known or believed to have deceived -or overawed the generality of the people into 'the obstinate holding -out of the place.' All spies and a single Welsh deserter were also -excepted. Of those named, the most important were Hugh O'Neill, the -governor, the Bishops of Emly and Limerick, Major-General Purcell, -Ormonde's old enemy, Alderman Fanning, and Geoffrey Barron, amongst the -others being a few priests and friars. The corporation and the military -officers met, and decided 'that the treaty should go on, and that they -should not stick for any person exempted, or to be exempted, from -quarter of life or goods'; but when they met next morning to choose -commissioners, the two bishops, accompanied by others of the clergy, -appeared, and threatened to excommunicate them all 'if they should -deliver up the prelates to be slaughtered.' But the danger was too -pressing and ecclesiastical censures had become too common, so that the -commissioners were named nevertheless. The sentence of excommunication -and a perpetual interdict of the city were posted on the church doors, -whereupon Colonel Fennell and others were sent to seize St. John's Gate -and the adjoining tower. O'Neill remonstrated, but Fennell said he had -orders from the mayor and chief citizens. The governor, whose military -authority at least had hitherto been unquestioned, then summoned a -court-martial, but Fennell refused to appear. Lord Castleconnell took -his part, so that no sentence was passed; and Fennell, who had the keys -and some powder from the mayor, turned the guns upon the town, and said -plainly that he would not leave his post until surrender was decided -on. At last Ireton's preparations were complete, and seventeen heavy -shot were discharged with great effect against one spot in the wall, -whereupon a drum was sent out and negotiations began in earnest. Two -hundred 'redcoats' were admitted by Fennell into the gate-tower, and on -October 27 the articles of capitulation were signed. According to one -account, Fennell even threatened O'Neill with a pistol, when that brave -soldier rode out alone and delivered his sword to Ireton himself, who -treated him honourably. Fennell was not among the twenty-two specially -exempted from the benefit of the articles, but they did not protect -him or others 'from prosecution to justice in a judicial way for any -crimes they might be guilty of.' There is perhaps no positive evidence -against him, though he has always been considered a traitor by writers -on the Irish side. He was accused of a plot to give up Clonmel; and -Castlehaven, who is not much given to calling names, accuses him of -cowardice or treachery in quitting his post at Killaloe and flying to -Limerick, after the fall of which, 'Ireton, with more than his usual -justice, hanged him. Some say he was carried to Cork and there pleaded -for his defence how he had betrayed me before Youghal; but his judges -would not hear him on his merits, but bid him clear himself of the -murders laid to his charge.'[216] - -[Sidenote: Treatment of the besieged.] - -[Sidenote: The Bishop of Limerick escaped.] - -[Sidenote: The Bishop of Emly hanged.] - -Soldiers and citizens were allowed to go free, and time was given -to remove personal property, but without any guarantee for lands or -houses; and Ireton evidently contemplated a partial colonisation. The -garrison of 2000 had been reduced to about 1200, who marched out after -giving up their arms, and the city contained about 4000 other men -capable of bearing arms, though about 5000 persons had perished 'by -the sword without and the famine and plague within.' He was inclined -to spare those who had not shown themselves irreconcilable; but there -would still be plenty of room for settlers. In the meantime, he had -himself to deal with as many of the excepted persons as he could -catch. Besides the governor, ten of them voluntarily surrendered, -and their fate was reserved for further consideration. Some of the -others were not caught, among them the Bishop of Limerick, who escaped -in a soldier's dress, joined Muskerry in Kerry, and died at Brussels -in 1654. Ireton did not regret this, as he found that he had not -been one of the violent party; he had formerly been well disposed -to Ormonde. The Bishop of Emly took refuge in the pest-house, where -he was quickly taken and hanged by order of a court-martial. He had -been the soul of the defence all along, and has always been regarded -as a martyr by those of his own faith. His head was placed over one -of the gates, as were those of Stretch and of Purcell, who alone -behaved in a pusillanimous manner. Five or six others were executed, -including a priest named Walsh, who served as a captain, Sir Geoffrey -Gallwey, Geoffrey Baron, and Dr. Higgins, a physician who, according -to the military diarist, was 'powder-maker and money-coiner to the -besieged.'[217] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill is tried] - -[Sidenote: and acquitted] - -[Sidenote: He returns to Spain,] - -[Sidenote: and claims the earldom of Tyrone.] - -Hugh O'Neill was the last of that great clan who played an important -part in Irish history, and he bore himself worthily. Ireton seems -to have treated him personally with courtesy, but he influenced the -court-martial against him because of the blood shed through his defence -of Clonmel. He pleaded that the war had gone on long before he came -upon the invitation of his countrymen, that he had always been a fair -enemy, and that he had often advised the townsmen not to prolong a -conflict which he had seen to be hopeless from the first; that he -had carefully observed the capitulation by surrendering all stores, -'without embezzlement, and his own person to the Deputy'; and that he -was entitled to the benefit of the articles. Many of the officers, -including Ludlow, accepted his defence, and Ireton, 'who was now -entirely freed from his former manner of adhering to his own opinion, -which had been observed to be his greatest infirmity,' allowed a third -vote after sentence of death had been twice passed. He was acquitted, -sent to England in the same ship that carried Ireton's embalmed body, -and well treated in the Tower. After a few months he was released at -the instance of the Spanish ambassador, on the ground that he was born -in Flanders a vassal of the King of Spain, that he was not concerned in -the first outbreak in Ireland 'nor in the excesses which were committed -at that time,' and that he would be very useful in managing the Irish -soldiers whom the Commonwealth allowed to be recruited for the Spanish -service; and in the end this was agreed to. After the Restoration he -wrote to Charles II. pointing out that his cousin John's death had made -him Earl of Tyrone, and asking the King to acknowledge him as such. The -attainder was, of course, not reversed, and O'Neill, who was in bad -health when he wrote, probably died not long after. The title of Earl -of Tyrone was conferred on Lord Power in 1673.[218] - -[Sidenote: Geoffrey Barron executed.] - -Geoffrey Barron had been sent early in 1642 to solicit Richelieu's help -for the Confederacy, and he had remained throughout one of its most -irreconcileable partisans. He now pleaded that he had fought for the -liberties of his country just as the English Puritans professed to do. -Ireton thought it answer enough to say that Ireland was a conquered -country, that the Irish had been only too well treated under Charles -I., notwithstanding which they had robbed and murdered the English -wholesale, and that in the matter of religion the Puritans fought to -preserve their natural rights, whereas the Roman Catholics 'would not -be contented unless they might have power to compel all others to -submit to their impositions upon pain of death.' The two points of view -were hopelessly opposed, and the court-martial were satisfied with the -Lord Deputy's reasoning. During the short time that was left to him -Barron is said to have looked out a wedding suit of white taffety, in -which he was hanged, in the belief that his soul would 'straight enjoy -the pleasures of heaven, in the consummation of that eternal nuptial -felicity.'[219] - -[Sidenote: Reinforcements from England, June.] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow in Clare, November.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton joins him.] - -[Sidenote: Lady Honora O'Brien.] - -Starvation had not done its work as Ireton had expected, but no horses -were found in Limerick at its surrender, and they had probably been -eaten. The besiegers commanded the estuary, and were in no want of -provisions, but the waste among the men must have been considerable, -less by actual fighting than by hardship and sickness. Reinforcements -had, however, been poured into Ireland during the summer, and Ireton -makes no complaint of insufficient numbers. An Act passed in April -authorised the impressment of 10,000 men, and was not suffered to -remain a dead letter. As early as June 25 nearly that number had been -landed at Dublin or Waterford. They were of three classes, drafts from -English garrisons, pressed men, and volunteer recruits. Some were too -young for the work, and these were mainly among the volunteers. Money -and ammunition was also ungrudgingly supplied, and no time was lost -in following up the capture of Limerick. On November 1 Ludlow marched -out to Inchecronan with 2000 foot and 1500 horse, and on the 4th, -after some parleying, Clare Castle surrendered. Though very strong, -it was evidently untenable now that the great siege was over. The -guns lost in July were recovered, and about 230 men marched out with -the honours of war and with power to go where they pleased. Those who -desired protection were to have it, 'except Romish priests, Jesuits, -and friars.' Carrigaholt also surrendered and was garrisoned, after -which the whole of Clare was at the mercy of Parliament. Ireton joined -Ludlow, and they visited the barony of Burren, 'where there is not -water to drown a man, wood enough to hang one, nor earth enough to bury -him,' but good pasture between the rocks. In riding through the Corofin -district towards Ennis most of the horses cast their shoes among the -crags; they carried spare ones, yet a single shoe was sold for five -shillings before night. Next morning came Lady Honora O'Brien, youngest -daughter of the late Earl of Thomond and niece of his successor, who -was accused of harbouring the enemies' goods and cattle while herself -enjoying the Lord Deputy's protection. Ireton rebuked her, whereupon -'she burst into tears, promising to mend her ways', and begging -Ludlow's intercession, which was successful. 'As much a cynic as I am,' -said Ireton, 'the tears of this woman moved me.'[220] - -[Sidenote: Death of Ireton, Nov. 26.] - -The weather was very bad during this journey in Clare, and both -generals caught bad colds. Ludlow's constitution triumphed, and he -lived till 1692, but Ireton succumbed. In spite of entreaties he had -neglected his health during the siege, not putting 'off his clothes -all that time, except to change his linen,' and never resting, though -he was in a burning fever. Sir Robert King wondered that he was not as -mad as a March hare, 'pen, tongue, head or both, or all, incessantly -at work.' Ludlow was not with him when he died, and we have few -particulars. In announcing his loss to Cromwell, the Commissioners -call him an incomparable man, and it is certain that he had a high -sense of duty and that he was not a self-seeker. Clarendon and others -have thought that his republicanism might have prevented Cromwell's -rise to supreme power, but of this there is no evidence. There have -been equally vain speculations as to whether Mirabeau, had he lived, -could have stopped the French Revolution. Ireton had signed the -death-warrant, and as a regicide was of course against restoring the -Stuarts, but he was not a theoretical republican, though he would have -disliked the supremacy of the army.[221] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[194] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 261; _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 97; -Letters (Latin) of the Bishop of Waterford, March 3, 1651, of the -Bishop of Emly, March 29, and of Anthony Nugent, 'capucinus indignus,' -June 30, all three in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 363-373. Borlase -says 17,000 were reported to have died in and about Dublin. Ireton -and his officers to Cromwell and the army in Scotland, July 10, 1651, -_Milton State Papers_, p. 72. - -[195] The instructions to the Commissioners from the Council of State -were laid before Parliament, October 4, 1650, and are given in the -_Parliamentary History_, xix. 406. Corbet was substituted for Salwey, -who had been named but excused at his own request; Ludlow's _Memoirs_, -i. 249, 259. - -[196] Hugh O'Neill to Ormonde, September 9 and 15, 1650, in _Contemp. -Hist._ iii. 180; Diary of Parliamentary Officers, _ib._ 220; W. Basil, -A.G., to Lenthall, November 3, _ib._ 265, and to Bradshaw, November 4, -in _Parl. Hist._ xix. 439. - -[197] Basil's letters and Parliamentary officers' diary, _ut sup._ - -[198] Duke of Lorraine to Ormonde, February 8, 1646, in _Confed. and -War_, v. 259; Dumoulin to Mazarin, May and June, _ib._ 346; Cousin's -_Madame de Chevreuse_; Mazarin to Anne of Austria, April 1651, in -Ravanel's _Lettres du Cardinal Mazarin_. I have followed Martin and the -_Biographie Universelle_, as well as the Duke's own agreement with the -Irish, in writing Charles IV.--Gardiner and others call him Charles III. - -[199] Nicholas to Ormonde, February 11/21, 1649-50, in Carte's -_Original Letters_; Long to Ormonde, _ib._; Duke of Lorraine to -Ormonde, April 29, 1650, in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 399; Ormonde to -Synnott, June 25, _ib._ 428. See also Carte's _Ormonde_, book v., and -_Hibernia Dominicana_, p. 695; Clarendon's _Hist._ xiii. 176. Rochfort -reached Jersey January 12, 1649-50, see Hoskin's _Charles II. in the -Channel Islands_, ii. 367. Letters from Charles I. to the Queen, in the -_King's Cabinet Opened_, February-March, 1644-5. - -[200] Taaffe to Ormonde, January 3 and 5, 1650-51, in Clanricarde's -_Memoirs_; Letters of James and Henrietta Maria, _ib._ 40-42; -Clarendon's _Hist._ xiv. 66; _Clarendon State Papers_, iii. 128; -De Retz _Mémoires_, part ii. vol. ii. 197, in the Grands Ecrivains -edition. 'Les biographes de Charles nous racontent qu'à cette époque de -sa vie il était revenu à l'idée d'aller tenter au loin quelque grande -aventure et à peu près décidé à céder aux instances que les évêques -catholiques d'Irlande lui faisaient continuellement adresser par le -Pape, afin qu'il leur vînt en aide contre la tyrannie de Cromwell. Ils -nous le représentent comme occupé à signer aux Irlandais réfugiés à -Bruxelles des patentes de colonels et d'officiers dans son armée de -secours, armant des vaisseaux pour passer le détroit et déjà tout prêt -à s'embarquer.'--D'Haussonville's _Hist. de la Réunion de Lorraine_, -ed. 1860, chap. 23, pp. 221-2. - -[201] Duke of Lorraine to Innocent X., February 11, 1651, in -_Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii. 84; _ib._ 92 for French's movements; -Letters in Clanricarde _Memoirs_, February 27, 1650-1 till April -4, when the agreement was signed; Clarendon's _Hist._, xiii. 182. -According to D'Haussonville (chap. 23), the state of French politics -was what really prevented Duke Charles from going to Ireland. He could -not afford to be out of the way just when Mazarin's flight seemed to -give him a chance. Ireton was well informed about these intrigues, -as may be seen from William King's letter to him, March 24, 1650-51, -printed in Z. Grey's _Examination of Neal_, iv. appx. 7. - -[202] The Duke of Lorraine's supplies reached Ireland in March 1651, -_Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 368; Bellings to Ormonde, April 10, -1651, in _Confederation and War_, vii. 370; Clanricarde _Memoirs_, -April-October; intercepted intelligence from Madrid, May 20, and -from Rome, May 22, in _Milton State Papers_, p. 67. According to the -_Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 153, French's letter was written early in -July (more probably the end of June, since the agreement inspired by it -was of July 2). In Carte's _Original Letters_ are several from Nicholas -commenting on the Duke of Lorraine's proceedings. Dean King's report to -Charles II., April 1, 1652, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 301; Nicholas to -Hyde, April 4, 1651, in _Nicholas Papers_. - -[203] Ormonde to Nicholas, August 3, 1651, in _Nicholas Papers_. The -agreement is dated July 2, 1651, and the Duke's covering letter to -Clanricarde, September 10, but they did not reach him till October 12. -The Galway letter to the Duke is of October 15--all in Clanricarde -_Memoirs_. Taaffe to Ormonde, September 30 and November 23, in _Fourth -Rep. of Hist. MSS. Comm._, appx. 569; intercepted intelligence from -Paris, June 14 and 17, in _Milton State Papers_, p. 68; Ormonde to -Hyde, in _Clarendon S.P._, June 30, 1651; Patrick Archer to Ormonde, -January 19, 1651-2, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 281. As to the supply -to Innisbofin in 1652, _ib._ 356. Writing to Clanricarde on March 23, -1651-2, Charles H. says other supplies had been stopped 'by some rude -people in Zeland,' Clanricarde's _Memoirs_, part ii. 52. - -[204] _Aphorismical Discovery_, 996. Clanricarde's letters in -October to the Duke of Lorraine, to Henrietta Maria, to Ormonde, -Muskerry, Darcy, &c., are in his _Memoirs_, with the answers; Duke -of Lorraine's letter breaking off negotiations, February 14, 1652, -in Clarendon _Cal._ For his hostility to Clanricarde see Hist. MSS. -Comm. Calendar of _Ormonde Papers_, 1902, i. 256; for the difficulties -in corresponding with Ireland at this time see Ormonde's letter to -Muskerry of March 19/21, _ib._ 264; Clarendon's _Hist._, xiii. 176-182. -Other accounts of the whole affair are in Carte's _Life of Ormonde_ and -in _Hibernia Dominicana_. - -[205] Unfinished letter from Ormonde to Clanricarde in September 1651; -Carte's _Original Letters_, i. 460; French to Taaffe, August 10, 1651, -and the answer, September 22, in _Clarendon S.P._ French's _Unkinde -Deserter_, published in 1676. 'Quelle destinée pour l'ennemi obstiné de -la cour de France, pour l'infatigable allié de la maison d'Autriche, de -voir au bout de vingt années, ses troupes au service des Français et sa -personne au pouvoir des Espagnols.'--D'Haussonville, chap. 24, p. 296. - -[206] Ludlow, Corbet, Jones, and Weaver to Lenthall, March (before the -25th), 1650-51, in Cary's _Memorials_, ii. 253; Hewson to Lenthall, -with the articles for surrender of Finnea, March 14, published by order -of Parliament, London, March 25; _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 134-138. - -[207] Journal of Parliamentary officer in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 227; -Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, 95. - -[208] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 269-274, May 31 to June 17. - -[209] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 274; Ireton's letter of July 15, in _Sad -News from Ireland_, published by order of Parliament, but Scobell's -imprimatur is dated July 4, probably for 24. - -[210] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 263-274, and Ireton's letter, _ut sup._ -See also Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, ii. 48, 52. - -[211] Ireton's letter of July 15 in _Sad News from Ireland_, _ut sup._; -Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 274-6; Diary in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 241, -where the abortive propositions for surrender are given. As Ireton -suspected, greatly exaggerated reports of the repulse at Limerick were -circulated in England, see for example Lord Derby's letter in Cary's -_Memorials_, ii. 287. - -[212] _Ludlow_, i. 276-279. - -[213] This account is taken from the narrative enclosed in Broghill's -letter to Lenthall, dated Mallow, July 28, and printed by order of -Parliament along with another dated Blarney, August 1. A copy is -abstracted in the Calendar of State Papers, _Ireland_, addenda p. -303. Notes in Broghill's own hand, preserved at Lismore, are printed -in Smith's _Hist. of Cork_, but wrongly placed under 1652. Journal in -_Contemp. Hist._, iii. 246; Ludlow, i. 276. 'My boldest horse being -twice wounded,' Broghill writes, 'became so fearful that he was turned -to the coach.' Some accounts call this the battle of Knocknaclashy. - -[214] Hewson to Bradshaw, August 6, 1651, in _Parl. Hist._, xx. 32; -Corbet, Jones, and Weaver to Lenthall, September 18, in appx. to -_Ludlow_, i. 490. A disastrous skirmish near Cullenagh in Queen's Co. -is reported at September 15 by the Diarist, _Contemp. Hist._, i. 252. - -[215] Ireton to Lenthall, November 3, 1651, printed by order of -Parliament, November 28; Ludlow, i. 286; Diary in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. -253, 262, 264. In the list of mayors in Lenihan's _Hist. of Limerick_ -Stretch's name does not occur; perhaps there was a by-election. - -[216] Relation by Dr. William Layles (probably the same as Lawless, -an old Limerick name), endorsed by Clanricarde, calendared among -_Clarendon MSS._ at October 27. The writer was present in the town. -The above is printed in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 263, and the articles -of surrender are at p. 254. The Aphorismical Discovery, _ib._ 19, -gives even greater importance to Fennell. Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, 95. -Clarendon, _Ireland_, p. 199, says Fennell was executed some months -after the siege, so that it was not Ireton's doing. The crime for -which he suffered appears to have been the murder of Edward Croker -near Youghal on Shrove Tuesday, 1642, _Hickson_, ii. 139. See also the -letter in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 403, July 1653: 'Those of the -Irish army who forced us to render Limerick upon so base conditions -were hanged at Cork, viz. Col. Ed. Fennell and Lt.-Col. William Bourke, -of Brittas.' - -[217] From a comparison of all the accounts it is certain that the -Bishop of Emly, Purcell, Baron, Stretch, Walsh, Fanning, and Higgins, -were executed soon after the surrender. Layles, who was not present, -had heard that two priests, Francis and George Wolfe, also suffered as -well as Fanning's two sons and brother. The _Aphorismical Discovery_ -says Fanning was betrayed by a servant, when taking refuge from -the cold among the soldiers quartered in the cathedral. Clarendon, -_Ireland_, 198, says he had been refused food and shelter by his own -wife. See also note to Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, ii. 57. As to the -execution of James Wolfe, a Dominican, there can be little doubt, see -Clarendon, _ut sup._, 199, and _Hibernia Dominicana_, 568. - -[218] _Ludlow_, i. 288; Thurloe, i. 212; _Contemp. Hist._ iii. -_passim_. Cromwell is said to have specially recommended O'Neill -to Philip IV., as a good soldier. On February 4, 1652-3, O'Neill -petitioned the Council of State, and on April 1 he was discharged from -the Tower, _Cal. of S.P. Dom._ - -[219] _Ludlow_, i. 288; _Aphorismical Discovery_, iii. 20. - -[220] _Ludlow_, i. 290-293, 278 (with Mr. Firth's note); Diary in -_Contemp. Hist._, iii. 241, 249, 260; Scobell's _Acts and Ordinances_, -ii. 154. 'A lady that went for a maid, but few believed it,' Lady -Fanshawe's _Memoirs_, 57. - -[221] See Preface to _Clarke Papers_, i. lxviii.; Irish Commissioners -to Cromwell December 2, 1651, printed in appx. to Firth's _Ludlow_, i. -496, and _ib._ 297; W. Rowe to Cromwell in _Milton State Papers_, p. 17. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXV - -LAST PHASE OF THE WAR, 1652 - - -[Sidenote: Galway still holds out, Dec. 1651.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton's last summons to Galway.] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow commander-in-chief, Dec. 1651.] - -Ireton wished to press on to Galway, and Ludlow thought it could -easily be brought to surrender while the garrison were 'under a great -consternation by the loss of Limerick.' But there was much sickness -in the army, and officers generally were unwilling to begin another -troublesome campaign in November. Coote, who had been for some -time blockading Galway on the east side, came to the camp and gave -his opinion against immediate action. He did not believe the place -could be taken without attacking it on both sides. A bridge had been -prepared for the short river between Lough Corrib and the sea, but -the right bank was strongly fortified, and it would be impossible -to throw it across. It would be necessary to go all round by Cong, -where Clanricarde lay with 3000 men. Even if the passage were forced -many rivers lay in the way, none of which were fordable in case of -heavy rain, while horses could only be led from Cong to Aghenure near -Oughterard, and from that on to Galway they could not travel at all. -There was no forage in the country, and food and ammunition would have -to be carried on the men's backs. This reasoning prevailed, and Ireton -wrote from before Clare Castle merely to offer the same terms as had -been tendered to Limerick in July: 'I will not,' he said, alluding to -what had happened at Waterford, 'now do you the courtesy to summon -you at such a distance, because your gravity once chid me for it as -unadvisedly, but for the good men's sake of the city who perhaps may -not be so angry in the notion of a soldier's honour, as to understand -the quibbles of it ... though men of your unhappy breeding think such -glorious trifling worth the sacrificing or venturing of other men's -lives.' He desired him therefore on peril of his head to communicate -the offer made to the citizens. It was easy for Preston to answer that -he fought in a good cause and that Ireton was risking men's lives in a -bad one, while his head and those of his friends were as 'unsettled on -their shoulders as any in the town.' The mayor and aldermen answered in -the same strain; and Ireton died a fortnight after the date of their -letter. Ludlow was in Dublin at the moment, and the Commissioners made -him commander-in-chief until the pleasure of Parliament should be -further known.[222] - -[Sidenote: The Irish in Scilly.] - -[Sidenote: Bishop Leslie's troubles.] - -When Axtell left Ireland after his suspension by Ireton, he was -captured by a rover at sea and carried to Scilly, then full of Irish -soldiers who wished to kill him, the cause of his voyage having been -made known by an intercepted letter from Weaver. Grenville or those -about him knew that the islands could not be much longer in Royalist -hands, and they feared retaliation. Axtell was therefore spared, and -was back in Ireland and governor of Kilkenny soon after Ireton's -death. Blake occupied the little archipelago not many weeks later, -Bishop Henry Leslie being among those whom he found there. 'By the -articles,' the Bishop wrote, 'I am to have my pass to go unto the North -of Ireland, that is to say out of the frying pan into the fire; for -there I shall be in more danger of the Scots than of the Parliament -soldiers.' In either company he was sure that his soul would be more -vexed than Lot's was in Sodom. As to the Irish soldiers, it was agreed -that they should be sent to Ireland, recruited up to 2000, and disposed -of as the King wished. Blake offered to take them all into Dunkirk and -keep them there till Grenville could arrange for France or Spain, he -giving his word of honour never to employ them against the Parliament. -This was refused, and Grenville remained in England, most of the Irish -soldiers probably finding their way abroad.[223] - -[Sidenote: Meeting of officers at Kilkenny, Dec. 1651.] - -[Sidenote: Guerrilla warfare.] - -During the winter of 1651 and 1652 there was thought to be some danger -that the Dutch would retaliate for the Navigation Act by landing -foreign troops in Ireland, facilitating instead of opposing the -embarkation of the Duke of Lorraine, who was still expected long after -he had abandoned his scheme. A general meeting of officers was held at -Kilkenny just before Christmas, Coote having already been authorised to -give the same terms to Galway as had already been offered to Limerick, -provided they were accepted by January 9. It was now evident that all -the strong places must soon be taken, and the deliberations at Kilkenny -were chiefly directed against the guerrilla warfare, which was still -formidable. The nature of the problem is set forth with great clearness -in a report by Ludlow and his three colleagues in the Government to the -Council of State. The great bogs were the chief difficulty. There are -in these wastes many dry islands which were then generally wooded, and -between them causeways along which horses could only go in single file. -From such places the rebels could sally out at any time to harry the -protected districts, thus depriving the army of its resources, while it -was easy for them to secure their plunder. They were used to living in -cabins and wading among swamps, where the English soldiers were a prey -to dysentery from wet and cold. Ireton had successfully used rice to -combat this disease, and large quantities were provided later by the -London Government. - -[Sidenote: Desperation of the Irish.] - -[Sidenote: Means used to subdue armed bands.] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow's hunt in Wicklow, Feb. 1651-2.] - -The soldiers were always ignorant of the designs and movements of the -combatant Irish, for whom the country people acted as scouts, being -'possessed of an opinion that the Parliament intend them no terms of -mercy and therefore endeavouring to preserve them as those that stand -between them and danger.' It was estimated that 30,000 men were still -in arms among the Irish, a few in garrisons, but for the most part -lurking among woods and bogs. The plan adopted to subdue them was to -make a Pale from the Boyne to the Barrow, and to destroy the means -of subsistence elsewhere. No smiths, harness-makers, or armourers -were allowed to ply their trade outside of garrisons, no beer, wine, -or spirits might be sold nor fairs and markets held beyond those -limits. The county of Wicklow, with parts of Dublin, Kildare, and -Carlow, was outside the new Pale and excluded from protection. All who -resided within the doomed area after February 28 were to be treated as -enemies, but permitted to live and graze their stock upon such waste -or untenanted lands as might be assigned to them in the protected -region. As soon as the appointed day had passed, Ludlow himself went to -Talbotstown to plant a garrison, and then carefully searched Wicklow -with horse and foot. Few people were met with, for they had look-out -men on every hill, but all the houses and stores of corn were burned. -'He was an idle soldier,' wrote one officer, 'that had not either a fat -lamb, veal, pig, poultry, or all of them every night to his supper ... -we have destroyed as much as would have served some thousands of them -until next harvest.'[224] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde's proposals for peace, Feb. 1651-2.] - -[Sidenote: Failure to relieve Galway] - -The day fixed for the surrender of Galway with the benefit of the first -articles offered to Limerick was allowed to pass, and Clanricarde on -behalf of many of the nobility and clergy 'with the corporation of -Galway' made proposals for a general peace. He was fain to profess, -though he could hardly believe, that succours would come from his -Majesty and allies; if these failed, he and the assembly for whom he -acted were prepared to sell their lives as dearly as possible. Ludlow -answered from Dublin ten days later that it belonged to Parliament to -grant terms, that those who had already long since refused to hear -reason could hardly be admitted at the eleventh hour, and that they -were relying upon 'vain and groundless expectations.' He believed -that moderate terms would still be granted in individual cases, -but refused to grant a safe conduct for commissioners pretending -to represent the general body in arms. Clanricarde did his best to -prolong the resistance of Galway, but left the town when he saw that -the inhabitants were not prepared to endure extremities. A sortie to -gather cattle led to heavy loss, and of two corn ships which attempted -to relieve the besieged one was taken and the other forced upon the -rocks of Arran. The town was, however, not invested on the west, and -there was always a chance that reinforcements or supplies might be -introduced from that side. Coote thought the place very strong, and was -inclined even to exceed his authority in granting comparatively easy -terms.[225] - -[Sidenote: Dissensions among the besieged, July-Feb. 1651-2.] - -[Sidenote: Improvised colonels.] - -[Sidenote: The clergy prefer Parliament to King.] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini's excommunication still in use.] - -There were dissensions within the walls of Galway as there had been -at Limerick, and it is not easy to make out exactly what took place. -The indefatigable Dean King left Charles at Stirling in June, just -after Ireton had crossed the Shannon and when Coote had been some -time in Connaught. He landed near Londonderry on the 20th and found -his way to Galway by July 2. Bishop Lynch and others of the clergy -tried to make out that he had not been with the King, and that his -commission was a trick of Ormonde's. This was easily disproved, and -clerical help was promised on condition that the chiefs of the old -Irish in Connaught should be made colonels. Ten were so promoted, -but not one of them could muster over 500 men, and every one thought -of little but defending his own castle. These petty strongholds were -daily taken with the pick of the Irish soldiers inside. The Ulster -forces for the most part disregarded Clanricarde's summons, while -those of Leinster, 3000 foot and 500 horse, dwindled daily and lived -upon the spoil of the country, as there was no money to pay them, so -that he thought it better to let them go back to their own province -under the nominal generalship of Lord Westmeath. The only force upon -which the unfortunate Deputy could rely was raised in his own county -of Galway, and with these he kept an eye upon Coote's army. Dean King -found that the clergy generally, headed by Bourke of Tuam and French -of Ferns, were hostile to the King's government and anxious only for -an accommodation with the Parliament, in which they were supported by -the Prestons father and son, by Sir Nicholas Plunket, and by Geoffrey -Brown. The expectation of the Lorraine succours had paralysed all the -Irish parties, so that no one exerted himself. The little that had been -sent by the ducal pretender had been wasted or embezzled; '20,000_l._ -whereof 6000_l._ defalked for the charge of the negotiations,' 1000 -stand of arms, 1000 barrels of badly damaged rye, and 'thirty barrels -of powder, the worst in the world.' To make confusion worse confounded, -some of the bishops were using Rinuccini's old excommunication to crush -their opponents. There were nevertheless nearly 30,000 men under arms, -but no means of keeping them together, and there were many harbours -still open in Connaught and Munster through which money and stores -might be introduced. Dean King left Ireland on February 16 and reported -to Charles at Paris on April 1; but the battle of Worcester had been -fought and lost, and no help came.[226] - -[Sidenote: Capitulation of Galway, May 12, 1652.] - -[Sidenote: Coote offends the Independents.] - -[Sidenote: Coote and Ludlow.] - -Clanricarde did what he could to prolong the defence of Galway, but the -citizens could not see that there was anything to gain by it. He had -agreed to approach Ludlow with proposals for a general pacification, -but was determined to resist as long as he could. The town therefore -acted without consulting him, though he was in the neighbourhood, and -the articles of surrender contain no mention of King, Lord Lieutenant, -or Deputy. Fear of famine and of hard terms when the inevitable end -came were sufficient inducements to surrender, and there is no reason -to suppose that Galway was betrayed in the common sense of the words, -though in 1656 some of the inhabitants claimed special indulgence on -the ground that they had favoured the English interest throughout the -war, and had thereby 'contracted a malice from those of their own -nation' among whom they had to live. Coote has a bad name on the score -of severity, but he and many of those with him had estates in Ireland, -and some of them in Connaught, and they did not see with the same eyes -as those who were bent upon planting new settlers everywhere. The -extreme Independents called Coote and his men 'Tame Tories,' and there -was jealousy of his position as President of Connaught. Ireton thought -the provincial presidencies should be abolished, as an unnecessary -burden to State and country, and the Commissioners in Dublin were of -the same opinion. One hot-headed captain of the Munster army attached -to that of Connaught wrote to say that Ireland being almost reduced, -there was little left to do but to 'fall on Sir Charles Coote and his -'Tame Rebels.'' The letter was intercepted, and Coote imprisoned the -writer, whose curious defence was that many others agreed with him. -Ludlow released him and blamed Coote for exercising authority over an -officer not belonging to his province. From all this the Royalists had -hopes, and no doubt Coote had never been a republican, but they had to -wait several years for their realisation. In the meantime he was glad -to get hold of Galway upon almost any terms.[227] - -[Sidenote: Terms granted to Galway.] - -[Sidenote: The terms disliked in Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: The articles are amended,] - -[Sidenote: but the townsmen protest.] - -The conditions actually granted were not hard, and the Commissioners -in Dublin thought them too easy. Quarter and freedom from pillage and -military violence were granted to all, as long as they obeyed the -Commonwealth of England, and were not guilty of murder before March -19, 1642, when a state of war began to exist in Galway. The murderers -of Captain Clark's crew were excepted by name. All who wished to -depart were given six months to sell such property as they did not -carry away. This extended to clergymen provided their names were -given in before the actual surrender, but in their case no protection -was to be given after that time. Where property within the city and -liberties was sold one-third was to go to the State, and the rest to -be freed from extraordinary taxation, and this principle was extended -with qualifications to lands possessed by the townsmen elsewhere. The -charter was maintained until Parliament should otherwise direct; and -Coote promised to get a ratification within twenty days by the Dublin -Government and legislative confirmation in England as soon as possible. -A fort on Mutton Island and another opposite Tirellan were surrendered -at once, and the town, after one week's delay, on April 12, when Coote -took actual possession. The news reached Dublin on the 11th, and the -Commissioners there at once took exception to some of the articles. -They objected, and so far we can sympathise with them, to any indemnity -for murder committed 'by or upon any person not being in arms.' They -insisted on the power of compulsorily purchasing land or houses in -the town when Parliament considered their owners unsafe persons to -remain; in which case they would have to remove within three months. -The protection as to outside property was considered too absolute, and -should be left for parliamentary decision, and some minor matters were -also reserved. An express was at once sent to insist on the amendment -of the articles, with orders that the capitulation should be suspended -until this was done, but when the messenger reached Galway he found -the English garrison installed. The ratification of the articles was -made dependent on the acceptance of the revised terms, but it can -hardly be said that the condition was fulfilled. Only eight heads of -families could be found to sign the certificate of assent, while over -one hundred refused; and there were nearly a hundred absentees. Coote -apologised for his mistake, but maintained that he had nevertheless -done the best thing for the State. If he had not closed with the -besieged there were great chances of the town being relieved, 'so that -it might have kept all your forces this summer in those parts to attend -that service.'[228] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde's last struggles, April-June 1652,] - -[Sidenote: Castlehaven leaves Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: His memoirs.] - -Clanricarde on his part announced that 'Galway having basely and -perfidiously yielded,' he would resist while he could, and gave earnest -of his determination by sending away Castlehaven in his only frigate, -thus leaving himself no means of escape. He summoned Westmeath and -O'Ferrall from Leinster, Muskerry from Munster, and O'Reilly from -Ulster to join him in Sligo or Leitrim and 'unite in one clear score -for God, our King, and country.' Galway Bay was full of Parliamentary -ships, so Castlehaven had to go first to Innisbofin and embark from -there. He was chased, and had a smart fight at sea, but was saved by -thick weather. Arthur Magennis, Bishop of Down, a nephew of Owen Roe -O'Neill, died during the action 'by the wind of a bullet, for fear,' -having no wound. Castlehaven got safely to Brest, and thence to Paris -or St. Germain's, where he saw the King and Queen and Ormonde. As -French affairs then stood nothing could be done, and he joined Condé as -a volunteer, after which he commanded an Irish brigade of about 5000 -men. As late as 1680 he published his memoirs, confessedly to show that -he was always a good Royalist and not to be confounded with the Irish -'as a confederate Catholic, which in plain English is a rebel.' Lord -Anglesey, the son of Strafford's Mountnorris, who was a great gainer -by the Restoration settlement, reviewed Castlehaven's pleasant little -book, saying that 'by a providence from heaven to the English the -marquesses of Ormonde and Clanricarde, his Majesty's chief governors, -encouraged the Irish to keep up a war against the English, wherein they -were so much hardened to their ruin, that they were at length entirely -subdued without condition to any save for life, and left to be as -miserable as they had made others in all respects.'[229] - -[Sidenote: Charles gives Clanricarde leave to go,] - -[Sidenote: but urges him to hold out.] - -[Sidenote: He takes Ballyshannon, May,] - -[Sidenote: and Donegal.] - -[Sidenote: Submission of Clanricarde, June 28.] - -[Sidenote: His character.] - -It had long been evident to Clanricarde, as well as to Ormonde and -his friends abroad, that the power of the Parliament would establish -itself in Ireland. But it was their policy to keep the flag of -Royalty flying as long as possible, on the chance of some foreign -complication. That this stubborn attitude increased the ultimate -sufferings of the Irish masses is very probable. As early as the -beginning of February, Charles, with many expressions of gratitude -and confidence, gave Clanricarde free leave to quit Ireland when he -thought fit, but adding that 'the keeping up of the war there in any -kind, either offensive or defensive, is of the highest importance to -us and our service that can be performed; as the contrary would be of -the greatest prejudice to all our designs.' Six weeks later he wrote -holding out hopes of further help from the Duke of Lorraine, and -directing that no declaration should be issued which might increase the -friction with the clerical party. The two letters reached Clanricarde -together in the following August, when they were too late to have -any significance. Meanwhile, in May, a second letter was given to -Castlehaven, and forwarded by a sure hand, authorising the Deputy to -leave his post at any time. This letter, though apparently not extant, -probably reached its destination much sooner than the other two, and -justified Clanricarde in making terms when he did. In the meantime, -he succeeded in getting a considerable force together, with which, -after blowing up several castles, he swooped down upon the fort at -Ballyshannon and took it by assault, dismissing the survivors unhurt -and substituting his own garrison of 300 men. He took Donegal also, -but the success was only transient, for he had no means of feeding -his men but by seizing cattle, and thus involuntarily making the task -of the Parliamentarians easier. Venables came up from Down to join -Coote, and they soon took Sligo and retook the other two places, giving -punctual quarter in their turn. At the end of June the Lord Deputy, -who, Ludlow says, was practically surrounded in the island of Carrick, -made terms for himself, but none for his vast estates. He was left free -to go abroad where he pleased with not more than twenty servants, to -remain in Ireland for three months, and to enlist 3000 men for foreign -service. In the meantime he was to divest himself of his viceregal -authority and do no hostile act. Six weeks later he was excepted by -Act of the English Parliament from pardon for life and estate, but was -nevertheless left unmolested at his own place at Somerhill in Kent. His -health had never been good, and was not improved by his campaigning, -but he lived till 1657, and was buried in Tonbridge Church. He was not -a great general, but to most people he appeared, and still appears, -as a loyal and worthy man. To the ultramontane clergy of his own day -he was, as an independent Catholic who cared little for a nuncio's -censures, more hateful even than the heretic Ormonde. Bishop French -says he put Cæsar before God, and Bishop Lynch that the Ulster men -refused to follow him because he disdained to receive absolution from -Rinuccini's excommunication. The British officer so often quoted -says, on the contrary, that the Irish were well satisfied with him -as true both to King and Church, 'being a good Roman Catholic,' and -that he surrendered only because he could not fight Coote and Venables -combined. 'Neither, indeed, was he ever practised in that trade [war], -though a very fine, devout, liberal, hospitable gentleman, as any is in -Ireland in his time, as I have heard many aver.'[230] - -[Sidenote: Case of Anthony Geohegan.] - -[Sidenote: Loyalty the idol of Dagon.] - -Before finally leaving Clanricarde and the Duke of Lorraine something -must be said of the case of Anthony Geohegan, which had no important -results, but which shows how incompatible were the Royalist and -clerical ideals. Geohegan had been preferred by Rinuccini at the early -age of twenty-four to the nominal dignity of the mitred abbacy of -Connall. Towards the end of 1650 he was studying divinity and canon law -at Paris, and in correspondence with Abbot Crelly, who was in London, -hoping against hope that the Parliament would grant toleration to his -Church. He offered to go to Ireland if wanted, and Crelly reported this -to Rome. Dean Massari, Rinuccini's old lieutenant, was Secretary of -Propaganda, and gladly accepted the young priest's offer. He reached -Galway on March 14, 1651, while De Henin was there, with instructions -to further the appointment of a Catholic protector, and he stayed on -after the Lorraine envoy's departure. Clanricarde suspected that he -was working against him, and some of his letters were intercepted, in -one of which he said that 'if the service of God had been as deep in -the hearts of our nation as that idol of Dagon, a foolish loyalty, -a better course for their honour and preservation had been taken in -time.' He had noticed that at Limerick those favourable to Ormonde -had got better terms than others, and he thought the Independents who -professed liberty of conscience more likely to grant reasonable terms -to the Irish than those who maintained the Church of England and the -recusancy laws. Clanricarde would have tried Geohegan as a traitor, -but the clergy took their stand upon the bull _In Coena Domini_, and -maintained that no lay governor or judge could try a priest. They had -their way, and Geohegan was, of course, exonerated from all blame.[231] - -[Sidenote: The Irish leaders submit. Fitzpatrick, March 1652.] - -Even before the surrender of Galway, the Irish leaders began to make -terms for themselves and their followers. Of these, the first was -John Fitzpatrick, who had lately distinguished himself by taking and -holding Meelick. On March 7 he agreed to transport 4000 foot and 300 -horse to a state in amity with the Commonwealth, pay being given to -them in the meantime, and hopes were held out as to his property. He -made no conditions for his father and mother, or for the Catholic -religion; whereupon a declaration was published against him, and -he was excommunicated. 'Some of his party,' say the Parliamentary -Commissioners, 'have been cut off by the enemy, who did also cut off -the ears of some whom they took prisoners.' The men were not popular, -having lived by plunder, and the Government were glad to send them -to Spain. Fitzpatrick and his father were both excluded by Act of -Parliament from pardon for life or estate, but he afterwards married -Ormonde's sister and was restored in 1661 to broad lands in the Queen's -County. His mother, says Ludlow, 'was found guilty of the murder of the -English, with this aggravation, that she said she would make candles -of their fat. She was condemned to be burned, and the sentence was -executed accordingly.'[232] - -[Sidenote: O'Dwyer, March 23.] - -[Sidenote: Usual terms of surrender.] - -The next important chief to surrender was Colonel Edmund O'Dwyer, -who commanded in Tipperary and Waterford. He and his men had quarter -for life and personal property only, with liberty to serve any -friendly foreign State. Murderers of the English, members of the -first General Assembly or Supreme Council, homicides after quarter -given, deserters, and every 'priest or other of the Romish clergy in -orders,' were excluded. By the end of June, when Clanricarde came to -terms, the Parliament had not many enemies left in the field, though -a few strongholds held out for some months longer. The articles of -surrender, or authentic copies, are for the most part extant, and the -terms granted generally amounted to little more than life and personal -liberty to those who had not committed murder. Where priests are not -specially excluded, they are generally left tacitly to the mercy of -the victors. Landed property was to be distributed according to such -qualifications as Parliament might determine. In one case Sir Hardress -Waller undertook 'industriously to solicit' the authorities that -priests who were not charged with any crime except officiating as such -should be free to go beyond seas.[233] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Ross Castle, June 1652.] - -[Sidenote: Boats brought up from the sea.] - -[Sidenote: A flotilla on the Lower Lake.] - -There was a Parliamentary garrison at Dingle, which Muskerry made -some effort to take, but otherwise Kerry had for a long time been -in Irish hands. Murtagh O'Brien, when driven out of Clare after the -fall of Limerick, joined his forces to those of Lord Muskerry, and -together they amounted to several thousands. Their chief stronghold -was Ross Castle, in an island or peninsula on the lower Lake of -Killarney, only approachable, as any tourist may now witness, by a -narrow causeway with a bog on either side. Muskerry had been chief -among the anti-nuncionist Catholics, and had never been forgiven by -the priests of his own Church, many of whom had taken refuge in Ross -Castle. When a siege was imminent, the clerical party went out--and -no doubt they acted prudently in this--but a thousand well-armed men -adhered to their general and resolved to hold out as long as possible. -Ludlow, accompanied by Broghill and Walker, came to Killarney very -early in June with 4000 foot and 2000 horse. Dromagh had already -surrendered, so that his rear was exposed to no attack. The woods on -the other side of the lake were full of active enemies, who must have -had boats of some sort to reach Innisfallen, and who supplied Ross -with provisions. Ludlow's fellow-Commissioners were at Cork, and the -mitred Scoutmaster-General at Kinsale, and they quickly provided him -with the means of reducing Ross. Boats were brought to Castlemaine -harbour under convoy of a frigate. Of these some were probably dragged -up the Laune with the help of many men. The two largest, which were -intended to carry guns, were sent from Kinsale in pieces, but so that -they could be put together in two days. In order to make a safe way for -them it was necessary to disperse a strong force of the Irish about -Killagh Abbey, near the mouth of the Laune, while another division -scoured the woods and put those who occupied them to flight. This was -on June 13; five days later several of the boats had been brought to -Ludlow's entrenchments near Ross, and by the 20th they were swimming -on the lake. The whole flotilla was not wanted, for the garrison saw -that resistance was hopeless, and there was an ancient prophecy that -Ross would not be taken until strange ships sailed on Lough Leane. The -fitting and management of the boats was entrusted to Captain Chudleigh, -who had been a ship-carpenter, and many artificers went readily because -he was with them.[234] - -[Sidenote: The Parliament as avengers of blood.] - -[Sidenote: Few survivors of 1641.] - -[Sidenote: Murderers exempted from pardon.] - -Even after the surrender of Galway the Leinster army under Westmeath's -command had still an administrative existence; but its leaders saw -no prospect of ultimate success, and were ready to make such terms -as might still be possible. The Parliamentary Commissioners were at -Kilkenny on April 17, and had a conference with the chief officers -of the army, where Dr. Jones, the Scoutmaster-General, produced an -abstract of the depositions taken as to murders committed in the early -days of the rebellion. This document was forwarded to Parliament and -read there on May 18, the Commissioners and officers 'fearing lest -others who are at a greater distance might be moved to the lenity -which we have found no small temptation in ourselves,' forget past -abominations, and make too tender concessions. But very few of the -English who had any personal knowledge of the original massacres were -still living, and it would therefore be hard to bring the guilt home to -individuals. The whole Irish nation had to some extent condoned them, -and Parliament was bound to take order for punishment 'in duty towards -God, the great avenger of such villainies, who hath from the beginning -of the war to this present always in your appeal by war against them -appeared most signally.' Murderers or their aiders and abettors were -not led to expect clemency, but the Commissioners declared that all -persons living in Ireland should have the benefit of the Act dated -September 27, 1650, repealing the clauses in Elizabethan statutes which -imposed penalties for not going to church. This was a step in the -direction of toleration, but the Act had been really intended for the -relief of those who disliked the Book of Common Prayer, and provided -also for the prosecution of those who did not attend some place of -worship, and would be difficult to apply to those who would have -nothing but the forbidden mass.[235] - -[Sidenote: The Leinster articles, May 12, 1652.] - -After much discussion, it was agreed that eleven regiments of foot -and six of horse should lay down their arms by June 1 at Mullingar, -Maryborough, Carlow, or Kildare. The military articles were liberal -enough, officers retaining horses and arms, non-commissioned officers -and men whose horses were taken receiving compensation. Officers were -allowed to serve any foreign State in amity with the Commonwealth, and -to carry 6000 men with them, the Commissioners undertaking to get leave -for 6000 more if they could. Life and personal estate were secured, and -owners of land were promised 'equal benefit with others in the like -qualification with themselves,' when Parliament had made up its mind. -Murder and robbery of persons not in arms might still be questioned -'according the due course of law,' and the benefit of the articles was -withheld from those who killed Parliamentary soldiers after quarter -given. 'Priests or Jesuits, or others in Popish orders,' were to be -dealt with as the Irish Government thought fit. The Commissioners were -well satisfied with their work, which they had been obliged to do -without positive orders from Parliament, for the Irish, being driven -out of all forts, had nothing to do but range about the country, -'retiring as they saw advantage to their bogs and fastnesses.' The -Parliamentary officers had now for the first time leisure to deal with -Clanricarde and with Muskerry, who had 3000 foot and 600 horse.[236] - -[Sidenote: Surrender of Muskerry, June 22.] - -[Sidenote: Murder defined.] - -[Sidenote: Conformity not to be enforced.] - -[Sidenote: Ross Castle evacuated.] - -Muskerry and his party accepted the substance of the Leinster articles, -but there was a fortnight's debate on certain points. The Irish -officers feared lest they should be all held liable for the murder of -the English, 'which,' says Ludlow, 'was an exception we never failed -to make.' An explanatory article was therefore granted, limiting the -guilt to those 'who during the first year of the war have contrived, -aided, assisted, acted, or abetted any murder or massacre upon any -person or persons of the English not in arms but following their own -occupation in their farms or freeholds,' and to those who since that -time had taken life knowing that quarter had been given or protection -granted. As to religion, Ludlow and his colleagues would go no further -than declare 'that it is not our intention nor, as we conceive, the -intention of those whom we serve, to force any to their worship and -service contrary to their consciences.' Questions as to real estate -were, at the request of Muskerry and his friends, 'left to the pleasure -of the Parliament,' means being given them for pleading their own cause -in London. They themselves asked for this in preference to the clause -as to qualifications in the Leinster articles. In consideration of the -above, 960 able men marched out of Ross Castle, and at least 3000 more -followed their example. Murtagh O'Brien, with about 200 men, kept at -large in the Kerry mountains until Waller made them untenable, and then -escaped across the Shannon, to give further trouble in Connaught.[237] - -[Sidenote: Richard Grace still resists.] - -[Sidenote: Submission of Grace, Aug. 14.] - -[Sidenote: Grace leads 1200 men to Spain.] - -Colonel Richard Grace, whose property was in King's County, did -not accept the Kilkenny articles, but remained at the head of a -considerable force, and burned Birr, which had been partly rebuilt. -Three hundred pounds was offered for his head in a proclamation dated -May 22, but he managed to cross the Shannon, and burned the towns of -Portumna and Loughrea. The country was laid under contribution, and for -some days no enemy appeared. Grace had near 3000 men, but they were -but odds and ends from various quarters, and were easily surprised by -Ingoldsby, who routed the Irish horse and drove the foot into a bog -near Loughrea. Grace had to fly with a few men, after which many of -his followers dispersed or made terms for themselves. This was on June -20. He managed to recross the river into Leinster and again got some -men together, with whom he at last took refuge in a strongly fortified -island in Lough Coura, near Birr. Sankey surrounded the lake and made -preparations for starving out the party, and Grace, who saw there was -no prospect of relief, sued for terms. To avoid a long siege, and -also perhaps out of admiration for a brave enemy, Sankey granted the -substance of the Kilkenny articles and some further indulgence for the -clergy submitting with Grace, who is much praised by the Aphorismical -Discovery for insisting on the latter. The priests concerned had -leave and four months' time to go beyond sea, with protection in -the interval, and a further respite in case of sickness or want of -shipping. In the other cases, they had been left at the disposition of -the Lord Deputy or Commissioners. Grace had had nothing to do with the -original Irish rebellion, but had fought for the King in England until -the surrender of Oxford, so that there was some personal reason for -favouring him. He carried 1200 men to Spain, but the Government there -broke all their agreements with him, and he lost half his regiment by -starvation, desertion, and disease. He attached himself to the Duke of -York, and died at Athlone fighting against William III. in 1691.[238] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow's last service in the field, Aug.-Sept., 1652.] - -[Sidenote: Fugitives smoked in a cave.] - -[Sidenote: A modern instance.] - -After the surrender of Muskerry, Ludlow turned his attention to Wicklow -and Wexford, where Phelim MacHugh O'Byrne and others still had a -considerable force under arms. He placed garrisons in suitable places, -who reduced the Irish by destroying their means of subsistence. The -green corn was cut and burned, and in a few months the soldiers knew -every hiding-place as well as the mountaineers themselves. Early in -August, Ludlow turned northwards and garrisoned Carrickmacross. Between -that place and Dundalk he came to a cave where a number of men had -taken refuge. The soldiers tried to smoke them out, and entered when -they supposed them smothered, but the leader was killed by a pistol -from inside. It turned out that the cave was ventilated by a hole some -way off, and Ludlow ordered this to be stopped. After a time groans -were heard, which soon grew fainter, and the man who had fired the -shot was drawn out dead. 'The passage being cleared, the soldiers -entered, and, having put about fifteen to the sword, brought four or -five out alive, with the priest's robes, a crucifix, chalice, and other -furniture of that kind. Those within preserved themselves by laying -their heads close to water that ran through the rock. We found two -rooms in the place, one of which was large enough to turn a pike.' -This is not a nice story; but Ludlow, who wrote in cold blood long -afterwards, does not offer any apology nor show that he thought any -necessary. Nearly two hundred years later the French in Algiers did the -same thing on a much larger scale, but they knew that public opinion -would be against them, and it was. St. Arnaud did not even venture to -tell his own men that five hundred enemies of both sexes and all ages -lay suffocated in the cave.[239] - -[Sidenote: The last of the 'creaghts.'] - -[Sidenote: Arrival of Fleetwood, September.] - -After filling the mouth of the cave with large stones, Ludlow -established posts at Castle Blayney and Agher, where he found one of -the O'Neills living with his wife, whom he described as the Duchess -of Artois' niece, and some children. They wandered about with the -cattle as 'creaghts,' seeking for grass and water, and at each halt -building a house 'in an hour or two.' Steps were soon afterwards taken -to abolish this system, as one 'whereby the enemy comes to be relieved -and sustained and the contribution oft damaged.' It was impossible to -catch people who had no fixed abode, and who might even commit murder -with every chance of impunity. Lisnaskea was fortified and small holds -of the Irish at Belturbet and in one of the Lough Erne islands were -taken. Reynolds, who had reduced Leitrim, joined Ludlow at Lisnaskea, -and the news of Fleetwood's arrival reached them there. Ludlow says he -was glad to be superseded, his exertions for the public having been -'recompensed only with envy and hatred,' and he hastened to join the -new commander-in-chief at Kilkenny.[240] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[222] Diary in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 260; _Ludlow_, i. 289, 294. -Ireton's correspondence with Galway, December 7-12, 1651, is printed -in Hardiman's _Hist. of Galway_, 129; Corbet, Jones, and Weaver to -Lenthall, and to Cromwell, December 2, in appx. to Firth's _Ludlow_, i. -496. - -[223] _Ludlow_, i. 265; Bishop of Down's letters, May 13 and 29, 1651, -in _Nicholas Papers_, i. 250, 255. - -[224] _Ludlow_, i. 300-304; the Four Commissioners to the Council of -State, January 8, 1651-2, _ib._ 499; orders by the same Commissioners, -January 13 and February 13, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 277, 283. - -[225] Clanricarde to Ludlow, February 14, 1651-2. In the text of Ludlow -the date is wrongly given as March 14, but see the appx. i. 505, and -_Contemp. Hist._, iii. 58, with Ludlow's answer in both places, and -another to Sir Richard Blake, who had 'reiterated in effect the former -application,' _ib._ 509. - -[226] Dean King's report, April 1, 1652, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 300. - -[227] Order of the Irish Council as to Dominick Bodkin, &c., May 20, -1656, printed in O'Flaherty's _Western Connaught_, p. 244; W. Heald to -T. Holder, December 12, 1651, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 353; Corbet, -Jones, and Weaver to Cromwell, December 2, 1651, in appx. to _Ludlow_, -i. 497. - -[228] Corbet, Jones, and Ludlow to Lenthall, May 6, 1652, in appx. to -Ludlow, i. 516. The articles of surrender are in Hardiman's _Hist. -of Galway_, appx. xxix. to xxxiii., along with the strictures of the -Commissioners and the list of those who had accepted or rejected the -latter furnished by Coote, November 26, 1652. - -[229] Clanricarde to Philip O'Reilly and Lieut.-General O'Ferrall, -April 4 and 12, 1652, in _Aphorismical Discovery_, iii. 76; -Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, 97, ed. 15, with Anglesey's letter of August -1680, appended p. 39; _Clarendon S.P._, iii. 66. - -[230] Charles II. to Clanricarde, February 10, 1651-2 (enclosing one -of February 6 to Duke of Lorraine), and March 23, in Clanricarde's -_Memoirs_, part ii. 51; Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, p. 97; _Clarendon -State Papers_, iii. 66; _Aphorismical Discovery_, iii. 122; Ludlow, i. -317, 323, 527; _Warr of Ireland_, by a British officer, 138; Bishop of -Ferns' letter, April 21, 1651, in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii. 92; -Bishop of Clonfert's letter, August 31, 1652, _ib._ i. 386. - -[231] _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 138-144; _ib._ iii. 54, 285-293; -Clarendon's _Ireland_, p. 194. See also Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, ii, -46, 59. - -[232] The tenour of the articles entered into can be seen from the -subsidiary agreement printed in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 293, the -declaration of Walter Bagenal and others against him, and the despatch -of Corbet, Jones, and Ludlow in appx. to Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. -515. For Mrs. Fitzpatrick, _ib._ 340. In his preface to _Contemp. -Hist._, iii. xviii., Sir J. Gilbert says the witness against her -was suborned, but he gives no authority, and in the collection of -massacres appended to Clarendon's volume on Ireland, several murders by -Florence Fitzpatrick are mentioned, Elizabeth Baskerville testifying -'that Mrs. Fitzpatrick blamed the murderers because they brought -not Mrs. Nicholson's fat or grease, wherewith she might have made -candles.'--Lodge's _Peerage_, ed. Archdall, ii. 345. - -[233] Most of the articles are printed in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 293-335. - -[234] _Ludlow_, i. 320, and his letter of June 24 to Lenthall, _ib._ -526. There is a good memoir on the siege of Ross by J. P. Prendergast -in Kilkenny _Arch. Journal_, iii. 24-35, and a criticism of the same -by Archdeacon Rowan in the _Kerry Magazine_, 1855, p. 101. Chudleigh's -monument at Kinsale says he 'causavit terris velificasse ratem,' which -is rather ambiguous, for no boat could actually sail on land. Perhaps -it is doubtful Latin for 'inland.' Smith, in his _History of Kerry_, -1756, p. 315, says the boats were 'brought up by the river Lane by -strength of men's hands,' and he afterwards mentions one Hopkins, -sexton of Swords near Dublin a few years before, who lived to be 115, -and who was one of the men employed in drawing the boats to the lake. - -[235] Ludlow, Waller, Corbet, Jones, Coote and fourteen other superior -officers to Lenthall, May 5, 1652, in appx. to Ludlow, i. 512; -Declaration of May 12 in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 315; Scobell's _Acts and -Ordinances_, 1650, cap. 27. - -[236] The Leinster Articles, May 12, 1652, are in _Aphorismical -Discovery_, iii. 94, 315; Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones to Lenthall, May -13, in appx. to _Ludlow_, i. 520. - -[237] _Ludlow_, i. 322, with Mr. Firth's note; Jones and Corbet to -Lenthall July 22, 1652, in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 339. The articles, -June 22, are printed _ib._ 324. - -[238] _Aphorismical Discovery_, with the articles of surrender, dated -August 14, 1652, iii. 128-133, and the note _ib._ 392; Clarke's _Life -of James II._ i. 268; _Memoirs of the Family of Grace_, 1823, 27-34. - -[239] _Ludlow_, i. 328, 342; _Aphorismical Discovery_, iii. 125; -Thureau-Dangin, _Hist. de la Monarchie de Juillet_, vi. 343; Kinglake's -_Crimean War_, ii. 8. The French Government argued that conquest must -precede philanthropy. - -[240] _Ludlow_, i. 330. Fleetwood landed at Waterford on or just before -September 11. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVI - -END OF THE WAR, AND ITS PRICE - - -[Sidenote: The last stand at Innisbofin.] - -[Sidenote: The islands surrendered, Feb. 1652-3.] - -[Sidenote: Rory O'More.] - -The historian Cox says that he could find nothing that looked like war -during the year 1653, though the rebellion was not officially declared -at an end until September 26. The early part of the year cannot, -however, be considered as peaceful. There was still some resistance -in Ulster, and the Irish also possessed a fortified post in the -island of Innisbofin. To that remote stronghold Murtagh O'Brien had -repaired after Muskerry's surrender, and with the help of some arms and -ammunition from the Duke of Lorraine he continued to give trouble on -the mainland. The fort of Arkin on the great island of Arran had been -surprised through 'the supine carelessness and negligence of Captain -Dyas' shortly before Fleetwood's arrival, and the Irish garrison -under Colonel Oliver Synnot did not surrender until the middle of -January. Among those who took refuge in Innisbofin were Roger O'More, -the original contriver of the rebellion, Bishop Lynch of Clonfert, -Brian MacPhelim O'Byrne, and Colonel Dudley Costello. The governor -was Colonel George Cusack, whose family had property in the Pale, and -he soon came to terms with Reynolds. The islands of Bofin, Turk, and -Clare were surrendered and facilities were given for transporting -1000 men into the Spanish service. The officers retained their arms, -'prelates and clergymen' being allowed to go with the rest. Some of the -articles were more indulgent than usual, but Colonel Jones thought them -'suitable to the difficulty of gaining that place by force.' Only a few -days before, near the neighbouring castle of Renvyle, on the mainland, -270 men who were on their way to attack Bofin fell into an ambuscade -of 800 Irish, and only got through with the loss of four officers and -forty-six men. According to the Aphorismical Discovery, O'More, who -could expect no mercy if captured, was basely deserted by Cusack and -the Bishop of Clonfert. Donogh O'Flaherty, who was also left behind, -was shot by the soldiers; but O'More, after enduring great hardships, -got away to Ulster and lived for some time as a fisherman.[241] - -[Sidenote: The last stand in Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: Surrender of Cloughoughter, April 27.] - -[Sidenote: Murder.] - -In the same month of February fighting continued in West Cork and -Kerry among the O'Sullivans and O'Driscolls, some of whom took up arms -after their inclusion in the Muskerry articles; and there were still a -few desperate men for the garrisons of Cork and Limerick to hunt. But -the last stronghold was the island in Lough Oughter, where Bedell had -died in the first year of the war. In February, Colonel Barrow came to -the lake, burned some of the defenders' boats 'with a fiery float,' -and their corn with incendiary missiles, but had the ill luck to be -captured himself and held to ransom. This was probably the work of -some loose band which remained in arms after the capitulation of the -garrison at the end of April. The articles concluded were between Sir -Theophilus Jones and Philip O'Reilly on behalf of himself and the other -Ulster chiefs still remaining under arms. The terms were much the same -as had been granted in other recent cases, and included liberty to make -terms with the Spanish recruiting agents. Priests and others in Roman -orders were given a month to leave the country, on condition that they -did not exercise their function during the interval. Those guilty of -murder, whether lay or cleric, were as usual excluded, and a murderer -was specially defined as one 'who had actually a hand in a particular -murder or did command the same, or was present when a particular murder -was committed by persons under his command by his order.' It was no -murder to have killed a man in fight in the open field at any time -since the beginning of the war.[242] - -[Sidenote: Tories to be starved out.] - -[Sidenote: Exhaustion of the country.] - -[Sidenote: The plague.] - -[Sidenote: Famine.] - -Mountjoy had long since proved that the way to subdue Ireland was -to destroy the means of subsistence. As one of the Commissioners of -Parliament, Colonel Jones was of opinion that no lasting peace could -be made 'but by removing all heads of septs and priests and men of -knowledge in arms, or otherwise in repute, out of this land, and -breaking all kinds of interest among them, and by laying waste all -fast countries in Ireland, and suffer no mankind to live there but -within garrisons,' adding that declarations were about to issue for -laying waste all Kerry and Wicklow, and portions--in some instances the -greater part--of seventeen other counties. This was written shortly -before the surrender of Cloughoughter, and after that the guerrilla -warfare degenerated into mere brigandage. We are not to suppose that -the whole ruthless programme was carried out; but no doubt the facts -were bad enough. Ludlow was Jones's colleague, and he speaks of the -'poor wasted country of Ireland,' adding that the Irish had always -exhausted the land by bad cultivation, and of late worse than ever, -'being in daily apprehensions of being removed.' Not long afterwards -Petty found the people living on potatoes, and the cultivation of -that dangerous root must have been stimulated by the confusion of the -past twelve years. It was then and for many years later the practice -to dig out the tubers just as they were wanted. Such a crop could not -well be carried away or destroyed, and if the sowers escaped the sword -they would find something to eat for nine months out of the twelve; -while corn could be easily cut or burned, and cattle still more easily -driven off. The famine caused by war and by the destruction of food in -districts not under protection was accompanied by the plague, which -was rife in Galway and many other places. 'It fearfully broke out in -Cashel,' says Jones, 'the people being taken suddenly with madness, -whereof they die instantly; twenty died in that manner in three days -in that little town.' Dublin did not escape. 'About the years 1652 and -1653,' says Colonel Lawrence, who had every opportunity of judging, -'the plague and famine had swept away whole countries that a man -might travel twenty or thirty miles and not see a living creature, -either man, beast, or bird, they being either all dead or had quit -those desolate places.' He had himself seen starving wretches pick -carrion out of a ditch, and had heard of cases in which human flesh was -eaten. Wolves increased enormously, and rewards were given for their -heads.[243] - -[Sidenote: Treatment of priests.] - -[Sidenote: Galway.] - -[Sidenote: Cloughoughter.] - -[Sidenote: A Dominican's experience.] - -While the war still raged, Roman Catholic priests were for the most -part either not mentioned in capitulations or specially excluded from -the benefit of them. At Limerick some were excepted by name, and -all were refused protection; but later the terms were not quite so -rigorous. At Galway they were allowed six months to leave the country. -At Roscommon the chaplain was allowed to go out with the garrison. -When the Clare brigade surrendered to Waller, all persons in Roman -orders were excepted, but he covenanted 'industriously to solicit -the Commissioners of Parliament that such of the clergy in orders, -having no other act or crime laid to their charge than officiating -their functions as priests, not being suffered to live in quarters -or protection, shall have passes and liberty to go beyond the seas.' -Reynolds did much the same in Ulster. A large number of the clergy -fled to Innisbofin, and when it was surrendered they were all given -protection for life and goods, with leave to accompany the garrison -abroad. At Cloughoughter, which was the last fortified place, they were -given a month to go, provided they did not officiate in the meanwhile. -Out of a great many extant letters from fugitive priests, that of a -Dominican friar named O'Conor may be singled out. The brethren of his -Order had, he says, continually roused Catholics by preaching to the -soldiers and inciting the nobles to take up arms, living constantly -among them in the woods and mountains, and opposing every proposal for -surrender or capitulation. He himself had been prior of Kilkenny, where -he strenuously supported Rinuccini, and was therefore thrice condemned -to banishment by the Supreme Council, 'having excited the anger of all -heretics and bad Catholics.' After the fall of Kilkenny he became prior -of Burrishoole, in Mayo, where his convent was for three years the -refuge of religious persons. Two attacks were beaten off, but at last -the place was taken by storm. The soldiers were killed and some of the -friars; others fled to the mountains. Accompanied by one boy, he took -a skiff made out of a single log and went six leagues into the open -ocean, almost miraculously making his way to Innisbofin. After a short -time, seven Parliamentary ships with twenty-two boats hove in sight, -and it became necessary to surrender the island. He was transported -with the rest, on pain of death if he revisited Ireland, where an edict -had been published exiling all ecclesiastics on the same terms, with -severe penalties against all who helped them.[244] - -[Sidenote: An edict against Jesuits and seminarists.] - -The edict mentioned by Father O'Conor and by many other clerical -writers of the same time was an order, signed by Fleetwood, Ludlow, -Corbet, and Jones, setting forth the experience of many years, 'that -Jesuits, seminary priests, and persons in Popish orders in Ireland, -estrange the people from due obedience to the English Commonwealth, -and, under pretence of religion, excite them to rebellion, which gave -rise to the barbarous murders of 1641 and the destructive war which -followed.' They were all to leave Ireland within twenty days, or incur -the penalties of the English Act, 27 Elizabeth, which had never been -the law of Ireland, and which made the priests traitors and their -abettors felons.[245] - -[Sidenote: The swordsmen sent abroad.] - -[Sidenote: Great numbers take foreign service.] - -[Sidenote: Their ill-treatment in Spain.] - -[Sidenote: Better received in France.] - -[Sidenote: Clarendon's reflection.] - -Chichester strove to get the swordsmen of Ulster into the Swedish -service, where they might help the Protestant cause almost without -knowing it. After the disbanding of Strafford's army the English -Parliament had very naturally, but very unwisely, prevented the men -from going to Spain, thus aggravating, if not actually causing, the -outbreak in 1641. Cromwell profited by experience, and saw that even in -the service of the Catholic king the survivors of the Irish war would -be much less dangerous than in their own country. At the beginning of -1653 the Commissioners reported that 13,000 had already gone, but that -there were still left 'many desperate rogues who know not how to live -but by robbing and stealing out of bogs and fastnesses.' By July the -number had risen to 27,000. There were, says Petty, who was in Ireland -at the time and whose estimate is rather under that of his friend -Gookin, 'transported of them into Spain, Flanders, France, 34,000 -soldiers; and of boys, women, priests, &c., no less than 6000 more,' of -whom not half had returned in 1672. The Spanish Government broke all -their promises and treated the Irish officers and soldiers very badly, -so that whole regiments passed over from time to time into the service -of France. In both services the dissensions which had been so fatal in -Ireland continued between Celts and Anglo-Irish and between Ormondists -and Nuncionists. Hyde, who knew Spain and had suffered many things -there, excuses the desertions in Catalonia, which were stimulated by -Inchiquin, and the ill-conduct of the Irish at Bordeaux, which caused -the loss of that city, by the extreme ill-usage which they had received -from the Spanish authorities. There were many needy Irish officers in -London who were glad to contract with Cardenas for the transport of -men. Philip found money enough to make this remunerative, but when the -Irish were once landed in his country no further trouble was taken. -'The soldiers, who were crowded more together into one ship than was -fit for so long voyages, had contracted many diseases, and many were -dead and thrown overboard. As soon as they came upon the coast the -officers made haste to land, how far soever from the place at which -they stood bound to deliver their men; by which in those places which -could make resistance they were not suffered to land, and in others no -provision was made for their reception on march; but very great numbers -were starved or knocked in the head by the country people.' All this, -Clarendon adds, 'manifested how loose the government was.' Mazarin -managed much better. The passage to France was shorter, and he took -care that there should be no want of shipping and better accommodation -on landing, so that at least 20,000 Irishmen came into the French -service, though from old associations they would have preferred that -of Spain. And the historian notes that Cromwell had been able to send -abroad 40,000 men who would have been enough to drive him out of -England; while the King's Lieutenant, notwithstanding all the promises, -obligations, and contracts which the Confederate Roman Catholics had -made to and with him, could not draw together a body of 5000 men.[246] - -[Sidenote: Arrival of Fleetwood, Sept. 1653.] - -[Sidenote: A High Court established.] - -[Sidenote: Trials at Kilkenny, Clonmel, and Cork.] - -On June 8 Fleetwood married Ireton's widow, and on July 10 his -father-in-law made him commander-in-chief in Ireland. In the following -month he was appointed by Parliament a commissioner for the civil -government along with the regicides Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, and -John Weaver, the member for Stamford. Fleetwood was in Ireland by the -beginning of September, but there was not much left for a general -to do except to superintend the reduction of the army. The dregs of -the war had to be dealt with first, but the Commissioners were given -great powers in the domain of law and justice, and their first care -was for the punishment of those to whom murder could be brought home. -Doctor Jones had already received orders to collect evidence. A High -Court was erected in Dublin under Chief Justice Lowther, who issued -commissions to find and examine witnesses in the country. Local courts -were also established, the first of which, consisting of Justices -Donnellan and Cook and Commissary-General Reynolds, sat on October 4 at -Kilkenny in the room where the Supreme Council had been used to meet. -Notwithstanding the difficulty of getting evidence eleven years after -the first outbreak, sixteen persons were found guilty at Kilkenny, six -at Clonmel, and thirty-two at Cork; and we are told that most of these -were very considerable men, heads of septs or otherwise important. The -High Court in Dublin did not sit until January.[247] - -[Sidenote: Uncertainty as to number executed.] - -[Sidenote: Sir Phelim O'Neill.] - -It was considered murder to kill persons not in arms or who had been -received to quarter, and this was the general principle on which -prosecutions were based. The record is imperfect, but Cox estimated -that not above two hundred died by the hands of the common executioner, -though many murderers had perished by the sword or by disease. Hearsay -evidence was probably admitted to an extent which would not be dreamed -of in our days, but trials were carefully conducted, and there were a -great many acquittals. Of the original insurgents surviving, by far -the most important were Sir Phelim O'Neill, who had lurked in Tyrone -since the surrender of Charlemont, where his wife remained. Early in -1653 he ventured, with a view of communicating with her, to take up his -abode in an old house on an island in Roghan Lough, near Coalisland, -accompanied by Tirlogh Groom O'Quin and a score of soldiers. His -messenger was a follower named O'Hugh, who was under protection at -Charlemont, and Lord Caulfield's attention was thus roused. The little -lake was surrounded and boats were launched upon it, and the island, -which was very near the shore, was quite indefensible even against -musketry. Sir Phelim surrendered, and was taken to Carrickfergus, -where he was very civilly treated by Venables, who had found him a -gallant enemy. He was sent off to Dublin and tried there upon the last -day of February, his companions, with the exception of O'Quin, being -released.[248] - -[Sidenote: Sir Phelim is found guilty.] - -[Sidenote: The case of Lord Caulfield.] - -O'Neill was sentenced to death for high treason and for four murders -proved against him, according to the judge's notes. That he had -levied war against the King is obvious, and the question is not worth -discussing. He was not accused of murdering any one with his own hand, -but as an accessory before the fact or by giving orders to the actual -assassins. In the case of Lord Caulfield the fragments of evidence -which we possess do not make the facts absolutely clear. The original -capture was treacherous in the highest degree, and the murder was -committed by Sir Phelim's foster-brother. The young lord had been over -five months O'Neill's prisoner at or near Charlemont, and according to -one witness he directed the escort to take him to Cloughoughter, in -Cavan. Sir Phelim's own house at Kinard was the first halting-place, -and there the deed was done, fifteen or sixteen of Caulfield's Scotch -and English dependants being slaughtered at the same time. O'Neill was -not present, but he had used very suspicious language shortly before, -and the assassin was allowed to escape in his gaoler's company, and was -not caught. Of three warders, one who was an Irishman was not punished, -while the other two, being English and Scotch, were duly hanged by Sir -Phelim's orders. The gaoler was restored to his post at Armagh. In all -the cases much of the evidence is hearsay; but the murders charged, -with many others, were committed within a few miles of Charlemont, and -Sir Phelim, who commanded in chief, never punished anybody. Michael -Harrison swore that in December 1641 he heard O'Neill say, 'with great -ostentation, that he would never leave off the work he had begun -until mass should be sung or said in every church in Ireland, and -that a Protestant should not live in Ireland, be he of what nation he -would.'[249] - -[Sidenote: Execution of Sir Phelim O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: The alleged royal commission.] - -[Sidenote: Sham commissions were shown.] - -O'Neill was hanged, drawn, and quartered, one quarter being impaled at -Lisburn, which he had burned; another at Dundalk, which he had taken; -a third at Drogheda, which he had vainly besieged; and a fourth, with -the head, at Dublin, which he had plotted to surprise. Tirlogh Groom -O'Quin, who was captured with him and who had been his close associate -in the early days of the rebellion, was executed later, and his head -set upon the west gate of Carrickfergus. There has been much discussion -as to the exact relation of Sir Phelim and the other original -conspirators to Charles I., and the declaration of Dean Ker in 1681 -was long accepted as evidence. Attempts have been made to set aside -Ker's statement, on the ground that he wanted to be a bishop, that he -spoke twenty-eight years after the fact, and that it was impossible -that things which happened in open court should have remained doubtful -for so long. It is certain that he never became a bishop, and there is -nothing to prove that he wished to be one. By his own showing he had -often mentioned the matter to his friend or patron, Lord Lanesborough, -who at last persuaded him to write it down. There is never anything -extraordinary in London being ignorant of what happens in Dublin; -and after the Restoration no one had any interest in recalling the -proceedings of the Cromwellian High Court there. The late King's -position as a saint and martyr was then undisputed, and the Church of -England was not on her defence. A more important difficulty is that the -Dean says he heard Michael Harrison, who only saved his life by acting -as secretary to Sir Phelim, confess in open court that he attached the -Great Seal to a sham commission, and that O'Neill, when pressed by the -judges, answered 'that no man could blame him to promote that cause -he had so far engaged in.' In his sworn deposition Harrison says Sir -Phelim had often spoken of a commission from the King, but he had never -been able to get a sight of it, though it was generally believed to -exist. It seems certain that a sham commission of some sort was shown -not only in Ulster but in Munster; and there is no difficulty about -believing that O'Neill should not have wished to die with a lie in -his mouth, or that hopes of mercy should have been held out to him if -he would implicate Charles. If the commission were forged, it matters -little whether the seal was that of England or Scotland; either would -do to exhibit at a distance. We know from the judge's notes that -O'Neill was believed to have altered a genuine document, and that a -copy was produced in court. It is not impossible that Harrison may have -been employed to affix a seal to some instrument which he had not been -allowed to read. The memory of Charles I. has much to bear, but he -could not have given a commission authorising a general insurrection. -He had been angling for Roman Catholic help before the outbreak of the -rebellion, and many may have been persuaded that they were doing his -will by rising against the Lords Justices; but it is not at all likely -that any of the leaders were of this opinion.[250] - -[Sidenote: Lord Muskerry acquitted.] - -[Sidenote: His speech after trial.] - -Lord Muskerry was not one of the first conspirators, but he joined the -movement soon after it had spread to Munster. After the surrender of -Ross Castle he went to Spain, but he had been a determined opponent -of Rinuccini, and he found the clergy so hostile that his life was -not safe. At Lisbon his reception was little better, and he gave up -his plan of raising troops for the Peninsula, returned to Cork, and -threw himself upon the mercy of Parliament. This was in February 1653, -and he remained a prisoner in Dublin until his trial in December. In -the meantime Lady Ormonde had arrived there, and naturally interested -herself in his behalf. If Carte was rightly informed, Lowther did what -he could by privately informing her of the line which the prosecution -would take, and so enabling the prisoner to be prepared for his defence -at all points. He was not tried for treason, but as accessory to the -murder of Mrs. Hussey and others in 1642; and this resulted in an -acquittal. There was another charge for the murder of William Deane and -others, also in 1642, and it was held that the prosecutors had proved -the facts, but that the prisoner had no real share in what was done, -and was in any case protected by the Ross articles. It was, moreover, -shown that he often acted a humane and merciful part. A separate -count, for the murder of Roger Skinner, also resulted in an acquittal. -Muskerry was not finally discharged for some months, and this delay -may have been caused by the discovery that a printed copy of the Ross -articles produced on the trial differed from the original which had -been retained by Ludlow. He was charged in May 1654 with the murder -of a man and woman unknown, but there was a verdict of 'Not Guilty.' -Muskerry's speech after his acquittal on the Hussey and Deane charges -has been preserved. He admitted that he had had a fair trial, and that -if there had been any leaning it was in his favour. 'I met,' he said, -'many crosses in Spain and Portugal. I could get no rest till I came -hither, and the crosses I met here are much affliction to me; but when -I consider that in this court I come clear out of that blackness of -blood by being so sifted, it is more to me than my estate. I can live -without my estate, but not without my credit.' He raised men for the -Venetian service, and went later to Poland, and regained most of his -property after the Restoration.[251] - -[Sidenote: Primate O'Reilly found guilty.] - -[Sidenote: O'Reilly pardoned.] - -Another remarkable case was that of Edmund O'Reilly, then or later -vicar-general of Dublin and afterwards Primate, for the murder of John -Joyce and others at Wicklow in December 1642. They appear to have -been burned in Wicklow Castle in cold blood. Most of the evidence was -hearsay, and does not perhaps amount to much more than that O'Reilly -made rather light of what had been done. Luke Byrne, indeed, swore that -in a conversation when Joyce was mentioned O'Reilly had advised him -to kill all the English about him, and had afterwards excommunicated -him for favouring them. The prisoner answered that this Byrne was his -enemy, and that he had excommunicated him for living in adultery. -Perhaps the strongest point against O'Reilly was made by Peter -Wickham, who had been High Sheriff of Wicklow, and who stated that -Edward Byrne was put off the jury because he, as foreman, was prepared -to say that Joyce and the rest were murdered. Edward Byrne himself -corroborated this. On the other hand, a witness bearing the English -name of Pemberton swore that O'Reilly had done many acts of kindness -and preserved many English lives, including those of five Protestant -clergymen. These cases were all a good deal later than Joyce's murder, -and it is not improbable that, while favouring the rebellion at first, -he became afterwards disgusted at the outrages that attended it. He -was found guilty, but received a pardon. Peter Walsh, who was bitterly -opposed to O'Reilly, speaks of him as rather a good-natured and -merciful man, but adds that he escaped owing to 'his former services -to the Parliament, especially that of betraying the royal camp at -Rathmines to Jones.' He was certainly engaged in secret negotiations -between Jones and Owen Roe O'Neill in 1648, and it may well be that -there was no wish to deal hardly with him. Walsh says he was under -protection within the Parliament's lines, and in that unsafe position -was rash enough to appear in Dublin as a witness for the prosecution -in a criminal trial. He was recognised and named by a person in court, -who called upon the judge to arrest him as priest and vicar-general and -chief author of seizing and burning in cessation time the black castle -of Wicklow, and consequently too of murdering all those within it. 'Now -whether this accusation was in itself true or false I know not.'[252] - -[Sidenote: Trial of Lord Mayo, who is shot.] - -Sir Theodore Bourke, third Viscount Mayo, submitted on July 14, 1652, -and was one of the seven who signed on behalf of a large number. Those -guilty of robbery or murder during the first year of the war were -excluded from any benefit by the articles. Lord Mayo was tried at -Galway as accessory to the Shrule massacre by a commission consisting -of Sir Charles Coote and ten others. He was undoubtedly present at the -murders, and he rode away without fighting for the victims, who were -supposed to be under his protection; but there was evidence to show -that he did make some effort to save them, and that he fled only to -secure his own life. Four of the commissioners were for an acquittal, -but he was condemned by a majority and shot.[253] - -[Sidenote: Cost of the war.] - -[Sidenote: The city of London.] - -War is a costly business. First there is the blood-tax, withdrawing -thousands of young men from remunerative work. Then there is the -expenditure on war materials, and the destruction of property, which -may take long to replace. In modern times soldiers are paid punctually, -but some part of the waste has to be met by loans, and so the expense -of war goes on when its causes are half forgotten. In the case of the -Irish rebellion, it was seen at once that the work could not be paid -for out of revenue. Except for a moment under Strafford, Ireland had -never been self-supporting, and Parliament, upon whom the King at once -cast the responsibility, as yet commanded no regular income and could -not pledge the national credit. The city of London was willing enough -to give money, but security for repayment was required, and 2500 acres -of Irish land were hypothecated for this purpose. It was assumed, -judging by the great area affected, and by the experience of former -rebellions, that a very much larger amount would be forfeited. Those -who subscribed would have something to sell as soon as their money had -done its work. In addition to this it proved, just as in Elizabeth's -time, that there was never ready cash enough to pay the soldiers -in full, and their arrears also were made a charge upon the Irish -forfeitures. There were also many miscellaneous creditors who expected -to be paid out of the same fund.[254] - -[Sidenote: Charles I. a party to the plan of settlement.] - -[Sidenote: Money subscribed for Ireland,] - -[Sidenote: but spent in England.] - -It is unnecessary to set out in detail the negotiations which led -to the passing of the Act for the speedy reduction of the rebels -in Ireland, but it received the royal assent and was therefore a -legal statute forming the basis of what is known as the Cromwellian -settlement. Charles II. was bound by it, for the original contract -could not be denied. Six hundred and twenty-five thousand acres were -pledged in each province, and the money advanced was to be repaid with -land distributed by lot at the rate of 1000 acres in Ulster for every -200_l._, in Connaught for every 300_l._, in Munster for every 450_l._, -and in Leinster for every 600_l._ Profitable land only was counted, -bogs, loughs, and barren mountains with the woods growing on them, -being thrown in without measurement. A quit-rent was reserved to the -Crown of one penny per acre in Ulster, three halfpence in Connaught, -twopence farthing in Munster, and threepence in Leinster. Patents -and pardons before attainder since the fatal October 23, 1641, were -declared void, and so were assignments made after March 1 in that year. -A special cause of forfeiture was entering after the said March 1 into -'any compact, bond, covenant, oath, promise, or agreement to introduce -or bring into the said realm of Ireland the authority of the see of -Rome in any case whatsoever or to maintain or defend the same.' The -money subscribed was all to be paid in London, and it was specially -provided that no part of it was to be devoted to any purpose except -the reduction of the Irish rebels until Parliament should declare -that the thing was done. But it very soon became evident that there -would be war nearer home and long before the time limited for closing -the collection. One hundred thousand pounds was borrowed by the House -of Commons for their own purposes 'upon the public faith.' Charles -protested, as he had every right to do, but he set up his standard at -Nottingham only nine days later, having already proclaimed Essex a -traitor. The Irish difficulty could not be effectively dealt with until -it was decided who was to be master in England.[255] - -[Sidenote: Further financial enactments.] - -[Sidenote: The doubling ordinance.] - -[Sidenote: Superstitious uses.] - -[Sidenote: The settlement suspended by war.] - -Three Acts to explain or extend the original one were passed soon -afterwards. By the first special arrangements were made for admitting -Scotch adventurers and Dutch Protestants on or before May 10, 1642; by -the second, subscribers who paid all their money before July 20, 1642, -were to have Irish acres based upon a perch of twenty-one feet, new -contributors and those who were not so prompt, being still confined -to English measure, with a perch of sixteen and a half feet, by the -third corporations and companies were admitted to contribute as well -as individuals. A permanent committee sat in London to watch the -interests of the adventurers. Ordinances affecting them were made from -time to time, of which one of the most important was that of July 14, -1643, doubling the amount of land to be given in Irish acres for an -additional one-fourth to the original subscription, and encouraging -merchants and manufacturers to advance money on the security of the -towns and neighbourhoods of Limerick, Waterford, Galway, and Wexford. -All chantry lands 'given, unto superstitious uses for maintenance -of popish priests and idolatrous masses' were thrown in, and also -all lands 'given for maintenance of lazars and lazarous people and -concealed in possession and occupation of such who are now or shall be -rebels, and have been by their ancestors enjoyed by many descents.' -Some months before this, at the beginning of October 1642, the House -of Commons sent a committee to Ireland consisting of Robert Goodwin -and Robert Reynolds, adventurers and members of Parliament, and of -Captain William Tucker, who was associated with them by the City of -London. They disagreed among themselves, and effected nothing for the -adventurers, but their pretensions gave the King an opportunity of -interfering. Dublin was secured in Ormonde's hands, and so it remained -until Charles was overthrown in England. But civil government was in -abeyance long after that, and it was not until August 1652, when the -Irish war seemed to be nearly over, that Parliament was able to declare -how Irish land should be dealt with.[256] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[241] _Aphorismical Discovery_, iii. 143; John Jones to Major Scott, -March 1, 1652-3, _ib._ 370; Articles for Arran, January 15, _Contemp. -Hist._, iii. 364; Articles for Innisbofin, February 14, _ib._ See also -O'Flaherty's _Western Connaught_, pp. 78, 116. - -[242] Letter from John Jones to Major Scott, March 1, 1652-3, and -another to Morgan Lloyd (without date, but later than May of the same -year), both in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 370-373; Articles with Ulster -party, April 27, 1653, _ib._ 374. - -[243] Two letters of John Jones, _ut sup._; Richard Lawrence's -_Interest of Ireland_, 1682, ii. 86. Many horrors are set forth in -Prendergast's _Cromwellian Settlement_, 2nd ed. 307. - -[244] Articles for Limerick, October 27, 1651; for Galway, April 5, -1652; for Roscommon, April 3; for the Clare brigade, April 21; for the -Ulster Irish, September 21; for Innisbofin, February 14, 1652-3; for -Cloughoughter, April 27 to May 18, 1653. The above and many others are -in vol. iii. of _Contemp. Hist._, except the articles for Galway, which -are in Hardiman's _Hist. of Galway_, appx. p. xxix. Father O'Conor's -letter of May 17, 1653, from Brussels, is in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, -i. 398 (Latin). In another letter from Brussels of May 3, signed by the -Bishops of Raphoe and Clonfert, who were also in Innisbofin, there is -a curious mixture of Virgil and Vulgate: 'hæc est hora hæreticorum et -potestas tenebrarum. Dabit Deus his quoque finem. Via prima salutis, -quo minime remur, Anglo pandetur ab orbe [_sic_],' _ib._ 398. - -[245] O'Daly's _Geraldines_ (Meehan's version, 1847), chap. xi.; -Collier's _Ecclesiastical History_, vii. 42. The order is dated January -2, 1652-3. - -[246] Clarendon's _Hist. of the Rebellion_, xii. 148, 149; a letter -from Sparke (imprisoned at Madrid for Ascham's murder), March 4, -1652-3, in Cal. of _Clarendon MSS._, mentions 'drovers and sellers -of the King's poor subjects, merchants that now find the miserable -Irishman to be the best commodity in trade ... one went lately hence -with a vast sum of money (pretium sanguinis) laden on mules.' Hyde to -Bellings, August 8, 1653, _ib._, and to Sir Benjamin Wright, September -13, _ib._; letters in _Thurloe_ from June to September, i. 320, 337, -479, 504; Petty's _Political Anatomy of Ireland_, chap. 4. Gookin in -his anti-transplantation pamphlet says '40,000 of the most active -spirited men' enlisted for foreign service. - -[247] Cromwell's warrant to Fleetwood in _Thurloe_, i. 212; -instructions to the Commissioners, in _Parliamentary Hist._ xx. -92. Nineteen superior officers to Lenthall, May 5, 1652, in appx. -to _Ludlow_; the Commissioners' letters of October 14 and January -15, _ib._; Carlyle's _Cromwell_, ed. Lomas, ii. 246. See Gardiner's -_Commonwealth_, ii. 164, and _Cox_, ii. 70. - -[248] The details as to O'Neill's capture are from the British -Officer's _Warr of Ireland_, p. 144. The writer says 'twenty gentlemen -of Ulster suffered for matters at the beginning of the war, of which -some suffered innocently, as then it was said, where some of those who -were judges were their enemy in war time.' Col. Jones to Scott, March -1, 1652-3, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 372. Sir Phelim's third wife was -Lady Strabane, a daughter of the 1st Marquis of Huntly. - -[249] Deposition of Michael Harrison, taken February 11, 1652-3, in -_Hickson_, i. 223-233; Notes of the trial with the President's charge -and O'Neill's own deposition or confession, _ib._ ii. 183-190; Note to -Archdall's ed. of Lodge's _Irish Peerage_, iii. 140. - -[250] Dean Ker's statement, dated February 28, 1681-2, was first -published by Nalson (ii. 528) in the following year. Nalson says he -had the paper from Ormonde, and probably Lord Lanesborough, who had -been the Duke's secretary, procured it for that very purpose. It is -reprinted in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 368 and _Hickson_, ii. 370. The -spurious commission in Rushworth, iv. 400, dated October 1, 1641, was -under the Great Seal of Scotland, which could have no value in Ireland. -By it Charles is made to authorise the seizure of all strong places in -Ireland 'except the places, persons and estates of our loving subjects -the Scots; and also to arrest and seize the goods, estates, and persons -of all the English Protestants' to his use. Imagination refuses to -conceive that he could have used such words. For discussions on this -subject see Gardiner's _Hist. of England_, x. 7, 92; Burton's _Hist. -of Scotland_, vi. 347, ed. 1876; _Hickson_, i. 117. The paper called -Antrim's 'Information,' appx. 49 to _Cox_, really proves nothing, and -he was a notoriously loose talker. - -[251] Trial in _Hickson_, ii. 192-204, 235; _Ludlow_, i. 341; Fleetwood -to Thurloe, February 16, 1653-4, in _Thurloe_, ii. 94. Notices in Cal. -of _Clarendon MSS._, vol. ii. during 1653 and 1654; Carte's _Life of -Ormonde_, ii. 161. Muskerry married Lady Eleanor Butler, Ormonde's -eldest sister. - -[252] Notes of trial in _Hickson_, ii., where the murder is said to -have been on December 29, 1642, which was before the cessation, but -there may have been a local truce; _Bellings_, vii. 104; Walsh's -_Remonstrance_, p. 609. - -[253] For the Shrule affair see above. Cox gives the names of the -commissioners and how they voted, with a fair summary of the case. - -[254] A paper printed by Mr. Firth in _English Hist. Review_, xiv. 104, -makes the expense of war and settlement from July 6, 1649, to November -1, 1656, amount to about three and a half millions, of which one and a -half was transmitted out of England, the remainder collected in Ireland. - -[255] Act for the speedy and effectual reducing of the rebels in His -Majesty's Kingdom of Ireland &c., _Scobell_, i. 26 (Royal Assent, March -19, 1641-2). Resolution of the Commons to borrow 100,000_l._, July 30, -1641, in _Rushworth_, iv. 778, and the King's message from York, August -13, _ib._ 775. - -[256] Acts and ordinance in _Scobell_, i. 31-34, 45; _Rushworth_, v. -530; Tucker's Journal in _Confed. and War_, ii. 170. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVII - -PEACE, SETTLEMENT, AND TRANSPLANTATION, 1652-1654 - - -[Sidenote: Settlement. Magnitude of the problem.] - -[Sidenote: Scheme of two Protestant Pales.] - -[Sidenote: Claim of the Adventurers.] - -[Sidenote: Meeting of officers at Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: Effect of the evidence about 1641.] - -At the beginning of 1652 the Commissioners in Ireland could see that -the war was near its end, but there were still about 30,000 men in -arms against them. Their first object was to get these fighting men -out of Ireland, in which they succeeded, and after that to begin the -scheme of colonisation which had been contemplated from the first. -They adhered to the original idea of the Act of March 1642, by which -forfeited lands were to be assigned to the Adventurers in each of the -four provinces, the counties earmarked for the purpose being Kilkenny, -Wexford, Carlow, Westmeath, and Longford in Leinster, Limerick and -Kerry in Munster, Cavan, Monaghan, Fermanagh, and Donegal in Ulster, -Clare, Galway, Leitrim, and Sligo in Connaught, as the divisions then -ran, others being held in reserve in case the above-named should be -insufficient. By this means the settlers would be near one another, -and afford mutual protection. It was also proposed to make a permanent -Pale between the Boyne and the Barrow with a strong garrison in -Wicklow, and another between the Suir and the southern Blackwater. The -territory within those rivers could be easily and cheaply protected, -and would soon be well inhabited, and the soldiers who held it were -to be fixed in Roman fashion with reduced pay and farms instead of -arrears, 'provided that such of them as marry with Irish women shall -lose their commands, forfeit their arrears, and be made incapable to -inhabit lands in Ireland.' After the receipt of the Commissioners' -despatch, the Committee of Adventurers were called upon to make -proposals for a speedy plantation. They accordingly claimed 281,812_l._ -for original advances, and 12,283_l._ under the ordinance of 1643, -involving grants of 1,038,234 acres. They objected to the suggested -arrangements, and demanded contiguous lands in Leinster and Munster, -including the city of Waterford. The war was not yet over, and Tories -were numerous, so that there would be no safety otherwise, and English -labourers were scarce on account of the disafforestations at home. -They therefore refused to be bound to time or to pay taxes until the -country was really settled, lest they should be ruined while their -highly paid servants grew rich, as had happened in New England. Weaver -was sent over in April to represent the Irish Government, but the -Adventurers stood their ground. Three years from September 29, 1652, -had been proposed as the limit of time to be occupied in planting, but -it would be impossible within it to provide dwellings for 40,000 men -and their families. Less than that number would not do, nor could the -work begin until the counties assigned were 'cleared of Tories or of -other Irish which by the propositions may not be admitted to be in the -plantation, though Protestants.' They only waited till the country was -made safe, and till they knew more accurately what lands they had to -escheat, 'and that all men's estates not forfeited should be cleared -and known.' Otherwise they might be involved in hopeless litigation -with Lord Cork and many others, who were not at all implicated in the -rebellion. On April 17, one month before this answer was given, the -general and field officers in Ireland, including Ludlow, Corbet, and -Jones, met at Kilkenny, where they heard Dr. Jones's abstract of the -depositions taken concerning murders committed during the rebellion. -They were already inclined to think that some of the capitulations had -been too lenient, and the reading of this terrible paper confirmed -them. To many the facts were new, others, who had been in Ireland since -1641, had never known them in so concrete a form, and they feared that -men at a distance might be moved through ignorance to lenity, 'which we -have found no small temptation in ourselves ... and considering that so -many murders have been committed that few of the former English were -left undestroyed (especially men who had any particular knowledge of -the massacre, and of those the greater part are since deceased) so that -few of the rebels can be particularly discriminated by any evidence now -to be produced, as the usual course of justice doth require, yet those -barbarous, cruel murders having been so generally joined in and since -justified by the whole nation, &c.' And they suggested to Parliament -that 'in duty towards God, the great avenger of such villainies,' they -should not delay to decide upon the 'qualifications and exceptions' -desirable. The abstract of evidence which had so greatly impressed the -officers accompanied their despatch, which was read in Parliament on -May 18, and we may well believe that its effect was considerable in -moulding legislation. In the interval between May and August the idea -of transplantation took shape, and Connaught was left out of the area -within which Adventurers and soldiers might seek their reward.[257] - -[Sidenote: Classification of Irish delinquents.] - -[Sidenote: Exceptions by name.] - -[Sidenote: First sketch of transplantation.] - -[Sidenote: Existing agreements to be observed.] - -The Act of Settlement upon which all subsequent proceedings were -founded declared that it was 'not the intention of the Parliament to -extirpate that whole nation.' Pardon might be extended to the inferior -sort of people on condition of submission and peaceable behaviour. -Those of higher rank, 'according to the respective demerits and -considerations under which they fell,' were divided into ten classes -or qualifications, of which the first five were excepted from pardon -for life and estate. The first comprised all who before November 10, -1642, when the Kilkenny assembly first met, had anything to say to -the rebellion, murders, or massacre. The second clause included all -ecclesiastical persons in Roman orders who had been so concerned, the -penalty in their cases extending to 'violences' less than murder -or open insurrection. The third consisted of one hundred and four -persons excepted by name, including Ormonde, Castlehaven, Clanricarde, -Inchiquin, Muskerry, and seventeen other temporal peers. Bishop -Bramhall came next, and among the rest were Sir Phelim O'Neill, General -Preston, and Roger O'More. The fourth qualification covered those -who at any time after October 1, 1641, had a hand in killing any one -except soldiers, and all Irishmen who, not being soldiers themselves, -had killed Englishmen who were. The fifth clause condemned all who -did not lay down their arms within twenty-eight days of the Act being -published by authority in Ireland. The sixth clause provided for the -banishment of all superior military officers and for the forfeiture of -two-thirds of their estates, the value of the remaining third to be -enjoyed by their wives and children 'in such places in Ireland as the -Parliament, in order to the more effectual settlement of the peace of -this nation, shall think fit to appoint for that purpose.' The seventh -clause empowered the Commissioners to pardon others who had fought and -submitted, and they also were deprived of two-thirds of their property, -but might continue in Ireland upon the equivalent of one-third wherever -the Parliament might assign it. The eighth applied to Papists who -had lived in Ireland since October 23, 1641, 'and had not manifested -their constant good affection to the interest of the Commonwealth of -England'; they were to forfeit one-third, and other persons who might -have helped the Parliament and failed to do so were deprived of only -one-fifth. The ninth clause granted pardon for life and estate to those -who had no land and not more than ten pounds personalty, provided they -laid down their arms within the prescribed time. The tenth clause -swept into the net all estates tail and trusts created after March -25, 1639, but English Protestants who purchased for value before the -beginning of the rebellion were protected. There was a final proviso -granting to all the benefit of any articles granted provided they had -observed them on their part, but the Commissioners had, nevertheless, -power to 'transplant' them to any such place in Ireland as should be -'judged most consistent with public safety,' where they were to have -land equivalent to what they would have enjoyed had they not been so -removed.[258] - -[Sidenote: Lambert named for Deputy,] - -[Sidenote: but the appointment is not made.] - -[Sidenote: Fleetwood at head of Irish Government, July 1652.] - -At the end of January 1652, a little more than two months after -Ireton's death, Lambert was named by Parliament as Deputy to Cromwell, -who was still Lord Lieutenant; and he made preparations for filling -the place brilliantly. Mrs. Hutchinson says he laid out five thousand -pounds on his outfit, and gave himself airs of superiority, 'looking -upon all the Parliament men who had conferred this honour on him as -underlings, and scarcely worth the great man's nod.' Weaver's influence -was cast against him, and before Cromwell's commission had actually -expired the House resolved to abolish the Lord Lieutenancy and to -appoint no Deputy. Lambert was told he might command the army as Ludlow -had been doing, sharing the civil power with the other commissioners; -but he refused this offer, and Cromwell, who became Captain-General, -appointed Fleetwood. Ludlow says this was a deep-laid plot on the part -of Cromwell, who was jealous of his steadfast republicanism, and that -he was thus able to secure a useful servant in his son-in-law, and at -the same time to set such a dangerous rival as Lambert against the -Parliament. On the other hand there is evidence that Cromwell thought -him badly treated, and he requested that 2000_l._ of arrears due to -himself as Lord Lieutenant might be paid to Lambert. Ludlow, Corbet, -and Jones remained in Ireland as Fleetwood's colleagues, but Weaver, -though reappointed, became obnoxious to the military party, and never -returned thither. Fresh instructions were issued as soon as the Act of -Settlement had passed, and Fleetwood landed at Waterford in September -1652. The Commissioners were ordered to publish and circulate the Act, -and to put it in force in Ireland, as well as all ordinances affecting -the estates of delinquents and Papists and of the bishops and chapters. -They were to raise a revenue not exceeding 40,000_l._ a month upon -lands and goods in Ireland, and to watch the financial interests -of the State in every way, and they were given power 'to send into -England or such other places as you shall think fit, any persons whose -residence in those parts from which they are so to be removed, you -shall judge dangerous to this Commonwealth.'[259] - -[Sidenote: Necessity for further legislation.] - -[Sidenote: The Long Parliament expelled, April 20, 1653.] - -The Act of Settlement only laid foundations, and further legislation -was required before the work of colonisation could be actually -undertaken. At the end of 1652, although the war was not quite over, -the Commissioners urged upon Parliament the necessity of expedition. -'The two great businesses,' they wrote a few weeks later, 'which now -lie before us are how to lessen your charge and how to plant the -country, but neither of these can be done to any effect till we do hear -your pleasure about the Bill before you for giving satisfaction to -the Adventurers and also to satisfy the arrears of the soldiers.' The -dilatoriness of the sovereign assembly was at least one of the reasons -why Cromwell turned it out of doors. The Lord General and his new -Council in their declaration make no reference to Ireland except that -it had pleased God to reduce the country. It was published a week later -in Dublin, the Commissioners reminding all in positions of trust that -'notwithstanding the present alteration' they were bound to use great -diligence, and that they would be held to strict account. May 4 and 11 -were fixed for 'solemn seeking the Grace of the Lord by all his people -in Ireland.'[260] - -[Sidenote: The Little Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish members.] - -Oliver Cromwell was virtually dictator during the few weeks that -intervened between his dismissal of the much purged House of Commons -and the meeting of that curious assembly sometimes called the Little -and sometimes the Nominated Parliament, but which will always be -remembered in connection with Praise-God Barebone. It was intended -to legislate for the British Islands, and representatives of Scotland -and Ireland were accordingly added. The 140 members were named by the -new Council of State without any pretence of election, and summoned by -Oliver as Lord General. The English members were assigned to various -parts of the kingdom, but the Scotch and Irish, to their respective -countries at large. Five of the Irish members were Colonels, Sir -Robert King, who was born in Ireland, Hewson the regicide, who became -a Councillor of State, John Clarke, Daniel Hutchinson, and Henry -Cromwell. The only civilian associated with them was Vincent Gookin, -whose father had fallen foul of Strafford's Parliament. The Speaker -chosen by the assembly was Francis Rous, author of a metrical version -of the Psalms which still retains some reputation in Scotland. The -House, which had been partly composed according to Harrison's idea of -a Sanhedrin, took care to appoint no officer or servant, 'but such -as they were first well satisfied of their real godliness.' The new -Council of State was reappointed with some alterations, and included -Cromwell and Fleetwood. After these preliminaries were settled the -House spent a summer's day until four o'clock 'in seeking the Lord in -a special manner for counsel and a blessing on the proceedings,' some -twelve members speaking and praying. 'The Lord General was present, and -it was a comfortable day.' His long speech at the opening contains no -special reference to Irish policy.[261] - -[Sidenote: Adventurers. Grocers' Hall committee.] - -[Sidenote: A lottery for Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: The ''49 officers.'] - -Cromwell handed over the supreme authority to the new assembly, which -by a majority voted itself a Parliament, but he and his Council of -State had already begun to take action on the Act of Settlement. -Methusaleh Turner, linen-draper of London, and eight other persons were -appointed to meet at Grocers' Hall, on June 20, at eight o'clock in -the morning, and there hold a lottery to decide upon the Adventurers' -claims. No one lot was to exceed 10,000_l._, Connaught was excluded, -and the total to be provided for in the other three provinces was -360,000_l._ One penny in the pound was to be deducted for expenses. -Two days after the lottery began a commission was given to Fleetwood, -Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, declaring the war ended and empowering them -to administer the Acts and ordinances concerning the Adventurers, and -to make a survey for the purpose of all forfeited lands in Ireland. -They were instructed first to take in hand ten counties, namely -Limerick, Tipperary, and Waterford in Munster, King's and Queen's -Counties, Meath, and Westmeath in Leinster, Down, Antrim and Armagh -in Ulster, 'and to divide all the forfeited lands, meadow, arable, -and profitable pasture with the woods and bogs and barren mountains -thereunto respectively belonging into two equal moieties' of which -one was intended for the Adventurers and the other for the soldiers' -arrears. Louth was then to be surveyed separately. The counties -of Dublin, Cork, Kildare, and Carlow were specially reserved, and -the Commissioners were authorised to assign any five counties not -hitherto named to pay arrears accrued since June 5, 1649, of soldiers -to be disbanded. All grants made by 'any Act, ordinance, or order of -Parliament' since November 1, 1641, were excluded from survey, and the -manor of Blarney was specially excepted. Blarney, which was part of -Muskerry's great estate, fell to Broghill's share, and we may infer -that his advice was much followed in all matters connected with the -settlement.[262] - -[Sidenote: Satisfaction of the army.] - -[Sidenote: Orders to transplant. Penalties for disobedience.] - -[Sidenote: Exemption for loyal Protestants.] - -When the commission and instructions reached Dublin, the Commissioners -there had begun to negotiate with the officers as to who should -be disbanded and how their arrears should be satisfied 'until the -supreme authority of the Commonwealth were convened.' The army were -not pleased when they heard that their satisfaction was to be limited -to five counties and to those who had served since June 1649. Those -who had been longest in the Parliamentary service seemed to have -greater claims, and they had certainly greater arrears due. It became -necessary to issue further instructions as to the transplantation -contemplated by the Act of Settlement. The Commissioners in Ireland -were to announce publicly that parts of Ireland would be planted with -English and Protestants for their security, and 'to the end that all -persons who have right to articles or to any favour and mercy held -forth by any of the qualifications in the said Act, may enjoy the -benefit intended unto them, and every of them respectively.' These -words at once excluded all who were excepted from pardon for life and -estate by the first five clauses: their lives might for the most part -not be in much danger, but their property was gone. All who had claims -were ordered to transplant into Connaught and Clare before May 1, 1654, -there to receive such portions of land as their qualifications entitled -them to. All who were found east of the Shannon after that day without -licence from the Government were to be 'reputed spies and enemies, and -for the same offence suffer death,' but a little later it was ordered -that the capital penalty should not be inflicted without special order -from the Lord Deputy and Council. All who removed in time were to be -pardoned for every offence except murder; but they were not to possess -arms nor to reside in any town without licence, on penalty of death -by martial law. Ecclesiastical persons in Roman orders were not to be -'pardoned, tolerated, or admitted.' The obligation to transplant was -not extended to Protestants who did not adhere to or join the rebels -before September 15, 1643, nor to any woman married to an English -Protestant before December 2, 1650, on condition of renouncing Popery -and professing Protestantism. Boys under fourteen and girls under -twelve were allowed to remain among the English as servants, their -masters undertaking to train them 'in the true Protestant religion.' -Protestants, whether English or Irish, who had land in Connaught or -Clare, and had 'constantly adhered to the English against the rebels,' -might on application receive an equivalent in one of the English -counties. All transplantable persons were to be gone before May 1, -1654, and within two months of receiving their allotments, which were -only provisional pending a regular survey. On September 12, 1653, these -instructions were transmitted by the Commissioners to their officers in -every part of Ireland, with directions to make them public.[263] - -[Sidenote: The Act of Satisfaction, Sept. 27, 1653.] - -[Sidenote: Declaration of the Irish Government, Oct. 14, 1653.] - -[Sidenote: The basis of taxation and compensation.] - -From the Commissioners' letter of April 22, 1653, quoted above, -it is evident that the Bill for satisfaction of Adventurers and -soldiers was before the Long Parliament for some time. The changes -consequent upon its expulsion caused further delay, and it was not -till just before Michaelmas that the action of the Lord General and -Council was legalised, so far as any legal force could attach to the -new Parliament's sanction. The Act confirmed what had been done, -and further empowered the Commissioners to shorten proceedings by -transplanting the Irish at once, 'although their claims be not first -determined or their qualifications distinguished,' and to give them -lands in occupation 'proportionable to the estate by them claimed -or competent to such stock as each of the said persons shall have.' -Adventurers and soldiers receiving lands were relieved for five -years from the payment of quit-rents imposed by the Act of 1642, and -taxation for the same period was not to exceed one-fourth of the annual -value. When the Commissioners in Ireland received the Act with its -final directions they published a declaration for enforcing it. All -who took part in or abetted 'the rebellions, murders, or massacres' -during the first year, all who at any time were in actual arms as -rebels, and all who had any land entitling them to compensation by -the Act of Settlement, were to remove across the Shannon by May 1, -1654. Protestants who had not joined the rebels before the first -cessation on September 15, 1643, were excepted, and so was any woman -who married an English Protestant before December 2, 1650, on condition -of openly renouncing Popery. All persons not excepted, or without -special licence, found east of the Shannon after the appointed day were -to be treated as hostile spies, 'tried by martial law, and suffer -death.' All transplantable persons were to report themselves to the -commissioners of revenue in the precinct where they lived, giving the -names of their families, particulars as to tenants and others who would -accompany them voluntarily, with their ages, colour and height, and an -account of the cattle and tillage 'for which they pay contribution in -the places from whence they remove.' After satisfying themselves that -the information was true, the Commissioners were to issue certificates, -and regulations were made as to how these documents might be converted -into land in Connaught or Clare.[264] - -[Sidenote: The transplantation. Slow progress.] - -Whatever may be the exact meaning of this declaration, or however it -may be reconciled with the Acts of Settlement and of Satisfaction, it -soon became quite clear that the transplantation could not be effected -by May 1, 1654. As a matter of fact the procedure was applied only to -landowners and their families, and to such tenants as might choose to -go with them. A few did go early in the day, but the vast majority -clung to their homes. Licences to remain were freely granted to the -aged and infirm and to those who could show that they had befriended -the English. Even in cases where the service was too slight to deserve -permanent exemption, Colonel Lawrence assures us that indulgence was -shown for considerable periods, 'that a cup of cold water might not -go unrequited.' The time was extended generally, first to December, -so that seed time and harvest might be included, and afterwards to -March 1655, the doomed proprietors remaining on their old property as -tenants at will to the State. When March arrived most of the work was -still to be done, for the officers and soldiers 'and other faithful -Protestants' of Leinster, petitioned the Irish Government to execute -the 'further instructions' of July 2, 1653, and to transplant 'all -the Irish into Connaught excepting males of fourteen years of age and -females of twelve.' The first reason was lest the settlers should -become idolaters from intermarriage with the natives, many who came -over in Queen Elizabeth's time having thus fallen away and been -concerned in the late murders and massacres. Among many Old Testament -texts the petitioners gave precedence to the verses of Ezra, where the -Israelites were forbidden to take Gentile wives, 'that they might be -strong and eat the good of the land and leave it for an inheritance -to their children for ever.' If this principle was neglected even -the Parliamentary soldiers might join with the natives to attack -the colonists, having first learned the vices that reigned in the -land, such as swearing, drunkenness, dissembling, and deceiving. The -second argument was 'grounded on the law of nature, which teacheth -self-preservation.' Experience showed that the priests would go to -any lengths to advance their Church, and that the people would follow -them, and Edmund Campion the Jesuit is quoted as to the perfidiousness -of the Irish. The great thing was to get rid of the Tories out of -three provinces, and thus encourage honest men to come from England -and strengthen those who were already committed to Ireland. As things -actually stood the English were confined to garrisons and forced to -fold their cattle, while the Irish occupied the best land, keeping -their flocks and herds in the fields by day and night. When it was a -question of paying taxes they hid their stock in the woods, 'which the -English cannot do, who by that means will be liable to bear a greater -proportion of contribution than the Irish.'[265] - -[Sidenote: The Protectorate established.] - -[Sidenote: Fleetwood Deputy.] - -Cromwell became Protector in December 1653, and Fleetwood was one of -the Council of State. Ludlow takes credit to himself for delaying the -assent of Ireland, but Oliver was nevertheless proclaimed on January -30, the Secretary's name only appearing. The other Commissioners -effaced their signatures when Ludlow refused to add his, and they -seem to have disliked the change. Ludlow rested his case upon the -engagement of January 1650, which he and his colleagues had taken to -support 'the Commonwealth of England as it is now established without -a King or House of Lords.' Afterwards he refused to have any share in -the civil government, while retaining his military command; and this -was attributed by Henry Cromwell and others to his love for pay and -allowances. There is nevertheless a real distinction between acting as -a minister and serving one's country as a soldier, even under a usurped -government. The Anabaptist party, who were hostile to the Protectorate, -showed signs of adopting the discontented general as their leader. -Cromwell sent over his son Henry to report, and he remained about a -month in Ireland, being received with as much honour as if he were -indeed a prince. He found Jones as well as Ludlow discontented, but -made rather light of their opposition, which indeed came to nothing, -William Kiffin and others advising their Baptist friends to accept the -new government. Henry nevertheless suggested that Fleetwood was not -a satisfactory representative, and advised his father to replace him -by Desborough, at least for a time. We have no means of knowing what -passed between father and son after the latter's return, but the result -was to soften the effect of the transplantation policy. Vincent Gookin -was in England, and if he was consulted, as is at least probable, his -influence would have worked in that direction. Fleetwood became Lord -Deputy in August 1654, when the term of the Commissioners came to an -end. Ludlow and Jones were not reappointed to the Irish Council, and -the latter went to England, but Corbet was retained, and others were -sent over. Among the latter were Colonel Robert Hammond of Isle of -Wight celebrity; Richard Pepys and William Steele, eminent lawyers; -Robert Goodwin, who had been over twelve years before; and Colonel -Matthew Tomlinson, who had been appointed one of Charles I.'s judges, -but had declined to act.[266] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell's First Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish members.] - -[Sidenote: The dispensing power.] - -A perfectly regular statute provided that the Long Parliament should -not be dissolved without its own consent, and the usurping House of -Commons, which had killed the King and abolished the monarchy and -House of Lords, was thus able to make some pretence of legality. In -the Parliament elected under the Instrument of Government thirty -members were assigned to Ireland, and Cromwell left it to those on the -spot to decide whether elections were possible in the state of the -country. Fleetwood, Jones, and Corbet replied that several counties -were waste and others very unsettled, and that they did not see how the -business was to be done. The writs were, however, sent over, and Ludlow -persuaded them that even the shadow of representation would be better -than nothing. He says the influence of the clergy secured a few results -not pleasing to the Government; but all the chief officers were chosen, -Broghill being returned for the county of Cork, and Gookin, whose -interests also lay there, for Bandon and Kinsale. Henry Cromwell was -chosen for Cambridge University, and Fleetwood both for Oxfordshire and -for Marlborough. The new Parliament met on Cromwell's lucky September -3, but before that day he had given Fleetwood and his Council power -to 'dispense with the orders and instructions made and given by the -late Parliament or Council of State for the transplantation of the -Irish,' and also with the penalties upon those who neglected or refused -to go. A clause to the same effect had been rejected when the Act of -Satisfaction was passed twelve months before.[267] - -[Sidenote: Declaration as to transplantation, Nov. 30, 1654.] - -[Sidenote: Vincent Gookin's pamphlet against transplantation.] - -[Sidenote: Divisions among Protestants.] - -[Sidenote: The earth-tillers indispensable] - -The dispensing power remained with the Irish Government, who exercised -it; but Fleetwood was not inclined to make indulgence a matter of -course, and the military party were always pressing him in the -direction of severity. On November 30, 1654, a declaration was issued -repeating the order in the Act of Settlement for the transplantation -of landed proprietors, of those in arms against the Commonwealth since -October 21, 1641, and of those who aided the rebellion during the -first year of the war. They were ordered to be gone with their wives -and families by March 1 following, or to incur the penalties already -declared. How far Oliver was influenced by Vincent Gookin must be -a matter of conjecture, but he certainly liked him, and the latter -would scarcely have appeared in print against the Protector's known -wishes. At the very beginning of 1655 Gookin published a pamphlet -against general transplantation, and sent a copy to every member of -Parliament. He was impressed with the idea that the Irish generally -might be converted to Protestantism, and that this was much more likely -if they were left intermixed with the English. The country had been -conquered, and there were garrisons everywhere, but no ministers, 'as -if our business in Ireland was only to set up our own interest and not -Christ's.' Another difficulty lay in the divisions among Protestants, -who were so bitter against each other that 'the Papist sees not -where to fix if he should come to us.' If the Irish remained among -the English they would 'enjoy the labours of godly able ministers, -the encouragement of Protestant professors, and the catechisings of -private Christians,' all which influences would be wanting if they -were crowded together beyond the Shannon. It is hardly worth while to -inquire what might have happened if there had been no Restoration, -but Gookin declares that the priests had 'universally departed' as -well as the most dangerous of the soldiers, and it is possible for -people with a great deal of imagination to argue that Ireland might -have become Protestant if they had all been kept out for ever. What -really prevented the transplantation from being fully carried out was -the impossibility of cultivating the land without the help of the -natives, who might be spared under the first clause of the Act of -Settlement. The Irish, says Gookin, lived on the roots and fruits of -their 'gardens,' that is mainly on potatoes, and sold their corn to -the English to pay the taxes. The country, moreover, was not generally -suited to corn, on account of the uncertain climate and the amount of -labour required, and if the Irish all left no contribution could be -made out of lands east of the Shannon. The women, too, were for the -most part able to spin and weave flax and wool, and there were plenty -of masons 'more handy and ready in building ordinary houses and much -more prudent in supplying the defects of instruments and materials -than English artificers.' Gookin reckoned that a capital of 1500_l._ -or 2000_l._ would be required for each thousand Irish acres, and that -it would be impossible to bring over English labour in sufficient -quantity. The Irish might refuse to go into Connaught--indeed, many had -already done so, saying that their position was hopeless and that they -might as well face ruin where they were as travel to look for it. And -he adds, 'there is one thing more which wise men will consider, and -that is, the impossibility of this transplanting ... can it be imagined -that a whole nation will drive like geese at the wagging of a hat upon -a stick?'[268] - -[Sidenote: Definition of a Tory.] - -[Sidenote: Intolerable taxation.] - -Whatever may be the etymology of the name Tory, it was officially -applied in 1647 to masterless men living a life of brigandage and -preying upon all who had anything to lose. No doubt it was in popular -use before that date. Gookin says the English dreaded the Tories 'more -than armies, and woods and bogs than camps,' and he believed that -transplantation would make matters worse. The Irish proprietors would -be unable to support their followers beyond Shannon, the river would -be no barrier, and they would become Tories against their will. They -had already been forced into such courses by the intolerable taxation -necessary to support the Parliament's army, and by the violence and -oppression of some soldiers which often went unpunished. Most of the -really active rebels were dead or exiled, and it was unwise as well -as unjust to assume universal guilt. The Irish nation, indeed, 'were -generally engaged in the rebellion, either through ignorance of the -design and apprehending they acted by the King's commission and for -his and God's service; or through infirmity, partly fearing their -priests' threats, partly their landlords' frowns, partly the violence -of others, of the English who at the beginning reckoned an Irishman and -a rebel tantamount, and on that score forced many into war (who desired -peace) with the Irish in arms, who accounted and declared all enemies -that joined not (at least seemingly) with them, and proceeded with more -severity against dissenting natives than English.' - -[Sidenote: Lawrence's answer to Gookin.] - -[Sidenote: Everything English had been destroyed.] - -[Sidenote: Only landowners and soldiers transplanted.] - -[Sidenote: Gookin's rejoinder.] - -[Sidenote: The two writers agreed in essentials.] - -A month after its publication, Gookin's pamphlet was denounced by -Fleetwood as a 'very strange scandalous book,' and Colonel Lawrence, -'at the request of several persons in eminent place in Ireland,' -undertook to refute it. He was able to show that former settlements had -succeeded only where the colonists were placed near one another, 'as -for instance the barony of Ards, in the county of Down and province of -Ulster, which being entirely planted by British people did preserve -themselves by keeping guards upon their frontiers when all the country -besides was totally ruined.' He gives many horrible details of the -rebellion, 'wherein neither age nor sex were spared.... English cattle -and houses were destroyed for their being of an English kind, and all -this without the least provocation, yet this bloody inhuman act with -all its aggravations were espoused by this people as a national quarrel -and a war waged thereupon'; but admits that some of the Irish gentry -'(whose kindness I hope either hath been or will be rewarded both by -God and man)' did really help the English, so that a few escaped like -Job's messengers to bring the bad news. Lawrence points out that in -all official declarations only landed proprietors and men in arms were -marked for transplantation, and that nothing further was intended, but -he maintains that it was quite possible to extend it greatly without -danger. Gookin's rejoinder is dedicated to Fleetwood, whom he praises -for his kindness to all, whereby the necessary hardships were much -diminished. He shows how very few exceptions there would be among the -Irish if the declaration of October 14, 1653, were strictly acted upon, -acknowledges the authorship of the first pamphlet, and maintains his -position. 'Let no poor sufferer by the Irish betray his reason or -religion to his passion here, to think no evils can be too great to be -brought on the Irish. It was their being cruel makes us hate them so -much: to punish them do not run into their sin, lest God punish thee. -Do not think that he that writes this and the Case of Transplantation -pleads for them, but thy cause; 'tis safe and profitable for thee that -some be removed, not all. This Colonel Lawrence says shall be done and -this I desired might be done: where is my offence against authority -more than his, my love to the Irish more than his, or my care of thee -less than his?' After all there is not much difference between the two -writers. That the English did not think Gookin's ideas hostile to the -settlement may be inferred from their electing him to Parliament, and -proposing to pay his expenses there, an offer which he refused.[269] - -[Sidenote: Effect of the Waldensian massacre.] - -[Sidenote: Officers in Ireland protest against leniency.] - -There can be little doubt that the sufferings of the Waldenses reacted -upon Ireland, the rather that many Irish refugees were concerned in -the massacres. At the end of 1653 it was reported that Irish troops -had passed the mountains from Spain and appeared at Nîmes, where there -was a strong body of Protestants. The priests secured them a good -reception, though they boasted that they would 'tear in pieces and -crucify quick' any Protestants they found there. Some of them were -induced to settle and take wives 'so that they may in a manner in -this town augment and renew the race of that execrable and murdering -nation.' Two months later another detachment were refused admission to -Nîmes because some of them boasted that they had massacred the English -in Ireland, and they went on to Piedmont. Later on it was said that -the Waldensian valleys were to be given up to the Irish. It is not -therefore surprising that the officers in Ireland, with Fleetwood at -their head, should have expressed their horror at the proceedings in -Piedmont, and cautioned the Protector against too great leniency in -Ireland. 'Let the blood of Ireland be fresh in your view, and their -treachery cry aloud in your ears, that the frequent solicitations with -which you are encompassed may not slack your hand to an unsafe pity of -those whose principles in all ages carry them forth to such brutish -and inhuman practices, which consist not with human society; and let -not such be left untransplanted here, or unminded in England, whose -continuance among us do palpably hazard the very being of Protestant -interest in these nations.' And Cromwell himself told the Dutch -Ambassador that the example of Ireland was fresh in his memory, where -above 200,000 had been massacred. So strong was the feeling in Ireland -that the officers contributed a fortnight's pay and the soldiers a -week's pay for the relief of the persecuted mountaineers. A large sum -was also subscribed privately.[270] - -[Sidenote: Transplantation proceeds slowly.] - -[Sidenote: The Loughrea commissioners.] - -[Sidenote: The Athlone commissioners.] - -The process of transplantation went on slowly, and was never carried -to its extreme lengths, for very few would have escaped if the Act of -Settlement had been carried out to the letter. But vast numbers did -remove during the year 1654, and it would probably be difficult to -exaggerate the hardships they underwent. In some cases at least whole -districts were depopulated, for it was officially reported that 'no -inhabitant of the Irish nation that knows the country' was left in the -barony of Eliogarty in Tipperary, which contains the town of Thurles, -and orders were given for the return of four families, who might live -near their old homes and assist the surveyors. Those who crossed the -Shannon were provided with land in a temporary way, and two commissions -were appointed to consider claims with a view to more permanent -arrangements. In October 1653 the transplanted were ordered to go -to Galway and inform the commissioners of revenue there as to their -families and the nature of their claims. Afterwards these commissioners -sat at Loughrea, and it became their duty to distribute land in -accordance with the findings of another commission at Athlone. The -latter were appointed on December 28, 1654, as the 'Court of Claims and -Qualifications of the Irish,' and were generally known as the Athlone -commissioners. Their business was to find under which qualification -or degree of guilt each Irish claimant fell, and to give him lands -proportionate to those which he had enjoyed east of the Shannon. -The Loughrea commissioners used the maps and registers made for -Strafford's intended plantation in Connaught and in the northern half -of Tipperary. For the rest of Ireland it was necessary to make a new -survey. Meanwhile transplantation proceeded very slowly, and in March -1656 there were 1000 men under restraint who had borne arms during the -rebellion, but refused to cross the Shannon.[271] - -[Sidenote: A fresh survey. Benjamin Worsley.] - -[Sidenote: William Petty.] - -[Sidenote: Petty's proposals accepted.] - -Benjamin Worsley, who had been a surgeon or apothecary in Strafford's -army, came over again in 1652, and was appointed Surveyor-General. He -had been an unsuccessful projector and according to Petty had tried his -hand at universal medicine, gold-making, saltpetre sowing, and other -'mountain-bellied conceptions which ended only in abortive mice,' he -and his friend Sankey being stigmatised as a 'multiloquial pair of -monti-parturists.' He began to make a survey, at which he expected -to be employed for many years, but Petty soon began to criticise his -proceedings and to suggest that he could do the work a great deal -better in as many months. Despatch was of the essence of the business, -for both adventurers and soldiers were clamouring for possession of the -promised lands. Petty had come over at the same time as Worsley, and -the Irish Government very soon found that he was a man of extraordinary -ability and very likely to carry anything he undertook to a successful -issue. Ireton made him Physician-General to the army, and he claimed -to have so reformed the drug department as to get rid of all abuses -and at the same time save the State 500_l._ a year. Worsley's plan was -to survey the forfeited lands without any regard to the established -divisions into baronies, parishes, and town lands, or to the physical -features of the country. He was to be paid only for the profitable -lands, and thus there was a constant tendency to include worthless -tracts. Moreover the subdivision would still have to be done either -at a great charge to the State or at the expense of the grantees. In -the latter case no authentic record would remain, and there would be -no unity of action. Nobody was satisfied at the prospect, and Petty -declared that Worsley's great object 'was so to frame committees -of conceited, sciolous persons, intermixing some of credit and -bulk amongst them, as whereby he might screen himself in case of -miscarriage.' He made proposals of his own, and the rival schemes were -submitted to the judgment of a committee consisting of Sir Hardress -Waller, Colonels Lawrence and Hewson, and nine others, including Petty -and Worsley.[272] - -[Sidenote: The Down survey.] - -[Sidenote: Surveying dangerous work.] - -Petty's plan was approved, though Worsley worked hard against him, and -had at first the help of Sir Charles Coote and some other officers. -Afterwards Coote and Reynolds were added to the committee, and the -final result was a complete victory for Petty. Worsley remained -Surveyor-General, and it was with him that his rival contracted to do -the work. Petty engaged to make in thirteen months a general map of -twenty-two counties, ascertaining and defining the bounds of baronies -so that there should be no future doubt. He undertook within the same -counties accurately to set out all forfeited lands as well as all -Crown lands and the property of bishops, deans, and chapters, 'or any -other officer belonging to that hierarchy,' showing their quality and -physical character, and all civil subdivisions. He was to receive -7_l._ 2_s._ 4_d._ for every thousand acres of forfeited profitable -land that shall be admeasured and actually sent out to 'the soldiery -by him,' and 3_l._ for every thousand acres of unprofitable land. One -of the conditions made by Petty was that those whom he employed in the -survey should be protected from Tories, and this was no superfluous -precaution. Eight surveyors were actually captured near Timolin in -Kildare, carried off to the Wicklow mountains, and there murdered. -In spite of such drawbacks the survey was completed, or very nearly -so, within the specified time, and the distribution of land to the -disbanded soldiers went on in the meantime. Henry Cromwell visited -Kilkenny, Waterford, and Wexford in September and October 1655, and -reported that good progress had been made in the work.[273] - -[Sidenote: Progress of the survey.] - -[Sidenote: The debentures.] - -[Sidenote: English settlers cannot be had.] - -Petty claimed to have made lineal measurements to the extent of more -than five times the earth's circumference. The forfeited lands were -indicated to him by what was called the Civil Survey, which was merely -a register of forfeited lands made independently by commissioners and -for the most part before the old proprietors had actually departed. -This made the measuring business dangerous as well as troublesome, -and Petty employed soldiers 'such as were able to endure travail, -ill lodging and diet, as also heats and colds, being also men of -activity that could leap hedge and ditch, and could also ruffle with -the several rude persons in the country, from whom they might expect -often to be crossed and opposed.' He had no difficulty in finding men -who, 'having been bred to trades, could write and read sufficiently -for the purpose.' The more delicate instruments were obtained from -the best London makers, and skilled artificers were found to make the -rest. The soldiers had received debentures for their arrears, and the -idea was to set them down by regiments and companies alongside of the -Adventurers. But it soon became evident that the amount of forfeited -land was insufficient to meet the liabilities of the State. Land had -to be distributed on account, and debentures, including many fabricated -ones, were bought and sold. Very few old soldiers cared to settle down -upon small farms, and there were always speculative officers found to -buy up the claims of their men and so carve out estates for themselves, -Irish tenants and labourers being accepted because the hoped for -English immigration did not take place. The Act of Satisfaction forbade -officers to buy the privates' debentures, but a class of brokers sprang -up and the traffic continued till the Restoration. Great numbers were -sold before any distribution of land had been attempted. Petty himself -tells us that debentures were freely and openly sold at four or five -shillings in the pound, and that a pound so laid out purchased on an -average two acres of land. Later on there was a regulation against -selling at less than eight shillings in the pound, but of course this -was easily evaded. As a transfer of property from Irish to English -hands the Cromwellian settlement had some measure of success, but as a -scheme of colonisation it totally failed.[274] - -[Sidenote: Insufficiency of lands assigned to soldiers.] - -[Sidenote: The Adventurers' lands.] - -[Sidenote: Clarendon's account of the settlement.] - -It was at first supposed that the ten counties originally named in the -Act of Satisfaction would provide for both soldiers and adventurers, -but this soon had to be altered, and in the end distribution was made -to the soldiers in twenty-four counties out of thirty-two. Galway, -Mayo, Roscommon, and Clare were given to the transplanted Irish, and -Louth was set aside for the Adventurers. Dublin, Kildare, Carlow, and -Cork were retained by the Government, but about half the latter was -afterwards given up to disbanded soldiers. Nevertheless all arrears -were not paid in full, and some never received more than about twelve -shillings in the pound. Petty's detailed survey did not extend to -the Adventurers' portions, and their committee at Grocers' Hall made -separate arrangements which led to a good deal of confusion. Petty was -called in to disentangle the knot, and he and Worsley were commissioned -in September 1656 to measure the forfeited lands hitherto omitted. The -Adventurers, though numerous, were far fewer than the soldiers, and -they gave less trouble. Most of them probably had no idea of settling -in Ireland, and only wanted something to sell or let on lease. Some -debentures were given out to soldiers or their representatives as -late as the summer of 1658, and perhaps later. Many no doubt were -thoroughly dissatisfied with what they got, but working arrangements -had been made and Clarendon's testimony is conclusive as to the general -feeling of security among the English inhabitants. 'Ireland,' he says, -'was the great capital out of which all debts were paid, all services -rewarded, and all acts of bounty performed.' Buildings, enclosures, -and plantations were everywhere made, private purchases concluded 'at -very valuable rates, and jointures made upon marriages, and all other -conveyances and settlements executed, as in a kingdom at peace within -itself, and where no doubt could be made of the validity of titles. -And yet in all this quiet there were very few persons pleased or -contented.'[275] - -[Sidenote: The land will not go round.] - -[Sidenote: Security of the coast.] - -[Sidenote: Case of Galway.] - -[Sidenote: A desolate city.] - -It was originally meant to give all the forfeited lands in Connaught -and Clare to the transplanted, reserving the towns and garrisons with -some space about them and a strip four miles wide all along the coast. -In the end Sligo and Leitrim were withdrawn, and the coast reserve was -narrowed to one mile. The amount of land was insufficient, and there -must have been great hardship, for the Government had no machinery for -giving quiet possession if there was any opposition from neighbouring -proprietors or rival claimants. It was a tradition of Irish government -to apprehend a Spanish invasion, and it was for that reason that a -belt of English settlers round the coast was contemplated, but nothing -seems to have come of it. Innisbofin was, however, strengthened and -garrisoned, and the Papist inhabitants ordered to leave the town of -Galway, where it was proposed to plant a colony from Gloucester as -a reward for its resistance to Charles I., and from Liverpool to -compensate it for losses during the war. But the inhabitants of those -towns were not tempted any more than those of Bristol had been in the -case of Waterford. 'Poor Galway,' wrote a clergyman in 1657, 'sitteth -in the dust and no eye pitieth her. Her merchants were princes and -great among the nations, but now the city which was full of people -is solitary and very desolate.' There was talk, but only talk, of -introducing a colony of Protestant Dutch. The old citizens were to -receive full value for their property and the settlers to give ten -years' purchase. As the latter did not come, probably the compensation -was not paid, and so the people lingered on or returned after a brief -absence. In November 1655 Henry Cromwell reported that all the Irish -had been cleared out of Galway, yet as late as August 1659, after -he had left Ireland, a fresh order was made to expel 'all the Irish -Papists.' The old trade with Spain, which had been interrupted by -the long war, did not return, and Galway never recovered its old -prosperity. In 1650 a householder had welcomed Lady Fanshawe 'to this -desolate city, where you now see the street grown over with grass, once -the finest little city in the world'; and so it remained for years.[276] - -[Sidenote: Difficulties with the towns.] - -[Sidenote: Workmen allowed to remain.] - -[Sidenote: Character of English settlers.] - -[Sidenote: The priests not all expelled.] - -By the ordinance of July 14, 1643, with a view to encourage merchants, -Galway, with 10,000 acres of land round it, had been offered for -a price of 7500_l._ and a rent of 520_l._, but the town did not -come into the power of Parliament for many years, and nothing was -done. Similar offers with the same result were made in the cases of -Limerick, Waterford, and Wexford. As the towns were gradually won, -frequent orders were given for the expulsion of the old inhabitants -who adhered to Rome, and who came within the scope of the Act of -Settlement. But here, as in the country, it was found impossible -really to carry out the clearance effectually. Artificers and workmen -could not be done without, since none came from England, and many of -them remained, though no doubt the houses of a better class were left -empty. When Inchiquin expelled the Roman Catholics from Cork in 1644, -three thousand houses were without tenants, and as many in Youghal. -The soldiers who were short of fuel warmed themselves with everything -that would burn, and Ormonde about the same time had to forbid the -practice in Dublin on pain of death. In March 1657 it is clear that -the work of depopulation had not been done, for an order was then -made 'that all Popish Recusants, as well proprietors as others, whose -habitation is in any port-towns, walled towns, or garrisons,' who had -not professed Protestantism before the cessation of 1643 and ever -since, should remove with their families at least two miles from any -such place. In 1650 some ministers and others in New England proposed -to colonise, being tempted by the offer of houses and land at Wexford -at one-tenth of their value before the war. Thousands were ready to -come if encouraged, being 'exiles through the tyranny of episcopacy -for no other offence but professing that truth, which (through mercy), -is now acknowledged.' This apparently came to nothing. Those English -who were attracted to Irish towns by the prospect of getting houses -rent-free, were often without capital, and in no condition to establish -a flourishing commerce. But all the Protestant settlers were not of -this class, for Charles II.'s declaration in 1660 set forth that they -had made improvements at their own charge, 'and brought trade and -manufacture into that our kingdom, and by their settlement there do -not a little contribute to the peace and settlement of that country.' -In any case much of the work was probably done by the old inhabitants, -for if they had not remained in considerable numbers, priests and -friars would not daily have risked their lives in Irish towns.[277] - -[Sidenote: Proposed transplantation of Presbyterians.] - -[Sidenote: The scheme is not carried out.] - -Besides the great transplantation of Roman Catholics to Connaught, -Fleetwood and the sectaries contemplated the removal of Presbyterian -Royalists from Down and Antrim, whose proximity to the Scotch Highlands -was thought dangerous. Five commissioners, of whom Doctor Henry Jones -and Colonel Venables were two, were sent to Carrickfergus to tender -the Engagement of 1650, which bound men to support a government -without King or House of Lords. There were then but seven Presbyterian -ministers in the district, one of them being Patrick Adair, whose -narrative we possess. The commissioners sent parties of soldiers, one -of which seized all Adair's papers indiscriminately, 'there being -none among sixteen soldiers and a sergeant who could read.' The most -important papers were restored to Adair by a maidservant, who stole -them when the sergeant was asleep. None of the seven clergymen would -take the Engagement, and they had much support among the people. -The expulsion of the Long Parliament delayed, but did not stop, the -proceedings, and the Commissioners issued a proclamation against 260 -persons, including Lord Clandeboye and Lord Montgomery of Ards, whom -they proposed to transplant to Kilkenny, Tipperary, and the sea coast -of Waterford. They were to receive the full value of the estates -which they lost, with a liberal price for way-going crops, and their -ministers might accompany them and receive salaries, provided they were -peaceable-minded and not scandalous. Sir Robert Adair and other leading -Presbyterians were sent to Tipperary, but the whole scheme came to -nothing, 'for Oliver, coming to the supreme order of affairs, used -other methods and took other measures than the rabble Rump Parliament. -He did not force any engagement or promise upon people contrary to -their conscience; knowing that forced obligations of that kind will -bind no man.' Orders for this transplantation were given, but nothing -was actually done.[278] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[257] Irish Commissioners to Council of State, January 8, 1651-2, -_Portland Papers_, i. 622, and _Ludlow_, i. 497. In the former the -river 'which goes to Youghal' is called the More, _i.e._ the Avonmore -or Blackwater, not the Nore, as printed in the latter. Statements by -Adventurers' Committee in _Portland Papers_, i. 639, April 5, 1652, -and _ib._ 649, May 14; Irish officers to Parliament, May 5, signed by -Ludlow and eighteen others. See _Prendergast_, pp. 83 _sqq._ Dr. Jones -had a vested interest in the 1641 depositions, Parliament having given -him the sole right to print and reprint his abstract up to March 21, -1641-2, _Somers Tracts_, v. 573. He had a fresh commission to take -evidence after that date, and doubtless the document which caused such -horror at Kilkenny in 1652 contained much additional matter. - -[258] Act for the settling of Ireland, August 12, 1652, in _Scobell_, -ii. 197, reprinted in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 341, and (with date -misprinted and omission of names in clause 3) in Gardiner's -_Constitutional Documents_, 2nd. ed. p. 394. - -[259] _Life of Colonel Hutchinson_; _Ludlow_, i. 318; Cromwell's -commission to Fleetwood as commander-in-chief, July 10, 1652, in -_Thurloe_, i. 212; instructions to Commissioners, August 24, in -_Parliamentary History_, xx. 92; Representation of officers in Ireland -against Mr. Weaver, February 18, 1652-3, in _Portland Papers_, i. 671. - -[260] Declaration of April 22, 1653, in _Parliamentary History_, xx.; -Commissioners in Ireland to Lenthall, December 3, 1652, January 15, -1652-3, and to the new Speaker, July 20, and their proclamation of -April 29, all printed in appx. to _Ludlow_, vol. i. - -[261] _Parliamentary History_, xx. 152-183; Cromwell's opening speech -on July 4, 1653, is the first in _Carlyle_; _Ludlow_, i. 358. - -[262] Order of Council of State, June 1, Commission and Instructions -'from the keepers of the liberty of England by authority of -Parliament,' June 22, in _Scobell_, 1653, chap. 12. - -[263] Further instructions of July 2, 1653, in _Scobell_, chap. 12. -The letter of the Commissioners dated July 22, was written before the -receipt of this, _Ludlow_, i. 539. Lawrence's _Answer to Gookin_, p. 6. -Order in Council, March 19, 1654-5, _Irish R.O._, A/26. - -[264] Declaration dated Dublin, October 14, 1653, signed by Fleetwood, -Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, reprinted in _English Historical Review_, -xiv. 710, from what is believed to be a unique copy at Kilkenny. - -[265] Petition presented March 1655, _ib._ The allusion is to chap. -6 of Campion's _History of Ireland_, first printed in 1587, and -republished by Sir James Ware in 1633, with a dedication to Strafford. - -[266] Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, March 8, 1653-4, in _Thurloe_, -ii. 149; Jenkin Lloyd to Thurloe, March 13, _ib._ 162; Fleetwood -to Thurloe, April 8, _ib._ 224; appendix to _Fourteenth Report_ of -Deputy-keeper of Public Records, Ireland, p. 28; _Ludlow_, i. 377, 542. - -[267] The names and constituencies of the Irish members of Parliament -are in _Parl. Hist._, xx. 307; _Ludlow_, i. 388. Instructions of August -17, 1654, in _Thurloe_, ii. 508. - -[268] _The Great Case of Transplantation_ &c., London, printed for J. -C. 1655, to which Thomasson gives the date January 3. A potato-field is -still called a 'garden' in Ireland. The 'handy-man' who builds with bad -tools out of bad materials, is even now not extinct. The declaration of -November 30, 1654, is not extant, but is recited in a later one, see -_Eng. Hist. Review_, xiv. 722. - -[269] Fleetwood to Thurloe, February 7, 1654-5, _Thurloe_, iii. 139. -_The Interest of England in the Irish Transplantation stated_, &c., by -a faithful servant of the Commonwealth, Richard Lawrence, London, 1655, -dated March 9. _The Author and Case of Transplanting, &c., vindicated -against the Unjust Aspersions of Colonel Richard Lawrence_, by Vincent -Gookin, Esquire, London, 1655, published May 12. Petty had a hand in -Gookin's first pamphlet, see his _Life_, by Lord Fitzmaurice. Lawrence -was a brother of the English President of Council; he came to Ireland -with Cromwell and was governor of Waterford. - -[270] Letters of November 25, 1653, in _Thurloe_, i. 587; of January 25 -1653-4. _ib._ ii. 27; of April 27, 1655, _ib._ iii. 384; Fleetwood and -forty-four other officers to the Protector, _ib._ iii. 466; Nieuport to -the States General, _ib._ iii. 477; Morland's _Hist. of the Evangelical -Churches_, book iii. chap. 3, art. 1.; _Hist. of Down Survey_, p. 66; -Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, January 30, 1655-6, _Thurloe_, iv. 484. - -[271] H. Cromwell to Thurloe, March 12, 1655-6, _Thurloe_, iv. 606. - -[272] Petty's _Reflections_ on some persons and things in Ireland, ed. -1790, pp. 54, 106; _Hist. of the Down Survey_, chaps. 1 and 2. The name -'Down', comes simply from the particulars being laid down in map form -and not merely described. - -[273] Dr. Petty's proposals at p. 9 of _Hist. of Down Survey_; Articles -with Worsley ratified by the Lord Deputy and Council, December 25, -1654, _ib._ 29; H. Cromwell to Thurloe, October 9, 1655, in _Thurloe_, -iv. 73; Prendergast, _Cromwellian Settlement_, p. 206. In consequence -of the delays interposed by Worsley and others, the thirteen months -were made to run from February 1 1654-5. - -[274] Brief account of the Survey in _Hist. of Down Survey_, xiii.; -Petty's _Political Anatomy of Ireland_, chap. iv.; Fitzmaurice's _Life -of Petty_, chap. ii.; _Prendergast_, 2nd. edition, 221, where there are -many details as to the sale of debentures to officers, and a facsimile -of one by way of frontispiece. On August 29, 1655, Henry Cromwell wrote -to Thurloe: 'I believe we reduce near 5000 men, and as good soldiers -as are in the three nations. I am afraid few of them will betake -themselves to planting; if you could find out some employment for them -abroad, it would be of good service to the public,' _Thurloe_, iii. -744. State Papers, _Domestic_, December 28, 1654. As late as November -6, 1657, Broghill wrote to Montagu 'if all things move at the rate our -settlement of Ireland has done, I shall think the body politic has got -the gout,' _Thurloe_, vi. 600. - -[275] _Hist. of Down Survey_, 53, 198; Clarendon's _Life_, Con. 116; -Fitzmaurice's _Life of Petty_, chap. 2. A list printed by Prendergast, -p. 403, gives the names of 1,360 adventurers. - -[276] _Prendergast_, p. 305; Hardiman's _Hist. of Galway_, p. 137; -Lady Fanshawe's _Memoirs_. On January 30, 1655-6, Henry Cromwell told -Thurloe that there were not six families in Galway, and that the houses -decayed daily; he thought it would pay to encourage London merchants to -make a settlement, even if they had the houses rent-free, _Thurloe_, -iv. 198, 483; Rev. R. Easthorp to H. Cromwell, July 17, 1657, -_Lansdowne MSS._, 822. - -[277] _Scobell_, p. 47. Thirty priests were ordered to be shipped to -the Continent from Galway on June 15, 1665, Irish R.O., A/60. One -secular priest, one Jesuit, and several friars remained in Dublin -during the whole Cromwellian period, _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii. 208. -Many details as to Irish towns are given by Prendergast, chap. vi. -272-307. Letter to Cromwell from New England, October 31, 1650, _Milton -State Papers_, p. 44. - -[278] Patrick Adair's _True Narrative_, ed. Killen, 197, 201. The -proclamation for the transplantation dated May 23, 1653, is printed -in Reid's _Presbyterian Church_, chap 16, and the 260 names in the -appendix. See Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, iii. 305. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVIII - -HENRY CROMWELL, 1655-1659 - - -[Sidenote: Appearance of Henry Cromwell.] - -Though the Protector had not adopted his son's advice by at once -recalling Fleetwood, it soon became evident that he wished for a -stronger man. Before the end of 1654 the Lord Deputy gently complained -that he was kept in the dark about matters of policy, and doubted -whether this was for his Highness's service. A few days later Henry -Cromwell was appointed to the Council in Ireland, having already for -some months held a commission as Major-General of the forces there; but -he did not come over until July 1655. Fleetwood returned to England -some weeks later, but retained the office of Deputy, and continued to -give advice, while Henry became virtual head of the Irish Government. -Fleetwood had come very much under the influence of the Anabaptist -officers, and his supersession marks the decline of their reputation -with the now all-powerful Protector.[279] - -[Sidenote: Fleetwood leaves Ireland, Sept. 1655.] - -[Sidenote: Action of Ludlow.] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell and Ludlow.] - -When Fleetwood left Ireland, Henry Cromwell became President of the -Council. The other members were William Steele, Recorder of London, who -did not come over till the next year, Richard Pepys, who became Chief -Justice, Corbet, Goodwin, and Tomlinson. Hammond had died in 1654, and, -five being a quorum, it was necessary that all should be present. To -avoid this William Bury, of Grantham, was added in August 1656. The -Anabaptist party were very sorry to lose Fleetwood, and rejoiced in a -rumour of his probable return, but many superior officers, including -Sir Theophilus Jones, Sir Hardress Waller, and Commissary-General -Reynolds, circulated a petition to the Protector, suggesting that his -son should be Lord Lieutenant. Ludlow had given all the trouble he -could, refusing to surrender his commission to any but the Parliament -who gave it, and circulating pamphlets against the Protectorate, much -to the disgust of Fleetwood. He, however, allowed his commission to -be taken from him in an informal way, giving his parole to do nothing -against the Government until he came into the Protector's presence. -He then proposed to go to England on urgent private affairs, and -gave a second engagement to remain quiet until he had surrendered -to the Protector or the Lord Deputy. On this undertaking Fleetwood -gave him leave to go, and it was one of his last acts in Ireland. -When the Deputy was gone Henry Cromwell opposed Ludlow's departure, -while declining to restrain him forcibly; but he took steps to have -him intercepted at Beaumaris until the Protector's wishes were known, -and he was under arrest there for six weeks. Cromwell saw him after -his arrival in London, and there was much not altogether unfriendly -argument, but Ludlow stoutly refused to acknowledge the Government or -to give any security. As a matter of fact he remained quiet while the -protectorate lasted, and he was not molested.[280] - -[Sidenote: Irish girls for Jamaica.] - -[Sidenote: They are not sent.] - -The infant settlement in Jamaica suffered much from a scarcity of -women, and the English Government suggested that Irish girls might -be sent out. 'Concerning the young women,' wrote Henry Cromwell in -reply, 'though we must use force in taking them up, yet it being so -much for their own good, and likely to be of so great advantage to the -public, it is not in the least doubted that you may have such numbers -of them as you think fit.' The Committee of Council in England voted -that a thousand girls and as many boys should be sent, but there is no -evidence that anything was actually done, and the probabilities are -the other way. The difficulties in Jamaica were great, and perhaps -Cromwell thought that the time for importing settlers had not yet -come.[281] - -[Sidenote: Deportation to the West Indies.] - -[Sidenote: Deportation not confined to the Irish.] - -[Sidenote: Condition of the Irish at Barbadoes.] - -Considerable numbers were, however, sent from Ireland to the West -Indies. They were not slaves, but were forced to work for wages, and -could not leave the islands, to which they were sent in the character -of masterless men, vagrants, rogues, and vagabonds. This system -began in 1653, and continued until the Restoration or later. It was -not confined to Ireland, many seditious persons in England having -been treated in the same way. James II. continued the practice after -Sedgemoor. For white men the climate alone was a terrible punishment. A -large number of prisoners were thus treated after Penruddock's rising. -After Dunbar and Worcester English and Scotch captives were sent to New -England, and others were ordered to Bermuda. At the beginning of 1655 -the governor of Waterford was ordered to ship Morrice Cleere 'by the -first vessel bound for the Barbadoes, there to work for his living.' -About the same time it was ordered that 'when a peaceable person was -murdered' by any Tory or 'other Irish in rebellion,' three or four of -the chief Irish neighbours were to be shipped to Barbadoes, 'and other -American plantations,' unless they could show that they had done their -best to apprehend the guilty parties. An Irish priest who visited the -West Indies in 1669 enlarges on the state of the Irish sent by Cromwell -'and other fierce enemies of the Catholic Church and faith.' They had -been forced to work in the fields and 'treated cruelly and miserably in -temporal, and much more in spiritual things,' being entirely precluded -from Catholic worship, and from the ministration of their priests. -There were 8000 in Barbadoes, and about 4000 in other settlements. In -the French island of Guadeloupe there were 800, who were even worse -off than in the English possessions, for they lived in the worst parts -of it, and 'though the island was Catholic they had little advantage -by that, on account of the distance, difficult access, and scarcity of -priests.'[282] - -[Sidenote: Henry Cromwell and Dublin University.] - -[Sidenote: The Anabaptists.] - -[Sidenote: Henry Cromwell's moderation.] - -Oliver Cromwell became Chancellor of Oxford, and it was natural that -the University of Dublin should confer a like honour upon his son, -Ormonde being outlawed by the Act of 1652. Almost immediately after -his landing Henry was received in state and entertained at dinner by -the vice-chancellor, provost, and others, 'who, with many doctors, -were all robed in scarlet.' The vice-chancellor was Dr. Henry Jones, -who kept his bishopric of Clogher in the background, his services as -scoutmaster-general of the Parliamentary army having secured him in his -place. The provost was Dr. Samuel Winter, who ranked as an Independent, -but was inclined to maintain friendly relations with Episcopalians and -Presbyterians. Very probably his influence was great in determining -Henry Cromwell's tolerant policy towards Protestants of all sorts; but -this did not secure general good-will, for the Anabaptists were 'much -offended with him for coming every Lord's Day to parochial and public -congregations and with his chaplains for preaching against dipping.' -Winter himself preached and wrote in favour of infant baptism, and for -adhering to him 'a godly man' was solemnly excommunicated by the Dublin -Anabaptists, and had no alternative but to join the Independents. Henry -Cromwell's letters are full of complaints about the Anabaptists, and -their opposition in the Government and army was formidable, for they -could count twelve governors of cities or towns, twenty-four field -officers, many captains, two salaried preachers, and twenty-three -officials in civil pay. A clergyman at Galway complained of oppression -by Colonel Sadler, the governor of Galway, his offence being that -he had baptised children, and prevented 'dipping' in his church. He -recalled the tyranny of John of Leyden and Knipperdoling, and lamented -that so notable a town should be abandoned to a 'few mechanic barbers -and tailors.' Fleetwood had encouraged the sectaries more from weakness -than from actual sympathy. Military adventurers, who had enjoyed -despotic power during the war, were disgusted at having to share it -with moderate men, and especially at the re-establishment of regular -courts of law. Henry Cromwell was all for promoting 'the ancient -Protestant inhabitants,' who had been dispersed and were now trying to -return to their old occupations. Vincent Gookin and his friend Petty -were thoroughly in favour of this moderate policy. Of the discontented -people not one in a hundred had any property before the war, the rest -having gained possession of what they could in payment for service or -by buying out Adventurers and soldiers. 'And the confiscation of land -in Ireland,' adds Gookin prophetically, 'is so general, the settlers -and sellers so many, the buyers and takers so few, except them, that -it is certain within a year or two, all these men will have too great -interests in forfeited lands to give them up to Charles Stuart, or any -from him.'[283] - -[Sidenote: Reduction of the army, Sept. 1655.] - -[Sidenote: A mutiny quelled.] - -The reduction of the army in Ireland was a gradual and difficult -operation. In 1652 its total strength was about 34,000 men, which were -reduced to about 24,000 in the following year. In 1655, about 5000 -more were disbanded without any disorder, and Fleetwood estimated -that this would reduce the monthly cost to 28,000_l._, a saving of -some 17,000_l._ As much haste as possible was made to provide the -disbanded men with land, but they showed no disposition to settle upon -it. Cavalier plots and military discontents induced the Protector to -seek reinforcements in Ireland, and both Fleetwood and Henry Cromwell -feared lest their garrisons might be unduly weakened, for disturbances -in Great Britain always had their echo beyond the channel. In January -1655, 2300 men were sent to Liverpool, but they embarked very -unwillingly, saying that they had been engaged to fight Irish rebels, -whereas in England they might be employed against their best friends. -One company was cashiered by a court-martial, and one man was hanged at -the masthead. Later on troops were sent from Ireland to Jamaica.[284] - -[Sidenote: Oliver Cromwell and his son.] - -[Sidenote: Anabaptists and Quakers in the army.] - -It may be doubted whether Oliver Cromwell really had any dream of -founding a dynasty. We have his own statement that he wished his sons -to live privately in the country, and that he was only induced to -promote Henry by the earnest persuasion of others. Having placed him -in authority in Ireland he supported him steadily, but in a tentative -way and without doing anything to estrange others. He was civil to -Hewson and others who were inclined to give trouble, and refused to -believe that Fleetwood was in any way disloyal. 'Take care,' he wrote -to his son, 'of making it a business to be too hard for the men who -contest with you. Being over-concerned may train you into a snare. -I have to do with these men, and am not without my exercise. I know -they are weak because they are so peremptory in judging others.' The -Anabaptists were chiefly in his mind, but Henry had troubles with -the Quakers also, and here, too, the Protector might sympathise. The -danger always was that the army would become ill-affected. One of the -most troublesome officers was Hewson, who took the lead in petitioning -the Protector to send back 'our present precious Lord Deputy,' whose -appointment had been 'a refreshment to all the godly in this nation.' -Oliver answered civilly, but without granting the request, cautioning -his son against believing anything discreditable to Fleetwood. Henry -Cromwell also objected to having John Jones sent back to Ireland as -likely to be 'dangerous and prejudicial to the public,' by nourishing -factions, but drew back rather penitently when he found that Jones -was to become his uncle by marrying the Protector's sister. Hewson -was not really dangerous: he made terms for himself, was knighted by -Oliver, and accepted a seat in his House of Lords. But Axtell, Vernon, -Barrow, and Allen laid down their commissions because the Anabaptists -ceased to be the ruling sect, Thurloe attributing their action merely -to disappointed greed or ambition. The army, nevertheless, remained -faithful, and Henry Cromwell did his best to get the soldiers regularly -paid.[285] - -[Sidenote: Oliver's second Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: Irish members.] - -[Sidenote: Intolerance of this Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: Oath of abjuration.] - -In the summer of 1656 Henry Cromwell had become so weary of calumny -and so disheartened for want of effectual support that he wished -to retire; but Thurloe assured him that the tale-bearers were not -believed in England, and that he might go on with his work. It was -at this time that the Protector resolved to try a second Parliament, -and writs for the Irish elections were sent over. The major-generals -and the decimation tax were very unpopular in England, but in Ireland -the army was so completely master that there was not much difficulty -about getting thirty suitable members. Broghill, who as President of -the Council in Scotland managed the elections there, was returned in -his absence for the county of Cork, Sir Charles Coote for Galway and -Mayo, and Vincent Gookin for Cork and Kinsale. Broghill voted for the -title of king, but Henry Cromwell was against it, thinking little -of the constitutional argument which had such weight with men like -Whitelock, and esteeming it 'a gaudy feather in the hat of authority.' -The Protector refused the crown, and it would have been well for his -fame if he had also insisted on altering the eleventh article of the -Petition and Advice which secured religious liberty, provided 'it -should not be extended to Popery or Prelacy.' This having been admitted -as a principle of government, the logical consequence was to pass an -Act which obliged all suspected persons over sixteen to take an oath -abjuring the distinctive doctrines of the Roman communion, on pain of -having two-thirds of their property--real and personal--sequestered. -Those who afterwards became Protestants might be restored upon taking -the oath, but not unless they have given frequent attendance for -the previous six months at some authorised place of worship, being -subject to renewed sequestration if they relapsed. The same penalties -applied to any Protestant who married a Popish Recusant. 'The oath of -abjuration,' Henry Cromwell wrote, 'begets much disturbance here; for -the Irish, upon apprehension thereof, sell off their cattle to buy -horses, to put themselves into a shifting condition either for force or -flight.... I wish his Highness were made sensible hereof in time.' Dr. -Jones said the same thing, adding that the oath 'was the great engine -by which the Popish clergy stir up the people, and whereby they move -foreign states to their assistance.' Cromwell allowed this oppressive -law to pass, though it was a retrograde measure, and one which he -cannot really have approved. The unfortunate people affected by it in -Ireland were in no condition to give serious trouble, but it must have -led to the multiplication of Tories.[286] - -[Sidenote: Royalist plots.] - -[Sidenote: Weakness of Spain.] - -[Sidenote: Loss of a transport.] - -[Sidenote: Dishonest contractors.] - -The Cavaliers abroad were constantly plotting against the English -Government and the Protector's life, but these intrigues had scarcely -any direct effect on Ireland. Richard and Peter Talbot were among the -most active conspirators, and the landing of Irish troops was always -regarded as part of the scheme. The exiles were discussing Sexby's -plans at the beginning of 1656, and the Protector, who was always -well informed, thought it possible that some attempt might be made -in Ireland. He directed his son, and the order was promptly obeyed, -to reduce garrisons as much as possible, and to keep a field army in -two or three divisions ready for any alarm. John Davies, who had been -elected for Carrickfergus and Belfast, was known to be an underhand -Royalist worker, and he was not allowed to go to England. It was -in the north that trouble was expected, but nothing happened. Five -thousand foot and nearly half as many horse were held in readiness, -and Henry Cromwell was after this averse to a reduction of the army, -at least until an efficient Protestant militia could be provided. -Helpless and decadent Spain was the enemy whose still remaining force -was overrated by Cromwell. Nevertheless, he failed in Hispaniola, and -dared not attempt Gibraltar, so that his naval strength was mainly -useful to hold Jamaica by occupying the Spaniards near home. The end -of 1656 was marked by Stayner's capture of the galleons, but also by -a disaster on the Irish coast. A fleet carrying reinforcements for -Jamaica was dispersed by a gale, and one ship, the _Two Brothers_, -having sprung a leak, drifted towards a lee shore to the westward -of the Old Head of Kinsale. Four men were detached on a raft 'with -a letter in a pitch box,' and they reached land too much bruised to -move further. The letter was taken to the governor of Kinsale, but the -ship's cable parted in the meantime and she was driven upon a rock. -There were saved only about forty soldiers out of some 250, and sixteen -seamen out of twenty-nine. The Rev. Edward Worth, whose parsonage was -at Ringrone, not far off, thanked God that the wreck was in the barony -of Courcies, 'for the greater part inhabited by English and such Irish -as were never in rebellion; divers of the English and many more of the -Irish attended all that evening on the coast, not to get the plunder, -but to preserve the men whom it should please God to bring to shore.' -It was ebb tide, and as each poor wretch was thrown up by the sea, the -hardy natives ran down and helped him to escape before the next wave. -Worth and his neighbours provided shelter, and the people of Kinsale -vied with each other in providing for the castaways; for the natural -sentiments of humanity had survived the war, and were extended to -the soldiers of the Commonwealth. Another transport, the _Sapphire_, -from Carrickfergus, was driven into Cork harbour in an almost sinking -state, and 260 soldiers, forming her cargo, were quartered in the Great -Island, where they could be prevented from deserting. Both these ships -were the property of contractors, and supposed to be in good trim. When -the paint was off they proved to be 'very unsound and rotten, and I -think,' says Henry Cromwell, 'that those who were employed to contract -for those ships are deeply guilty of the loss of those poor men.'[287] - -[Sidenote: Henry Cromwell Lord Deputy, Nov. 17, 1657.] - -[Sidenote: Financial difficulties.] - -After some hesitation and confusion, Henry Cromwell was appointed -Deputy in November 1657, with a new council of five, of whom Chancellor -Steele was the chief. Sindercome had already put an end to himself, -and Sexby was safe in the Tower, where he died mad a few weeks later. -Royalist plots with Spanish support had ceased to be formidable, and -some reduction of the army in Ireland was possible, if only money could -be had to pay off the soldiers, who were eight months in arrear before -the end of 1657. The Deputy maintained that nothing like an equilibrium -could be established unless 180,000_l._ were transmitted from England. -The regular revenue of Ireland was only about 72,000_l._, which was -absorbed by the ordinary charges of government, and the extraordinary -taxation for the army weighed upon the country. Broghill reported that -some who had been returned to Parliament could not possibly attend the -second session, being impoverished by the expenses of the first, and by -heavy taxes. The usual remittances from England were slow in coming, -and there was also 'extreme trouble and confusion about Spanish and bad -coins which made the soldiers apt to grow licentious in abusing the -country when they levied their contribution.' They naturally decided -questions of exchange in their own favour, 'partly of necessity, and -partly presuming 'twill seem unreasonable to punish severely, and pay -negligently.' Twenty thousand pounds were assessed upon Ireland for war -purposes during the three months ending June 24, 1657, and 9000_l._ -a month for the three years then beginning. The monthly contribution -from England and Wales was 35,000_l._, and 6000_l._ from Scotland, -and many thought Ireland disproportionately burdened. Indeed, Henry -Cromwell says in one letter that she paid six times, and in another ten -times too much. The difficulty about money continued to the end of the -Protectorate, for Oliver had not time to summon a third Parliament, -and Richard's was short-lived. Without parliamentary authority it was -impossible to make the State self-supporting on either side of St. -George's Channel.[288] - -[Sidenote: The army supports the Protector.] - -[Sidenote: An Anabaptist on the constitution.] - -It was almost customary for a viceroy to be on ill terms with a Lord -Chancellor, and Henry Cromwell thought that Steele was plotting to -make a separate interest among the Independents. Henry was by many -years the younger man, and he allowed his senior to lecture him, -'supposing that if I got nothing else I should get his measure.' But -Thurloe did not believe his suspicions well founded, and Steele, who -had only accidentally missed being a regicide, had really no course -open to him but to support the Protector. After Oliver dissolved his -second Parliament, calling upon God to judge between him and them, -most of the officers in England and Scotland agreed to an address of -confidence in him. The same course was taken in Ireland, but Major Low, -an Anabaptist, refused to express a wish that 'government should be -settled on such a basis as should be most suitable to the constitution -of these nations,' saying that it implied a return to kingship. Sankey -and others of the same sect said that if kingship were really the most -suitable they would desire it: the Deputy must have seen the writing -on the wall. Ormonde's courageous visit to London, in January, and the -abortive gathering at Ostend caused some momentary alarm, but there -was no disturbance, and a little later the capture of Dunkirk raised -Cromwell to his highest pinnacle of fame. The army remained faithful, -and as long as life lasted it was evident to all that his power would -last also.[289] - -[Sidenote: Death of Cromwell, Sept. 3, 1658.] - -[Sidenote: Henry Cromwell, Lord Lieutenant.] - -Oliver Cromwell died, and Richard succeeded as quietly as if he had -been the legitimate king. The news reached Dublin on October 10, and on -the same day the new Protector was proclaimed. Having been signed by -the Lord Deputy and such Privy Councillors, judges, and chief officers -as were on the spot, the proclamation was printed and dispersed over -the country next day. There was no opposition, Broghill among others -announcing his adhesion. A despatch was sent to Monck promising him the -unanimous support of the Irish army in any difficulty. The machinery of -government went on as usual, but on October 6 Richard made his brother -Lord Lieutenant, and Petty carried the commission over to Ireland. Lord -Harry, as he was called, was not anxious for the higher title; but -having been appointed he kept the same state as Strafford had done, -which caused some amusement. An address from the army in Ireland to the -new Protector was agreed to, the officers being quite or very nearly -unanimous. But Henry was almost afraid to write, knowing that his -letter would be opened, and Fauconberg kept him informed of the plots -against his brother. He dared not leave his post, though much in want -of a holiday. 'I am afraid,' he wrote to Richard as early as October -20, 'to come to your Highness lest I should be kept there, and so your -Highness lose this army, which, for ought I know, is the only stay you -have ... the flood is so strong, you can neither stem it nor come to an -anchor, but must be content to go adrift and expect the ebb.'[290] - -[Sidenote: The Lord Lieutenant's difficulties.] - -[Sidenote: Elections for Richard's Parliament.] - -Henry Cromwell was ill and despondent during the months following -his father's death. He knew in his heart that the system could not -long outlive the man, and Thurloe, whose judgment was not warped by -fanaticism, could give him little comfort. 'The funeral,' he wrote, -'of his late Highness was solemnised this day with very great honour; -but alas! it was his funeral.' When the Lord Lieutenant's commission -came over it was found to contain no clause authorising him to leave -Ireland or to appoint a Deputy, and as if he felt Restoration in -the air he looked to Charles I. for a precedent, and sent over his -letter to Strafford as a model. He had, he wrote, been sentenced by -his enemies to an honourable banishment. Thurloe professed that the -omission was a mere oversight, but Fauconberg said bluntly that his -brother-in-law's presence in London was desired by no one. 'They that -hate you fear you too, and, therefore, oppose it, they that love you -have apprehensions neither Ireland nor Henry Cromwell are secure if -separated.' And Richard was of the same opinion. Moreover, he could -hardly be spared until the elections were over, and writs for the new -Parliament arrived about the middle of December. It had been decided -that thirty members should be sent from Ireland and the same from -Scotland by constituencies grouped upon Oliver's plan. The English -members were to be returned by the old counties and boroughs, giving -up the late Protector's attempt at parliamentary reform, but the -Upper House was left as he had devised it, and separate writs for it -were sent to the Lord Lieutenant, to Lord Chancellor Steele, and to -Lord Broghill. Petty was returned for West Loo, Coote for Galway and -Mayo, and Vincent Gookin for Bandon and Kinsale. Broghill thought a -Parliament necessary, but was not sanguine, and foresaw opposition from -the army.[291] - -[Sidenote: Parliament of 1659.] - -[Sidenote: Opinions of Irish members.] - -The notice for the elections was so short that many or most of the -Irish members could not reach London in time for the opening of -Parliament; but this made little difference, for the House of Commons -was occupied at first in the discussion of the Protector's title, -the constitution of the 'other House,' and the status of the Scotch -members. Parliament met on January 27, and it was not till March 23 -that it was debated whether the members for Ireland should continue -to serve. In the meantime they were allowed to speak and, apparently, -to vote. Major Ashton, who represented Meath and Louth, preferred a -separate legislature, partly on the ground that Ireland should have -no share in governing England. Arthur Annesley, who sat for the city -of Dublin, was of the same opinion--mainly, because Ireland would be -overtaxed by an assembly where she was always in a minority. At the -moment, he said, Ireland very unfairly paid 9000_l._ a month while -Scotland paid only 6000_l._, and his prayer was 'that they might -have some to hear their grievances in their own nation, seeing they -cannot have them heard here.' Sir Thomas Stanley, member for Tipperary -and Waterford, said he spoke not for Ireland, but for the English -in Ireland. 'Language, habit, laws, interest being in every respect -the same in kind,' he was in favour of the Union, for free-born -Englishmen beyond the channel had a natural right to representation -in the sovereign Parliament. A hundred and fifty-six voted for the -retention of the Irish members, and a hundred and six against, Thurloe -being one of the tellers for the majority. After this the Parliament -had but one short month of life, during which Irish affairs seem to -have been but little discussed, except in the matter of Petty and his -proceedings.[292] - -[Sidenote: Petty and Sankey.] - -Petty's great enemy was Sir Hierome Sankey, who had had a varied -career. At Cambridge, where he was a candidate for Holy Orders, he -was more noted for proficiency in athletic games than for study, and -soon rose in the army when he took the Parliamentary side at the -beginning of the Civil War. He became in turns a Presbyterian, an -Independent, and at last an Anabaptist. He migrated to Oxford, where he -became Fellow of All Souls, and was one of the proctors when Fairfax -and Cromwell were made Doctors of Civil Law in 1649. He sat in the -Parliament of 1654 for Tipperary and Waterford, and in that of 1656 for -Marlborough. Henry Cromwell knighted him, and in Richard's Parliament -he represented Woodstock. On March 24 he charged Petty with various -kinds of corruption, but without giving particulars, and in the accused -man's absence. Maynard, who was himself an Adventurer in Ireland and -who touched on his own experience in the Strafford trial, fixed upon -this want of particulars, and he was not without support. The most -that Sankey could do was to sign six articles, all of the most general -character; and these were sent to Petty in Ireland, with orders to -attend in his place that day month. The summons did not reach him until -April 3, so that he had only seventeen days to make his preparations -and travel from Dublin to London. He had some reason to complain of the -short time allowed him.[293] - -[Sidenote: Petty's defence.] - -[Sidenote: His revenge.] - -On April 21 Petty attended as directed, and spoke at length in answer -to the articles. His speech was dignified and moderate, and made a -very good impression on the House. The first charge was that he had -received great bribes. To this he answered that as clerk of the Council -he had never taken anything but the bare salary, and that as secretary -to Henry Cromwell he had been a pecuniary loser, not exacting even the -customary fees, 'merely upon the account of preserving his Excellency's -honour clear, and myself clear from the least appearance of this evil.' -The burden of proof evidently lay upon the accuser. The second charge -was that he had been a wholesale purchaser of debentures, contrary to -the Act of Satisfaction, forcing people to sell as a condition for -having their lands set out to them. To this Petty replied that he -had many colleagues and was well watched, so that he could not use -coercion if he had wished; that the debentures bought by him were under -7000_l._ in value, and that he had got them from brokers, who profited -by the transaction. The third article charged him with the fraudulent -acquisition of much money and land, to which he answered that the -only public payment to him was by contract; that the 17,000_l._ which -the survey cost was well and hardly earned; and that the soldiers had -paid half of it themselves. As to land, he had no more than a fair -consideration for what was owed him. The fourth charge was a general -one of foul and unwarrantable practices, on which he was content to -challenge the production of a single instance. The fifth and sixth -articles accused Petty and his colleagues of malversation generally, -and was scarcely worth answering, since they did not fall particularly -on him. He abstained from recrimination in debate, but took ample -revenge by publishing a report of Sankey's reply, which begins thus: -'Mr. Speaker, you have heard here a long, starched, studied speech; -I say a starched, studied piece. Mr. Speaker, there has been a great -deal of rhetoric; I say a great deal of rhetoric. But I will prove -my charge; I will make it good, Mr. Speaker, from the front to the -rear--front, flank, and rear; Mr. Speaker, that I will,' and so forth. -No real evidence of any kind was adduced, or even mentioned, and the -business was referred to the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland. -Richard's Parliament was dissolved the next day, and we are justified -in believing his brother's oft-repeated assertion that Dr. Petty was a -very honest man.[294] - -[Sidenote: Dissolution of Parliament, April 22.] - -[Sidenote: The Rump restored.] - -[Sidenote: Henry Cromwell recalled.] - -Richard Cromwell probably knew quite well that the dissolution of -Parliament was virtually an abdication, and he resisted to the utmost. -But the officers were determined to depose him, and he had no hold upon -soldiers whom he had never led to victory. His brother in Ireland could -only wait upon events, rejoicing 'that our dear father went off in that -glory which was due to his actings.' He sent over Bury, Lawrence, and -Dr. Henry Jones to confer with Fleetwood as to what was to be done. The -Rump was restored in less than three weeks, but so attenuated was that -once formidable assembly that a quorum of forty was with difficulty -got together. Ninety-one members in all were admitted to sit, several -of whom had been elected in an unconstitutional manner, and the number -meeting at any one time never reached sixty. Lenthall, notwithstanding -his new-fangled peerage, was induced to take the chair. Immediately -after the late dissolution Coote had hurried to Ireland with the -news, and Broghill went over about the same time. On June 7 the House -resolved that Henry Cromwell, whose opposition they feared, should come -over to give an account of the state of Ireland, and that on the same -day the government should be handed over to five commissioners. Steele, -Jones, and Goodwin were named at once, Corbet and Tomlinson being added -two days later. Ludlow's name was rejected by twenty-six votes against -twenty-two, but a month later he was appointed to command the army, and -he reached Dublin about the end of July.[295] - -[Sidenote: The Royalists endeavour to gain Henry.] - -[Sidenote: He prefers private life.] - -The rumour of his recall reached Henry Cromwell before he had any -official notice, and he decided to resign without waiting for it. -Great offers had been made to him on the part of the exiled King, -and he seems to have wavered for a moment, though finally he thanked -God for having been enabled to resist temptation. The Royalists had -relied on Fauconberg's powers of persuasion, and Charles expected -Broghill's help, though he prudently avoided making any direct advance -to that astute politician. In his letter of resignation to the Speaker -he complained that he had had 'the unhappiness of late to receive -intelligence only from common fame and very private hands, and to be -forced rather to guess what to do upon all emergencies than to be -intrusted with the clear commands of superiors.' He had secured the -fidelity of the army to the English Government so that that 'dangerous, -numerous, and exasperated people, the Irish natives and Papists,' might -be no cause for anxiety. He warned the Parliament that as they had -been turned out of doors in 1653, so they might well be again and by -the same people. He was himself a lover of peace and of orderly civil -government, but 'I cannot,' he said, 'promote anything which infers -the diminution of my late father's honour and merit.' The Royalists, -having failed to gain him over, were afraid of his heading a separate -interest; and Clarendon, who had been concerned in the abortive -negotiations, says that 'by the jolliness of his humour and a general -civility towards all, he had rendered himself gracious and popular -to all sorts of people.' He left Ireland soon after his resignation, -told his story to the Council of State on July 6, and retired to -Cambridgeshire.[296] - -[Sidenote: Public character of Henry Cromwell.] - -It is probable that materials do not exist for a full account of Henry -Cromwell. His public career ended at the age of thirty-one, and he -had no opportunity of showing much originality. The confiscation of -Irish land to pay the expenses of conquering the country was decided -upon when he was quite a boy, and he had no voice in the subsequent -legislation. So far as Protestants were concerned, he leaned towards -comprehension, and allowed no sect or party to dominate over the rest. -As to the Roman Catholics, there was little scope for any movement in -the direction of toleration, but he disliked the oath of abjuration. 'I -wish,' he said, 'this extreme course had not been so suddenly taken, -coming like a thunder-clap upon them. I wish the oath for the present -had provided (though in severest manner) for their renouncing all -foreign jurisdiction; and as for other doctrinal matters, that some -means had been first used to have informed their judgments with such -ordinary smaller penalties as former experience has found effectual. -I wish his Highness were made sensible thereof in time.' He was fain -to dispense with the oath, but Thurloe thought this could not be done -without an Act of Parliament, though it might be modified in practice -by those on the spot; and this was just what Henry Cromwell did. In -other political matters he showed good judgment, questioning the real -value of Dunkirk, objecting to penal taxation of the Cavaliers, and -showing how impossible it was to bind a nation by oaths or any other -contrivance. 'To what,' he asked, 'shall men swear? Have you any -settlement? Does not your peace depend upon his Highness's life, and -upon his peculiar skill and faculty and personal interest in the army -as now modelled and commanded?' He was always loyal to his father, but -he had been in love with Dorothy Osborne, and he had no objection to -Royalists as such. It seems that he might have made a party for himself -at the cost of much bloodshed, and he deserves nothing but praise -for preferring to retire quietly. Oliver had warned him against the -temptation to build up a great estate, and though he did not refuse -to take grants of land like everyone else, he had at the end of his -government scarcely money enough to carry him back to England.[297] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[279] Fleetwood to Thurloe, December 15, 1654, _Thurloe_, iii. 23. - -[280] Taylor to Harrison, December 17, 1655 (wrongly placed among -papers of 1654) in _Thurloe_, iii. 29; _ib._ iv. 260, 327; _Clarke -Papers_, iii. 60; _Ludlow_, i. 406 _sqq._, with Mr. Firth's notes for -Ludlow's proceedings. Fleetwood writes on January 3, 1654-5, 'Here hath -been some papers called mementoes spread up and down the army by that -gentleman, who, I had hoped, my friendship would have prevented any -such attempt,' _Thurloe_, iii. 70. - -[281] Correspondence between H. Cromwell and Thurloe from September 11, -1655, till January 22 following, in _Thurloe_, iv. 23, 40, 75, 198, -443. See Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, iii. 452. - -[282] Minutes of Irish Council, January 22, 1654-5 and March 27, Irish -R.O. A/60. Rev. John Grace's report, July 5, 1669, in _Spicilegium -Ossoriense_, i. 484 (Latin). See Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, chaps. 40 -and 44. A shipload was sent to St. Christophers from Kinsale, Robert -Southwell to H. Cromwell, March 6, 1656-7, _Lansdowne MSS._, 821. - -[283] _Clarke Papers_, iii. 49, 52; Rev. Thomas Harrison (Independent) -to Thurloe, October 17, 1655, _Thurloe_, iv. 90; Vincent Gookin to -the Protector (written in London), _ib._ November 22, 1656; Stubbs, -_Hist. of the University of Dublin_, p. 90. Winter with two elders and -forty-one other parishioners signed a letter to the Protector praising -Henry warmly for his charity and justice and his countenance 'to all -that fear God though of different judgments,' _Milton State Papers_, -p. 137, June 3, 1656; Rev. R. Easthorp to H. Cromwell, June 11, 1657, -_Lansdowne MSS._, p. 822. - -[284] _Ludlow_, i. 360, 402, 415; _Thurloe_, iii. 70, 136, 710, 715, -744; iv. 73. - -[285] Oliver Cromwell to Fleetwood, June 22, 1655, _Carlyle_, ii. 451; -to Henry Cromwell, November 21, _ib._ 479; Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, -September 19, 1655 (as to 'Colonel Hewson with his three Anabaptist -sons'), _Thurloe_, iv. 327; December 26, _ib._ 348; February 6 and -April 2, 1655-6 (as to military Quakers), _ib._ 508, 672; and H. -Ingoldsby's letter from Limerick, March 29, 1657, _Lansdowne MSS._, p. -822; Thurloe to Henry Cromwell, January 1, _ib._ 573; Henry Cromwell to -Thurloe (as to John Jones), March 12 and April 2, 1655-6, _ib._ 606, -672; same to same (for the field officers who resigned), December 3, -1666, _ib._ 670. - -[286] The Act for convicting Popish Recusants, reciting the form of -oath, in _Scobell_, ii. 443; Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, September 23, -1657, _Thurloe_, vi. 527; Dr. Henry Jones to same, September 30, _ib._ -539. - -[287] Dr. Worth's letter, October 31, 1656, _Clarke Papers_, iii. 77; -H. Cromwell's letters of November 5 and November 17, _Thurloe_, v. 558, -570, and Col. Moore's to him, November 2, _ib._ 571. For the Royalist -plots referred to, _ib._ 348, 422, 443. - -[288] _Scobell_, ii. 424, 491; Henry Cromwell's letters in vols. vi. -and vii. of _Thurloe_, particularly that to the Protector of December -2, 1657, vi. 649; to Fleetwood, April 14, 1658, vii. 71; and to -Thurloe, May 5, _ib._ 144. Broghill to Thurloe, December 11, 1657, -_ib._ vi. 670. On April 27, 1658, Fleetwood wrote, 'If we can get you -30,000_l._ by borrowing, it will be the most,' _ib._ vii. 100. - -[289] Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, March 24 and 31, 1658, and May 26 and -June 23; Thurloe's answer, July 13, _Thurloe_, vii. 21, 39, 145, 198, -269. - -[290] Henry Cromwell's letter (with the proclamation), in _Thurloe_, -vii. 384, 425, 453; Steele, _ib._ 388; Broghill (from Mallow), _ib._ -399; Fauconberg, _ib._ 406, 413, 437, 450; Colonel T. Cooper, _ib._ -425; _Liber Munerum Publicorum_, vol. i. part ii. 8; _Clarke Papers_, -iii. 166. - -[291] Thurloe to H. Cromwell, November 23, 1658, _Thurloe_, vii. 528; -three letters of Broghill's, December 18 to January 24, _ib._ 573, 597, -600; Fauconberg's letter, _ib._ 528; List of members in _Parliamentary -Hist._ xxi. 262. It does not appear that Petty was returned for any -place in Ireland, as stated in his _Life_, p. 79. Gookin's opposition -to Broghill was unsuccessful, Neal's _Hist. of the Puritans_, iv. 182. - -[292] Burton's _Diary_, iv. 237-242; Broghill to Thurloe, January 24, -1658-9, in _Thurloe_, and Neal's _History of the Puritans_, iv. 183. - -[293] Wood's _Fasti Oxonienses_, vol. iv. in Bliss's edition, 119, 148, -156; Burton's _Diary_, iv. 244 _sqq._; _Hist. of Down Survey_, p. 292. - -[294] Burton's _Diary_, iv. 244, 470; _Hist. of Down Survey_, 290-300, -where Petty gives Sankey's speech 'as near as the memory of such as -were present can recollect.' H. Cromwell to Thurloe, April 11, 1659, -'he has curiously deluded me these four years if he be a knave,' -and another letter to Fleetwood in June, _Thurloe_, vii. 651, 684. -Sankey's speech with some amusing comments may be also read in Petty's -_Reflections_ on some persons and things in Ireland. - -[295] Henry Cromwell to Richard, May 23, 1659, and to Fleetwood next -day, _Thurloe_, vii. 674; Broghill to Thurloe, April 29, _ib._ 665; -_Old Parliamentary Hist._, xxi. 372 _sqq._; _Ludlow_, ii. 177 _sqq._ - -[296] H. Cromwell to the Speaker, June 15, 1659, _Thurloe_, vii. 683, -and to Fleetwood, _ib._ 685; _Clarendon State Papers_, iii. 500; -Clarendon's _Hist. of the Rebellion_, xvi. 16; _Ludlow_, ii. Clarendon -states in a letter that Henry Cromwell had at one time actually -determined to declare for the King, 'but that wretched fellow had no -courage,' to Ormonde, October 25, 1659, in Carte's _Original Letters_, -ii. 242. - -[297] H. Cromwell to Thurloe, September 23, 1657, _Thurloe_, vi. 527; -March 27, 1657-8, _ib._ 39; June 30, _ib._ 218; to Fleetwood, June -1659, _ib._ 684. Writing both to Thurloe and Broghill on April 7, 1658, -he mentions that Inchiquin's son came to him without any pass after -three weeks' stay among his father's friends in Munster: 'I will be as -civil as I may be to him, and to all men else,' _ib._ vii. 55, 57. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIX - -THE RESTORATION - - -[Sidenote: Provisional Government, 1659.] - -[Sidenote: Position of Ludlow.] - -The Commissioners appointed by Parliament carried on the civil -government for about six months after Henry Cromwell's resignation, but -the really important thing was the attitude of the army. Ludlow and -John Jones went over together in July, and on their way to Holyhead -heard rumours of a coming rising under Sir George Booth. Soon after -their arrival in Ireland one hundred men were sent to reinforce -Beaumaris and the neighbouring garrisons. On landing at Ringsend, -'the guard that had formerly attended Cromwell' was waiting under Sir -Theophilus Jones, and escorted the new commander-in-chief into Dublin. -The Commissioners arranged to preside for a month in turn, Ludlow -sitting next the chairman when present, and having precedence at other -times; in official documents he was styled 'Excellency.' He had brought -with him a letter of credit for 30,000_l._, which added weight to his -promise of regular pay for the soldiers. As soon as the insurrection -broke out in Cheshire he was ordered to send over a thousand foot and -five hundred horse; and they were despatched within ten days, under -Sankey's command, two months' pay having been advanced to them. During -the disorderly period which followed they became known as the Irish -Brigade.[298] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow purges the army.] - -[Sidenote: John Jones in command of the army.] - -Ludlow was determined not to be again kept in Ireland as a kind of -exile, and took the precaution of having a clause in his commission -allowing him to return when he chose, and to appoint a substitute in -his absence. Before taking advantage of this he devoted himself to a -reform of the army, for he found 'divers of the officers guilty of -habitual immoralities, many of them accustomed to detain the pay of -the private soldiers, and most of them debauched in their principles -by the late usurpation of the Cromwells.' Many of them, especially in -Connaught and Clare, had married Irish Papists, and some who professed -Protestantism might 'justly be suspected to continue Papists.' Many -were dismissed, and their places filled as far as possible by men -who had been cashiered for adhering to the Parliament as against the -Protectorate. In the meantime the Irish Brigade at Derby supported -Lambert and those who proposed to make him Major-General. Copies of -their petition were sent to Ireland by Sankey, and officers there -were invited to concur; but Ludlow assembled as many as he could and -persuaded them that England would never submit to be governed by -the sword. He then prepared to go to England, and wished to leave -the military as well as the civil authority in the hands of the -Commissioners; but this they refused to accept. He then appointed -Jones, who was one of them, to be his substitute, for he regarded -Waller as a time-server, and Sankey had made himself impossible. As a -member of Parliament and one of the late King's judges, Jones might -at all events be trusted not to favour Charles Stuart. On reaching -Beaumaris Ludlow heard that the Parliament had once more, as Henry -Cromwell had foreshadowed, been turned out of doors by the soldiers. -Lambert, who was in command, had narrowly escaped the Tower, and was -actually deprived of his commission along with Desborough and others. -The Act constituting Fleetwood commander-in-chief in Great Britain -was repealed, and he became one of a commission of seven along with -Ludlow, Monck, and others. Among them was Haselrig, whom Lambert -believed to be thirsting for his blood, and he professed to be acting -in self-defence.[299] - -[Sidenote: Monck and Jones, Oct. 1659.] - -[Sidenote: Last acts of the Irish Commissioners.] - -As soon as Monck heard of what had happened in London he wrote to -Ludlow as his fellow-commissioner for the government of the army, -declaring that the forces under his immediate command were unanimous -for Parliament, and declaring his intention to 'prosecute this business -against ambition and tyranny to the last drops of my blood till they -be restored.' The letter reached Jones in Ireland, and an answer was -sent by him. Cornet Henry Monck, the general's nephew, was in Dublin, -and thought the army neutral, until fourteen field-officers signed -an address to the army in England, by which he observed that all -who inclined to Anabaptism were against the Parliament. The answer -sent to Monck was signed by Jones himself and Sir Hardress Waller, -Colonel Cooper, governor of Carrickfergus, Colonel Lawrence, governor -of Waterford, Colonel Phaire, governor of Cork, Colonel Nicholas -Kempson, Ludlow's brother-in-law, and Dr. Henry Jones. These officers -declared that any division of action or opinion in the army would be -'found in the issue to be nothing else but the opening of a door for -the common enemy to come in,' and the event showed that they were not -far wrong. At the same time Monck was informed by his nephew that he -would have the support of Sir Charles Coote, Sir Theophilus Jones, and -most of the other officers. Sankey, who commanded the Irish Brigade -in England, sided with Lambert; but Colonel Redman, who served under -him, was already in communication with Charles II. While the action of -the army remained uncertain, the Commissioners carried on the civil -government, and there were no serious disturbances. Large numbers of -the transplanted still refused to stir, and the Tories were troublesome -in many places. An order went forth in September to disarm all Irish -Papists in Wicklow and to seize their arms and ammunition. There was -a particularly active gang of marauders about Castledermot. Some -weeks later a seizure was made at the custom-house of Quaker books -which denounced the Government as anti-Christian and the ministers -established by them as 'priests, hirelings, and dumb dogs.' The very -last order of Jones and his colleagues appears to have been one for the -suppression of the Christmas holidays, as giving rise to debauchery -and only calculated to 'uphold idolatry and superstition derived from -the Church of Rome.'[300] - -[Sidenote: Revolt of the Irish army.] - -[Sidenote: The Commissioners imprisoned] - -The order against Christmas was made on December 9, and four days later -the whole face of affairs was changed. Sir Theophilus Jones and some -other officers determined, after Lambert had dismissed the Parliament, -to free themselves from subjection to the Wallingford House party. -They began by petitioning John Jones as commander-in-chief to call a -general council of officers to consider the situation, Sir Hardress -Waller as the next in rank undertaking to take the lead in the matter. -Jones dared not refuse such a request altogether, but the malcontents -intercepted a letter from Fleetwood from which they understood that -the opportunity would be taken to arrest them. There were but five -companies of foot and three troops of horse in Dublin whose fidelity -Jones had little reason to doubt. But Captain Bond persuaded his -own company to seize the Castle gates and make prisoners of Jones, -Corbet, and Tomlinson. A declaration in favour of the Parliament was -cried through the streets next morning and generally approved of. The -officers who had laid the plot were thus in the possession of the only -magazine, which had just been replenished with five hundred barrels of -powder, and no resistance could be attempted. The other garrisons were -quickly mastered, Coote securing Galway, while Broghill held Youghal, -Bandon and Kinsale. The garrisons of Cork, Limerick, Waterford, and -Athlone took the same course; and the submission of Londonderry settled -the question in Ulster. Colonel Cooper, the governor of Carrickfergus, -who might have given trouble in the northern province, died in his -chair within a week. The officers in Dublin at once informed Monck of -what had been done; the news was also sent to London and Portsmouth, -while Coote and Broghill were urged to come to Dublin. Sir Hardress -Waller acquiesced, though he had signed the answer to Monck, and became -for the moment commander-in-chief. The Irish Brigade in England -declared for the Parliament on December 21, and Sankey was arrested by -Monck, who was welcomed by Redman at the head of the troops when he -came to Leicester.[301] - -[Sidenote: Monck gains over Coote and Broghill.] - -Sir Theophilus Jones had six troops of horse ready to go to Monck's -assistance, but Lambert's star waned so fast that they were not wanted. -Whitelock saw that a restoration was inevitable, and nearly persuaded -Fleetwood to seize the Tower, communicate with the King, and get credit -for what he could not prevent. But Desborough and others reminded him -that he was bound to Lambert, who was at Newcastle, and he refused -to stir without consulting him. 'Then,' said Whitelock, 'you will -ruin yourself and your friends.' 'I cannot help it,' was the answer; -and that exactly represents Fleetwood's attitude. On December 26 the -Rump without his aid retook possession of their House amidst the -acclamations of the very soldiers who had kept them out of it. The news -reached Monck at Coldstream four or five days later, and on January 1 -he crossed the Tweed, Lambert being deserted by his army. From Durham -he sent Sir Joseph Douglas to gain over Coote, and he was also in -communication with Broghill; but by this time both were in Dublin, and -fully committed to the cause of the Parliament.[302] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow goes to Ireland, December.] - -[Sidenote: But is not allowed to land.] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow at Duncannon, January.] - -Ludlow was a genuine Republican, and his great object was to prevent a -restoration of the monarchy. 'It was,' he says, 'my judgment, that if -either the Parliament or the army should entirely prevail one against -the other in this juncture, it would hazard the ruin of both.' The -Parliament alone could provide regular sustenance for the army which -was necessary for its own protection, and it was by establishing a -balance that Charles Stuart might be kept out. With these ideas, and -with some hopes of furthering them through his position at the head of -the Irish army, he set out for Dublin as soon as the restoration of the -Parliament was practically arranged. He could not but agree with the -decision of the officers in Ireland to co-operate for that purpose with -the generals at Portsmouth, with Monck, and with Vice-Admiral Lawson, -but he distrusted Sir Theophilus Jones, Colonel Bridges, and others -who had supported the protectorate; and Coote's attitude was evidently -suspicious. Ludlow embarked upon the _Oxford_ frigate, and anchored -off his own house at Monkstown on the last of December, but did not -venture to land until he knew what was going on. Before he appeared -upon the coast, Coote and the others had resolved not to admit him as -commander-in-chief without fresh orders from Parliament. Ludlow sent -a letter to Waller and his colleagues, offering to help in the good -work, but they answered that his appearance was very unacceptable, -that they did not believe he was true to the Parliament, and that they -would not resign their power without direct orders from that body. They -also hinted very plainly that they were quite ready to arrest Ludlow -if so directed. Captain Lucas, who brought the letter, suggested that -he should go to the council of officers and adjust all differences by -personal intercourse; but he answered that he knew their principles -much too well to trust himself in their hands, adding that their -attachment to the Parliament was feigned, and their real design 'to -destroy both them and their friends, and to bring in the son of the -late King.' Cavalry were sent to prevent him from landing, and he was -not allowed to get water or provisions. Seeing that nothing could be -done, Ludlow sent letters to London by the ordinary packet, along with -some which he had intercepted, and after three days' waiting, sailed to -Duncannon, Corbet having taken refuge in his ship. They were received -with joy by Captain Skinner, whom Ludlow had appointed governor; but -Waterford was as hostile as Dublin had been, and he was not allowed -even to ship provisions which he had paid for. Attempts were also -made to alienate the garrison of the fort by representing him as a -deserter from the Parliament, and cattle intended for their relief were -driven off by cavalry under Colonel Edmund Temple. A few days later -Duncannon was blockaded by a sufficient force under Colonel Thomas -Scot, the regicide's son; but some provisions were introduced in the -meantime.[303] - -[Sidenote: Impeachment of Ludlow and the Commissioners.] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow leaves Ireland.] - -As he endeavoured to keep terms with the Wallingford House party, -it was possible to represent Ludlow as an enemy or lukewarm friend -to the Parliament. Why, it was asked, had he left London two days -before its restoration? His commission, to be of any value under the -circumstances, should be dated after that event, whereas he depended on -what had been done before the late interval of military violence. In a -letter written during that enforced recess he had addressed John Jones -as 'Dear friend,' and expressed a fear that the Long Parliament would -be 'very high, in case they should be brought in without conditions.' -Two or three days after Ludlow's arrival at Duncannon, the victorious -party in Dublin sent over articles of impeachment against him, Jones, -Corbet, and Tomlinson, which were read in the House on January 19. The -powers of the accused were at once suspended, and they were summoned -to attend, Ludlow being specially ordered to surrender Duncannon to -Coote and Jones. The fort was beset in the meantime, and before the -decision of Parliament was known Captain Skinner complained that the -soldiers outside insulted the garrison with expressions in use only -among the worst kind of Cavaliers, such as 'God damn them!' and 'Go -to your prayers!' Some called for the Parliament of 1641, some for -that of 1647, and some complained that it was reduced to a 'rump, -fag-end, or limb.' There had been earlier orders for Ludlow and the -three Commissioners to go over and give an account of the state of -Ireland, and Monck, whose suggestions at the moment had almost the -weight of commands, pressed for their recall and for the appointment -of Coote, Broghill, and three others. Ludlow sailed from Duncannon in -obedience to the first summons, heard of the impeachment on his way to -London, and took his seat in Parliament along with Corbet on January -30. Tomlinson was a prisoner in Dublin Castle, and John Jones at -Athlone.[304] - -[Sidenote: A new Provisional Government, January 1659-60.] - -[Sidenote: A general convention.] - -[Sidenote: Coote and Broghill approach Charles II.] - -[Sidenote: Declaration of Munster officers, February.] - -Broghill, Coote, and Major William Bury were appointed Commissioners -for the government of Ireland in January, and by the end of the month -the officers in Dublin had a pretty good understanding with Monck; -but they probably forced his hand by summoning a convention to meet -on February 7. The places represented were as in Strafford's time, -but no doubt care was taken that the assembly should be entirely -Protestant. Sir James Barry, afterwards Lord Santry, was chosen -Speaker, and William Temple sat for the county of Carlow. The Council -of State ordered the convention to dissolve, but this they refused, -while repudiating any idea of separation from England. Sir Hardress -Waller had hitherto gone with the rest; but it became evident that -Royalism was winning, and he had sat regularly as one of the late -King's judges, and signed his death-warrant. He made himself master of -the Castle, and it was believed that he intended to seize Coote and -other leaders who had declared in print for a free Parliament and the -readmission of all the secluded members. The convention had the power -of the purse, and the soldiers in the Castle, who were probably tired -of barrack-revolutions and deferred pay, surrendered Waller and the -few officers who supported him. Coote sent Sir Arthur Forbes, a noted -Royalist who had been with Montrose, to Brussels with an offer of his -services, and Charles gladly accepted them, offering an earldom and -other benefits, and proposing to join him, 'except it be more necessary -that I go for England.' Broghill sent his brother Francis, afterwards -Lord Shannon, about the same time; and, if we are to believe his not -very trustworthy biographer, Charles was on the point of starting for -Ireland by way of Calais when he heard that things were going so well -in England as to make the journey unnecessary. What is more certain is -that Broghill was at Cork three days after Waller's attempt, and there, -at the head of the Munster officers, signed a declaration in favour -of a full and free Parliament, and of readmitting the members ousted -by Pride's Purge. All men, they said, were tired of anarchy and of -authorities constantly changing, and for the moment there was no safety -but in restoring the Long Parliament to its unpurged condition. 'If the -excluded members be readmitted, they must be either the greater or the -lesser number in the House; if the lesser, where is the danger of their -admission? If the greater, where is the justice of their exclusion? -For then it will appear that the minor number keeps out the major.' -Whatever may have been Broghill's secret negotiations, he kept up a -correspondence with Thurloe long after Monck had come to Whitehall, -and repudiated the idea of bringing in the King as late as April 24. -Even on May 8, when Charles was proclaimed in London, he still talked -of preserving 'the just rights we contended for so successfully in the -war,' very truly observing that if no conditions were made before the -then inevitable restoration, it would be next to impossible to make any -afterwards.[305] - -[Sidenote: Charles II. proclaimed in Dublin, May 14.] - -[Sidenote: Coote and Broghill Lords Justices.] - -According to his biographer and chaplain, Broghill was the moving -spirit, and Coote acted under his influence; but this is extremely -doubtful. Broghill loved tortuous ways, and was perhaps anxious to -leave himself a loophole in any case. Foreseeing the importance of the -Convention Parliament in England, he was most anxious to be in it, -and, having married a Howard, he found a seat at Arundel. Coote and -his friends were ready to declare themselves before decisive steps -were taken in London, but it was felt that the restored King might -be embarrassed by premature action, and means were taken to delay -proceedings. Charles II. was not proclaimed in Dublin till May 14, -and on the 25th Broghill was sent with Coote and others to attend the -King. Whatever those in all the secrets may have thought, Coote was -at first much better received by the Royalists generally, who looked -upon his colleague and rival as a trimmer. Three days later the Irish -Convention adjourned till November. Monck was appointed Lord Lieutenant -and Lord Roberts Deputy; but neither of them came over, and at the end -of the year Sir Maurice Eustace, who had been made Lord Chancellor, -was appointed Lord Justice, with Coote and Broghill as colleagues. The -two soldiers were treated as of equal importance, the one being made -Earl of Orrery on September 5, and the other Earl of Mountrath on the -following day.[306] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[298] _Ludlow_, ii. 104-111. - -[299] The Commission was appointed on October 12, and Lambert -suppressed the Parliament next day. _Ludlow_, ii. 119-137, 143; _Old -Parliamentary Hist._, xxi. 453-479; Lord Mordaunt to the King, October -27, in Carte's _Original Letters_, ii. 244. - -[300] Monck's letter of October 20, 1659, in _Ludlow_, ii. 449; Henry -Monck's letter of November 3 in _Clarke Papers_, iv. 95, with the -notes; Commonwealth Papers in _Irish R.O._ A/17. - -[301] A _Letter sent from Ireland_ to Lenthall, dated December 15, -and read in Parliament January 5, 1659. _A Perfect Narrative_ of the -grounds and reasons moving some officers of the army in Ireland to the -securing of the Castle of Dublin for the Parliament on December 13, -last, London, 1660. _Ludlow_, ii. 184. Sir Theophilus Jones and the -rest to the army at Portsmouth, December 24, 1659, _Portland Papers_, -i. 688. Robert Wood was commissioned to offer 3000 or 4000 men from -Ireland to the Parliament, _ib._ 690. Hoyle and others to Lenthall, -December 31, _ib._ 691; Waller to Monck, December 16, 1659, _Clarke -Papers_, iv. 202; Price's Life of Monck, p. 748 in _Select Tracts_, ii. - -[302] Monck to Waller, December 28, and January 1, _Clarke Papers_, -ii. 226, 237; Coote, Broghill, &c. to Lenthall, January 11, _ib._ 241; -_Whitelock_, p. 691, December 22; Price's Life of Monck in _Select -Tracts_, ii. 751. - -[303] _Ludlow_, ii. 190-196, 471, 475. Ludlow came to Duncannon on -January 5. - -[304] Letter from Waller, Broghill, Coote, and twenty-six others to -Ludlow, January 10, 1659-60, with his answer, _Ludlow_, 453; Monck -to Lenthall, January 16, _ib._ 453; Captain Skinner's Remonstrance, -January, in Cal. State Papers, _Ireland_, p. 717. _A Perfect -Narrative_, p. 13; _Old Parliamentary Hist._, xxii. 55. There are -several letters to and from Ludlow during January in Cal. State Papers, -_Ireland_, pp. 704-716. - -[305] Sir Theophilus Jones to Monck, February 1 and 19, 1659-60, in -_Leyborne-Popham Papers_, 141, 155; Sir Charles Coote and the Council -of Officers to Monck, February 16, _ib._ 152; Declaration of Broghill -and the Munster officers, February 18, in _Thurloe_, vii. 817; Broghill -to Thurloe, _ib._ 859, 908, 912; the King to Coote, Breda, March 6/16, -in Carte's _Original Letters_, ii. 314; Orrery's _State Letters_, i. -59, for the Rev. Mr. Morrice's account of Broghill's proceedings, -_Liber Munerum Publicorum_, vol. i. part ii. p. 8. The declaration -of Coote and the other officers, dated February 16, and sent with -the letter to Monck of that day, gave the tone to all subsequent -proceedings. It was printed in Dublin and reprinted in London with -fifty-five signatures, including those of Coote himself, Caulfield, -Theophilus Jones, Henry Ingoldsby, John King, Thomas Scot, and W. -Purefoy. - -[306] Orrery's _State Letters_, i. 59; _Liber Munerum Publicorum_, vol. -i. part i. p. 8; Carte's _Life of Ormonde_, ii. 203; Lord Aungier to -Ormonde, May 11/21, 1660, in Carte's _Orig. Letters_, ii. 345. - - - - -INDEX - -TO - -THE SECOND VOLUME - - - Aberdeen, 14, 15, 63 - - Acton church, 54 - - Acton, near Bristol, 162 - - Adair, Patrick, 58, 341 - - -- Sir Robert, 341 - - Adamstown, 83 - - Adare, 150 - - Adrian's bull, 154 - - Adventurers, 36 - - Aghada, 92 - - Aghenure, 5, 278 - - Agher, 8, 11, 296 - - Algiers, 296 - - Allen, Adjutant-General, 267, 349 - - -- hill of, 216 - - Amboyna, 195 - - Annagh, 92 - - Anne of Austria, 99 - - Annesley, Arthur, afterwards Earl of Anglesey, 56, 144, 146, 186 - - Antonio, Captain, 72 - - Antrim, Randal MacDonnell, 1st Marquis of, 18, 25, 35; - nominal Lieutenant-General, 57; - sends men to Montrose, 60-64, 141; - President of Supreme Council, 145, 161; - at Paris, 162; - tries to thwart Ormonde, 172, 173, 188, 212, 224, 225, 227 - - -- town and county, 95, 210 - - Arcamoni, Giuseppe, 176, 177 - - Ardee, 196 - - Ardfinane, 22, 23 - - Ardtully, 101 - - Argyle, Archibald, 1st Marquis of, 61, 62 - - Arkin, 298 - - Arklow, 198 - - Armagh, 16, 24, 28, 59, 60, 118, 228 - - Armstrong, Sir Thomas, 225 - - Arran islands, 41, 282 - - Arras, 20 - - Artois, Duchess of, 296 - - Arundel, 371 - - Ashley, Captain, 38 - - Ashton, Major and M.P., 356 - - Askeaton, 41 - - Aston, Captain, 80 - - -- Sir Arthur, 192-195 - - Athboy, 51 - - Athenry, 43, 261 - - -- (Bermingham), Lord, 251 - - Athlone, 5, 9, 10, 41, 51, 130, 169, 248, 261; - Castle taken, 266, 295; - court of claims, 334 - - Augher, 95, 121 - - Augustinians, 78, 239 - - Axtell, Daniel, regicide, 248, 249, 264, 279, 349 - - - Baal, 197 - - Bagenal, Walter, 62, 128, 138 - - Baggotrath, 184, 185 - - Bagni, Monsignor dei, 100 - - Baillie, Robert, 56 - - Baker, Abraham, 11, 12 - - -- Thomas, 12 - - Balbriggan, 15 - - Bale, John, Bishop of Ossory, 219 - - Ballagh, 10 - - Ballaghdereen, 262 - - Ballimore, 260 - - Ballina, in Kildare, 18 - - Ballinacargy, 270 - - Ballinafeeg, 32 - - Ballinakill, 17, 29, 32, 34 - - Ballinalack, 260 - - Ballinasloe, 95 - - Ballincollig, 4 - - Ballingarry, 41 - - Ballinrobe, 6 - - Ballintober, 10 - - Ballyallia, 11, 12 - - Ballycarra, 6 - - Ballycastle, 205, 229 - - Ballygarth, 193 - - Ballyhooly, 92 - - Ballymore, 9 - - Ballyquin, 116 - - Ballyragget, 32 - - Ballyshannon, in Donegal, 21, 58, 287 - - -- or Ballisonan, in Kildare, 16-18, 186, 216 - - Baltimore, 38, 209 - - Banagher, 23, 43, 169, 248 - - Banbridge, 24 - - Bandon, 3, 13, 23, 37, 70, 71, 208, 209 - - Bane, John, 154 - - Bann river, 24, 197 - - Barbadoes, 42, 194, 345 - - Barebone's Parliament, Irish members in, 321 - - Barham, Thomas, Dean of Ross, 92 - - Barnesmore, 262 - - Barnewall, Sir Richard, 198 - - Baron or Barron, Bonaventure, 108 - - -- -- Geoffrey, 21, 103, 139, 265, 272, 274-276 - - Barrington's Bridge, 150 - - Barrow river, 18, 31, 32, 80, 128, 168, 201, 203, 204, 280, 349 - - -- Colonel, 349 - - Barry, Colonel Garret, 3, 22, 23, 26, 47, 48 - - -- -- John, 138, 162 - - -- Sir James, 369 - - -- Captain William, 92 - - -- Robert, titular Bishop of Cork, 238 - - Barrymore, David, 1st Earl of, 3, 22, 35 - - -- Lady, (Lady Alice Boyle), 93 - - Bate, George, 192 - - Battleford Bridge, 120 - - Bavaria, Irish mission to, 28 - - Beaumaris, 53, 97, 362, 363 - - Beaupuis, an 'Important,' 99 - - Beeston, 53 - - Belfast, 50, 57, 58; - seized by Monro, 59, 118; - surprised by Monck, 173; - 'a small town in Ulster,' 180, 181, 197, 350 - - Belgium, Irish envoy to, 28, 76 - - Bellings, Richard, Secretary of the Irish Confederacy, historian, and - opponent of Rinuccini, 19, 25, 49; - his foreign mission, 76, 83, 92, 94, 96, 99-102, 115-117, 128, 131, - 136-138, 146, 158, 166, 167; - leaves Ireland, 243, 254 - - Belturbet, 169, 183, 227, 297 - - Belvelly, 94, 208 - - Benburb, O'Neill's victory at, 117-122, 126, 132, 155, 173 - - Bennet's Bridge, 218 - - Bentivoglio, Cardinal, 76 - - Beresford, Colonel, 228 - - Bermuda, 345 - - Bertie, Captain, 9 - - Bingham, Sir Henry, 6 - - Birr, 17, 169, 248 - - Biscay, Irish mission to, 28 - - Blackwater river, in Ulster, 118, 120 - - -- river, in Munster, 51, 91, 93, 209, 268, 315, 317 - - Blair Athol, 63 - - Blake, Admiral Robert, 183, 188, 203, 208, 209, 279 - - -- Sir Richard, 160, 245 - - -- Sir Valentine, 11, 19 - - Blaney, Lord, 64; - Lady, 24 - - Blarney, 94, 322 - - Bodley, Sir Josiah, 80 - - Bolton, Sir Richard, Lord Chancellor, 29, 214 - - Bond, Captain, 365 - - Borlase, Sir John, Lord Justice, chaps. xxi.-xxiii. _passim_ - - Borrisoleigh, 169 - - Borris, or Burris, in Carlow, 33 - - -- in Ossory, 17 - - Bourke, Miles and Theobald: _see_ Mayo - - -- or de Burgo, Archbishop of Tuam: _see_ Burgo - - -- Colonel John, 26, 43, 44 - - -- Hugh, Franciscan, 79 - - -- Sir John, 125 - - Boyle, 45, 96, 155 - - -- family, 209; - _see_ Cork, Broghill, Dungarvan, and Kinalmeaky - - -- Francis, 370 - - -- Richard, Archbishop of Tuam, 5 - - -- Michael, afterwards Primate, 90, 164, 213, 225 - - Boyne river, 45, 147, 192, 280, 315 - - Bradshaw, John, the regicide, 195 - - Braintree woods, 24 - - Bray, 187, 251 - - Brentford, 189 - - Brereton, Sir William, 53 - - Bridges, Colonel, 367 - - Bright, Captain, 81 - - Bristol, 55, 83, 162, 367 - - -- Lord, (Digby), 65 - - Briver, Francis, Mayor of Waterford, 4, 5 - - Brockett, Colonel, 74 - - Broghill, Roger Boyle Lord, afterwards Earl of Orrery, 2, 3, 13, 70, - 73, 90-93; - relieves Youghal, 94, 151, 165, 169, 202, 203, 208, 209, 220; - victory at Macroom, 222-224; - victory near Kanturk, 267-269, 291, 322, 328, 352, 354, 355, 366; - helps the Restoration and becomes Earl of Orrery, 369-371 - - Brooke, Captain, 43 - - Brosna river, 248 - - Brown, Geoffrey, 50, 64, 112, 129, 162, 251, 255, 257, 283 - - Brownlow, Sir William, 24 - - Brussels, 251, 253, 255, 369 - - Buchanan, Mr., 6 - - Buckingham, Duchess of, 18 - - Bullingdon Green, 192 - - Bunratty, 12, 115-117, 135, 150 - - Burgo, de, or Bourke, John, Bishop of Clonfert, afterwards titular - Archbishop of Tuam, 39, 124, 129, 172, 177, 232, 257, 282 - - Burke, Edmund, 7 - - -- Thomas, 46 - - -- William, 250 - - -- Walter, 7 - - Burren, 276 - - Burris: _see_ Borris - - Bury, William, of Grantham, 343, 358, 369 - - Butler: _see_ Ormonde, Mountgarret, Dunboyne, Cahir, Ikerrin - - -- Edmund, Mountgarret's son, 5, 29, 200 - - -- John, Mountgarret's brother, 59 - - -- Richard, Ormonde's brother, 4 - - -- Sir Walter, 218, 219 - - -- Count Walter, 20 - - Byrne, Edward and Luke, 310 - - Byron, John, 1st Lord, 53, 54, 186, 187, 240 - - -- Sir Robert, 54 - - -- Colonel, 150 - - - Caen, 243 - - Cahir, 152, 161, 214, 215 - - -- Lord (Butler), 2 - - Cahore, 203 - - Caledon, 120; - _see_ Kinard - - Callan, 19, 161, 215 - - Cambridge, 356 - - Campbell, Sir Duncan, of Auchinbreck, 118 - - -- clan, 63, 64 - - Canice, Saint, 155 - - Cannes, 99 - - Cantire, 64 - - Cantwell Castle, 219 - - Cappagh, 116 - - Cappoquin, 90, 91, 150, 207, 209, 215 - - Capron, Major Ralph, 81 - - Cardenas, Don Alonzo de, 303 - - Carlingford, 62 - - Carlisle, 16 - - Carlow, 17, 31, 33, 51, 141, 149, 234, 235, 293 - - Carmelites, 171, 172, 176, 177 - - Carrickfergus (Knockfergus), 14, 15, 23, 57-59, 118; - surprised by Monck, 173, 197, 209, 210, 236, 270, 305, 341, 350, 351 - - Carrick in Donegal, 287 - - -- on Shannon (Carrigdrumrusk), 96 - - -- on Suir, 1, 127, 161, 204-206, 214, 234 - - Carrickmacross, 295 - - Carrigadrohid, 266, 267 - - Carrigaholt, 223, 276 - - Carrowreagh, 40 - - Carte, Thomas, 144, 229, 240, 251, 309 - - Cashel, 124, 127, 128, 152, 157, 164, 215, 224, 255, 300 - - Castlebar, 6 - - Castleblayney, 296 - - Castle Connell, 248, 261, 272 - - Castle Coote, 51 - - Castledermot, 137, 217, 364 - - Castle Grace, 150 - - Castle Hacket, 7 - - Castlehaven, 38, 209 - - -- James Touchet, 3rd Earl of, 18, 29, 34, 48, 57; - his expedition to Ulster, 59, 60, 72, 82; - his campaign in Munster, 90-94, 127, 128, 182, 199, 205, 207, 216; - commands in Leinster, 217, 218, 221, 231, 233, 234; - at Killaloe, 261, 273; - leaves Ireland, 285; - his memoirs, 286 - - Castlejordan, 156 - - Castlelyons, 91, 92, 268 - - Castlemaine, 291 - - Castlemartin, 48, 216 - - Castlemartyr, 92 - - Catalonia, 303 - - Cathcart, Captain, 229 - - Caulfield, Lord, 126, 305; - Lady, 24 - - Cavan, 33, 45, 59, 121, 183, 197 - - Chaplin, Andrew, 12 - - Charlemont, 21, 22, 24, 45, 60, 174, 197, 228, 230; - taken by Coote, 236, 305, 306 - - Charles II. repudiates the Irish, 239 - - Charles IV., Duke of Lorraine, his schemes concerning Ireland, - 249-259, 280, 283, 287-289, 298 - - Cheshire, 362 - - Chester, 47, 107, 110, 111, 113 - - Chevreuse, Duchess of, 249, 253, 256 - - Chichester, Colonel Arthur, 15, 57, 59 - - -- Sir Arthur (_temp._ James I.), 302 - - Christ Church, Oxford, 55, 65 - - Chudleigh, Captain Thomas, 291, 292 - - Cistercians, 15 - - Clandeboye, James Hamilton, 2nd Viscount, afterwards Earl of - Clanbrassil, 209, 341 - - Clanricarde, Ulick de Burgh, 5th Earl and afterwards Marquis of, 5, - 7-10, 19, 30; - his unique position, 34, 35, 38-44, 47, 50, 51, 107, 126, 142, 169, - 172, 207, 232, 233; - Deputy for Ormonde, 243, 248, 249, 253-256; - rejects the Lorraine proposals, 257-259, 262, 278, 281, 283, 286, 287; - submits and goes to England, 288-290 - - Clare, 10-12, 40, 66, 115, 169, 217, 231 - - -- Castle, 11, 12, 41, 269, 276-278 - - -- Island, 298 - - Claregalway, 43, 44 - - Clarendon, Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of, 20, 30, 52, 53, 65, 143, 188, - 192, 239, 253, 258, 259, 303, 304, 338, 360 - - Clares, Poor, 9 - - Clark, Captain, 7, 284 - - Clarke, Colonel, 321 - - Claverhouse, 58 - - Cleere, Morrice, 345 - - Cliffe, 220 - - Clifford, 262 - - Clogheen, 214 - - Clogher, 129, 170 - - Cloghleagh, 48 - - Clogrennan, 17 - - Clohamon, 31 - - Clonakilty, 13, 37 - - Clonbrock, 40 - - Clonee, 156 - - Clones, 45, 183 - - Clonfert, 129, 220, 238 - - Clonmacnoise, 210, 211, 226, 250 - - Clonmel, 1, 4, 35, 90, 123, 124; - Supreme Council there, 142, 145, 146, 154, 158, 206; - besieged by Cromwell, 220-223, 234, 247, 273, 274, 305 - - Clonroad, 269 - - Clotworthy, Sir John, afterwards Viscount Massereene, 25, 132 - - Cloughoughter, 197, 300, 301, 306 - - Cloyne, 92, 162 - - Coalisland, 305 - - Cole, Sir William, 16, 57, 58, 179 - - Colepepper, John, Lord, 65 - - Coleraine, 17, 51, 58, 118, 120 - - Colkitto, 62 - - Colooney (Coote), Lord, 96 - - Comber, 209 - - Comerford, Patrick, titular Bishop of Waterford, 245 - - Condé, Henry, Prince of, 99 - - -- Louis, Prince of, the Great, 286 - - Cong, 278 - - Conna, 92 - - Connall, 288 - - Conway, Edward, 2nd Viscount, 15, 23 - - -- Colonel, 149 - - Cook, John, regicide and judge, 244, 305 - - Cooke, Colonel, Governor of Wexford, 215 - - Cooper, Colonel Thomas, Governor of Carrickfergus, 364, 365 - - Coote, Sir Charles, the elder, 6, 17-19 - - Coote, Sir Charles, the younger, afterwards Earl of Mountrath, - President of Connaught from 1645, 8, 10, 41, 65, 67, 68, 151, 173, - 174, 179, 182, 183, 197, 209, 210, 227-231, 236, 248, 261, 262, - 266, 278, 282, 283, 311, 335, 359, 364-368; - helps the Restoration, 369; - created an Earl, 371 - - Coppinger, Robert, Mayor of Cork, 73 - - Corbet, John, 7 - - -- Miles, regicide, 246, 304, 322, 327, 343, 359, 365, 367, 368 - - Cork, 3, 4, 22, 23, 51, 79, 151, 164, 165, 179, 184, 202, 203, 208, - 305, 340 - - Cork, county, 2, 48, 167 - - -- harbour, 4, 74, 94, 208, 351 - - -- Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of, 3, 12, 13, 23, 209 - - Cornwall, 64 - - Corofin, 276 - - Costello (Dillon), Viscount, 148, 298 - - Coura Lake, 295 - - Courcies, 351 - - Courtenay, Captain George, 22 - - Courthope, Captain, 208 - - Courtmacsherry, 51 - - Courtney, Colonel, 208, 268 - - Courtstown, 268 - - Covenant, Solemn League and, 55-57 - - Cox, Sir Richard, 48 - - Crawford, Colonel Lawrence, 55 - - Creagh, John, Mayor of Limerick, 232, 271 - - Credan Head, 82 - - Creichton, George, 33 - - Crelly, Cistercian abbot, 288 - - Crete, 175 - - Crispe, Sir Nicholas, 36 - - Cromwell, Oliver, chaps. xxxi. and xxxii. _passim_, 12, 22, 145, 178, - 180, 181, 233, 234, 247, 259, 277, 303, 304, 319, 320, 326, 333, 348 - - -- Henry, chap. xxxviii. _passim_, 208, 222, 265; - an Irish member of Barebones Parliament, 321, 327, 328, 339; - Commander of the forces, 343; - Lord Deputy, 352; - Lord Lieutenant, 354; - character, 360, 362, 363 - - Crookhaven, 188, 209 - - Crosby, Colonel, 209 - - Crowther, Admiral, 94, 151 - - Cuffe, Joseph and Maurice, 11, 12 - - Culham, Colonel, 221 - - Cullen, Colonel, 32, 33 - - Culme, Arthur, 149 - - Culmore, 172, 174 - - Curlew mountains, 122, 262 - - Cusack, Colonel George, 298, 299 - - - Dalgetty, Dugald, 15 - - Dalzell, General Thomas, 58, 209 - - Daniell, Colonel, 225 - - Darcy, Oliver, titular Bishop of Dromore, 237, 238, 241, 242, 257 - - -- Patrick, 26, 75, 112, 123 - - Davis, Sir Paul, 132 - - Deane, Admiral Richard, 188, 203 - - -- William, 309 - - Dease, Thomas, titular Bishop of Meath, 28, 124 - - Dee river, 53 - - Delgany, 198 - - Dempsy, Edmond, titular Bishop of Leighlin, 138 - - Denny, Sir Edward, 41 - - Derby, Irish Brigade at, 363 - - Desborough, Major-General John, 224, 362, 366 - - Desmond forfeitures, 35 - - Dieppe, 162 - - Digby, George, Lord, 55, 61, 62, 65, 68, 70, 89, 104, 105, 110, 114, - 115, 126, 128, 133-136, 144, 160 - - -- Sir Kenelm, 107-109, 129 - - Dillon, Thomas, Viscount of Costello, 5, 94, 148, 184, 216, 218, 298 - - -- George, Franciscan, 253, 254 - - -- John, 75, 112 - - -- Sir Lucas, 23 - - Dingle, 167, 290 - - Dodder river, 184 - - Doe Castle, 229 - - Dominicans, 125, 146, 153, 210, 239, 250, 301 - - Donegal, 16, 287 - - Doneraile, 1, 90, 91, 225 - - Donnellan, James, Judge of Common Pleas, 305 - - Douai, 140 - - Dover treaty, 259 - - Down, 16, 60, 228 - - Drishane, 268 - - Drogheda, 18, 47, 132, 135, 140, 182; - taken by Inchiquin, 183, 184, 185, 187; - taken by Cromwell, 192-196, 200, 307 - - Dromagh, 268, 291 - - Dromana, 91, 150 - - Dromore, 15, 238 - - Drumflugh, 118 - - Dumoulin, French agent, 114, 121, 122, 138 - - Dunbar battle, 240, 345 - - Dunboyne, 156 - - -- (Butler), Lord, 2 - - Duncannon Fort, 21, 33, 80; - taken by Preston, 81-83; - relieved by Castlehaven, 205, 206, 234; - surrenders to the Parliament, 236, 251; - Ludlow's last footing, 367 - - Dundalk, 135, 147, 173, 182, 197, 215, 270, 295 - - Dundrum in Tipperary, 215 - - Dunfermline, 239-241 - - Dungan Hill, 148, 150, 155 - - Dungannon, 24 - - Dungarvan, 4, 72, 78, 150, 246 - - -- (Boyle), Lord, 22 - - Dungiven, 228 - - Dunkirk, 21, 279, 353, 360 - - Dunmore, in Waterford, 80 - - -- in Kilkenny, 168 - - Durham, 366 - - Dyas, Captain, 298 - - - Earnley, Sir Michael, 9, 10 - - Edenderry, 49 - - Edgehill, 29 - - Egan, Boetius, titular Bishop of Ross, 223, 224 - - Eliogarty, 333 - - Elizabeth, Princess, 85 - - Elsing, Major, 165 - - Ennis, 11, 241, 276 - - Enniscorthy, 83, 199, 215 - - Enniskillen, 13, 16, 51, 58, 154, 179, 197, 225, 229 - - Ennislaughlin, 15 - - Ennisnag, 220 - - Erne, Lough, 297 - - Esmond, Lawrence, Lord, 80-83 - - Essex, Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of, 189 - - -- -- -- 3rd Earl of, 192, 315 - - Eustace, Sir Maurice, 27; - Lord Chancellor, 371 - - Everard, Sir Richard, 75 - - - Fairfax, Sir Thomas, 54, 125, 162, 189, 214, 356 - - Fanning, Dominic, 171, 232, 272, 274 - - Fanshawe, Sir Richard, 174, 188 - - -- Lady, 213, 214, 277, 339 - - Fauconberg, Lord, 354, 355, 359 - - Fennell, Major and Colonel, 60, 221, 222, 262, 272, 273 - - -- Dr. Gerald, 139, 141 - - Fenton, Sir William, 165, 203 - - Fenwick, Colonel, 149, 229, 230 - - Ferbane, 248, 263 - - Ferdinand II., Grand Duke of Tuscany, 96, 159 - - Fergus river, 266 - - Fermo, 96, 100, 101 - - Fermoy, 91 - - Fern, Captain, 197 - - Ferns, 129, 198, 199 - - Ferrall, General, 183, 206, 207, 227 - - Fethard, 124, 161, 214, 215 - - Finglas, 184 - - Finnea, 59, 260, 261, 269 - - Fisher, Lieutenant, 92 - - Fitzgerald, Sir Luke and Lady, 233, 234 - - -- Edmond, 92 - - -- Piers MacThomas: _see_ MacThomas - - Fitzpatrick, John, 266, 289 - - Flanders, 20, 21, 78, 100 - - Fleetwood, General Charles, 297, 302, 305, 319, 323; - made Deputy, 327, 341; - leaves Ireland, 343, 344, 347, 348, 366 - - Fleming, Thomas, titular Archbishop of Dublin, 75, 220, 237 - - Florence, 96, 99 - - Flower, Colonel, 148 - - Foisset, a Spanish agent, 77, 79 - - Foliot, Lieutenant, 263 - - Forbes, Alexander Lord, 36-43 - - -- Sir Arthur, 369 - - Forgie, Robert, Dean of Killala, 7 - - Foyle, Lough, 193, 229 - - Fox, Captain, 233, 234 - - -- Charles James, 239 - - Franciscans, 70, 78, 79, 108, 121, 124, 168, 200, 210, 239, 253 - - Freke, Captain, 37 - - French service, 303, 304 - - French, Nicholas, titular Bishop of Ferns, 129, 147, 160, 175, 199, - 201, 241, 250, 253, 255, 259, 282, 288 - - - Galbally, 266, 268 - - Galway, 5-9, 38-41; - the fort surrendered, 43-44, 78, 95, 129, 146, 154, 172, 176, 241, - 245, 251, 262, 269, 278, 280; - capitulates to Coote, 283, 284, 292, 301; - its desolation, 339, 346 - - Garristown, 156 - - Gaultier, 167 - - Genappe, 21 - - Genoa, 77, 78, 99 - - Geohegan, Anthony, 288-290 - - Gibbs, Captain, 149 - - Glamorgan, Edward Somerset, called Earl of, after Marquis of Worcester, - his mission to Ireland, 84-89, 103; - under arrest, 104; - repudiated by Charles I., 106-107, 109, 110; - swears fealty to Rinuccini, 111, 129, 143; - appointed General, 145, 146; - at Paris, 162, 239 - - Glascarrig, 203, 216 - - Glaslough, 118 - - Glenaheiry, 167 - - Glengariffe, 208 - - Glengarry, 148, 173 - - Glen Imale, 247 - - Gleninagh, 243 - - Glin, 41, 42 - - Gloucester, 56 - - Golden, 215 - - Goldsmith, John, 6 - - Goodwin, Robert, 29, 314, 327, 343, 359 - - Gookin, Vincent, 303, 321, 327; - in Oliver's Parliament, 328; - writes against transplantation, 329-332, 347, 355 - - Gordon, Patrick, 63 - - Gormanston (Preston), Viscount, 21 - - Gort, 263 - - Gowran, 126, 137, 217 - - Grace, Colonel Richard, 294 - - Graiguenemanagh, 32 - - Granard, 59 - - Grangebeg, 137 - - Greencastle, 62, 182 - - Grenville, Sir Richard, 30-32, 279 - - Grimaldi, Cardinal, 76 - - Groves, Captain, 37 - - Guadeloupe, 345 - - Guernsey, 114 - - - Hague, 186, 240 - - Hale, Sir Matthew, 186 - - Hamilton, Sir Francis, 65 - - -- Sir Frederick, 16, 95, 96 - - -- Sir George, 128 - - -- a minister, 62 - - Hamilton's Bawn, 118 - - Hammond, Colonel, 217 - - -- Colonel Robert, 327 - - Hampden, John, 73 - - Hampton Court, 162 - - Harman, Major, 147, 148 - - Haro, Don Luis de, 20, 78 - - Harrison, Michael, 306-308 - - -- Thomas, regicide, 321 - - Harristown, 131 - - Haselrig, Sir Arthur, 363 - - Hastings, 162 - - Havre, 143 - - Hawarden, 53 - - Helvoetsluys, 187 - - Henin, Abbot Stephen de, 253, 254, 258, 260, 288 - - Henrietta Maria, Queen, 46; - on Irish Protestants, 74-76; - distrusted at Rome, 98-100; - her religious opinions, 107, 108, 140-143, 159, 160, 162, 242, 252 - - Henry II., 215 - - -- VIII., 20 - - Hewson, John, regicide, 215-218, 223, 260, 269, 321, 385 - - Higgins, Dr., 274 - - Hill, Colonel, 57 - - Holycross, 210 - - Holyhead, 362 - - Hook Tower, 80 - - Howard, Lady Margaret, 93 - - Hull, Sir William, 38 - - Hussey, Mrs., 309 - - Hyde, Sir Edward: _see_ Clarendon - - - Ikerrin (Butler), Lord, 2 - - Imokilly, 92 - - Inchecronan, 266, 276 - - Inchiquin, Murrough O'Brien, 6th Baron, afterwards 1st Earl of, 4, 11; - Vice-president of Munster, 13, 22; - victor at Liscarrol, 23, 35, 37, 43, 47, 50; - at Oxford, 69; - joins the Parliament, 70, 71-74, 81, 82, 90-94, 141, 150, 152; - sacks Cashel, 153; - victor at Knocknanuss, 157, 161, 162; - deserts the Parliament, 164, 165, 169, 184, 185, 189, 202, 204-206, - 209, 213, 214, 222, 224, 225, 227, 231; - leaves Ireland, 243 - - Ingoldsby, Colonel Henry, 201, 261, 263, 264, 294 - - Inishowen, 229 - - Inistioge, 204 - - Innisbofin, 257, 258, 286, 298, 301, 339 - - Innisfallen, 291 - - Innisturk, 298 - - Innocent III., 255 - - -- X. (Pamphili), 76, 89, 97, 98, 103, 106, 109-111, 117, 121, 122, 160; - rebukes Rinuccini, 177, 178, 242, 253, 255, 259 - - Ireton, Henry, regicide, 190, 204, 214, 221; - Oliver's Deputy, 223, 231, 234, 245-249; - death and character, 277, 319 - - -- Bridget, afterwards Fleetwood, 304 - - Italians, Ireland for the, 35, 100 - - Iveagh (Magennis), Lord, 15 - - - Jamaica, 144, 348, 350 - - Jamestown, 237, 239, 241, 243 - - Jeffries, Colonel, 214 - - Jermyn, Henry, afterwards Earl of St. Albans, 99, 108, 160, 252 - - Jersey, 114, 187, 243, 250 - - Jesuits, 121, 130, 150-155, 176, 293, 326 - - Jigginstown: _see_ Sigginstown - - John, King of Portugal, 154 - - Johnson, Thomas, 7 - - Jones, Henry, Bishop of Clogher and Scoutmaster-General, afterwards - Bishop of Meath, 246, 298, 300, 304, 322, 359, 362-365 - - -- John, regicide, 246, 298, 300, 304, 322, 359, 362-365 - - -- Lewis, Bishop of Killaloe, 144 - - -- Michael, 64, 144, 146, 147; - victorious at Dungan Hill, 148, 149 - - -- Sir Theophilus, 210, 221, 260, 299, 362, 364, 365 - - -- Ensign, 38 - - Joyce, Cornet, 164 - - -- John, 310 - - Julianstown, 193 - - - Kanturk, 157 - - Kavanagh, Brian, 32, 57, 173 - - Kells, 137 - - Kelly, Charles, Dean of Tuam, 237 - - Kempson, Colonel Nicholas, 364 - - Kenmare, 101 - - Kentish insurrection, 217 - - Ker, John, Dean of Ardagh, 307 - - Kerry, 47, 167, 169, 204, 274 - - Kiffin, William, 327 - - Kilbenny, 214 - - Kilbolane, 23 - - Kilbride, 260 - - Kilcock, 131 - - Kilcolgan, 248 - - Kilcrea, 4 - - Kilcruig, 91 - - Kilcullen, 128, 216 - - Kildare, 216, 293 - - -- county, 17, 217 - - -- Curragh of, 146 - - -- Elizabeth Countess of, 131 - - -- George Fitzgerald, 16th Earl of, 35, 64, 107 - - Kildogan, 44 - - Kildorrery, 2 - - Kilkea, 130, 216 - - Kilkenny, Catholic Confederation at, 19, 22, 25, 29, 33, 35, 49, 60, - 64, 72, 80, 87, 89, 90, 101; - Rinuccini's reception at, 102, 107, 109, 110, 122-124, 126-129; - threatened by Owen O'Neill, 130, 146, 154, 158-161, 165-167, 172, - 176, 196, 202, 204; - siege and capture by Cromwell, 216-220, 225, 245, 279, 280; - submission of Leinster by articles, 292-294, 305 - - Kilkenny, county, 31, 66 - - -- in Westmeath, 9 - - Kill, 147 - - Killagh, 291 - - Killala, 7 - - Killaloe, 169, 261, 262, 267, 273 - - Killarney, 291 - - Killultagh, 24 - - Kilmacthomas, 206 - - Kilmallock, 2, 48, 64, 158 - - Kilmeague, 216 - - Kilrush, in Kildare, battle of, 18, 30 - - Kilrush, in Clare, 231 - - Kiltinan, 215 - - Kilwarlin, 15 - - Kilworth, 48 - - Kinale, Lough, 59, 260 - - Kinalmeaky (Boyle), Lord, 3, 13, 23, 37, 38 - - Kinard, or Caledon, 24, 120, 306 - - King, Paul, Franciscan, 168 - - -- Sir Robert, 277, 231 - - -- John, Dean of Tuam, 240, 241, 254, 282, 283 - - -- -- 1st Lord Kingston, 162, 230, 236 - - Kinsale, 3, 37, 51, 70, 71, 73, 74, 79, 150, 165, 174; - Rupert blockaded by Blake, 188, 203, 208; - surrenders to Broghill, 209, 214, 291, 351 - - Knipperdoling, the anabaptist, 346 - - Knockbrack battle, 208, 209 - - Knockmone, 91 - - Knocknacloy lake, 120 - - Knocknanuss, Inchiquin's victory at, 157, 158, 164 - - Knocktopher, 205, 215 - - Knot, John, 181 - - - Lag, Robert Grierson, laird of, 58 - - Laggan forces, 17 - - Laggan river, 209 - - Lalue, French engineer, 81, 82 - - Lambert, General John, named for Deputy, 319, 363-366 - - Lancashire, 86 - - Lane, Sir George, afterwards Viscount Lanesborough, 244, 307 - - Larcan, Lawrence, 81-83 - - Larne, Lough, 51 - - Laune river, 291 - - Lawrence, Colonel Richard, governor of Waterford and author, 300, 321, - 331, 332, 358, 364 - - Lea Castle, 217 - - Leamanegh, 267 - - Leane, Lough, 291 - - Ledred, Bishop of Ossory, 219 - - Lee river, 223 - - Leghorn, 99 - - Leicester, Irish Brigade at, 366 - - Leicester, Robert Sidney, 2nd Earl of, 30, 51, 151 - - Leighlin Bridge, 128 - - Leitrim, 16, 45 - - Leix, 166 - - Leixlip, 144 - - Lenthall, William, Mr. Speaker, 199, 201, 359 - - Leslie, Alexander, Lord Leven, 44, 45, 58, 62 - - -- Henry, Bishop of Down, 67, 279 - - -- John, Bishop of Raphoe and Clogher successively, 196, 198 - - Leyburn, George (Mr. Winter Grant), 104, 140-143, 147 - - Leyden, John of, 180, 181, 346 - - Lifford, 174, 229 - - Limavady, 228 - - Limerick, 4, 12, 22, 25, 35, 41, 42, 101, 102, 117, 122, 123, 158, 159, - 198, 217, 226, 232, 237, 245, 247, 248, 256; - siege and capture by Ireton, 263-273, 276, 278, 280, 281, 289, 301, - 340 - - Limerick county, 66, 150 - - Linlithgow, 64 - - Lisbon, 154, 309 - - Lisburn (Lisnegarvey), 23, 25, 50, 120, 173, 197, 307 - - Liscarrol, 13, 22, 23, 91, 151, 158 - - Lisle, Philip Sidney, Lord, 30-33 - - -- Sir George, 217 - - Lismore, 13, 91, 93 - - Lisnaskea, 296, 297 - - Lisnesreane, 210 - - Liverpool, 52, 348 - - Lochaline, 62 - - Loftus, Lord Chancellor, 223 - - Loftus, Sir Adam, 49, 151 - - London, City of, 312, 313 - - Londonderry, 17, 57, 58, 79, 121, 174; - succoured by Owen O'Neill, 182, 183, 228, 229, 231 - - Longford, 9, 137, 168 - - Lorraine: _see_ Charles IV. - - Lot, 279 - - Loughanlea, 121 - - Loughbrickland, 15, 24 - - Loughgall, 228 - - Lough Gur, 248 - - Loughmoe, 2 - - Loughrea, 5, 7, 39, 41, 43, 44, 51, 227, 232, 237, 238, 241, 242, 262, - 294, 334 - - Louis XIII., 249 - - Louis XIV., 76, 114, 122, 159, 249, 250 - - Louvain, 21 - - Lowther, Sir Gerald, Chief Justice, 65, 132, 305, 309, 353 - - Lucan, 131 - - Lucas, Sir Charles, 217 - - -- Sir Thomas, 18 - - -- Captain, 367 - - Ludlow, Edmund, regicide, general and historian, 70, 153, 192, 193, - 195, 202, 231, 234, 245; - a commissioner for government, 246, 260; - his service under Ireton, 262-267, 274-277, 280, 281, 285, 286; - his siege of Ross Castle, 289-294; - his last military service, 295-297, 300, 302, 304, 317-320, 326, 344; - his struggles to avert Restoration, 359, 362, 363, 369 - - Lynch, John, historian, 231 - - -- Stephen, prior of Strade, 7 - - -- Walter, titular Bishop of Clonfert, 8, 125, 220, 241, 298, 299 - - Lynch's Knock, 148; - _see_ Dungan - - - Mabel, Saint, 101 - - MacAdam, Captain, 59, 115, 117 - - MacArt: _see_ O'Neill, Owen Roe - - Macartan, 16 - - MacCarthy, Reagh, 3 - - --: _see_ Muskerry - - MacDonnell, Alaster or Alexander, with Montrose, 62-64, 75; - killed at Knocknanuss, 156-158 - - -- Colonel Alexander (Lord Antrim's brother), 64, 260 - - -- Florence, called Captain Sougane, 4 - - MacEgan, 121 - - MacGeohegan, Abbé, 201 - - Mackenzies, 63 - - Macmahon or MacMahon, Ever, Heber or Emer, titular Bishop of Clogher, - 97, 142, 156, 159, 160, 166, 167; - chosen general, defeated, and hanged, 227-231 - - Macnamaras, 11 - - Macroom, 101, 223 - - Macthomas, Fitzgerald, Piers, 127, 128, 148, 173 - - Maddenstown, 18 - - Magdeburg, 116, 195, 286 - - Mageney, 18 - - Magennis, 16, 27 - - Maguire, Major Luke, 233 - - Maguire, Rory, 19, 169 - - Maguires, 230, 231 - - Mahony, Cornelius, Jesuit, 154, 155 - - Mallow, 23, 51, 91, 157, 209, 268 - - Malone, William, Jesuit, 6, 177 - - Marlborough, 357 - - Marseilles, 99 - - Marston Bigot, 202 - - -- Moor, 70, 85 - - Martin, Richard, 64, 75 - - Maryborough, 17, 51, 166, 182, 193 - - Massari, Dean of Fermo, 100, 121, 122, 124, 167, 175, 288 - - Matthews, a Franciscan, 70 - - Maxwell, John, Bishop of Killala, then Archbishop of Tuam, 6 - - Maynard, Sir John, 357 - - Maynooth, 148, 186 - - Mayo, 5 - - -- Miles Bourke, Viscount, 5-8 - - -- Theobald Bourke, 7, 311 - - Mazarin, Cardinal, 76-78, 99, 100-102, 138, 249, 251, 252, 304 - - Meagh, Sir Richard, 92 - - Meath, 45, 156 - - Meelick, 248, 264, 269, 289 - - Melo or Mello, Don Francisco de, 20, 77 - - Meredith, Sir R., 49 - - Mervyn, Colonel Audley, 57, 58, 174, 196, 236 - - Middleburgh, 74, 225 - - Milford, 82, 190 - - Millstreet, 101 - - Milltown, 91 - - Milton, John, 180, 181 - - Minehead, 53 - - Mingarry, 62 - - Mirabeau, 277 - - Mitchelstown, 48, 90, 214, 277 - - Mogeely, 93 - - Mohill, 45 - - Moira, 15, 209 - - Monaghan, 24, 118, 183 - - Monasterevan, 146 - - Monck, George, afterwards Duke of Albemarle, 17, 29, 31, 54; - advises Charles I., 55, 140, 151, 155; - surprises Belfast and Carrickfergus, 173, 179; - makes terms with Owen O'Neill, 182-184, 197, 363-368 - - Moneymore, 25 - - Monkstown, 367 - - Monnerie, a French agent, 78, 141 - - Monro, Daniel, 118 - - Monro, Sir George, 118, 120, 173, 182, 209, 227 - - -- General Robert, 14-16, 24, 45, 51, 55, 57-60, 95; - overthrown at Benburb, 117-121, 132; - surprised and taken by Monck, 173, 209, 210 - - Montgomery, Hugh, Viscount, afterwards Earl of Mount Alexander, 23, 24, - 57, 64, 120, 201, 209, 210, 342 - - Montpensier, Mademoiselle de, 187 - - Montreuil, 108 - - Montrose, James, Marquis of, 61, 64, 95, 187, 369 - - Moore, Charles, Viscount, 33, 45, 47 - - -- Henry, 1st Earl of Drogheda, 223 - - Morrice, Thomas, 202, 370 - - Morris, a veteran, 33 - - Mostyn, 53 - - Mothel, 1 - - Mountgarret, Richard Butler, 3rd Viscount, President of the Supreme - Council, 2, 3, 5, 18, 19, 21, 22, 27, 59, 75, 102, 106, 111, 129, - 155, 168 - - Mountjoy Fort, in Ulster, 25 - - Mountjoy, Lord, 205, 300 - - Mountnorris, Lord, 286 - - Mountrath, Earl of: _see_ Coote - - Mourne Mountains, 24 - - Mulkear river, 150 - - Mullingar, 9, 62, 260, 293 - - Murphy, victim of assassination, 235 - - Muschamp, Major, 74 - - Muskerry, Donogh MacCarthy, Viscount, brother-in-law to Ormonde and - opponent of the nuncio, 3, 4, 22, 50; - with the King at Oxford, 64-66, 68, 69, 74, 75, 88, 111, 117; - imprisoned by Rinuccini, 129; - ousts Glamorgan from his command, 146, 152, 153, 158-160, 162, 177, - 207, 223; - routed by Broghill near Kanturk, 266-269; - defends Ross Castle, 290-295, 298, 299; - tried and acquitted, 308-310 - - Mutton Island, 285 - - - Naas, 17, 49, 51, 126, 131, 147, 149 - - Nanny river, 193 - - Nantes, 21, 93, 108 - - Nantwich, 53-55 - - Naseby battle, 86, 87, 92, 93, 98, 99, 111, 164, 269 - - Navan, 50 - - Neagh, Lough, 25, 228 - - Neale, The, 6 - - Nelson, Lord, 214 - - Nenagh, 169, 249 - - Netherlands, 78, 79 - - Netterville, Lord, 260 - - Newbury, 56 - - Newcastle-on-Tyne, 115 - - Newmarket, Charles I. at, 181 - - -- co. Cork, 158 - - Newport, 171 - - New Ross: _see_ Ross - - Newry, 15, 16, 62 - - Newtown, near Charleville, 22 - - Newtownards, 209 - - Newtown Stewart, 17 - - Nicholas, Sir Edward, Secretary of State, 65, 142, 254 - - Nîmes, 332 - - Nore river, 201, 203, 204, 218 - - Northwich, 53 - - Norwich, George Goring, Earl of, 254 - - Nottingham, 313 - - Nugent, Anthony, Capuchin, 246 - - -- Robert, Jesuit, 130, 131 - - - O'Brien: _see_ Thomond and Inchiquin - - -- Connor, 267 - - -- Daniel, 40, 41 - - -- Colonel Dermot, 64, 112 - - -- Colonel Henry (Inchiquin's brother), 71, 92 - - -- -- Murtagh, 232, 290, 294, 298 - - -- Terence Albert, titular Bishop of Emly, 244, 274 - - -- Tirlagh, 40 - - -- Lady Margaret, 85 - - -- -- Honora, 277 - - O'Briens, various, 11, 27, 71 - - O'Brien's Bridge, 150, 261, 266 - - O'Byrne, Brian MacPhelim, 18 - - -- Hugh MacPhelim, 18 - - -- Philip MacPhelim, 295 - - O'Byrnes, various, 173 - - O'Connolly, Owen, 20, 57 - - O'Connor, Teige, 95 - - -- Roe, 10 - - O'Conor or O'Connor, Felix, 301, 302 - - O'Donovan, 38 - - O'Driscol, 38 - - O'Driscols, various, 299 - - O'Dwyer, Edmund, titular Bishop of Limerick, 159, 272, 274 - - O'Dwyer, Colonel Edmund, 290 - - O'Flaherty, Donogh, 299 - - O'Flaherty clan, 5, 7, 8, 39 - - Ogarney river, 115 - - O'Grady, Captain Henry, 11 - - O'Hagan, Shane, 168 - - O'Hartegan, Matthew, Jesuit, 34, 35, 99, 100, 103, 121, 305 - - O'Mellan, Friar, 119, 121 - - Omodei, Cardinal Luigi, 96 - - O'More, Roger or Rory, 18, 26, 170, 298, 299 - - O'Neill, Art MacBaron, 20 - - -- Daniel, 61, 69, 114, 126, 142, 196, 198, 227, 243 - - -- Henry, 198, 231, 233 - - -- Hugh Boy, 'an old surly Spanish soldier,' defends Clonmel, 220-222, - 227; - defends Limerick, 247, 265, 272; - tried and acquitted, 274, 275 - - -- John, titular Earl of Tyrone, 275 - - -- Owen Roe MacArt, 20, 21, 26, 44, 45, 57, 60, 61; - routs Monro at Benburb, 117-122; - at Kilkenny, 129-131, 133-137, 154, 155; - ravages the Pale, 156, 159, 160; - supports the nuncio, 166-169, 176; - negotiates with Ormonde, Jones, and Coote, 179, 180; - succours Londonderry, 182, 188; - his treaty with Ormonde, 196; - death and character, 197, 198, 207, 210, 227, 260, 286, 310 - - -- Sir Phelim, 15, 21, 24, 26, 120, 129, 172, 179, 227, 230, 236; - trial and execution, 305-308 - - -- Shane, 118 - - O'Neills, various, 27, 296 - - Oona brook, 118 - - O'Queely: _see_ Queely - - O'Quin, Tirlogh Groom, 305-307 - - Orange, Frederick Henry, Prince of, 21 - - Oranmore, 5 - - Orleans, Gaston, Duke of, 99 - - O'Reilly, Edmund, Vicar-General, afterwards titular Primate, 44, 170, - 185, 310, 311 - - -- Philip MacHugh, 260, 269, 270, 299 - - Ormonde, Thomas Butler, 10th Earl of, 219 - - -- James Butler, 12th Earl of, afterwards Marquis and Duke, - Lord-Lieutenant for the King from 1643 onwards, 1, 3, 4, 8, 9, 13, - 17; - victorious at Kilrush, 18, 27, 29-31; - victorious at Ross, 32-35; - ordered to negotiate, 46; - arranges a cessation of arms, 47-52, 53-55, 62; - dealings with Glamorgan, chap. xxv. _passim_, 94, 95, 98; - his peace with the Confederates, chap. xxvii. _passim_, - surrenders Dublin to the Parliament, 140; - leaves Ireland, 144, 165, 169, 170; - returns to Ireland, 171, 172-179; - proclaims Charles II., 180, 181-183; - totally defeated at Rathmines, 184-188, 192, 195-198, 204-207; - his struggles with the bishops, 210-242; - leaves Ireland, 243, 245, 253, 254, 256, 272, 286, 289, 340, 346 - - -- Marchioness of, 1, 131 - - Ormsby, Major Robert, 96 - - O'Rourke, Connor, 16 - - Orrery: _see_ Broghill - - Osborne, Sir Richard, 91 - - -- Dorothy, afterwards Lady Temple, 361 - - O'Shaughnessy, Sir Roger, 38, 263 - - Ostend, 353 - - O'Sullivan, Bere, 179 - - -- Roe, 3 - - -- Francis, 78 - - O'Sullivans, various, 297 - - Oughter, Lough, 299 - - Oughterard, 278 - - Oxford, 55, 61, 62; - negotiations with the King, 64-70, 75, 84, 86, 108, 192, 252, 253, - 295, 356 - - - Pale, a new one proposed, 280, 281 - - Pamphili, Cardinal, 108 - - Paris, 35, 99, 100, 103, 168, 187, 244; - Lord Taaffe's experiences, 252, 286 - - Parliaments, Irish members in Cromwell's, 321, 328, 349, 355-358 - - Parsons, Fenton, 65 - - -- Sir William, Lord Justice, 1, 8, 29; - dismissed, 47, 49, 65 - - Passage, Waterford, 62, 205-207 - - Patrick's Purgatory, Saint, 154 - - Patterson, Major, 162 - - Paulet (an officer), 53 - - Pemberton, a witness, 310 - - Penn, Sir William, 115, 117, 225 - - Penruddock's insurrection, 345 - - Pepys, Sir Richard, Chief Justice, 327, 343 - - Percival, Sir Philip, 65, 68 - - Perkins, Major, 229 - - Perros Guirec, 243 - - Peters, Captain Benjamin, 36 - - -- Hugh, 36-42, 190, 195, 201 - - Petty, Sir William, 300, 303, 334-338, 347, 354-358 - - Phaire, Colonel Robert, regicide, Governor of Cork, 203, 364 - - Philip, Saint, 101 - - -- IV., 77, 78, 97, 106, 303 - - Philiphaugh, 64 - - Phillips, Sir Thomas, and his successor, 228 - - Piccolomini, 78 - - Piedmont, 323 - - Pigott, Colonel, 208 - - Plattin, 112 - - Plunket, Sir Nicholas, prolocutor at Kilkenny, 26; - with the King at Oxford, 64, 114, 123, 136; - gives Preston bad advice, 147; - envoy to Rome, 160, 175; - at Galway, 177, 198; - makes a treaty with Lorraine, 255, 257; - prefers the Parliament to Ormonde, 283 - - -- Colonel Thomas, 78, 249 - - -- a sea-rover, 101 - - Poland, 310 - - Pole, Cardinal, 109 - - Popham, Admiral Edward, 188 - - Pore, Sir William, 23 - - Portadown, 64 - - Porter, Endymion, 85 - - Portland, Weston, 2nd Earl of, 65, 70, 164 - - Portlester, 45, 60, 147, 148, 223 - - Portnahinch, 17 - - Portugal, 154, 309 - - Portumna, 5, 43, 44, 51, 262, 294 - - Poulakerry, 220 - - Poulmonty, 32 - - Power, Major, 91 - - -- Lord, 275 - - Poynings's law, 46, 67, 69, 87, 112, 181 - - Poyntz, Sir Robert, 162 - - Preston, General Thomas, afterwards Viscount Tarah, his rivalry with - Owen O'Neill, 20-22; - commands in Leinster, 26; - his brush with Monck, 29; - beaten at Ross, 31-34, 43, 48, 57; - takes Duncannon, 81-83, 94, 122, 126, 127, 132-134; - his officers 'not excommunication proof,' 137, 141; - routed at Dungan Hill, 145-149, 153, 166, 167, 199, 222; - defends Waterford, 234-236, 247, 260; - defends Galway, 278, 279, 283; - abroad, and excepted from pardon, 318 - - Preston, Sir James, 168, 235, 236, 283 - - Purcell, Major-General Patrick, 2, 3, 22, 91, 158, 184, 185, 265; - executed, 274 - - -- Theobald, titular baron of Loughmoe, 2 - - Putney, 162 - - Pym, John, 73 - - - Quakers in the army, 348, 349, 364 - - Queely, Malachi, titular Archbishop of Tuam, 6; - killed at Sligo, 89, 94, 96, 97, 102 - - Queen's County, 29, 168, 208 - - Queenstown, 208 - - - Radcliffe, Sir George, 65, 67 - - Radford, Ann, Duchess of Albemarle, 55 - - Rainsborough, 36 - - Ranelagh, Roger Jones, Viscount, President of Connaught, 5, 9, 10, - 38-41, 51 - - Rathbarry, 37 - - Rathfarnham, 144, 184, 186 - - Rathmelton, 17, 58 - - Rathmines battle, 184-187, 189, 190, 195, 196, 214, 224, 310 - - Ratoath, 156 - - Rawdon, Captain, 24 - - Reading, 192 - - Rebane, 173 - - Redman, Colonel, 364, 366 - - Redshard, 2 - - Ree, Lough, 9 - - Rehill, 214 - - Renvyle, 298 - - Retz, Cardinal de, 252 - - Reynolds, Commissary-General John, 184; - at Drogheda, 195, 204, 206, 214, 215, 221, 233, 261-263, 297, 305, - 335, 343 - - Rhé, Isle of, 100 - - Richelieu, Cardinal, 21, 249 - - Ridgeway, Sir Thomas, created Earl of Londonderry, 34 - - -- Captain and Colonel, 65, 91 - - Ringrone, 351 - - Ringsend, 362 - - Rinuccini, Bishop of Fermo, 8, 50, 77, 79, 89; - sent nuncio to Ireland, 96-104; - steadily opposes Ormonde, 114-131, 133, 135-138; - his relations with Leyburn, 139-143; - driven out of Leinster, 145, 146, 150; - without money or friends, 152-155, 159-162; - his excommunications grow cheap, 165-167, 170, 171; - driven from Ireland, 176; - rebuked by the Pope, 178, 179, 198, 220, 223, 226, 245, 250, 283, - 288, 301, 309 - - Robartes or Roberts, Lord, afterwards Earl of Radnor, 371 - - Roche, Lord, 223 - - -- David, 266, 267, 270 - - -- Captain Thomas, 205 - - Rochelle, 21, 103 - - Rochfordstown, 4 - - Rochfort, Patrick, 250, 251 - - Roe or Rowe, John, Carmelite, 176, 178 - - Roghan, Lough, 305 - - Rome, 28, 107, 108; - _Te Deum_ for Benburb, 121, 160; - no help for Ireland, 175, 177, 256, 288 - - Rosbercon, 204 - - Roscommon, 10, 43, 44, 122, 301 - - -- Lord (Dillon), 47, 51, 213 - - Roscrea, 127, 248 - - Ross, New, 31-33, 199; taken by Cromwell, 201-203; - his bridge there, 204, 205, 210, 213, 245 - - -- Old, 32 - - -- Castle, Kerry, 290-294, 309 - - Rosscarbery, 37 - - Rosslare, 199 - - Rossmanagher, 116 - - Rostellan, 92 - - Roth or Rothe, David, titular Bishop of Ossory, 129, 168, 169, 177, 220 - - Rouen, 37 - - Rous, Francis, 321 - - Rupert, Prince, 62, 157, 174, 179, 183; - at Kinsale, 187, 188, 209 - - - Sadleir, Adjutant-General, 220, 346 - - Saffron Walden, 188 - - St. Arnaud, Marshal, 296 - - St. Germains, 187, 196, 286 - - St. Leger, Sir William, President of Munster, 1-4, 12, 13, 22, 37, 69 - - St. Malo, 21, 162 - - Sambach, Sir William, Solicitor-General, 65 - - Sandford's Court, 219 - - Sankey, Sir Hierome, 206, 207, 295, 334, 356-358, 362-364, 369 - - Scarampi, Pier-Francesco, oratorian, 49, 50, 84, 96, 99, 100, 102, 123, - 138, 176 - - Scariffhollis battle, 229, 233, 236 - - Scarva, 60 - - Scilly, 114, 188, 279 - - Scot, Colonel Thomas, 368 - - Sedgemoor, 345 - - Settlement, Exceptions in Act of, 318 - - Sexby, Edward, 350, 352 - - Seymour, Henry, 187 - - Sforza, Francesco, 267 - - Shannon river, 9, 11, 41, 116, 150, 222, 231, 248; - passage of, by Ireton, 261, 263, 265, 295, 323, 324 - - -- Lord, Francis Boyle, 370 - - Shea, Mr., 166 - - Shee, Sir Richard, 26 - - -- Robert, 26 - - Sheelin, Lough, 59, 260 - - Sheephaven, 229 - - Sherlock, Sir John, 126, 128, 270 - - Shrule massacre, 6, 7, 311 - - Sigginstown, 50 - - Silvermines, 169 - - Silyard, Mr., 33 - - Sindercombe, Miles, 352 - - Sixmilebridge, 116 - - Skinner, Roger, 309 - - -- Captain, 367-369 - - Skippon, General Philip, 189 - - Skipton, 86 - - Skreen, 147 - - Slane, 37 - - Sligo, 16, 40, 89; - taken by Coote, 95, 96, 122, 154, 155, 287 - - Smithwick, Captain, 81 - - Smyth, Vice-Admiral, 83 - - Sodom, 279 - - Somerhill, 287 - - Somerset, Plantagenet, 85 - - Sougane, Captain: _see_ MacDonnell, Florence - - Spa, 202 - - Spain, 34, 99, 178; - Irish soldiers ill-treated in, 303, 309 - - Spalding, John, 14, 63, 64 - - Spinola, 100 - - Spotswoode, Robert, 61 - - Stafford, Captain, 200 - - Stanley, Sir Thomas, 356 - - Stayner, Admiral Sir Richard, 351 - - Steele, William, Lord Chancellor, 327, 343, 352, 353, 359 - - Sterling, Sir Robert, 225 - - Stewart, Sir Robert, 17, 45, 57, 96, 118, 121, 173, 179, 182 - - Stewart, Sir William, 17, 65 - - Stirling, 282 - - Strafford, Thomas Wentworth, 1st Earl of, 10, 21, 46, 47, 65, 97, 113, - 114, 144, 145, 286, 303, 311, 321, 354 - - Strancally, 93 - - Stretch, Thomas, Mayor of Limerick, 271, 274 - - Suckling, Sir John, 93 - - Suir river, 1, 80, 150, 220, 234, 315 - - Summerhill, 148 - - Swanley, Richard, commodore, 75, 76 - - Swedish service, 303 - - Swilly, Lough and River, 21, 229 - - Swiney, Eugene, titular Bishop of Kilmore, 227 - - Synge, Edward, late Bishop of Cloyne, 162 - - Synnott, Colonel David, 199, 200 - - -- -- Oliver, 251 - - - Taaffe, Theobald, Viscount, afterwards 1st Earl of Carlingford, 95, 96, - 138, 152; - defeated at Knocknanuss, 156-158, 160, 166, 204, 205, 207, 216, 251; - nearly starved at Paris, 252, 254-256, 259 - - -- Lucas, 96, 201 - - Talbot, James, 78 - - -- Peter, 350 - - -- Richard, 195, 350; - _see_ Tyrconnel - - -- Sir Robert, 50, 64, 111, 144, 233, 234 - - -- Thomas, 196 - - Talbotstown, 281 - - Tallon, French agent, 141 - - Tanderagee, 60, 121 - - Tara, 147 - - Tarbert, 231 - - Taylor, Captain, 229 - - Tecroghan, 233, 260 - - Temple, Colonel Edmund, 368 - - -- Sir John, 49, 151 - - -- William, 369 - - Templemichael, 93 - - Templeoge, 184 - - Thomastown, in Kilkenny, 204, 217 - - -- in Tipperary, 248 - - Thomond, Henry and Barnabas O'Brien, 5th and 6th Earl of, 11, 35, 41, - 85, 115, 117, 277 - - Thornton, Robert, Mayor of Londonderry, 57 - - Thurles, 248, 333 - - Thurloe, John, Secretary of State, 349, 353, 355, 356, 360 - - Tichborne, Sir Henry, 47, 65, 75, 140, 147, 156 - - Tickle, Captain, 217, 222 - - Timahoe, 29 - - Timoleague, 38, 39, 209 - - Timolin, 31, 336 - - Tipper, 17 - - Tipperary, 1-3, 11, 66, 108, 152, 165, 204, 215 - - Tippermuir, 63 - - Tirellan, 8, 39, 41, 253, 285 - - Togher, 260 - - Tomlinson, Colonel Matthew, 327, 343, 359, 365, 368 - - Tonbridge, 288 - - Toome, 228 - - Tories, 316, 330 - - Tothill, Colonel, 264, 266 - - Tours, 100 - - Tralee, 41, 167 - - Transplantation, 333, chap, xxxvii. _passim_ - - Trent, Council of, 97, 268 - - Trevor, Colonel Mark, 183, 196, 197, 204 - - Trim, 42, 45, 47, 135, 149, 182, 185, 197 - - Trimleston, 110 - - Trinity College, Dublin, 184 - - Tucker, Captain William, 29-31, 314 - - Tullamore, 169 - - Tullow, 18 - - Tulsk, 96 - - Turner, Sir James, 15, 16, 44, 56, 63, 64, 118 - - -- Methusaleh, 321 - - Tuscany, 76 - - Tyrconnel, Richard Talbot, afterwards Duke of, 111, 114, 195, 350 - - Tyrone, 17, 24, 25 - - -- Earl of, 63, 168, 275 - - Tyrrell, Irish agent at Paris, 256 - - Tyrrell's Pass, 233 - - - Underwood, Richard, 81 - - Urban VIII. (Barberini), 21, 28, 49 - - Ussher, James, Primate, 67, 125 - - Uxbridge, 95 - - - Vane, Sir Henry, the younger, 55 - - Vaughan, Sir William, 185 - - Vavasour, Sir Charles, 3, 13, 48, 53 - - Venables, Colonel Roberts, 184, 197, 209, 229, 236, 270, 287, 288, - 306, 341 - - Venice, 76, 77, 188, 310 - - Ventadour, Duke of, 99 - - Vernon, Colonel, 349 - - Voltaire, 249 - - - Wadding, Luke, Franciscan, 20, 21, 28, 97, 167 - - Waldenses, 332, 333 - - Walker, Major, 266, 291 - - -- Sir Edward, 240 - - Wall, Michael, 2 - - Wallenstein, 249 - - Waller, Sir Hardress, 234, 247, 265, 290, 301, 335, 343, 363-365, 369, - 370 - - Walsh, Thomas, Archbishop of Cashel, 89 - - -- Peter, Franciscan, opponent of Rinuccini, 28, 124, 129, 155, 168, - 169, 177, 178, 185, 261, 310 - - -- priest and captain, 274 - - Walsingham, Sir Francis, 34 - - -- Edward, 142, 146, 147 - - Walter, Lucy, 187 - - Wareham, 71 - - Warren, Colonel, 54 - - Waterford, 1, 4, 28, 56, 57, 62, 72, 80, 101, 123, 124, 151, 158, 165, - 167; - siege of, abandoned by Cromwell, 206, 207, 222; - taken by Ireton, 234-236, 245, 276, 316, 340 - - Watson, a minister, 62 - - Weaver, John, 246, 279, 304, 316 - - Weir, a minister, 262 - - Westmeath, 9, 137 - - -- Richard Nugent, 2nd Earl of, 261, 282, 292 - - Wexford, 10, 21, 29, 31, 64; - taken by Cromwell, 198-201, 215, 295, 340 - - White, Sir Nicholas, 142 - - -- John, Mayor of Clonmel, 221, 222 - - Whitelock, Bulstrode, 349, 366 - - Wickham, Peter, 310 - - Wicklow, 17, 18, 66, 185, 281, 295, 315 - - William III., 295 - - Willoughby, Sir Francis, 5, 30, 126, 128, 132 - - -- Anthony, 5, 8, 10, 38, 39, 41, 44 - - Wogan, Edward, 205, 207, 225 - - Wolfe, James, Dominican, 125, 232 - - Wood, Anthony, 192, 194 - - Wood, Thomas, 194 - - Worcester, the 1st Marquis of, 84 - - -- the 2nd Marquis of: _see_ Glamorgan - - -- battle, 256, 258, 271, 283 - - Worsley, Benjamin, 334, 335, 338 - - Worth, Edward, 351 - - - Yarner, Captain, 17-19 - - York, James, Duke of, 174, 182, 243, 251, 295 - - Youghal, 3; - defended by Cork, 13, 24, 51, 70, 73-74, 79, 83; - Castlehaven fails to take, 90-94, 128, 164, 179, 184, 190, 198; - admits Cromwell joyfully, 203, 204, 212, 214, 246, 270, 273, 308 - - -END OF THE SECOND VOLUME - - - PRINTED BY - SPOTTISWOODE AND CO. LTD., LONDON - COLCHESTER AND ETON - - - - -TRANSCRIBERS' NOTES - - -Page 18, 26: Inconsistent hyphenation of bare(-)headed as in the - original -Page 23, 380: Inconsistent spelling of Kilbolane/Kilbolaine as in the - original -Page 40, 383: Inconsistent spelling of Tirlagh/Tirlogh O'Brien as in the - original -Page 46, 67, 69, 87, 112, 181, 384: Inconsistent spelling of - Poynings'/Poynings's as in the original -Page 64, 374: Inconsistent spelling of Blaney/Blayney as in the original -Page 67: collleagues corrected to colleagues -Page 91, 92, 268, 375: Inconsistent spelling of Castle Lyons/Castlelyons - as in the original -Page 91, 225: Inconsistent hyphenation of half(-)way as in the original -Page 96, 376: Inconsistent spelling of Colooney/Coloony as in the - original -Page 113 (footnote): Febuary corrected to February -Page 122: atributed corrected to attributed -Page 137: neighbourhoood corrected to neighbourhood -Page 150, 161: Inconsistent hyphenation of bare(-)footed as in the - original -Page 150, 259: Inconsistent hyphenation of sea(-)port as in the original -Page 150, 272: Inconsistent hyphenation of red(-)coats as in the - original -Page 186 (footnote): Aphorisimical corrected to Aphorismical -Page 209, 377: Inconsistent spelling of Dalzell/Dalziel as in the - original -Page 210, 379: Inconsistency of Holycross/Holy Cross as in the original -Page 215 (footnote): Cromwall corrected to Cromwell -Page 229 (sidenote): divide corrected to divides -Page 231, 234 (footnotes), 245, 273 (footnote), 295, 298: Aphorismical - Discoverer standardised to Discovery -Page 239: Dumfermline corrected to Dunfermline -Page 252 (footnote): pres corrected to près; refugiés corrected to - réfugiés -Page 258: Commisisioners corrected to Commissioners -Page 263, 378: Inconsistent spelling of Ferbane/Ferboe as in the - original -Page 266, 379: Inconsistent spelling of Inchecronan/Inch Cronan as in - the original -Page 267, 380: Inconsistent spelling of Leamanegh/Leamaneh as in the - original -Page 283: Rinucccini's corrected to Rinuccini's -Page 291: accompaned corrected to accompanied -Page 292 (footnote): alterwards corrected to afterwards -Page 296, 375: Inconsistency of Castle Blayney/Castleblayney as in the - original -Page 299, 383: Inconsistent spelling of O'Driscols/O'Driscolls as in the - original -Page 323: If corrected to It before became necessary -Page 346, 385: Inconsistent spelling of Sadler/Sadleir as in the - original -Page 352, 386: Inconsistent spelling of Sindercombe/Sindercome as in the - original -Page 374: Bennettsbridge standardised to Bennet's Bridge -Page 377: Page for Coura Lake corrected from 293 to 295 -Page 378: Page for Ferbane corrected from 243 to 248; page for Glaslough - corrected from 128 to 118 -Page 382: Page for Melo or Mello corrected from 97 to 77 -Page 383: Page for Ogarney river corrected from 116 to 115 -Page 384: Pugatory corrected to Purgatory; page for Piccolomini - corrected from 76 to 78 -Page 385: Page for Robartes corrected from 370 to 371; page for St. - Leger corrected from 73 to 37; entry for Rouen as in the original - but no reference to it on that page -Page 387: Entry for Trimleston as in the original but no reference to it - on that page - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Ireland under the Stuarts and during -the Interregnum, Vol. II (of 3), 1642-1660, by Richard Bagwell - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS, VOL 2 *** - -***** This file should be named 53916-8.txt or 53916-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/9/1/53916/ - -Produced by Brownfox and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from -images generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Ireland under the Stuarts and during the Interregnum, Vol. II (of 3), 1642-1660 - -Author: Richard Bagwell - -Release Date: January 7, 2017 [EBook #53916] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS, VOL 2 *** - - - - -Produced by Brownfox and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from -images generously made available by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - -<div class="covernote"> - <p>The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i">[Pg i]</a></span></p> - -<h1>IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS<br /> - -<span class="smcap smaller">Vol. II.</span></h1> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii">[Pg ii]</a></span></p> - -<div class="center gap4"> -<div class="bbox ib"> -<p class="center"><i>By the same Author</i></p> -<hr class="w5" /> -<p class="center"><b>IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS</b></p> -<p class="center" style="margin-bottom:0">Vols. I. and II.—From the First Invasion of the</p> -<p class="center" style="margin-top:0;margin-bottom:0">Northmen to the year 1578.</p> -<p class="center" style="margin-top:0;">8vo. 32<i>s.</i></p> -<p class="center">Vol. III.—1578-1603. 8vo. 18<i>s.</i></p> -<hr class="w5" /> -<p class="center">LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.</p> -<p class="center">London, New York, Bombay, and Calcutta</p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[Pg iii]</a></span></p> - -<p class="xlarge center gap4"><b>IRELAND</b></p> - -<p class="xlarge center"><b>UNDER THE STUARTS</b></p> - -<p class="center">AND</p> - -<p class="large center"><b>DURING THE INTERREGNUM</b></p> - -<p class="center gap4">BY</p> -<p class="large center">RICHARD BAGWELL, M.A.</p> -<p class="small center">AUTHOR OF ‘IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS’</p> - -<p class="smcap center gap4">Vol. II. 1642-1660</p> - -<p class="center gap4"><i>WITH MAP</i></p> - -<p class="large center gap4">LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.</p> -<p class="center">39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON</p> -<p class="center">NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA</p> -<p class="center">1909</p> - -<p class="center small gap2">All rights reserved</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[Pg iv]</a><br /><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[Pg v]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</a><br /> -<span class="small">OF</span><br /> -<span class="smaller">THE SECOND VOLUME</span></h2> - - -<table summary="Table of contents"> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXI</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">MUNSTER AND CONNAUGHT, 1641-1642</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> </td> -<td class="small right">PAGE</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The rebellion spreads to Munster</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The King’s proclamation</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_3">3</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>St. Leger, Cork, and Inchiquin</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_3">3</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>State of Connaught</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_5">5</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Massacre at Shrule</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_6">6</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Clanricarde at Galway</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_7">7</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Weakness of the English party</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_8">8</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>State of Clare—Ballyallia</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_10">10</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Cork and St. Leger</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_12">12</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXII</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">THE WAR TO THE BATTLE OF ROSS, 1642-1643</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Scots army in Ulster—Monro</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_14">14</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Strongholds preserved in Ulster</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_16">16</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ormonde in the Pale</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_17">17</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Battle of Kilrush</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_18">18</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Catholic Confederation</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_19">19</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Owen Roe O’Neill</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_20">20</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Thomas Preston</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_21">21</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Loss of Limerick, St. Leger dies</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_22">22</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Battle of Liscarrol</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_23">23</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Fighting in Ulster</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_23">23</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>General Assembly at Kilkenny</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_25">25</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Supreme Council—foreign support</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_27">27</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Fighting in Leinster—Timahoe</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_29">29</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Parliamentary agents in Dublin</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_29">29</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Siege of New Ross</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Battle of Ross</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_32">32</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[Pg vi]</a></span>A papal nuncio talked of</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_34">34</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXIII</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">THE WAR TO THE FIRST CESSATION, 1642-1643</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Adventurers for land—Lord Forbes</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_36">36</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Forbes at Galway and elsewhere</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_38">38</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>A pragmatic chaplain, Hugh Peters</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_40">40</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Forbes repulsed from Galway</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_41">41</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>A useless expedition</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_42">42</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Siege and capture of Galway fort</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_43">43</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>O’Neill, Leven, and Monro</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_44">44</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The King will negotiate</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_46">46</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Dismissal of Parsons</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_47">47</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Vavasour and Castlehaven</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_48">48</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The King presses for a truce</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_48">48</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Scarampi and Bellings</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_49">49</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>A cessation of arms, but no peace</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_50">50</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ormonde made Lord Lieutenant</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_51">51</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXIV</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">AFTER THE CESSATION, 1643-1644</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The cessation condemned by Parliament</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_53">53</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The rout at Nantwich</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_54">54</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Monck advises the King</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_55">55</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Solemn League and Covenant</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_55">55</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Covenant taken in Ulster</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_57">57</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Monro seizes Belfast</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_59">59</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Dissensions between Leinster and Ulster</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_60">60</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Failure of Castlehaven’s expedition</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_60">60</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Antrim and Montrose</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_61">61</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Irish under Montrose—Alaster MacDonnell</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_62">62</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Rival diplomatists at Oxford</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_64">64</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Violence of both parties</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_66">66</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Failure of the Oxford negotiations</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_68">68</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Inchiquin supports the Parliament</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_69">69</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXV</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">INCHIQUIN, ORMONDE, AND GLAMORGAN, 1644-1645</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The no quarter ordinance</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_72">72</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Roman Catholics expelled from Cork, Youghal, and Kinsale</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_73">73</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Covenant in Munster</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_74">74</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Negotiations for peace</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_75">75</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Bellings at Paris and Rome</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_76">76</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Recruits for France and Spain</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_77">77</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Pg vii]</a></span>Irish appeals for foreign help</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_78">78</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Siege of Duncannon Fort</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_80">80</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Mission of Glamorgan with extraordinary powers</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_84">84</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Glamorgan in Ireland</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_87">87</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Glamorgan treaty</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_88">88</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXVI</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">FIGHTING NORTH AND SOUTH—RINUCCINI, 1645</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Castlehaven in Munster</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_90">90</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Fall of Lismore, Youghal besieged</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_93">93</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Relief of Youghal</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_94">94</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Coote in Connaught</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_95">95</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Rinuccini appointed nuncio</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_96">96</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Scope of his mission</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_97">97</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>King and Queen distrusted at Rome</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_98">98</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Rinuccini at Paris</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_99">99</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>His voyage to Ireland</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_100">100</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Arrival in Kerry and welcome at Kilkenny</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_102">102</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXVII</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">THE ORMONDE PEACE, 1646</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Glamorgan and Rinuccini</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_103">103</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Arrest of Glamorgan</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_104">104</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Charles repudiates him</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_106">106</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Mission of Sir Kenelm Digby</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_107">107</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ireland must be sacrificed</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_108">108</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Sir Kenelm Digby’s treaty</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_109">109</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Glamorgan swears fealty to the nuncio</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_111">111</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ormonde’s peace with the Confederacy</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_112">112</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Lord Digby’s adventures</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_114">114</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The peace proclaimed at Dublin</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_115">115</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Siege of Bunratty</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_115">115</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Battle of Benburb</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_117">117</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Scots power in Ulster broken</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_120">120</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Rejoicings in Ireland and at Rome</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_121">121</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Rinuccini opposes the peace</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_122">122</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Which the clergy reject</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_123">123</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Riot at Limerick</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_125">125</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ormonde at Kilkenny</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_126">126</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Triumph of Rinuccini</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_129">129</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Quarrels of O’Neill and Preston</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_130">130</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Lord Digby’s intrigues</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_134">134</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Rinuccini loses his popularity</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_136">136</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[Pg viii]</a></span>Discords among the Confederates</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_137">137</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXVIII</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">SURRENDER OF DUBLIN AND AFTER, 1647</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Dublin between two fires</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_140">140</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Mission of George Leyburn</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_141">141</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ormonde’s reasons for surrendering to Parliament</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_143">143</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Digby’s last plots in Ireland</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_144">144</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Glamorgan as general</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_145">145</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>His army adheres to Muskerry</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_146">146</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Preston routed at Dungan Hill</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_148">148</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Parliamentary neglect</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_149">149</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Victories of Inchiquin</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_150">150</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Lord Lisle’s abortive viceroyalty </td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_151">151</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Sack of Cashel</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_153">153</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Mahony’s <i>Disputatio Apologetica</i></td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_154">154</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Rinuccini and O’Neill</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_155">155</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Battle of Knocknanuss</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_157">157</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Declining fortunes of the Confederacy</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_158">158</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Fresh appeals for foreign aid</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_159">159</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Inchiquin distrusted by Parliament</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_161">161</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ormonde goes to England and France</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_162">162</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXIX</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">INCHIQUIN, RINUCCINI, AND ORMONDE, 1648</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Inchiquin deserts the Parliament</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_164">164</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>His truce with the Confederacy</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_165">165</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Rinuccini dependent on O’Neill</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_166">166</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Who threatens Kilkenny</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_168">168</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>O’Neill, Inchiquin, and Michael Jones</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_170">170</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>O’Neill proclaimed traitor at Kilkenny</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_170">170</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ormonde returns to Ireland</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_171">171</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>His reception at Kilkenny</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_172">172</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Monck master in Ulster</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_173">173</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Prince of Wales expected</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_174">174</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Confederacy dissolved</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_175">175</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Rinuccini driven from Ireland</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_176">176</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXX</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">RINUCCINI TO CROMWELL, 1649</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ormonde’s commanding position</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_179">179</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Charles II. proclaimed</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_180">180</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Milton and the Ulster Presbyterians</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_180">180</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Monck, O’Neill, and Coote in Ulster</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_182">182</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Inchiquin takes Drogheda</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_183">183</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Pg ix]</a></span>Ormonde defeated by Jones at Rathmines</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_184">184</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Charles II. has thoughts of Ireland</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_186">186</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Prince Rupert at Kinsale</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_187">187</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Broghill consents to serve Parliament</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_189">189</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Cromwell leaves London</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_189">189</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXXI</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">CROMWELL IN IRELAND, 1649</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Cromwell restores discipline in Dublin</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_191">191</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Storm of Drogheda</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_193">193</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ormonde’s treaty with O’Neill</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_196">196</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Death and character of Owen Roe O’Neill</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_197">197</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Cromwell at Wexford</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_198">198</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Storm of Wexford</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_200">200</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Cromwell takes New Ross</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_201">201</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal join Cromwell</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_203">203</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Operations after New Ross</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_204">204</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Siege of Waterford</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_205">205</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Siege raised</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_206">206</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Death of Michael Jones</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_206">206</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Cromwell winters at Youghal</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_208">208</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Broghill’s campaign</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_208">208</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Carrickfergus taken</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_209">209</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Clonmacnoise decrees</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_210">210</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXXII</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">CROMWELL IN IRELAND, 1650</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Cromwell’s declaration</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_212">212</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>A lady’s experience at Cork</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_213">213</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Cromwell’s southern campaign</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_214">214</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Operations in Leinster—Castlehaven</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_216">216</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Cromwell takes Kilkenny</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_218">218</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Siege of Clonmel, assault repulsed</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_220">220</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The town capitulates</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_222">222</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Battle of Macroom, Cromwell leaves Ireland</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_223">223</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Submission of Protestant Royalists</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_225">225</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXXIII</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">ORMONDE’S LAST STRUGGLES, 1650</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Dissensions among Irish Royalists</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_226">226</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>O’Neill succeeded by Bishop Macmahon</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_227">227</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Englishmen turned out of the army</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_228">228</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Battle of Scariffhollis</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_230">230</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Pg x]</a></span>Assembly summoned to meet at Loughrea</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_232">232</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ormonde excluded from Limerick</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_232">232</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Clanricarde excluded from Galway</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_233">233</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Surrender of Tecroghan and Carlow</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_234">234</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Waterford capitulates</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_235">235</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Charlemont taken</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_236">236</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Meeting of bishops at Jamestown</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_237">237</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ormonde’s adherents excommunicated</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_238">238</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Charles II. repudiates the Irish</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_239">239</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>A conference at Galway</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_241">241</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The excommunication maintained—no Protestant governor</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_242">242</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Loughrea assembly can do little</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_243">243</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ormonde leaves Ireland, Clanricarde Deputy</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_243">243</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXXIV</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">CLANRICARDE AND IRETON, 1651</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Plague and famine</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_245">245</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>A regicide government</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_246">246</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Hugh O’Neill at Limerick</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_247">247</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Charles IV., Duke of Lorraine</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_249">249</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Taaffe’s mission to Charles II.</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_251">251</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>A Lorraine envoy in Ireland</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_253">253</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Extent of Lorraine succours</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_254">254</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Terms of agreement with the Duke</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_256">256</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Condemned by Ormonde and Clanricarde</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_257">257</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>No help after Worcester</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_258">258</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ireton passes the Shannon</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_261">261</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Coote and Reynolds elude Clanricarde</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_262">262</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Desperate defence of Gort—Ludlow</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_263">263</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Siege of Limerick</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_263">263</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ludlow in Clare</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_266">266</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Broghill’s victory at Knockbrack</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_268">268</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Capitulation of Limerick</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_271">271</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Treatment of the besieged</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_273">273</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Death and character of Ireton</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_277">277</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXXV</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">LAST PHASE OF THE WAR, 1652</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Galway holds out</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_278">278</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Irish in Scilly</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_279">279</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Meeting of officers at Kilkenny</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_280">280</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Horrors of guerrilla warfare</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_280">280</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Capitulation of Galway</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_283">283</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>“Tame Tories”</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_284">284</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Clanricarde’s last struggle</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_285">285</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Castlehaven leaves Ireland—his memoirs</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_286">286</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[Pg xi]</a></span>Clanricarde goes to England—his character</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_287">287</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Submission of Irish leaders</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_289">289</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Siege of Ross Castle</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_290">290</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Parliament an avenger of blood</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_292">292</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Leinster articles</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_293">293</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Richard Grace</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_294">294</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ludlow’s last service in the field</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_295">295</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Arrival of Fleetwood</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_298">298</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXXVI</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">END OF THE WAR, AND ITS PRICE</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Last stand at Innisbofin</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_298">298</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Last stand in Ulster</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_299">299</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Exhaustion of the country</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_300">300</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Treatment of priests</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_301">301</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Swordsmen sent abroad</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_303">303</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Fleetwood commander-in-chief</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_304">304</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Sir Phelim O’Neill tried and executed</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_305">305</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Alleged commission from Charles I.</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_307">307</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Lord Muskerry acquitted</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_308">308</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Primate O’Reilly pardoned</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_310">310</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Lord Mayo tried and shot</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_311">311</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Crown bound by the Adventurers’ Act</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_312">312</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXXVII</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">PEACE, SETTLEMENT, AND TRANSPLANTATION, 1652-1654</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Magnitude of the problem</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_315">315</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Effect of the 1641 evidence</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_317">317</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Act of Settlement</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_317">317</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Lambert’s abortive appointment as Deputy</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_319">319</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Expulsion of the Long Parliament</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_320">320</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Barebone’s Parliament—Irish members</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_321">321</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Casting lots for Ireland</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_322">322</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Claims of the army</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_322">322</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Act of Satisfaction</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_324">324</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Transplantation proceeds slowly</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_325">325</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Protectorate established</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_326">326</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Fleetwood Deputy</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_327">327</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Cromwell’s first Parliament—Irish members</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_328">328</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Transplantation—Gookin and Lawrence</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_329">329</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Tories, name and thing</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_330">330</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Waldensian massacre</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_332">332</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Difficulties of transplantation, Loughrea and Athlone</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_333">333</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Worsley and Petty—the Down survey</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_334">334</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Clarendon on the settlement</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_338">338</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Desolation of the towns</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_339">339</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[Pg xii]</a></span>Proposed transplantation of Presbyterians</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_341">341</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXXVIII</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">HENRY CROMWELL, 1655-1659</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Henry Cromwell supersedes Fleetwood</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_343">343</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Deportation to the West Indies</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_344">344</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Henry and the sectaries</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_346">346</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Reduction of the army</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_347">347</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Oliver and his son</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_348">348</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Cromwell’s second Parliament—Irish members</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_349">349</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The oath of abjuration</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_350">350</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Henry Lord Deputy</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_352">352</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Henry made Lord Lieutenant by his brother</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_354">354</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ireland in the Parliament of 1659</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_355">355</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Petty and his detractors</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_356">356</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Henry recalled by the restored Rump</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_359">359</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Attempted estimate of Henry Cromwell</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_360">360</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="pad2 center">CHAPTER XXXIX</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="center small">THE RESTORATION</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Provisional government, John Jones and Ludlow</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_362">362</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Monck interferes</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_363">363</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>End of the revolutionary government</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_364">364</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The Irish army proves Royalist</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_365">365</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Monck gains Coote and Broghill</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_366">366</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Ludlow’s last efforts</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_366">366</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Impeachment of Ludlow and others</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_368">368</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>New commissioners of Government appointed</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_369">369</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>General convention and declarations of officers</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_370">370</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Charles II. proclaimed in Dublin</td> -<td class="right"><a href="#Page_371">371</a></td> -</tr> -</table> - -<h2><a name="MAP" id="MAP">MAP</a></h2> - -<table summary="Table of illustrations"> -<tr> -<td>Ireland, to illustrate the Cromwellian settlement</td> -<td class="right"><i>to face p. 1</i></td> -</tr> -</table> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"> -<img src="images/map.jpg" width="600" height="934" alt="IRELAND -TO ILLUSTRATE THE -CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT" /> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> - -<p class="xlarge center gap4"><b>IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS</b></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXI" id="CHAPTER_XXI">CHAPTER XXI</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">MUNSTER AND CONNAUGHT, 1641-1642</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">The -rebellion -spreads to -Munster, -December, -1641.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">St. Leger’s -raid.</div> - -<p>There was no outbreak in Munster during November, but -Lord President St. Leger knew that he had no real means of -resisting one. The Lords Justices had drawn off most of the -soldiers, the rest were occupied as garrisons, and practically -he had only his own troop of horse to depend on. Before -the end of the month the Leinster rebels had come nearly -to the Suir, and he repaired with what men he could collect -to Clonmel lest Lady Ormonde, who was at Carrick, should -fall into the invaders’ hands. The gentlemen of Tipperary -came to meet him, but could or would do nothing. ‘Every -man stands at gaze, and suffers the rascals to rob and pillage -all the English about them.’ Ormonde’s own cattle were -driven off. St. Leger’s brother-in-law having been pillaged, -he took indiscriminate vengeance, and some innocent men -were probably killed. He as good as told the Tipperary -magnates that they were all rebels. In the meantime the -Leinster insurgents had crossed the estuary of the Suir in -boats, and ravaged the eastern part of Waterford. St. Leger -rode rapidly through the intervening mountains, though -there was snow on the ground, and fell upon a party of -plunderers at Mothel, near Carrick. The main body were -pursued to the river, and for the most part killed. About -seventy prisoners were taken to Waterford and there hanged. -He returned to Clonmel and thence back to Doneraile, for -he could do no more. ‘My horses,’ he told Ormonde, ‘are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span> -quite spent; their saddles have been scarce off these fourteen -days; nor myself nor my friends have not had leisure to -shift our shirts ... the like war was never heard of—no -man makes head, one parish robs another, go home and share -the goods, and there is an end of it, and this by a company -of naked rogues.’<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Mountgarret -invades -Munster.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Another -mock commission.</div> - -<p>St. Leger’s rough ways might furnish an excuse, but had -no real effect upon events. The flame steadily spread over -the whole island, and the contest fell more and more into the -hands of extreme men. The Tipperary insurgents were soon -enrolled in companies, the leading part being taken by -Theobald Purcell, titular baron of Loughmoe, and Patrick -Purcell, who rose to distinction during the war. At the end -of January Mountgarret, who acted as general, invaded -Munster with a heterogeneous force. He was assisted by -Michael Wall, a professional soldier, and accompanied by -Viscount Ikerrin, Lords Dunboyne and Cahir, all three -Butlers, and the Baron of Loughmoe. Kilmallock was easily -taken, and the Irish encamped at Redshard, near Kildorrery, -at the entry to the county of Cork. Broghill reckoned them -at 10,000, of whom half were unarmed. The President, who -had 900 foot and 300 horse, thought it impossible to dispute -the passage, and preferred to parley. Mountgarret demanded -freedom of conscience, the preservation of the royal prerogative, -and equal privileges for natives with the English. -St. Leger answered that they had liberty of conscience already, -that he was not likely to do anything against the Crown, -from whom he held everything, and that he himself was -a native. At last, on February 10, articles were agreed upon -by which the President agreed to abstain from all further -hostilities, both sides covenanting to do each other no harm -for one month. St. Leger was induced to grant these terms -mainly by the sight of a commission from Charles with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> -the Great Seal attached, but Broghill believed that this was -a mere trick, and the document fabricated. The President -withdrew to Cork and Mountgarret into Tipperary. The -armistice was ill kept by the Irish, who were under the influence -of Patrick Purcell. Mountgarret never showed any -military ability.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Muskerry -joins the -Irish.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The King’s -proclamation.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Cork beleaguered -by the -Irish.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin’s -first -exploit, -April 13, -1642.</div> - -<p>St. Leger had long cherished the belief that Donough -MacCarthy, Viscount Muskerry, would remain staunch. -Muskerry, who had great possessions, and who was married -to Ormonde’s sister, seems to have tried the impossible part -of neutral, but was soon drawn into the vortex, and it was -to him that the supposed commission to raise 4000 men had -been made out. He tried to stop plundering, and even -hanged a few thieves, but the open country soon became untenable -for English settlers. Many flocked to Bandon, which -was held by Cork’s son Lord Kinalmeaky. Others fled to -Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal, to which latter place Sir Charles -Vavasour brought the first reinforcement of 1000 men. -Vavasour carried over the King’s proclamation of January 1 -against the rebels, of which only forty copies had been -printed, and Cork immediately forwarded it to the Lord -President. ‘I like it exceedingly well in all parts of it,’ said -St. Leger, ‘save only that it is come so late to light ... it -were very good that we had some store of them to disperse -abroad, for of this one little notice can be taken.’ Cork -maintained himself at Youghal and his sons in other places. -St. Leger, as soon as he had received reinforcements, relieved -Broghill at Lismore, and took Dungarvan from the Irish. -Of all the old nobility Lord Barrymore, who had married -Cork’s daughter, alone stood firm and refused all offers from -the Irish. On March 12 St. Leger wrote that he was practically -besieged in Cork by a ‘vast body of the enemy lying -within four miles of the town, under my Lord of Muskerry, -O’Sullivan Roe, MacCarthy Reagh, and all the western -gentry and forces to the number of about 5000.’ The nominal -chief of this army was Colonel Garret Barry, an experienced<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> -soldier, but without originality, and more fit for a subordinate -than for a chief command. On April 13, two days before -Ormonde’s victory at Kilrush, Inchiquin—who was married -to St. Leger’s daughter, and had studied war in the Spanish -service—persuaded his father-in-law to let him make -a sally. With only 300 foot and two troops of horse he surprised -the Irish camp at Rochfordstown, routed the ill-disciplined -host completely, and pursued them for some -miles towards Ballincollig and Kilcrea. Muskerry’s own -luggage fell into the victor’s hands, and a great stock of -corn, which was very welcome. The only serious fighting was -in the attack of a small enclosure desperately defended by -Florence McDonnell, called Captain Sougane, perhaps in -memory of the last Desmond rebel. Inchiquin’s loss was -little or nothing, and he was soon able to ship guns and -take castles which obstructed the navigation of Cork harbour. -The southern capital was relieved from all immediate danger.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Limerick.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Waterford.</div> - -<p>Limerick did not at first take any decided part, but -stood upon its defence. Clonmel and Dungarvan admitted -the Leinster insurgents in December, a few days after St. -Leger’s raid. A party commanded by Ormonde’s brother -Richard came to the gate of Waterford on the day after -Christmas, but the mayor, Francis Briver, refused to let him -in. Two other attempts were made before Twelfth Day. -The mob of the town and a majority of the corporation were -opposed to the mayor, but he held his own for some time, -received English fugitives within the walls, and kept them -there till shipping could be had for themselves and such<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> -property as they had been able to carry away. His own life -was frequently in danger, and his hand was badly bitten -by a rioter who resisted arrest. On another day, says Mrs. -Briver, who took an active part, ‘when I heard so many -swords were drawn at the market cross against my poor husband, -I ran into the streets without either hat or mantle and -laid my hands about his neck and brought him in whether he -would or no ... This and much more the mayor has suffered -seeking to let their goods go with the English.’ Mountgarret -was excluded, but in April his son Edmund was admitted -with 300 men, and the townsmen gave up their cannon.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">State of -Connaught. -Ranelagh -and Clanricarde.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Events at -Galway.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Hesitation -of the -Galway -gentry.</div> - -<p>Roger Jones, created Viscount Ranelagh, was Lord President -of Connaught, and lay at Athlone with only a troop of -horse and two companies of foot. The government of the -county of Galway was vested by special patent in the Earl -of Clanricarde, who positively refused the request of the -Roscommon gentlemen to take command of their county, -and thus ignore the Lord President’s authority. Mayo was -entrusted by the Lords Justices to Lord Mayo and to Dillon, -Viscount Costello, who were both at this time professing -Protestants. Sir Francis Willoughby, the governor of Galway -fort, was in Dublin when the rebellion broke out, and -his son Anthony, who was young and violent, commanded in -his absence. Clanricarde was at Portumna when he heard -of the outbreak, and he at once warned the mayor of -Galway to be on his guard. The Lords Justices refused to -send arms from Dublin on the ground that the passage -was not safe, but told him to take what he could find at -Galway. A hundred calivers, many of them unserviceable, -and as many pikes were all that could be had. His own -castles of Portumna, Loughrea, and Oranmore were in a -defensible state, and he came to Galway on November 6. -Richard Boyle, Archbishop of Tuam, took refuge in the -fort, and Clanricarde’s castle of Aghenure, on the western -shore of Lough Corrib, was seized by the O’Flahertys. On the -11th a town-meeting was held, and the citizens resolved to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> -hold Galway for the King. During the next three months -there were frequent acts of violence on both sides, Willoughby -treating the citizens as conquered, and they retorting -by capturing and confining his stray soldiers. On December 29 -the lords of the Pale invited the nobility and gentry of the -county of Galway to join them, urging the legal grievances -under which Roman Catholics laboured, and the severe -measures of Coote and others. This did not make Clanricarde’s -task easier, but he came to Galway on February 5, -and patched up an accommodation. On the 11th he left the -town for a fortnight, and during the interval an outrage was -committed in the neighbourhood which rivalled the worst -of the Ulster atrocities.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Shrule -massacre, -Feb. -1641-2.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Humanity -of Walter -Burke.</div> - -<p>According to the Rev. John Goldsmith, there were about -1000 English and Scotch Protestants in Mayo, many of -whom tried to save themselves by going to mass. He had a -brother a priest, and it was owing to the Jesuit Malone and -an unnamed friar that he escaped with his life. Several -Protestants, including one Buchanan of Strade, and John -Maxwell, Bishop of Killala, sought the protection of Sir -Henry Bingham at Castlebar, but he refused to admit Goldsmith, -who was a convert from Rome, lest his presence -should increase the animosity of the Irish. Lord Mayo -promised to convoy the whole party safely to Galway fort, -and they set out on February 13, Malachy O’Queely, Roman -Catholic Archbishop of Tuam, ‘faithfully promising the Lord -of Mayo to accompany them with his lordship and several -priests and friars, to see them safely conveyed and delivered -in Galway, or at the Fort of Galway.’ The first night was -spent at Ballycarra, the second at Ballinrobe, the third at -the Neale, and the fourth at Shrule, where a bridge joins the -counties of Mayo and Galway. Lord Mayo seems to have -declined all responsibility outside of his own county, and -on Sunday the 17th he dismissed his followers except one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> -company commanded by Edmund Burke, who proposed to -go with them a few miles, and hand them over to an escort -of the county Galway. Burke’s men began to plunder the -unarmed fugitives before they were out of Lord Mayo’s sight, -and he sent his son Sir Theobald to keep order; according -to Theobald’s own account he ran over the bridge with his -sword drawn to help the English, but was fired at and afterwards -‘conveyed away for the safety of his life.’ The promised -escort, consisting of two companies of the O’Flahertys, then -came up and joined the Mayo people in an indiscriminate -massacre of men, women, and children. The Bishop of Killala -and a few others were saved by the exertions of Ulick Burke, -of Castle Hacket, but those killed were not far short of a -hundred, including Dean Forgie of Killala and five other -clergymen, of whom John Corbet was one. Thomas Johnson, -vicar of Turlough, escaped to the house of Walter Burke, who -treated him kindly and defended him. Young priests and -friars asked Stephen Lynch, prior of Strade, in his presence -whether it was not lawful to kill him as a heretic, and Lynch -answered that it was as lawful as to kill a sheep or a dog. -The insurgents threatening to burn Burke’s house if he kept -Johnson any longer, he managed to convey him to Clanricarde’s -castle at Loughrea, and he ‘ever after that time lived -by the noble and free charity of that good earl, until of late -his lordship sent him and divers other Protestants away -with a convoy.’<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Murders at -Galway.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Clanricarde -and the -clergy.</div> - -<p>Clanricarde returned to Galway on March 1. After a -fortnight’s argument he succeeded in getting both town and -fort to make declarations of loyalty and of peaceable intentions -towards each other. As soon as his back was turned -the flames fanned by the clergy broke out afresh. A party -of armed townsmen disguised as boatmen seized an English -ship, murdered some of the crew, and towed her off in spite<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> -of Willoughby’s fire. When Galway surrendered to Coote -in 1652 the perpetrators of the outrage were specially excepted -from pardon. The malcontents then closed the gates, disarmed -all the English within the walls, took an oath of union, -and invited the O’Flahertys and the Mayo insurgents to -join them. Willoughby burned some of the suburbs to -prevent the O’Flahertys from occupying them, and this -military precaution still further exasperated the citizens. -But Clanricarde collected a quantity of provisions at Oranmore -and relieved the fort. His castle of Tirellan, which -commanded the river, enabled him to blockade the town, -the neighbourhood being constantly patrolled by cavalry. -Supplies ceased to reach the market, and before the end of -April the leading citizens were tired of resisting. While -negotiations were proceeding a man of war arrived with -powder and provisions, and Clanricarde then took high ground. -In vain did the warden Walter Lynch, whom Rinuccini -afterwards made a bishop, fulminate the greater excommunication -against all who agreed to Clanricarde’s articles. The -mayor signed them nevertheless, agreeing that all soldiers -harboured in the town should be sent away, that access to -the town should be free and open, that the Anglican clergy -should enjoy their legal rights, and that no arms or powder -should be sold without Clanricarde’s orders. The gates were -accordingly thrown open on May 13, the young men of the -town laid down their arms, and Clanricarde received the keys -publicly from the mayor’s hands. Ormonde approved of -these proceedings, but the Lords Justices thought the rebellious -town had been too leniently treated.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Order -against -intercourse -with the -Irish.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Sir James -Dillon at -Athlone.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -relieves -Athlone.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">An English -party -destroyed.</div> - -<p>Contrary to Ormonde’s own judgment, though he signed -with the rest, the Lords Justices issued an order against -holding any intercourse with the Irish living near garrisons -and against giving protection to any of them. The soldiers -were to prosecute the rebels with fire and sword, and whenever -Ormonde established a garrison the order in council -was to be sent to the commanders with directions for en<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span>suring -its observance. This order bound both Ranelagh and -Clanricarde, but neither of them approved of it, and indeed -it involved a censure upon the latter’s pacification at Galway. -Athlone had since Christmas been beset on the Leinster side -by a mixed multitude under the general direction of Sir James -Dillon, who had made a truce with the Lord President so -far as to allow free access to the market. The castle, which -stands on the Connaught side of the Shannon, was thus -provisioned and made safe against assailants who had no -battering train. After a time the garrison began to make -incursions into Westmeath, and this was regarded by Dillon -as a breach of faith. He had been distrusted by the Irish -for his moderation, but without gaining him the confidence -of the Government, and he thought it would be better to have -at least one side heartily with him. He accordingly seized -the town on the Leinster side, and threw up a work which -prevented the garrison from crossing the bridge. When he -heard that Ormonde was coming to relieve the castle he -withdrew into the county of Longford. Ormonde left Dublin -on June 14, Mullingar and Ballymore being burnt at his -approach, and on the 20th he was at the village of Kilkenny, -about seven English miles from Athlone. There Ranelagh -met him and took charge of the 2000 foot and two troops of -horse provided to reinforce him under Sir Michael Earnley. -Ormonde then returned to Dublin at once, though Clanricarde -was most anxious to meet him. Ranelagh put the new troops -into various castles, three hundred of them, under Captain -Bertie, being assigned to a convent of Poor Clares on Lough -Ree. The nuns had been hurriedly conveyed away by Dillon -to an island in the lake, but the vestments remained and the -cellar was full. The soldiers drank the wine, and were -masquerading in the vestments when they were attacked -by a party sent by Dillon. Bertie fought bravely, but he -and most of his men were killed. The Lord President then -concentrated his forces at Athlone and the open country was -left at the mercy of the Irish.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span></p> -<div class="sidenote">Dissensions -amongst -the -English.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Fight at -Ballintober, -July 1642.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Irish -grow -stronger.</div> - -<p>Ranelagh showed no energy, but he was in bad health -and in want of money and supplies. He said Earnley’s -men were rogues and gaol-birds, and that he longed for a -commission to raise men of his own country. In the meantime -he neglected to requisition the provisions available in -the neighbourhood, and the soldiers died of want and neglect. -Coote provided ten days’ bread, and pressed him to do something -while a few men were left alive, whereupon he ordered -an attack on Ballagh, which was not taken without loss, and -which Earnley says was quite useless. Afterwards he joined -his forces to those of Coote at Roscommon, and Sir James -Dillon attacked Athlone in his absence with 1500 men, but -was beaten off by the remnant left behind. A considerable -Irish force under O’Connor Roe and others assembled after -some skirmishing at Ballintober, where they were routed -with a loss of six hundred men. Coote and Earnley were not -allowed to follow up the victory, and Ranelagh refused to -feed the latter’s men any longer. They were therefore dispersed -among the garrisons which Coote commanded. Ranelagh -made no further attempt to keep the field, and in October -he made a truce for three months with the Irish. Clanricarde -approved of this, and would have been glad to have its operation -extended, for vengeance ‘need not be so sharp here, as -where blood doth call for deserved punishment.’ But the -Lords Justices were all for war to the knife, though they -had not the means to wage it successfully, while Lord Forbes -and Captain Willoughby did their best to prevent peace. -The English Parliament were too busy at home to do much, -while arms and ammunition from the Continent poured in -through Wexford and the Ulster ports, with ‘most of the -colonels, officers, and engineers that have served beyond -seas for many years past ... which furnish all parts of the -kingdom but those few that adhere to me for his Majesty’s -service.’<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The rebellion -in Clare, -1641-2.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Defence of -Ballyallia, -Feb.-Sept. -1642.</div> - -<p>Strafford’s proposed settlement of Clare was never carried<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> -out, but the Earls of Thomond were Protestants, and encouraged -English tenants, so that a considerable colony had -in fact been established. Inchiquin, who had agreed to the -abortive plantation, threw his influence in the same direction; -but the great mass of O’Briens, Macnamaras, and others -favoured the insurgents. The outbreak in the north and the -attempt on Dublin were known at the fair of Clare on November -1, but it was not till the end of the month that certain -news came of the insurrection having spread to the part of -Tipperary near the Shannon. Barnabas Earl of Thomond, -who had an English wife, tried to keep the peace, and adopted -a trimming policy, but soon lost all control over the country, -though he held Bunratty and some other places. Robberies -of the Protestants’ cattle soon began, and by Christmas the -owners were generally on their guard in castles, of which -thirty-one were in friendly hands. Three weeks later the -troops raised by Thomond were siding openly with the rebels. -Ballyallia Castle, on a lake near Ennis, belonged to Sir -Valentine Blake, of Galway, who was a noted member of the -Catholic confederacy, but was leased to a merchant named -Maurice Cuffe, and became a place of refuge for at least a -hundred Protestants. Others from the neighbourhood -escaped to England in a Dutch vessel. About a thousand of -the Irish encamped near the castle and built cabins, but -without coming to close quarters. They captured Abraham -Baker, an English carpenter apparently, and with his aid -constructed a ‘sow,’ such as was frequently used during the -war. It was a house 35 feet by 9 feet, built of beams upon -four wheels, strengthened with iron and covered by a sharp -ridge roof, and was moved by levers worked from inside. -The whole was kept together by huge spike-nails, which -cost 5<i>l.</i>, ‘being intended for a house of correction which -should have been built at Ennis.’ Captain Henry O’Grady -summoned the castle, pretending to have his Majesty’s -commission to banish all Protestants out of Ireland. Whereupon -‘a bullet was sent to examine his commission, which went -through his thigh, but he made a shift to rumbel [<i>sic</i>] to the -bushes and there fell down, but only lay by it sixteen weeks,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> -in which time unhappily it was cured.’ A girl who fell into -the hands of the besiegers was tortured until she confessed -that the shot was fired by the Rev. Andrew Chaplin. The -Irish had no artillery, but devised a cannon made of half-tanned -leather with a three-pound charge. The breech was -blown out at the first fire, and the ball remained inside. -The sow was soon taken and those within killed. A kind of -loose blockade lasted from the beginning of February until -near midsummer. The besieged often suffered much from -want of water, but sometimes they ventured to skirmish in -the open, joining with the garrison of Clare Castle and capturing -cattle. Baker, who was taken in the sow, joined -his captors, whereupon ‘the Irish immediately hewed in -pieces his son, Thomas Baker, a proper young man, who was -with them in their camp.’ After the fall of Limerick Castle -one piece of artillery was brought against Ballyallia, but the -gunner was at once shot, and little was done. After this -the siege was much closer, famine and sickness reducing the -garrison by one half. They got horseflesh at times, but were -driven to eat salted hides, dried sheepskins and cats, all fried -in tallow. At last they were forced to capitulate, and the -terms were ill-kept, but in the end the survivors escaped -to Bunratty, nearly all ill and stripped of everything.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Cork and -St. Leger, -1642.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Youghal, -Lismore -and -Bandon.</div> - -<p>Cromwell is reported to have said that if there had been -an Earl of Cork in every county the Irish could never have -raised a rebellion. All his resources were expended in resisting -it, and St. Leger, though he co-operated with him, -could not but feel bitterly the inferiority of his own position. -The Lords Justices never communicated with him, and -though they allowed him to levy forces, sent no money to -pay them; and indeed they had none to send. Earnest -applications for cannon, ‘six drakes and two curtoes,’ were -made in vain, and to take the field without guns was impossible. -‘If they have not wholly deserted me,’ he wrote<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> -to Ormonde, ‘and bestowed the government on my Lord of -Cork, persuade them to disburden themselves of so much -artillery as they cannot themselves employ.’ He died a -few weeks later, leaving the presidential authority in Inchiquin’s -hands. In the meantime Cork himself had held -Youghal, securing a landing-place for all succours from -England. His son Broghill defended Lismore, and Kinalmeaky -was governor of Bandon, which his father had walled -and supplied with artillery. Clonakilty was an open place, -and the Protestant settlers there and in the country round -about escaped to Bandon, where the townsmen made them -pay well for their quarters. ‘They were compelled,’ said -Cork, ‘to give more rent for their chamber or corner than my -tenants paid me for the whole house.’ After Kinalmeaky’s -death at Liscarrol Sir Charles Vavasour became governor, and -the town was never taken; the Bandonians making frequent -sallies, like the Enniskilleners in a later age. Lord Cork, -who had enjoyed a rental of 50<i>l.</i> a day, lost it all for the time, -and was often in difficulties, but he saved the English interest -in Munster from total destruction.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, with the letters in vol. iii. of November 8, 13, 16, 18 -and 22, and December 11. <i>Lismore Papers</i>, 2nd series, vol. iv. St. Leger’s -letters of November 7, 10, and 28, and December 2 and 17. Bellings says -‘some innocent labourers and husbandmen suffered by martial law for the -transgression of others,’ and Carte gives instances. St. Leger’s letters from -November 1 to December 11 in <i>Egmont Papers</i>, i. 142-154.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The best account of this episode is Broghill’s letter printed in vol. ii. -of Smith’s <i>Hist. of Cork; Bellings</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, i. 76; St. Leger’s letters of February 26, March 26, and -April 18, 1641-2, in <i>Lismore Papers</i>, 2nd Series. <i>Divers Remarkable -Occurrences</i> by Thomas Baron, Esq., who lived fifteen years six miles from -Bandon and arrived in London July 2. This last contains a curious dirge -on Captain Sougane, beginning, ‘O’Finnen McDonnell McFinnen a Cree’ -which has these lines:— -</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Thy general Barry of three pounds a day,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">With armed Lord Muskerry did both run away.<br /></span> -<span class="i0">We Cork men bewail dee, but yet for dy glory<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Tank heaven to have pulled de from purgatory,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">For all our priests swear dou art not in hell,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Dear Finnen McDonnell McFinnen farewell.<br /></span> -</div></div></div></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Lords Justices and Council to Leicester, <i>Confederation and War</i>, ii. 28; -Letters from Mr. and Mrs. Briver, <i>ib.</i> 7-22.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> A good account in Hardiman’s <i>Hist. of Galway</i>. Clanricarde’s letters, -November 14 to January 23, 1641-2, in Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, vol. iii., and the -lords of the Pale to the Galway gentry, December 29, <i>ib.</i> Clanricarde’s -correspondence with the Roscommon gentry is in <i>Contemporary Hist.</i> -i. 380.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Deposition of Goldsmith in 1643 in <i>Hickson</i>, i. 375. Other witnesses in -1653, <i>ib.</i> i. 387-399 and ii. 1-7. Henry Bringhurst’s evidence, as being -rather favourable to Lord Mayo, has been chiefly followed for the massacre. -See also Hardiman’s <i>Hist. of Galway</i>, p. 110, and the letters in Clanricarde’s -<i>Memoirs</i>, 1757, pp. 77, 80. The Galway men tried to throw the blame on -their Mayo neighbours, for fear of Clanricarde.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Clanricarde to Essex, May 22, 1642; Ormonde to Clanricarde, June 13, -in Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>. Hardiman’s <i>Hist. of Galway</i>, p. 111.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Order in Council, May 28, 1642, in <i>Confederation and War</i>, ii. 45. -Earnley’s account, <i>ib.</i> 134; <i>Bellings</i>, i. 85. Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, i. 345.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Sir Michael Earnley’s Relation (soon after July 20, 1642) in <i>Confederation -and War</i>, ii. 134. Clanricarde’s letters of July 14 and 20, and -October 26, in his <i>Memoirs</i>, pp. 190, 197, 281.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Narrative of Maurice Cuffe, printed by T. Crofton Croker, <i>Camden -Society</i>, 1841. Joseph Cuffe to H. Jones, November 12, 1658, MS. in -Trinity College, 844, No. 37. Burnet says (i. 29) guns partly made of -leather were used with effect by the Scots at Newburn.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> St. Leger to Ormonde, May 12, 1642, in Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, iii. Appx. -No. 78. Inchiquin to Cork, November 24, 1642, with the answer, in -Bennett’s <i>History of Bandon</i>, chap. vii.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXII" id="CHAPTER_XXII">CHAPTER XXII</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE WAR TO THE BATTLE OF ROSS, 1642-1643</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">A Scots -army -in Ulster.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Major-General -Monro.</div> - -<p>When Charles received the news of the Irish insurrection, he -at once called upon the Scottish Parliament to aid him in -suppressing it. They replied that Ireland was dependent -on England, that interference on their part would be misunderstood, -and that they could only act as auxiliaries to the -English people by agreement with them. Early in November -the Parliament at Westminster resolved to send 12,000 men -from England, and to ask the Scots to send 10,000 more. -But Episcopalian jealousy was aroused, and the demand on -Scotland was reduced to 1,000. Nothing was done for the -moment, but on January 22, by which time some of the -English troops had reached Ireland, both Houses agreed to -ask for 2,500, and to this the Scots Commissioners in London -assented. The King hesitated about giving up Carrickfergus -to the Scotch regiments, but the Commissioners hoped that -his Majesty, ‘being their native king, would not show less -trust in them than their neighbour nation,’ and this appeal -was successful. Money and military stores were stipulated -for, and it was agreed that if any other troops in Ulster -should join the Scots, their general was to command them -as well as his own men, and he had also power to enlarge his -quarters to make such expeditions as he might think fit. -The Scottish estates had before offered 10,000 men, but -nothing like that number ever went. A little later the -command was given to Leven, who stayed but a short time -and did nothing. The expeditionary force remained in the -hands of Major-General Robert Monro, who had been employed -to keep order at Aberdeen, and did so with no light -hand. He set up, says Spalding, ‘ane timber mare, where<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span>upon -runagate knaves and runaway soldiers should ride. -Uncouth to see sic discipline in Aberdeen, and more painful -to the trespasser to suffer.’ Monro will live for ever in the -form of Dugald Dalgetty, for whose portrait he was the chief -model. Sir James Turner, who contributed some touches to -the picture, says his great fault was a tendency to despise -his enemy. Monro’s training was that of the Thirty Years’ -War, and Turner, who belonged to the same school, thought -he carried its lessons too far.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Scots -land April -1642.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Newry -retaken.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Sir Phelim -O’Neill -burns -Armagh.</div> - -<p>Monro landed at Carrickfergus on April 15 with about -2500 men, Lord Conway and Colonel Chichester retiring with -their regiments to Belfast. On the 28th he marched towards -Newry, leaving a garrison behind him, and was joined by -Conway and the rest, making up his army to near 4000 men. -The Irish under Lord Iveagh were posted in a fort at Ennislaughlin -near Moira, but were easily dislodged next day, and -fled into the Kilwarlin woods. No quarter was given, to which -Turner strongly objects. On the third day they marched -through Dromore, where only the church was left standing, -to Loughbrickland, where there was a garrison in an island. -Monro bribed six Highlanders to swim across, and one of these -succeeded in bringing away the only boat. The island was -then occupied and all the Irish there killed. No attempt -was made to defend the town of Newry, but the castle gave -some trouble, and Monro was unwilling to assault or burn it, -lest the prisoners confined there should suffer. The garrison -were allowed to march out without arms on May 3, but over -sixty townsmen, including a Cistercian monk and a secular -priest, were hanged next day in cold blood. Turner criticises -Monro’s conduct, and claims to have saved nearly 150 women -whom the soldiers proposed to kill. At least a dozen women -were shot or drowned, notwithstanding his interference. -The natural result of Monro’s system was to make the Irish -desperate, and O’Neill burned Armagh, ‘the cathedral with -its steeple and with its bells, organ, and glass windows, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> -the whole city, with the fine library, with all the learned -books of the English on divinity, logic, and philosophy.’ -Many lives were also taken by the Irish in revenge for Monro’s -severities. After leaving a garrison at Newry the army -marched through the Mourne mountains, and from one end -of Down to the other. Turner mentions a frightful storm -attributed by the superstitious to Irish witches, which if -true he considered a good proof that their master was really -prince of the air. Some of the soldiers died from sheer cold. -On the twelfth day Monro returned to Carrickfergus. A -detachment which he had left in the outskirts of Belfast had -been attacked during his absence and driven off. A large -number of cattle had been taken from the Magennises and -Macartans, but the English soldiers everywhere complained -that the Scots got most of the plunder.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Sir -Frederic -Hamilton.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His -severities.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Sir W. -Cole at -Enniskillen.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Laggan -army.</div> - -<p>Sir Frederic Hamilton was at Londonderry on October 24. -On hearing of the outbreak he rode hard with a dozen -mounted servants, who made a great show by blowing -trumpets and carrying two lighted matches each. The little -party reached Donegal unmolested, succoured the English -settlers there, and at Ballyshannon killed some rogues on -the road, and reached Manor Hamilton in safety. Connor -O’Rourke, sheriff of Leitrim, visited Hamilton on the 31st, -but his professions of loyalty did not last long. The arrival of -a few stray Scots soldiers, some from Carlisle direct, increased -the garrison to fifty men. By December 4 twenty-four -prisoners were taken, and to avenge the deaths of Englishmen -at Sligo, eight of them were hanged upon a conspicuous -gallows. Fifty-six persons, including one woman, died thus -by martial law between December 3, 1641, and February 18, -1642-3. Hamilton complained bitterly that he was not -supported by Sir William Cole, and their quarrels became -the subject of an inquiry by the English Parliament. Cole -held Enniskillen throughout, and without much difficulty,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> -while Captain Ffolliott maintained the important post at -Ballyshannon. Meanwhile the brothers Sir William and Sir -Robert Stewart, who were both professional soldiers, were -active from Rathmelton in Donegal to Newtown Stewart in -Tyrone. Their levies grew into an army which came to be -known as the Laggan forces from a name locally given to the -district. Londonderry and Coleraine also held out, and -were never taken during the war.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -wastes -Kildare, -April, 1642.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">George -Monck.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Battle of -Kilrush, -April 15.</div> - -<p>Ormonde returned to Dublin in the middle of March, -and on April 2 set out again with 3000 foot, 500 horse, and -five guns to waste the county of Kildare. Captain Yarner, -with two troops, burned ten or twelve villages under the -Wicklow mountains, and killed about the same number of -armed men. A trumpeter was killed by a shot from Tipper -Castle, near Naas, whereupon Coote blew up the house and -put all to the sword. Ormonde garrisoned Naas, established -a Protestant corporation there, and advanced to Maryborough, -whence he sent most of his cavalry by forced marches to relieve -Burris in Ossory and Birr, and to return by Portnahinch. -The old men, women, and children of about sixty families -were brought away safely and settled at Naas. Monck, -who now appears for the first time in Ireland, was sent to -secure their return passage over the Barrow. Other detachments -were sent to relieve Ballinakill, Clogrennan and Carlow, -and on the twelfth day Ormonde was back at Athy without -any loss except of a few over-ridden horses. Great numbers -of cattle were taken, and Coote gave 300 milch cows to the -fugitives at Naas on condition of selling milk to the troops at a -halfpenny a quart and making butter and cheese, and bread,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> -he supplying corn at ten shillings the Winchester barrel. -Ormonde found that the enemy had concentrated in the -meantime at the ford of Mageney on the Barrow with a view -to intercept him on his return. Mountgarret and Roger -O’More were both present, as well as Hugh MacPhelim O’Byrne, -who was retreating from Drogheda to the Wicklow mountains, -and they had more than 6000 men, but badly armed -and with very little powder. Ormonde left Athy early in -the morning of April 15, his force being considerably reduced -by the garrisons left behind. The Irish were soon visible -to the eastward trying to reach the pass at Ballyshannon -before him. As they had no baggage they would probably -have got there first, but Ormonde was superior in horse, and he -sent on all that he had under Sir Thomas Lucas. The Irish -finding themselves forestalled, had to fight in a less advantageous -position at Kilrush. They had no real head, and the -Munster and Leinster men disputed about the division of the -spoil before the battle was won. The English cavalry had it -all their own way, Coote charging like a man of thirty. He -lost his cap, ‘but bare-headed scoured about the field, crying -“Kill! kill!” and with his hand gave the example, while my -Lord of Ormonde secured the cannon and victory with some -divisions of foot, and beat their van into a speedy retreat.’ -There was very little fighting, the Irish soon taking refuge -in a bog near at hand. The number of killed on their side is -uncertain, but it included some persons of rank, and the army -simply ceased to exist. O’More and his brother fled to their -home at Ballina near the Boyne, Mountgarret and others to -Tullow, and the O’Byrnes to their Wicklow mountains. -Ormonde lost some twenty men. That night he slept at -Castlehaven’s house at Maddenstown, where Antrim and the -Duchess of Buckingham were staying, and Coote ‘to pleasure -the lady,’ fired a salute of artillery and musketry. According -to an Irish writer Sir Charles boasted of the day’s victory. -The men were silent, but the Duchess upbraided him as being -less loyal than the Irish, and as ‘a poor mechanical fellow, -raised by blind fortune, as informer and promoter against -all that is just and godly, being chief instrument of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> -shedding of many innocent blood [<i>sic</i>], and of the commencement -of the new distempers.’ Coote, who was of a good old -family, had served three sovereigns faithfully both in peace -and war, and fell three weeks later fighting bravely against -enormous odds.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Irish -Parliament -purged.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Beginning -of the -Catholic -Confederation.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The oath -of association.</div> - -<p>On June 22 that part of the House of Commons in Dublin -which accepted the oath of supremacy expelled forty-one -‘rotten and unprofitable members’ who were either in open -rebellion or indicted of high treason. Of these Richard -Bellings, who sat for Callan, was the most important. Among -the others were Rory Maguire the northern leader, Sir Valentine -Blake of Galway, who was Clanricarde’s friend, and Sir -James Dillon. In the meantime what claimed to be a new -legislature was being gradually formed. On May 10, 11, 13, -and 14 a congregation of the Roman Catholic hierarchy sat -at Kilkenny. There were present three archbishops, six -bishops and the procurators of four more, with several abbots -and other dignitaries; and the plan of the proposed confederation -was sketched out. The prelates declared that the -war had been justly undertaken for religion and for the -King, against sectaries and especially against Puritans. -Any province, county, or city making separate terms with -the enemy was to be held excommunicate. A number of -lords and gentlemen joined the prelates, and out of their -joint deliberations grew the Supreme Council in its first -shape—two members out of each province with Mountgarret -as president. An oath of association was framed binding the -confederates to obey the council and to do nothing without -their consent. The main object was the establishment of -the Roman Catholic religion ‘in as full and ample a manner -as the Roman Catholic secular clergy had or enjoyed the same -within this realm at any time during the reign of Henry VII.’ -Significantly, the regular clergy are not mentioned at all. -The secular clergy were to enjoy all temporalities ‘in as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> -large and ample a manner as the late Protestant clergy -respectively enjoyed the same on October 1, 1641.’ All laws -to the contrary made since 20 Henry VIII. were void. Before -a more regular assembly could meet Preston had landed in -the south and O’Neill in the north, and their arrival gave -events a new turn.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Owen Roe -O’Neill.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill -lands in -Ulster, -July 1642.</div> - -<p>Owen Roe O’Neill was son of Art MacBaron, the great -Tyrone’s brother, whence he was often called Owen MacArt. -In the Spanish service he was known as Don Eugenio O’Neill. -He was a captain in Flanders in Henry O’Neill’s Irish regiment -as early as 1607, and colonel of the regiment about -1633. With the rank of <i>maître de camp</i> he commanded the -garrison of Arras during the siege in 1640, and marched out -with the honours of war on August 9. For some time before -the outbreak he had been in frequent communication with -the Irish leaders, but perhaps without any well-formed -intention of going over himself. When he heard that the -plot to seize Dublin had been discovered ‘he was in a great -rage against O’Connolly, and said he wondered how or where -that villain should live, for if he were in Ireland, sure they -would pull him in pieces there; and if he lived in England -there were footmen and other Irishmen enough to kill him.’ -It was less than eight years since another Irish colonel, -Walter Butler, had murdered Wallenstein. O’Neill then -asked his general Francis de Mello to let him go to Ireland, -and the Spaniard answered that he should go and be well -supplied for the enterprise if he could find a safe landing-place -in his own country. It was, however, given out that -he was in disgrace with the Spanish authorities, and years -afterwards, when Hyde was at Madrid, Don Luis de Haro -kept up the mystification and spoke of him as a deserter from -his sovereign’s service. Where Spain was concerned there -were always long delays, and the summer of 1642 was well -advanced before O’Neill announced to Luke Wadding that -he was about to start. Everything, he said, was going on well<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> -in Ireland, but there was sad want of powder. If the Pope -knew, he said, how fatal that powder would be to heresy -and heretics he would make haste to procure a plentiful -supply. O’Neill sailed from Dunkirk round Scotland, and -landed in Lough Swilly about the last day of July. He -captured two prizes at sea and detached a small vessel to -Wexford with arms, which arrived safely. O’Neill brought -to Ulster ‘ammunition, arms and a few low-country officers -and soldiers of his own regiment,’ and he sent his ships back -to Flanders for more. Sir Phelim sent 1500 men to join his -kinsman, who went round by Ballyshannon to Charlemont, -where he arrived without having met an enemy.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Preston -lands at -Wexford, -August -1642.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His rivalry -with -O’Neill.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Attitude of -Richelieu.</div> - -<p>Thomas Preston, a son of the fourth Viscount Gormanston, -was fifty-six years old when the Irish rebellion broke out. He -was a captain in the same regiment as Owen Roe O’Neill in -1607, but was never on good terms with him. They were -rivals in recruiting during the reign of Strafford, who favoured -the man of English descent as far as he could. In 1635 -Preston distinguished himself in the defence of Louvain -against the combined forces of France and Holland, and in -1641 in the defence of Genappe against Frederick Henry of -Orange. In 1642 his nephew, Lord Gormanston, urged him -to return to Ireland. In March of that year Mountgarret -sent Geoffrey Barron, Wadding’s nephew, to Paris, and in -July he met Preston there. Richelieu, who had not forgotten -Rochelle, did not declare himself openly, but he discharged -all the Irish soldiers in the French service, allowed war -material to be purchased in France, and let it be understood -that help would be forthcoming to the extent of a million of -crowns. Preston sailed from Dunkirk, accompanied by -several officers, and arrived in Wexford harbour at the beginning -of August. Here he was joined by at least a dozen -vessels laden with war material from St. Malo, Nantes, and -Rochelle. He reconnoitred Duncannon fort, which he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> -thought could be taken in fifteen days, and then went to -Kilkenny, where the confederates were still assembled. -Public opinion quickly designated him as the fittest person -to have military command in Leinster, and Mountgarret, who -was no soldier, was very willing to yield the place to him.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Limerick -Castle -taken, -June 1642.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Death of -St. Leger. -Inchiquin -vice-president, -June 1642.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Battle of -Liscarrol, -Sept. 1642.</div> - -<p>The army which Inchiquin had driven from before Cork -came together again at Limerick, and St. Leger had no force -to molest it there. After standing neutral for a time the city -had joined the confederates, but the castle was held by -Captain George Courtenay with sixty men and very little -powder. Supplies were ordered by Parliament, but did not -reach the garrison. The Irish stretched a boom across the -river, which prevented any relief by water, and ran mines -under the works, while the garrison were harassed by a continual -fire from the walls of the cathedral. Courtenay -capitulated on June 21, and Barry and Muskerry went south -again with three pieces of cannon taken in the castle. Among -these was a thirty-two pounder weighing about three tons, -which was laid in the scooped-out trunk of a tree and dragged -up hills and through bogs by twenty-five yoke of oxen. -The whole county of Limerick was soon in Irish hands. -St. Leger died on July 2, and the sole command then devolved -on Inchiquin. His position as vice-president was confirmed by -the Lords Justices, who associated Lord Barrymore with him -for the civil government, but the latter died at Michaelmas. -Patrick Purcell, acting as major-general under Barry, took -up a strong position at Newtown near Charleville, but was -beaten out of it by Inchiquin with very inferior numbers. -This check caused a long delay, but at last Barry advanced -with six thousand foot and five hundred horse and sat down -on August 20 before the strong castle of Liscarrol. Here he -was joined by Lord Dungarvan, who had just taken Ardmore -Castle and hanged 117 men, leaving the women and children -at liberty. A garrison of thirty men could do little against -the fire of heavy guns, and Liscarrol surrendered on -September 2. On the 3rd, Cromwell’s lucky day, Inchiquin<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> -advanced, as he supposed, to their relief. His force of -3000 foot and 400 horse was about half of Barry’s, but much -better armed and disciplined. The Irish, having a good -position under the walls of the castle, were at first successful -against the charge of a small division of horse consisting -of Cork and Bandon men, without even helmets; but Lord -Cork’s son Kinalmeaky, ‘who was clothed with armour of -proof’ was shot dead. Though one else fell, his followers -were driven back in confusion and the battle seemed lost, -but the foot stood firm, and Inchiquin, coming up with some -more regular cavalry, succeeded in rallying the fugitives. -He killed Oliver Stephenson, the Irish cavalry leader, with -his own hand, and had himself more than one narrow escape, -being wounded in the head and hand. The Irish were routed -and ‘recovered Sir William Pore’s bog near Kilbolaine,’ -where they were out of reach. Inchiquin only lost some twelve -men killed, and Barry is said to have lost seven hundred, -but the victory was not of much use, for there were neither -money nor provisions to follow it up. Liscarroll Castle -was reoccupied, and three pieces of cannon brought from -Limerick were taken. Inchiquin then fell back to Mallow, -and dispersed his men in garrisons, while the Irish went to -their several homes.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Scots -in Ulster, -June 1642</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Kinard -burned.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Charlemont -retained by -the Irish.</div> - -<p>There was perpetual fighting in Ulster during the summer -of 1642. Monro marched on June 17, with about 2000 men, -from Carrickfergus to Lisburn, where he was joined by Lord -Montgomery and others with some 1100 foot and four troops -of horse. Lord Conway brought his regiment and five -troops of horse. Next morning the Scots general, with his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> -own foot and nearly all the horse, marched through the plain -to Dromore, while Montgomery cleared the woods of Killultagh, -most of the Irish flying across the Bann with their -cattle and ‘burning the country all along.’ The fighting -was not severe, and the two divisions coalesced somewhere -near Banbridge. Monro, being short of provisions, decided -not to follow the enemy into Tyrone, and went off with some -troops of cavalry towards the Mourne mountains, leaving -the other leaders to do the best they could. Three hundred -cows were captured, and the bulk of the army came to Kinard. -A priest was also taken, ‘Chanter of Armagh and a prime -councillor to Sir Phelim O’Neill, who was since hanged, -but would not confess or discover anything.’ The chief -had gone to Charlemont, and his men ran away who ‘for -haste did not kill any prisoners,’ so his house was burned, -which was ‘built of free stone and strong enough to have -kept out all the force we could make.’ Two hundred miserable -captives were released, in rags and with faces like ghosts. -The plunder was considerable, including Sir Phelim’s plate, -which was on carts ready to carry off. News was heard of -Lady Caulfield, who was ‘kept at a stone house near Braintree -woods,’ and here Captain Rawdon found her with her -children, just in time to prevent the rebels from taking her -off into the forest. Rawdon was not so successful in the case -of Lady Blaney, who had been carried away into the wilds -of Monaghan the night before he came on the scene. As he -rode through Kinard the second time there was ‘nothing -left quick but angry dogs and embers.’ Charlemont had -been strengthened with some skill, and there was no possibility -of taking it without guns, though Sir Phelim was nearly -captured trying to go there, and had to fly into Tyrone. -Dungannon was afterwards taken and garrisoned, with the -usual hangings, Sir William Brownlow and other prisoners -there having overcome the rebel guard ‘with the help of some -Irish that had formerly had relation to them.’ Two brass -guns were taken, but they were not heavy enough to make -the difference at Charlemont, and on the eighth and ninth -days the army returned from Armagh through Loughbrick<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span>land -to Lisburn. A great many cattle had been taken, and -all not eaten or stolen were divided among the men, one to -every four foot soldiers and to every two troopers.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Desultory -character -of the war.</div> - -<p>On June 25 Clotworthy left Antrim with 600 men in twelve -boats built for the service on Lough Neagh. On the flat -Tyrone shore little resistance was made, and Mountjoy was -taken with no loss. Here he entrenched himself strongly, -and ‘notwithstanding the next was the Lord’s day’ spent -it in building huts for his men. Before leaving it to be maintained -by a garrison of 250 men he scoured the woods as well -as he could, and lost very few men, though the pressure of -hunger was severe, for he could not catch cows without -cavalry, and there were 500 rescued British prisoners of both -sexes and every age to feed along with the soldiers. The -want of horse was partly supplied by making 200 men strip -to their shirts for lightness, and they did not object, thinking -it mean to wear armour against men that had none. Generally -speaking the Irish would not stand against them, but -they seemed to have ammunition enough, which was said to -come from Limerick. One hundred cows were taken near -Moneymore, after which the soldiers fared better, but -there was much sickness from want of proper food, and from -having to sleep on the ground.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">A general -assembly -meets, -Oct. 1642.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The name -of Parliament -avoided.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Catholic -Church -first.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The King -second.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Supreme -Council.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Four -generals -appointed.</div> - -<p>The provisional supreme council, which had been formed -at Kilkenny in the early summer, did what they could to give -their organisation something of a legal shape. ‘Letters,’ -says Bellings, ‘in nature of writs were sent from this council -to all the Lords spiritual and temporal, and all the counties, -cities, and corporate towns that had right to send knights and -burgesses to Parliament.’ The general assembly so constituted -met on October 24, a year and a day after the first<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> -outbreak in Ulster, at the house of Robert Shee, heir to Sir -Richard Shee. The Lords spiritual and temporal and -Commons sat in one room, Mr. Pat Darcy bareheaded upon a -stool representing all or some that sat in Parliament upon -the woolsack. Mr. Nicholas Plunket represented the Speaker -of the Commons, and both Lords and Commons addressed -their speech to him. The Lords had an upper room for a -recess for private consultation, and upon resolutions taken -the same were delivered to the Commons by Mr. Darcy. -The name of Parliament was eschewed, and Plunket was -called prolocutor or president, and not speaker. Burgesses -were to be paid five shillings a day, and knights of the shire -ten shillings during the session, and for ten days before and -after. The first act of the assembly was to establish the -Roman Catholic Church as it had been in the time of -Henry VII., and the statute law was to be observed so far as it -was ‘not against the Catholic Roman religion.’ Allegiance -to King Charles came second. For the protection of the -King’s subjects against murders, rapes and robberies ‘contrived -and daily executed by the malignant party, and for -the exaltation of the Holy Roman Catholic Church and the -advancement of his Majesty’s service,’ a Supreme Council -was appointed, with both executive and judicial authority; -control over all officers, even generals, in the field; and power -to hear and determine all matters capital, criminal or civil, -‘except the right or title of land.’ Owen Roe O’Neill was -appointed general for Ulster, Preston for Leinster, and -Colonel Gerald Barry for Munster. For Connaught, Colonel -John Bourke was named lieutenant-general only, in the -hope that Clanricarde would be induced to join. There were -some bickerings between Owen Roe and Sir Phelim, who had -just married Preston’s daughter, and who wished to be in -command of his own province, and between Rory O’More and -other Leinster gentlemen, but they were smoothed over for -the time. All the generals had seen service on the Continent.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span></p> -<div class="sidenote">Constitution -of the -Supreme -Council.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Provincial -Councils.</div> - -<p>The Supreme Council consisted of twenty-four persons, -four taken from each province. Of these only four, an O’Neill -and a Magennis from Ulster, an O’Brien from Munster and -Lord Mayo, were not sworn in at the time. Lord Mountgarret -was appointed president, Bellings secretary, and Richard -Shee clerk. Of the whole twenty-four four were peers and -five bishops. Provincial and county councils were also -constituted, but they had no real existence, or a very shadowy -one. That for Leinster was appointed, but was overshadowed -by the Supreme Council, and events soon showed -that military force and not new-fangled civil departments -was the determining quantity during the revolutionary period.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Protestants -and -neutrals to -lose their -estates.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Church -property to -be transferred.</div> - -<p>The assembly decreed that lands taken from their owners -since October 1, 1641, should be restored on pain of the new -possessor being treated as an enemy; provided that if the -old owner ‘be declared a neuter or enemy by the supreme -or provincial,’ then the land should be surrendered not to -him, but to the council, ‘to be disposed of towards the maintenance -of the general cause.’ The war was a religious one, -and thus the lands of all who were not prepared to espouse -the Roman Catholic cause were to be forfeited, or at the -least sequestered. English, Welsh and Scotch Roman -Catholics were to be treated as well as natives of Ireland. -All Church temporalities were at one stroke transferred -from Protestants to Roman Catholics. It must have been -from the first evident to all cool observers that no accommodation -on these terms could ever be made with any settled -English Government. After sitting for about a month the -assembly adjourned till May 20 next. They had ordered -4000<i>l.</i> worth coin to be struck, and 5820 men to be raised as -the Leinster contingent. The Kilkenny government never -had any real authority, except in the south-east of Ireland.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The royal -authority -slighted.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Flags.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Coinage.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Indulgences -and -excommunications.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Free trade.</div> - -<p>The Supreme Council assumed sovereign power, the King -figuring largely in negotiations with Ormonde, but seldom -appearing in documents intended for home consumption. -Flags were devised with various religious emblems and -mottoes; but in each case there was an Irish cross on a green<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> -field, ‘Vivat Rex Carolus’ below, and C R with a crown imperial -above. Francis Oliver, a Fleming, was appointed vice-admiral, -and letters of marque to prey upon ‘enemies of the -general Catholic cause’ were freely granted. Half-crowns -and shillings and copper money were struck with Charles I. -on one side and St. Patrick on the other, but this was not done -without much opposition, for the coinage was unnecessary, -and was an evident encroachment upon the Crown. Agents -were accredited to the Emperor, the King of France, the -Pope, the Duke of Bavaria, the Viceroy in Belgium, and the -Governor of Biscay. The Franciscan Luke Wadding, a -native of Waterford, was agent at Rome, and as this was -emphatically the Pope’s war, the instructions to him are -of special interest. The first thing asked for was a supply of -indulgences for the confederates and of excommunications -for all opponents and neutrals. The Pope was requested to -send letters in their favour to the Queen of England, to the -Catholic princes of Germany, Spain, France, Portugal, Poland, -and Bavaria, to Genoa, and to the Catholics of Holland. -Wadding was directed to impress upon his Holiness that the -Catholic cause in Protestant countries would be much advanced -by the success of the confederates. Free trade with France, -Spain, and Holland was solicited through the Pope’s mediation. -In general he was to be asked to give the council -power over ecclesiastical patronage, and not to admit appeals -during the war. In particular Thomas Dease, Bishop of -Meath, had been suspended by the provincial synod of Armagh -for refusing to approve of the war, and his appeal was to be -rejected without trial. The Supreme Council thus engrossed -to themselves all the chief prerogatives of the Crown which -they professed to defend.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span></p> -<div class="sidenote">Preston’s -first action, -Dec. 1642.</div> - -<p>Preston’s first service in the field did not augur well for -his success as a general. Ormonde was anxious to relieve the -garrison of Ballinakill on the borders of Queen’s County -and Kilkenny, and in December he sent Monck with a convoy -and enough men to guard it. This service was duly performed, -but Preston and Castlehaven, with a thousand foot and -three troops of horse, attempted to cut him off on his return to -Dublin. Monck passed by Timahoe, where there was a -confederate garrison, who lined the hedges by the roadside; -but hearing that he was pursued, he avoided the snare by -drawing aside to some level ground backed by a hill, where -he placed his foot to serve as support in case the horse were -worsted. The contrary happened, and after the first charge -the whole of Preston’s force was driven under the shelter -of Timahoe. The numbers engaged on each side were about -equal, but a crowd of spectators on a distant hill were mistaken -for reinforcements, and Monck prudently continued -his journey to Dublin. Castlehaven thought most of the -Irish foot would have been destroyed had the enemy pursued -their advantage.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Parliamentary -agents -in Dublin.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Lisle and -Grenville.</div> - -<p>‘The check at Timahoe,’ says Castlehaven, ‘made us -pretty quiet till towards the spring following,’ when the -Lords Justices resolved upon an expedition into Wexford. -The sympathies of Parsons, who was the ruling spirit, were -certainly with the Parliament, but the event was uncertain, -and even after Edgehill it was hard to say whether the King -would succeed or not. Since the end of October there had -been a committee from the Parliament in Dublin consisting of -Robert Reynolds and Robert Goodwin, members of the House -of Commons, and of Captain William Tucker, agent for the -English adventurers in Irish land. Part of their business -was to induce soldiers to take debentures in lieu of pay. -By the advice of the Chancellor Bolton these three were -admitted to sit at the Council board. Tucker kept a journal -of the proceedings, and it is clear that he was not much impressed -by the wisdom of the Irish Government. The -sittings were generally occupied in mere talk, and very little<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> -was done in the field. Thus, when Sir Francis Willoughby -took Maynooth Castle Tucker reports that the rebels ran -away after one day’s siege, that four or five men were killed on -each side, and ‘no service done at all, but only expectation -and the gain of one ass.’ In the middle of January Lord -Lisle, the Lord Lieutenant’s son, proposed to relieve the -empty treasury by leading out fifteen hundred men to live -upon the enemy’s country. Lisle was general of the horse, -and Sir Richard Grenville major of Leicester’s own regiment, -and it was intended that these two officers should command -in the field. Grenville, according to Clarendon, was noted for -his cruelty, but he had served with credit at Kilrush, and he -was major of Leicester’s regiment of horse. In January -came a commission from the King giving power to Ormonde, -Clanricarde, and others to treat with the Irish, and the Lords -Justices supposed that the field would thus be left clear for -Lisle.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -takes the -field, -March, -1642-3.</div> - -<p>When the King’s letter was read at the Council board -Ormonde, according to his chaplain’s account, said he had no -wish to be a commissioner to hear Irish grievances, ‘for I -know that nothing grieves them more than that they could -not cut all our throats,’ but that as general he would command -in the field. His right could not be denied, and he had -lately endeared himself to both officers and soldiers by his -exertions to obtain their pay and other advantages for them. -But the Lords Justices and the parliamentary commissioners, -who had advanced money for Lord Lisle, were not at all -pleased. Tucker, indeed, held that the money could not be -decently denied to Ormonde, but his career and that of -his colleagues in Ireland was cut short before the campaign -actually began. In the middle of February came a letter -from the King directing that the committee should no longer -be admitted to the Council-chamber, and fearing arrest they -returned to England before the end of the month. On<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> -March 1 Ormonde set out with 2500 foot and 800 horse, and -with two siege-guns and four field-pieces.<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Bloody -affair at -Timolin.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">New Ross -besieged.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Battle of -Ross, -March 18, -1642-3.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Effective -artillery.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Defeat of -Preston.</div> - -<p>At Timolin, which was reached on the third day, the -Irish defended the castle and an old church. One culverin -reduced the former, and all the men were killed before night. -The besiegers had about thirty killed and wounded in a -premature attempt to storm, Lieutenant Oliver, the only -engineer in the army, being among the slain. The church -tower held out till next day, but the whole garrison, except -one man, were killed by shot or falling stones. The garrisons -of Carlow and Athy were strong enough to prevent Preston -from being reinforced by the Wicklow insurgents, but the -latter had some prisoners whom they proposed to exchange -with the survivors of Timolin. ‘There be not many of them -alive now,’ said Monck, ‘and what there is take you with -you.’ According to Bellings, who is generally fair, part of -the garrison were slaughtered by the soldiers of Lisle’s regiment -after quarter had been given by Ormonde. On the seventh -day from Dublin the army passed, without further fighting, -through Clohamon in Wexford, where a fair was being held, -and some cattle were swept off by the soldiers. On the tenth -day New Ross was reached, ‘where,’ says Ormonde’s chaplain, -‘we saw flags set up on the walls and the inhabitants -making ready for a siege.’ Women and children were sent -over the Barrow into Kilkenny, and men were introduced -in their places, so that the number of the garrison soon equalled -that of the besieging army. One culverin was turned upon -the south gate near the river, and a breach was soon made, -but the defenders dug a great trench inside, and attempts to -storm were frustrated. Another culverin was in position -at the north end of the town, but the shot failed to reach -those who were maintaining the breach, and Ormonde’s -soldiers suffered sorely from rain as well as from musket balls, -and no doubt envied the enemy, for they could see the women -plying them constantly with drink. Meanwhile there were -two English vessels of 120 and 60 tons, with eight guns<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> -between them, lying in the tideway below the town. They -could neither escape nor get near enough to do much service, -and when artillery was brought to bear they were scuttled -and abandoned. The victuals and ammunition sank or were -captured by the enemy, but the sailors joined Ormonde and -did excellent work afterwards as gunners. The supply of -provisions was very limited, and at the approach of Preston’s -army the siege was practically raised. Six hundred men -under Sir James Dillon came from Westmeath as far as -Ballyragget in Kilkenny, but few or none of them ever joined -Preston, having been attacked by the garrison of Ballinakill -on St. Patrick’s night. ‘They being very merry for honour -of their saint, and for that they expected a great victory the -next day, and being full of drink,’ were cut to pieces or -dispersed, and all their arms taken. On the morning of -March 18 Ormonde’s army were encamped on a heathy hill -half a mile to the eastward of Old Ross, but before ten o’clock -they had taken up a position some three miles to the north-west -and a little short of a village called Ballinafeeg. Mr. -Brian Kavanagh voluntarily gave his services as a guide. -The deep glen of Poulmonty lay a little further on. Preston -with 5000 foot and 600 horse had passed the Barrow at -Graiguenemanagh, and now advanced across the glen to -attack Ormonde. Cullen and others tried to dissuade him -from fighting, pointing out that the English army was short -of provisions and must needs retire through a very difficult -country to Carlow, and that there would be many opportunities -of attacking it at great advantage. Ormonde had six -guns with him, which he placed on a rising ground behind his -main body. The opposing armies did not come to close -quarters until after two o’clock in the afternoon. Preston’s -men came up by a narrow lane, and on their serried masses -every shot told. The guns were admirably served by eleven -of the sailors whose ships had been destroyed, and who fired -six rounds from each piece, right over the heads of their -friends. As the Irish horse came out into the open Ormonde -ordered his own cavalry under Lisle and Grenville to advance, -fire one round, and then fall back. This movement was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> -punctually executed, but some of the Irish horse mingled with -them as they retired, a panic followed, and they galloped -off to the rear. Lisle called out ‘Ten pounds, twenty pounds -for a guide to Duncannon,’ and an old apothecary, named -Silyard, who was attached to the army, and who was in his -proper place among the baggage-waggons, reproached him for -running away, and a veteran officer named Morris, who lay -wounded in a litter, offered to rally the men if Lisle would -lend him a horse. Then Sir Richard Grenville clapped my -Lord Lisle on the shoulder: ‘Come, my lord,’ said he, ‘we will -yet recover it.’ ‘Never while you live,’ said Mr. Silyard, -and to his friends that stood by “I mean his credit,” said -Mr. Silyard.’ Cullen got up to the guns, on one of which -he laid his hand saying, ‘This is mine,’ but he was soon -surrounded by infantry and taken prisoner, his life being -saved by Ormonde’s personal exertions. The rout of Preston’s -army was completed by the return of Lisle and his cavalry. -‘A man might see them,’ says the chaplain, ‘through the -smoke of the gunpowder run twinkling like the motes in the -sun.’ The pursuit was continued until darkness came on, -with great loss to the defeated army, who escaped into Kilkenny -by the way which they came. Ormonde, who spent -the night on the ground, lost only about a dozen men.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -returns to -Dublin.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Preston -takes -Ballinakill, -May 1643.</div> - -<p>Ormonde encamped on the second night at Graiguenemanagh, -and on the third at Burris, where his artillery oxen -were stolen by ‘two lusty young clowns’ of the Kavanaghs. -Fresh beasts were obtained from Carlow, and Dublin was -reached on the 27th, without further fighting. Lord Moore, -hearing that the Irish had gathered from all sides, and expecting -to catch Ormonde in a trap, took advantage of the defenceless -state of Cavan and drove off much cattle without resistance. -A great part of Preston’s army dispersed every man<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> -to his own village, but Sir James Dillon, who had not taken -part in the battle, joined him with a strong unbroken regiment, -and he made some pretence of pursuing Ormonde in -order to lessen the popular disgust at his defeat. What he -really did was to besiege Ballinakill, where Sir Thomas -Ridgeway had planted an English colony, and established -ironworks. There being thus no want of hands, Ridgeway’s -castle had been strengthened and his fishponds utilised -for filling wet ditches. The Protestant farmers on the estate -had driven in their cattle, and there was food enough for all. -Preston lay for about seven weeks before this place, where he -lost 100 men, and he could not have taken it but for the -arrival of two twenty-four pounders and a mortar from -Spain. A shell fell on the roof and penetrated the floors -below, while ‘the women within very fearful, as not accustomed -to such pastimes, cried out with every shot, to the -exceeding comfort of the assailants, and mighty disgust of -the defendants.’ The contest had been carried on with -great bitterness, the garrison throwing the heads of their -prisoners over the works, while the besiegers stuck the heads -of theirs upon poles within sight of the wall. The place -became untenable after the arrival of the battering train, -and capitulated on May 5, but Preston was glad to give -fair terms, and Castlehaven escorted all the English safely -to the neighbourhood of Dublin.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Clanricarde -on the -situation.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">First proposal -to -send a -nuncio.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Pope -would be -welcome.</div> - -<p>There were cool-headed Irish Catholics at home and -abroad who saw the essential weakness of the Confederates’ -position. Clanricarde was Walsingham’s grandson. Alone -among men of his creed he held the King’s commission, -and knew the real interests of the Crown, as well as the -impossibility of separating Ireland from England. Among -the insurgents were many who had been ‘instruments of foul -and horrid acts; there being yet some who do boast and glory -in those inhumanities. And if God’s judgment and wrath -be not first appeased, it is much to be feared there will be -a long expectation of a more settled time.’ The Jesuit -O’Hartegan, in daily communication with his countrymen and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> -with the nuncio at Paris, had none of Clanricarde’s scruples, -but he had misgivings of his own. The hatred of the heretics -would stop at nothing, and the faithful had gone too far to -retreat. Men and money were available, but there was no -head, no order or discipline; ‘one of our birth-attributes is -never to submit ourselves willingly to any of our own nation, -to live as companions or equals, and think ourselves as worthy -of any command and of superiority as each other of our -compatriots.’ Foreigners were always thought much of, -even when there were better men at home; and it was necessary -to send a stranger to take charge. He should be ‘of -long experience, of good learning, and charitably affected -for compassionating our infirmities, and it is unquestionable -these conditions do concur in an Italian best of all nations.’ -Ireland could support 100,000 men, but a head was necessary. -To support this army O’Hartegan proposed to seize all Crown -revenues and rights; all goods of English, Scotch and Dutch -heretics; all goods of Irish heretics such as Ormonde, Kildare, -Thomond, Barrymore and Inchiquin; and of Catholic neutrals -like Clanricarde and Antrim; all Church lands and all lands -confiscated from natives, including the Desmonds. In such -a cause, too, the people would readily pay heavy taxes and -submit to monopolies. In the absence of a supreme head -every commander and nobleman would cut and carve for -himself, ‘and every mere Irish pretend his ancestors were -illegally dispossessed.’ A nuncio of the highest rank, even -the Pope himself, could be made comfortable at Wexford, -Waterford, Kilkenny, Clonmel, or Limerick.’<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Sir James Turner’s <i>Memoirs</i>, pp. 26, 28; Spalding’s <i>Memorials</i>; -<i>Burton’s History of Scotland</i>, chap. 73; May’s <i>Long Parliament</i>, p. 431; -<i>Rushworth</i>, iv. 407, 501; Gardiner’s <i>History of England</i>, x. 70.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Monro’s despatch to Leslie, May 18, printed in <i>Contemporary History -of Affairs in Ireland</i>, i. 419; Sir James Turner’s <i>Memoirs</i>, 22; Roger Pike’s -narrative in <i>Ulster Archæological Journal</i>, viii. 77; O’Mellan’s narrative in -Young’s <i>Old Belfast</i>, p. 211.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> <i>An exact Relation of the good service of Sir Frederick Hamilton</i>, 1643, -<i>Information of Sir Frederick Hamilton</i> ... to the committee of both -kingdoms, 1645. Audley Mervyn’s <i>Relation</i>, 1642. The first of these -contains a letter from O’Connor Sligo, who urged Hamilton to capitulate, -all Sligo, Mayo, and Leitrim being against him. Hamilton answered: -‘Your loyalty to your King, your faith to your friends, once broke, never -more to be trusted by me, but revenged as God shall enable the hands of -him who was loving to your loyal predecessors, whose course will contribute -to your destruction, for extinguishing the memory of their loyalties. Thus -I rest with contempt and scorn to all your base brags. Your scourge, if I -can.—F. H.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, i. 80, with a plan of the battle; <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, -i. 31; Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>; Captain Yarner’s <i>Relation</i>, May 4, 1642. Yarner, -who was personally consulted, testifies that Ormonde made all the dispositions -himself. He guesses at 500 as the probable number killed; but -Bellings says ‘scarce one hundred and no prisoners.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Bellings’ narrative and documents in <i>Confederation and War</i>, ii. 34, 47, -210. The acts of the ecclesiastical congregation are in English, but the -Latin version (probably the original form) is in <i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, i. 262.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> State Papers, <i>Ireland</i>, July 22, 1607 (No. 297); Aphorismical Discovery -in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> ed. Gilbert, with the evidence of Henry MacCartan, -<i>ib.</i> i. 396, and O’Neill’s letter to Wadding, <i>ib.</i> 476; Colonel O’Neill’s Journal -in <i>Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica</i>, vol. ii.; Clarendon’s <i>Hist.</i> xii. 108; <i>Clarendon -S.P.</i> ii. 144.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Bellings in <i>Confederation and War</i>, and the documents there, i. xxxix.; -ii. 67; Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>; Martin’s <i>Hist. de France</i>, chap. 70.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, i. 92; Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, i. 343; Smith’s <i>Hist. of Cork; A most -exact Relation of a Victory</i>, &c., London, October 3, 1642; <i>Digitus Dei</i>, or a -miraculous victory, London, September 20. The latter writer notes that -Stephenson had ‘an exceeding rich saddle.’ <i>A Journal of the most memorable -passage in Ireland</i>, London, October 19, 1642, by an eye-witness, notes that -‘almost all the Lords of Munster were present’—Roche, Muskerry, Ikerrin, -Dunboyne, Brittas, Castleconnell, and one of Ormonde’s brothers. As to -Ardmore, besides the Journal, see <i>A True Relation of God’s Providence in -Munster</i>, which says between seventy and eighty were hanged. The letter -quoted in <i>Several Passages</i>, &c., London, September 16, says 116, adding, -‘this is most true.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>A Relation from Viscount Conway</i>, from June 17 to July 30, London, -1642. This was sent to a worthy M.P., who published it; it is well written, -but badly printed.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> <i>A True Relation of the Taking of Mountjoy</i>, &c., June 25 to July 8, -London, August 4, 1642; <i>A Relation from Belfast</i>, London, August 17, -carries this a little further. A good many cows were caught, and the -country, without taking Charlemont, was swept for some twelve miles from -Mountjoy.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Bellings in <i>Confederation and War</i>, i. 111; Acts of General Assembly, -<i>ib.</i> ii. 73; Richard Martin’s letter of December 2, 1642, in Clanricarde’s -<i>Memoirs</i>, 296.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Acts of General Assembly, <i>ut sup.</i> ii. 88.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Letters from the Supreme Council to foreign powers, November and -December 1642, <i>Confederation and War</i>, ii. 99-129. The oath of association -of the Confederates, <i>ib.</i> 210; also in <i>Cox</i>, appx. xiv. and (omitting the last -paragraph) in Walsh’s <i>Remonstrance</i>, appx. i. p. 31. The latter, dated -July 26, 1644, is evidently not the earliest form. In <i>Vindiciæ Catholicorum -Hiberniæ</i>, Paris, 1650, p. 6, is a much shorter Latin oath, which places the -Church first, the King second, and the national liberties third, but is called -‘associationis juramentum,’ like the others.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, i. 90; <i>Castlehaven</i>, 35.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Tucker’s Journal in <i>Confederation and War</i>, ii. 189, January 30, 1642-3. -The Commission, dated January 11, is in Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, iii. No. 117. -<i>Castlehaven.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Tucker’s Journal in <i>Confederation and War</i>, ii.; Creichton’s faithful -account, <i>ib.</i> ii. 248.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Creichton’s <i>Faithful Account</i> and that of Bellings, p. 130, give the -official views on the two sides. The <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i> is much to the -same effect, adding the usual bad language, and describing Preston as -‘either drunk, a fool, or a traitor.’ Creichton exaggerates the number of -Preston’s army; while Bellings unduly diminishes the number of slain. -‘Scarce one hundred slain upon the place’ takes no account of the pursuit. -See also <i>Truth from Ireland expressed in Two Letters</i>, London, April 22, 1643.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, i. 149-151; <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, i. 65; <i>Castlehaven</i>, p. 36.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Clanricarde to Gormanston, December 21, 1642, in Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, -iii. No. 115; O’Hartegan (Paris) to Wadding (Rome), November 7, 1642, -in <i>Roman Transcripts</i>, R.O.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXIII" id="CHAPTER_XXIII">CHAPTER XXIII</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE WAR TO THE FIRST CESSATION, 1642-1643</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">The Adventurers -for Irish -land.</div> - -<p>To gain possession of the land in English hands was at least -one main object of the Irish rebellion. Much property had -been acquired by various confiscations and plantations, -but there was no idea of abandoning that policy. The war -would be extremely costly, and the Irish were to be made to -pay for it by giving up some of the land which was still theirs. -It was assumed that at least 2500 acres of good land would -be forfeited; and upon that security a large sum was subscribed -by Adventurers, as they were always called. It was provided -that the money should all go to the reduction of Ireland; -but necessity has no law, and much of it was spent in making -head against the King in England. It was not till the quarrel -at home was settled that Parliament could act effectively -on the other side of St. George’s Channel.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Expedition -of Lord -Forbes, -July 1642.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Gallant -defence of -Rathbarry.</div> - -<p>In June 1642 the Adventurers determined to send an -expedition to Ireland. The arrangements were completed -in a fortnight by a committee of fifteen under the presidency -of Sir Nicholas Crispe, afterwards the noted Royalist, who -had subscribed 1500<i>l.</i> Ten ships were hired, each of which -carried or towed a flat-bottomed barge for landing men and -ascending rivers. The admiral was Captain Benjamin -Peters, with the famous Rainsborough, one of the committee, -a vice-admiral, and Captain Thompson, also a member of -the committee, as Rear-Admiral. Hugh Peters was chaplain. -One thousand soldiers were embarked under Alexander -Lord Forbes, and the expedition sailed from Dover on July 1, -having lost two of the barges in an easterly gale. In Moun<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span>t’s -Bay they spoke a King’s ship with the late garrison of -Limerick Castle on board. In mid-channel a vessel was -detached with a letter to St. Leger, reciting a commission from -the King and both Houses to raise additional forces, and -asking the Lord President to say where the expedition could -be most usefully employed. St. Leger had died before the -letter was written, and Forbes turned a deaf ear to Inchiquin’s -entreaties for help. On July 11 the squadron was -off the old head of Kinsale, and the town was found to be -full of justly suspected Irish and of Protestant refugees, -‘living in miserable holes and huts.’ Lord Kinalmeaky came -in from Bandon, of which he was governor, and Peters preached -on a Thursday. Next day Forbes marched to Bandon with -600 men, of whom 100 were seamen, and two small brass -guns. Seven thousand English, including many clergymen, -had gathered round Kinalmeaky, many of them being -in great distress. Peters notes that the river was full of -salmon. Next day Forbes went to the relief of Captain -Freke, who had been beset at Rathbarry ever since the -middle of February. About 1800 sheep, 200 cows, and -50 horses had been captured by the troops and driven as far -as Clonakilty, through which the line of march lay. Forbes -foolishly divided his force, leaving three companies to guard -the cattle. As soon as the main body were out of sight the -Irish attacked the detachment, and Captain Weldon was -killed with a great part of two companies. Captain Groves, -whose men were part of the Bandon garrison, and understood -the work better, fought his way through the enemy to a rath -on the Rosscarbery road, and there maintained himself till -he was relieved. The Irish fled towards the sea, and many -of them were killed on the shore. After rescuing Groves, -Forbes went back to Bandon, and left Freke in worse case -than ever, for most of his men took the opportunity of deserting. -A few sick soldiers were left in their places, ‘and so -factious that I and my servants were often endangered of -our lives among them, and some that had fled from the fight -at Clonakilty much discouraged us with that relation.’ They -held out, enduring almost incredible hardships, for eleven<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> -weeks longer, when relief came under a more capable commander -than Forbes.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ill conduct -of Forbes’s -army.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Forbes at -Galway.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The mayor -appeals to -Clanricarde.</div> - -<p>Forbes was repulsed with loss from Timoleague Castle. -Lady O’Shaughnessy, whose husband, Sir Roger, was loyal, -offered to surrender it to Kinalmeaky and Sir William Hull, -but not to strangers. The soldiers then burned the town and -abbey containing a thousand hogsheads of wine. Two spies -were taken, but, says Ensign Jones, ‘the rogues slight death, -for we could get nothing out of them; so our men mangled -them to pieces.’ So Forbes returned to Kinsale, and on -July 25 sailed to Castlehaven. The Irish appeared in force -on the hills, and the castle of their chief, O’Donovan, was -blown up with one barrel of powder. It was sixty feet high -with very thick walls, but it fell half on one side and half -on the other. O’Driscol’s castle at Baltimore was burned, -and the neighbouring islands harried. About 100 camp-followers -of the worst kind followed Forbes’s wake. They -entered and plundered houses without provocation, and -even killed children within sight of the soldiers. Meanwhile -Forbes had been summoned to Galway, without Clanricarde’s -knowledge, by Willoughby, who having a commission to -execute martial law from the Lords Justices, had hanged -a sergeant in Lord Clanmorris’s company for extortion. -Clanmorris retaliated by hanging some soldiers of the fort -who had strayed into the open country. The Lords Justices -sent Captain Ashley with his frigate to Galway, and he and -Willoughby combined to seize corn, cattle, and timber upon -requisition. Only tickets were given in exchange, and Clanricarde’s -friends and tenants were injured. Forbes anchored -off the town on August 9, Willoughby and Ashley coming on -board the same night, and at once sent letters to Ranelagh, -Clanricarde and the corporation of Galway. The lieutenant-general -of the additional forces by sea and land, so he styled -himself, proposed to join hands with the Lord President,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> -and so to subdue the rebellion. Ranelagh answered that he -would come from Athlone to Galway, though at some personal -risk. ‘I observe,’ he said, ‘in your lordship’s letter an -inclination to make a distinction of persons; and truly, my -lord, if that course shall not be held, I see little hope of a -speedy reducing this kingdom to obedience, seeing most men -are possessed of an opinion that an utter extirpation is intended, -and that conceit being fomented by the priests and -friars, all are falling into such a course of desperation, that -being once engaged and their counsels and force united, -will certainly be an occasion to lengthen the war, and draw -a vast charge upon the Crown to make a complete conquest.’ -The only chance of peace, he thought, was in ‘a just distinction -between practick and passive rebels, with severity to the -one and moderation to the other.’ Of the citizens of Galway -Forbes demanded that they should lay down their arms, -admit a garrison, and place themselves under his protection, -submitting absolutely to the King ‘and the state of England, -under whose blessed government they had enjoyed a sweet and -long-continued peace.’ The mayor in reply urged his grievances -against Willoughby, and declined all further answer till -Clanricarde had been consulted, under whose government and -by whose mediation they had lately enjoyed some degree of -peace. To Clanricarde himself Forbes made much the same -proposals as to Ranelagh, with the additional suggestion that -he should allow him to garrison Tirellan as a basis of operation -against the O’Flahertys, whom the Earl had acknowledged -to be ‘out of protection and fit persons to receive chastisement.’ -The invitation to give up a convenient private residence -to the soldiers who had burned his cousin’s town of Timoleague -was politely declined, but Clanricarde was ready to -come from Loughrea and to receive Lord Forbes as a guest.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Clanricarde’s -difficulties.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Forbes -harries co. -Galway.</div> - -<p>Peters thought Clanricarde’s letter in which he excused -the Galway people and laid the blame on Willoughby was -well written and showed the writer to be ‘a man of wisdom -and parts.’ In the meantime John de Burgo, titular bishop<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> -of Clonfert, let the head of his family know that no one would -fight for him if he sided with Forbes. While the correspondence -proceeded, a detachment from the English squadron was -landed on the Clare shore, and harried the lands of Daniel -and Tirlogh O’Brien, who had both helped to provision the -fort. Peters says they burned ‘a whole town.’ Two demi-culverins -were landed on the west side of Galway, but it was -‘as strong and compact as most towns in Europe for houses -and walls.’ Forbes said he would raze the latter if the -townsmen did not agree to his terms, but the task did not -prove easy. In the meantime Forbes’s men landed at various -points on the north side of Galway Bay, burning every house -and hamlet that they could reach as in an enemy’s country.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -pragmatic -chaplain.</div> - -<p>The country was so little safe that Clanricarde went to -meet Ranelagh at Carrowreagh ford on the Suck with 200 -horse. Ranelagh brought the same and as many foot, but -no attack took place, and with the horse only they rode -the first night to Clonbrock and the second to Loughrea. -Clanricarde then sent to invite Forbes to dinner at Tirellan, -but he did not care to venture so far inland, and proposed -that the place of meeting should be the fort. Clanricarde, -who took his stand upon the royal commission to him as -governor of Galway, objected to this as beneath his dignity, -especially after Forbes had refused his hospitality, and also -because some attempt might be made to detain him. Ranelagh, -who thought it unwise to stand upon mere points -of honour, and who did not believe any one would dare to -touch him, made no difficulty about entering the fort. He -found Forbes much under the influence of Peters—a ‘pragmatic -chaplain from London’—who urged him to attack the -town. In the meantime soldiers both from the fleet and the -fort ravaged the coast, many men and some women were -killed, and Clanricarde had the pleasure of seeing his tenants’ -houses burning. Forbes propounded large schemes of conquest -with the aid of the Scots army in Ulster, over the -impracticability of which Ranelagh and Clanricarde had a -good laugh together. The President tried to persuade Forbes -to go to Sligo, or to Tralee, whence help might be given from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span> -the sea, but he preferred to press Clanricarde to admit his -garrison to Tirellan. Some forty guns were landed, but -there was no wood to make platforms, and Forbes soon -recognised that he could not take Galway, where every house -was like a castle. Sir Charles Coote had been expected, -but he did not come. Clanricarde returned to Loughrea -and Ranelagh to Athlone, while Willoughby remained in -command of the fort, and on the worst terms with the townsmen.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Forbes -repulsed -from -Galway.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Tralee -taken.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Earl of -Thomond.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Glin taken.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Result of -Forbes’s -campaign.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Opinions -of Hugh -Peters.</div> - -<p>The officers knew that a strong town could not be taken -with the means at their disposal, but the sailors were ‘readier -to fall on nakedly than forsake the work, and the soldiers no -way backward.’ The guns were taken on board, and Forbes -departed to the Shannon. Askeaton, which had made so -gallant a stand in the last Desmond war, surrendered without -a blow. Sir Edward Denny continued to press for the -relief of his castle at Tralee, but Forbes wasted two or three -days in harrying the poor islands of Arran, and when at last -he arrived off Ballingarry in Kerry it was only to hear that -Tralee had fallen, the garrison having been reduced to eating -hides. The expedition then returned to the Shannon, and -captured a great piece of ordnance called ‘roaring Meg’ -with which the Irish had taken most of the castles thereabouts. -The gun was found in one boat and the carriage -in another, so that this was an easy task. It was then proposed -to destroy Sir Daniel O’Brien’s house at Clare Castle -on the ground that he was no friend to the Parliament. -Yet he acted in strict unison with the loyal and Protestant -Earl of Thomond. Even the latter was doubted, ‘and in -truth,’ says Peters, ‘his case is nice, the chief of the country -being his kindred and himself without power saving fifty -horses in his stable.’ He was, however, unwilling to see his -country laid waste, and declined to join in the work. The -Limerick shore was devastated instead. The Knight of -Glin sent a letter of recommendation from Clanricarde, and -offered to give cattle for the use of the squadron. Glin<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> -Castle was nevertheless battered and stormed, the defenders -being short of bullets. ‘Most matters,’ says Peters, ‘fell as -at the last siege forty years since,’ but in shorter time and -with the loss of only four men. ‘The plate and silver were -gone for Limerick, which receives most of which is in Ireland.’ -A garrison was put in, and guns mounted on the walls. This -was done on September 26, and so the expedition ended, -for the ships had only been hired till Michaelmas. Five -vessels had been taken worth 20,000<i>l.</i>, including one from -Barbadoes with a cargo of tobacco, and corn to the same -value had been destroyed. Many Irish towns had been -burned, and many English relieved. Thousands of cattle -had been taken or spoiled, and a diversion had been made -on the west coast. This is Peters’s own summary, and it -does not amount to much. It is more certain that Forbes -did everything in his power to aggravate the bitterness of a -war which was already sufficiently horrible. The pragmatic -chaplain’s political remarks are interesting. He had been -assured that a million of English had been murdered, and he -hoped many more Irish slain. The cause of the war was -Popery on the one side and profaneness on the other. The -royalism of the Irish was a mere catchword. ‘An Irish -rebel and an English cavalier in words and actions we found -as unlike as an egg is to an egg,’ he adds rather ambiguously. -Among the English there were many abuses both in ecclesiastical -and civil government, many unfaithful ministers, and -many scurrilous and ignorant congregations. Ireland, he -prophetically concludes, will be reduced ‘when soldiers and -commanders there shall rather attend the present work than -the continuance of their trade.’<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The King -praises -Clanricarde,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and -repudiates -Forbes.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Galway -fort -besieged.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The fort -surrendered.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Galway -occupied -by the -Irish, -Aug. 1648.</div> - -<p>When Clanricarde returned from the conference at Trim<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> -he found things in a bad way at Galway. Little or no support -was given him from Dublin, while agents of the confederates -did all in their power, ‘both by spiritual and temporal -practices,’ to seduce his men and to sap his great local influence. -He was somewhat comforted by a letter from the -King, who approved of his conduct, protested that Lord -Forbes had no orders from him, and declared that he would -support him rather than ‘those who pretend that they do -really serve us by rebelling against us.’ Colonel John Bourke -was acting as lieutenant-general for the confederates on -Christmas Eve, and the question of closely besieging the fort -was at once entertained. Willoughby had exasperated the -townsmen by firing into their houses, and many were ready -to retaliate, though the more prudent hesitated. His necessities -forced him to drive cattle wherever he could, and he -was not particular about the exact opinions of the owners. -On one occasion fifty of his men were intercepted by a party -from Galway, several being killed and others taken prisoners. -From accounts given by the latter general Bourke was convinced -that the fort might be starved out, and breastworks -were erected on the points at the mouth of the river to prevent -relief by sea. Chains were afterwards drawn across the -channel. Of relief by land there was little chance, for Clanricarde’s -castle of Claregalway had been betrayed to the Irish, -and it was as much as he could do to provide for the safety -of Loughrea and Portumna. Bourke had a garrison at -Athenry, and some of his troops watched Roscommon so -as to prevent Ranelagh from making any move. Preston -had occupied Banagher, and Inchiquin, though he wrote -civil letters, could find neither men nor money. Early in -May Bourke besieged the fort in force, with about 1000 -men, but he made no approaches, and trusted to famine. On -or about June 10 Captain Brooke, who commanded a man-of-war -in the bay, sent in a flotilla of boats to attempt the -relief of the fort, but they were beaten back by boats from -the town, assisted by the fire from the breastworks. Willoughby -believed this to be his last chance, and as a choice -of evils proposed to surrender his post into Clanricard<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span>e’s -hands. This could not be done without the consent of the -Irish, and the terms offered by Bourke were such as Clanricarde -could not in honour entertain. He held the King’s -commission, and yet he was required to take the confederate -oath of association, and to do nothing without the consent -of the corporation of Galway, and of several other persons, -the betrayer of Claregalway being one. Negotiations upon -this basis necessarily failed, and Willoughby capitulated on -the 20th without making Clanricarde a party. The garrison -marched out with the honours of war, and were allowed -to go on board ship. The post at Oranmore, which belonged -to Clanricarde, was surrendered on the same terms without -his consent. The day after the capitulation was signed a -squadron sailed into the bay, which had it come sooner -would have been able to relieve the fort. On August 6 Galway -opened its gates to Bourke and granted him 300<i>l.</i>, which -enabled him to proceed to the siege of Castle Coote. The -castles of Athlone and Roscommon in the Lord President’s -hands, Loughrea, Portumna and Kildogan in Clanricarde’s, -were the only other places in Connaught of which the Irish -were not by this time masters.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Owen Roe -and Sir -Phelim -O’Neill.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Leven -leaves -Ireland.</div> - -<p>Owen Roe O’Neill had been appointed general of Ulster -by the confederates, but it was some time before he was -fully acknowledged, for Sir Phelim was very unwilling to -yield the first place. It was found necessary to send primate -O’Reilly as a peacemaker. Leven arrived in Ireland soon after -O’Neill, but attempted little, and left the country in November, -driven out, as Turner believed, by the insubordinate -action of the officers. O’Neill claimed him as an ally if he was -for the King, but would consider him an enemy if he was -for the Parliament. ‘I charitably advise you,’ he wrote, ‘to -abandon the kingdom and defend your own native country.’ -According to O’Neill’s panegyrist this letter drove him -away, but perhaps he really went because the Parliament -of England invited him. According to Turner he appropriated -2500<i>l.</i> sent to him from England for the use of the army; -‘and truly this earl who lived till past fourscore, was of so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> -good a memory that he was never known to forget himself, -nay, not in extreme old age.’ When leaving Ireland he told -Monro that O’Neill would be too much for him, if ever he -succeeded in getting an army together.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill -and -Monro.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill -defeated -at Clones</div> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill in -Meath. -Lord -Moore -killed, -Sept. 12.</div> - -<p>O’Neill could get as many men as he wanted, but arms -and ammunition were not so plentiful. He succeeded, however, -in equipping a force of about 1500 men during the -winter. In May 1643 Monro attacked him with superior -numbers near Charlemont, but without much result, though -he himself fought on foot to encourage his men, calling out -‘Fay, fay, run away from a wheen rebels.’ A second attack -some weeks later also ended in nothing, but in July O’Neill -was defeated by Robert Stewart near Clones, with the loss -of 150 men. Shouts of ‘Whar’s Macart?’ showed that the -great object was to capture the Irish leader, and he had a -very narrow escape. O’Neill afterwards made his way to -Mohill in Leitrim, where he procured a small supply of arms -from Kilkenny and then encamped near Boyle. This camp -was surprised in August by a small English force, and about -160 men killed and wounded, the sentries having been made -drunk by Irish sutlers who brought them spirits from the -neighbouring garrisons. Immediately afterwards O’Neill was -ordered by the Supreme Council to join Sir James Dillon in -Meath with as many men as possible. He succeeded in collecting -3000, with whom he marched across Cavan, taking -castles on the way, till he came to Portlester near Trim. -The castle near the ford was taken after a short cannonade, -and O’Neill prepared to defend the passage of the Boyne -against Lord Moore, who was approaching from Dublin with -a superior force. A short fight took place, and Moore was cut -in two by a cannon-ball, the gun being laid by O’Neill himself, -with the assistance of a ‘perspective glass.’ The attempt to -cross was then abandoned and the cessation was agreed to -three days later.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">The King -decides to -negotiate, -Jan. -1642-3,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">but is not -prepared -to concede -much.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Conference -at Trim, -March, -1642-3.</div> - -<p>In the meantime Charles had made up his mind to treat -with the Irish. As early as July 31, 1642, the nobility and -gentry assembled at Kilkenny had petitioned the King for -an interview where they might affirm their loyalty, and -explain the grievances which had induced them to take up -arms. This was forwarded through Ormonde, who was -warned that if he refused to transmit it he would be held -‘guilty of all the evils that may ensue.’ He first communicated -with the Lords Justices and Council, who agreed to forward -a copy of the petition to the King with remarks of their -own, but as they took a long time about it Ormonde sent -over the original himself, ‘being well assured that his -Majesty’s judgment is not to be surprised with any colours -these rebels can cast upon their foul disloyalty.’ Charles -took no notice of the document, and in December the Roman -Catholics sent fresh petitions both to the King and Queen. -They asked to have a place appointed where they might -state their grievances at length. The result was a royal -commission, dated January 11, to Ormonde and others, -authorising them to meet representatives from the rebels -and hear what they had to say. Thomas Burke, one of the -Irish Parliamentary Committee who contributed to Strafford’s -condemnation, brought over the packet and was himself -joined in the commission, which made a very bad impression -on the Protestants, since he was believed to have been an -abettor of the original outbreak. ‘We have not thought fit,’ -Charles wrote to Ormonde at the same time, ‘to admit any -of them to our presence, who have been actors or abettors -in so odious a rebellion.’ He also sent a paper pointing out -that an abrogation of the penal laws would be asked for, -but that nothing more could be granted than a mild administration -of laws which were never severe. A repeal of -Poynings’ Act, or any measure tending to make the Irish -Parliament independent, was refused beforehand. Inquiries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> -into forfeitures or titles could not be carried further back -than the beginning of the reign, and Recusants were never -to hold the majority of official posts. Drogheda was at first -designed as the place of meeting, but this was objected to -by the Irish, and the conference took place at Trim on -March 17. Ormonde was absent in the field, but the statement -was received by Clanricarde, Moore, Roscommon, and Sir -Maurice Eustace, and by them transmitted to the King.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Irish -Remonstrance.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Attack -upon -Parsons,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">who is -dismissed.</div> - -<p>The Remonstrance presented to Clanricarde and his -colleagues at Trim is an able paper, but it hardly afforded a -basis for lasting peace between parties whose objects were -radically different. The remonstrants objected to the penal -laws, which resulted in driving all professors of the old -faith from the service of the state, and in employing in their -stead upstarts whose great aim was to enrich themselves. -The attacks upon property which Strafford had begun were -continued after his death, and Sir William Parsons in particular -had incurred the gravest odium by using his position -as Lord Justice and Master of the Wards to oust the old -proprietors from their estates. They demanded a free Parliament, -that is, a Parliament in which they would have an -overwhelming majority. The Protestant party had never -been the most numerous, and with the country in military -possession of their opponents they could only hope to return -very few members. The immediate result of the Trim meeting -was that Charles superseded Parsons and appointed Sir Henry -Tichborne Lord Justice in his stead. A few days later he -authorised and commanded Ormonde to conclude a truce -for one year with the Confederates, and when that was done -to carry the Irish army over to Chester.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> - -<p>Inchiquin had not much to fear in Munster from such a -general as Barry, but he had no money to support an army -in the field. He sent one part of his force to Kerry, where -means of subsistence were found, and another under Sir<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> -Charles Vavasour to the borders of Tipperary, while he himself -sat down before Kilmallock. He had no hope of being able -to effect anything without money or stores. Vavasour took -Cloghleagh Castle, near Mitchelstown, and after the surrender -some of his followers slaughtered the defenders, and apparently -some women and children with them. In the meantime -Castlehaven received a pressing invitation from some of the -Cork gentry, who had no confidence in their own general. -He persuaded the council at Kilkenny to give him money, -with which he soon raised a body of horse, and on June 4 -he routed Vavasour near Kilworth. On Castlehaven’s side -only cavalry were engaged, Barry, with the main body, being -more than two miles off, and the result was due to panic. -Vavasour’s horse for the most part escaped, but he himself -was taken prisoner and his force routed. This action was -important, because it was the first victory of the Irish in the -field since the beginning of the war, for the affair at Julianstown -scarcely counted as a battle. Cox, with all his prejudices, -says it was a just judgment on Vavasour and his -followers, ‘for suffering some inferior officers to violate the -quarter they had given to the garrison of Cloghleagh.’<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">King and -Parliament.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -and -Preston.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Arrest of -Temple -and other -Privy -Councillors, -Aug. 1643.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Arrival of -Scarampi,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">who -opposes -any truce.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Bellings -opposes -Scarampi.</div> - -<p>During the spring and summer Charles continued to -press for a cessation of arms, full discretion as to terms -being given to Ormonde. The commission to him sets forth -that the two Houses of Parliament ‘to whose care at their -instance we left it’ to manage the Irish war, had long failed -to support the army and to defend loyal subjects. The general -assembly of the Confederates met at Kilkenny on May 20, -and appointed commissioners with powers to treat, but nothing -was actually done for more than a month, when they delivered -their first proposition at Castlemartin in Kildare. Ormonde -gave his answer within a week, and the commissioners then -asked for an adjournment till July 13. Time was in their -favour, for the treaty would confirm each party in possession -of what they held, and they were gaining ground. On the -appointed day the commissioners returned a dilatory answer, -and Ormonde resolved if possible to try conclusions with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> -Preston in the field. He collected 5000 men and succeeded -in retaking Edenderry and some other strong places, but -his opponent evaded a general action, and scarcity of provisions -soon forced him to return to Dublin. On August 1 -orders arrived from the King to arrest four Privy Councillors -who sided with the Parliament as much as they could, and -against whom charges had been brought. Sir John Temple, -Sir Adam Loftus, and Sir R. Meredith were accordingly shut -up in the Castle, Parsons being excused on making affidavit -that confinement would injure his health. The opposition -was thus silenced, and Ormonde found himself complete -master. In the meantime Pier-Francesco Scarampi, an -Oratorian, arrived at Kilkenny with a commission from the -Pope, and immediately threw his weight into the scale against -peace. The Confederates, he urged, appeared to be winning, -and if they continued to fight vigorously they would probably -get control of the country. Nothing was to be expected from -the justice of any English party, but if they made themselves -formidable they might extort respect from the victors, -whether King or Parliament. Instead of giving money to -Charles ‘to be converted by his ministers, our enemies, to -their own use,’ it would be much better to employ their -resources in driving the Scots out of Ulster. The Scots would -not be bound by the cessation, which would be a sham as -long as it was necessary to fight them. Foreign princes would -be offended if arms supplied by them were laid down without -their consent. The real object of Scarampi’s mission was -to ‘reinstate the Catholic religion and worship throughout -the whole country, and to restore to the entire island the -splendour of its ancient sanctity,’ and not to beg an uncertain -truce for a year. Bellings, on the contrary, who expressed the -official view taken by the Supreme Council, argued that -it was above all necessary to show that they were no rebels, -to join with the English to drive out the Scots, and ‘that -the Catholic Church may, in safety and freedom, by a tacit -licence from the King, exercise her rights and jurisdiction -among us.’ There was a great difference between what -ultramontane priests were determined to get, and what<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span> -laymen, and especially lay landowners, were willing to -accept. There can be no doubt that Scarampi, and Rinuccini -after him, had plenty of justification for refusing to trust -the King, who could do nothing unless he were victorious -in England, and who would then be able to defy everyone.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -unable to -continue -the war.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -cessation -concluded, -Sept. 15.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A truce -not a -peace.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Confederates -make a -grant to -the King.</div> - -<p>Ormonde offered to continue the war, in spite of the -King’s wishes, if the Privy Council could find any means -of feeding the army. This he knew they could not do, and -the Confederates knew it too. All the chief officers declared -that a truce was necessary. Both sides were fighting in -the King’s name, and it did not suit either of them to disobey -his direct orders, so that the conference was renewed at -Sigginstown, near Naas, and there the terms of cessation -were agreed to on September 15. The King’s commission -being to Ormonde personally, he signed the articles alone -on the one part. Ten persons signed on the part of the Confederates, -of whom Lord Muskerry, Sir Robert Talbot, and -Geoffrey Brown were perhaps the most notable. A meeting -of the Privy Council was held immediately afterwards, and -the articles were solemnly approved. Clanricarde and Inchiquin -were present. In the articles of cessation none of the -grievances so often brought forward by the Confederates -were touched upon at all. On the other hand they refused -to make any stipulation as to sending an army to England. -This they were willing to do, but declined to bind themselves -until after the conclusion of a truce. There was a cessation -of hostilities for one year and nothing more, based upon the -actual condition of affairs. All places in possession of the -King’s Protestant or Roman Catholic subjects respectively -were to remain so during the year, and trade was to be free. -Prisoners were to be mutually restored. The practical meaning -of this was that Ormonde retained the coastline from -below Bray up to and including Belfast, and a strip of territory, -including Naas, Navan, and Lisburn, with detached<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> -garrisons at Athboy, Maryborough, and Carlow in Leinster. -In Ulster Londonderry, Coleraine, and Enniskillen were also -held by the Protestants, and in Munster they had the ports of -Cork, Youghal, Kinsale, and Courtmacsherry, and the valley -of the Blackwater from above Mallow to the sea. In Connaught -Clanricarde, though not a Protestant, yet adhering to -Ormonde, retained Loughrea and Portumna, while the Lord -President kept the castle of Athlone, Roscommon, and Castle -Coote. Monro and his Scots held Carrickfergus and Lough -Larne, and all the rest of the island was in the hands of the -Confederates. Within a week the cessation was proclaimed -at several places in the Pale, and at the three Connaught -fortresses, and directions for doing the like were sent to all -principal officers. On September 16, the day after the signing -of the articles, the Confederate commissioners granted the -King 30,000<i>l.</i>, half in cash and half in bullocks, payable by -instalments extending over six months. A further sum of -800<i>l.</i> was to be paid within two months to maintain the -garrison at Naas.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -made -Lord-Lieutenant, -Nov. 1643.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -English -Parliament -against the -cessation.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Irish -Government -insist on -the truce,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Parliament -having -failed to -support -the war.</div> - -<p>In April 1642 Ormonde had received a jewel and the -thanks of the House of Commons for his services against -the ‘wicked, bloody rebels.’ In the following August, a few -days after the raising of the royal standard, Charles made -him a marquis. After the cessation he was appointed Lord -Lieutenant, and the farce of Leicester’s viceroyalty came -to an end. The latter was a very good but very weak man, -and his vacillations prevented his being trusted by any -party. Meanwhile Ireland had been left to substitutes without -either the ability or the position required to command success. -The ruling party in the English Parliament, whatever their -shortcomings may have been, were opposed to the cessation. -The King having informed them of his commission to -Ormonde, they retorted that they had ‘just cause to suspect -an impious design on foot to sell for nought the crying blood -of many hundreds of thousands of British Protestants, by a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span> -dishonourable, insufferable peace with the rebels, and then -to lay the blame and shame of this upon the Parliament, a -plot suitable to those counsels that have both projected -and fomented this unparalleled rebellion’; for those who -contrived the powder treason intended to lay it on the Puritans. -The Lords Justices and Council informed both King -and Speaker that their position was bad in the extreme, -and that this was owing mainly to Parliament having failed -to send the necessary supplies. To this the two Houses -replied that they had made great efforts, and that in any -case the direction of the war belonged to them, as well as -the privilege of acting as bankers to the Irish Council. Full -control had been conferred on them by Act of Parliament, -and the King had no power to deprive them of it. This joint-letter -is dated July 4, but was not delivered in Dublin till -October 6, after the cessation had been actually concluded. -The Lords Justices, with Ormonde and thirteen others of -the Irish Council, rejoined in greatest detail, reviewing all -that had passed between the two Governments. Such was -the lack of money, after the great local efforts, that the -sack of Dublin by the unpaid soldiery was a calamity daily -expected. The parliamentary ships had failed to guard the -coasts, so that the Confederate cruisers often intercepted -such scanty supplies as were sent; and even captains employed -by Parliament prevented the passage of necessaries -from Liverpool to Ireland. A cessation was the only means -of self-preservation, ‘and seeing that the charge of this war -was referred to and undertaken by the Houses of Parliament -of England, and that by those despatches they fully understood -the condition of affairs here, we offer it to any man’s -consideration whether or no we had not just cause to conceive -and accordingly to express, that our difficulties were -occasioned through the Houses of Parliament in England.’<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Act for the speedy and effectual reducing of the rebels, &c., <i>Scobell</i>, -i. 26. The royal consent was given March 19, 1641-2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Arthur Freke’s Narrative, printed from the <i>Sloane MSS.</i> in the -Journal of the Cork Historical Society, 2nd series, i. 1; <i>True Relation of -God’s Providence in Ireland</i>, by Hugh Peters, November 18, 1642; Day’s -edition of Smith’s <i>Cork</i>, ii. 153, 1894; <i>Exceeding Good and True News from -Ireland</i>, London, August 20, and <i>Exceeding Joyful News</i>, August 27.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Hugh Peters and Smith’s <i>Cork</i>, <i>ut sup.</i>; Clanricarde’s <i>Memoirs</i>, -August 1642, pp. 203-215.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Clanricarde’s <i>Memoirs</i>, August and September, 1642; <i>Bellings</i>, -i. 139-148; Hugh Peters, <i>ut sup.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Hugh Peters, <i>ut sup.</i> The narrative was ordered to be printed by a -committee of the House of Commons immediately after Forbes’s return. -Two letters from Forbes to the two Houses, dated Glin, September 27 and -28, were brought over by Peters and published October 11. He says the -Irish were ‘so impudently bold as to father their rebellion upon his sacred -Majesty,’ though they had never seen any warrant. Their ‘priests and -prime commanders’ tried to make them fight desperately by saying there -was no hope of pardon.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Clanricarde’s <i>Memoirs</i>, April to August; <i>Bellings</i>, i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Sir James Turner’s <i>Memoirs</i>, p. 25; <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, i. 45; -O’Neill’s <i>Journal</i>; <i>Bellings</i>, i. 116. Leven was back at Edinburgh, November -30, 1642, Spalding’s <i>Hist. of the Troubles</i>, ii. 100.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> O’Neill’s <i>Journal</i>; <i>Bellings</i>, i. 152; <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, i. 72; -Letter of Monck and other officers, September 12, in <i>Confederation and -War</i>, ii. 363. Some wit produced the following:— -</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">‘Contra Romanos mores, res mira, dynasta<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Morus ab Eugenio canonizatus erat.’<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Ormonde to Nicholas, August 13, 1642, in appendix to Carte’s -<i>Ormonde</i>; <i>Confederation and War</i>, ii. 50, 129, 139, 243.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Remonstrance of grievances, March 17; the King’s letters and Commission, -April 23, <i>Confederation and War</i>, ii. 248, 265.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Inchiquin to Cork, May 25, in Smith’s <i>History of Cork</i>; <i>Castlehaven</i>, -p. 41.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Commission dated Oxford, April 23, in <i>Confederation and War</i>, i. 267; -Propositions of the Confederates, June 24, with Ormonde’s answer, June 29; -Bellings’ reasons in favour of a cessation and Scarampi’s answer, July and -August. The above are in <i>Confederation and War</i>, ii.; <i>Bellings</i>, i. 160; -Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>. See the observations in Gardiner’s <i>Great Civil War</i>, -chap. xi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> <i>Confederation and War</i>, ii. 364-384; <i>Bellings</i>, i. 156, 163; Declaration -of Clanricarde, Inchiquin, and fifteen others that the cessation was necessary, -printed by Cox, ii. 133.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Lords Justices and Council to the King, May 11, 1643, and to the -two Houses, October 28; the Speakers of both Houses to the Lords Justices -and Council, July 4—all in Clarendon’s <i>Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, book vii. 334, -366. Ormonde was appointed Lord Lieutenant November 13, and sworn -in January 21 following. As to Leicester, see the preface to Blencowe’s -<i>Sydney Papers</i> and his letter of complaint to the Queen in Collins’s <i>Sydney -Papers</i>, ii. 673.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXIV" id="CHAPTER_XXIV">CHAPTER XXIV</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">AFTER THE CESSATION, 1643-1644</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">The -cessation -condemned -by Parliament.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Changed -relations -of parties.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Troops -sent to -England.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The rout -at Nantwich, -Jan. -1643-4.</div> - -<p>After the cessation had been concluded, but before its -actual terms were known in London, the two Houses published -a declaration against it, as destructive of the Protestant -interest, and for the benefit of the ‘furious, bloodthirsty -Papists.’ Protestant opinion even in Ireland was -certainly against the cessation, and yet it was evidently a -military necessity. If the troops left Dublin the Irish would -be able to take it, and in the meantime, being unpaid, they -robbed and plundered almost as if they had been in an enemy’s -city. The general result was that Ormonde and the thoroughgoing -Royalists were henceforth engaged, not in endeavouring -to suppress a rebellion, but in trying to make terms with -misguided belligerents. Those Protestants who thought more -of religion and less of loyalty gravitated towards the Parliament. -Ormonde lost no time in obeying the King’s order -about sending troops to England. Before the end of October -one regiment from Munster had landed at Minehead, and -another at Bristol, under Vavasour and Paulet. They were, -says Clarendon, very good and excellently officered, but not -many in number, and they went to swell Hopton’s ill-fated -army. The common men sympathised largely with the -Parliament, though discipline and the hope of reward kept -them together. About the middle of November 2500 men -from Leinster landed at Mostyn, in Flintshire. About the -same number came partly to Beaumaris and partly to the -Dee early in the next year, but before that the first detachment -had suffered a great disaster. Nantwich was garrisoned -for the Parliament, and Sir William Brereton faced Lord -Byron in the field. Hawarden, Beeston, and Northwich<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> -quickly fell into the hands of the Royalists, and about the -beginning of January Byron summoned Nantwich, which -was soon hard pressed. Fairfax spent his Christmas in Lincolnshire, -and after the capture of Gainsborough a message -from Stamford informed him that Brereton was hard pressed -in Cheshire. At Manchester, which he did not reach till -January 12, he collected every available man, and on the -21st marched towards Nantwich with 2500 foot and 28 -troops of horse. Byron’s force was about the same or perhaps -a little stronger. Fairfax gained a complete victory, a large -part of the contingent from Ireland being captured in -Acton church. Seventy officers and about 1600 men were -taken prisoners, including Monck, who was present as a -volunteer, Colonel Warren, who commanded his late regiment, -being also taken. ‘Warren’s regiment,’ says Sir Robert -Byron, ‘though they had their beloved Colonel Monck in -the head of them, was no sooner charged than they broke, -and being rallied again, the next charge ran quite away.’ -Their hearts were not in the work, and some 800 men chiefly -from this regiment afterwards took service under the Parliament. -They were Englishmen and Protestants, but this -was not generally believed, and nothing made the King’s -cause so hopeless as the imputation of having brought an -army of Irish Papists into England. Lord Byron wished -that reinforcements should be ‘rather Irish than English’ -because they would have no seditious sympathies and he -did not see why the King should not employ them, ‘or the -Turks if they would serve him.’<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -breaks -with the -Parliament.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Monck’s -advice to -the King.</div> - -<p>Ormonde had misgivings about the royalism of his army, -and events showed that they were well founded. To make -things as safe as possible he obliged all who went to England -to sign a protestation of allegiance to the King and the -Church, with a promise to hold no communication with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> -Essex or any other parliamentary officer. The soldiers were -so anxious to get out of Ireland, where they had been -starving and in rags, that they made no difficulty. Colonel -Monck and Colonel Lawrence Crawford were the only officers -who refused. Crawford, who was a covenanted Scot, was -threatened with imprisonment, and took refuge with Monro. -Monck, who objected to political pledges, was deprived of -his regiment and allowed to go to Bristol, where he was -arrested by direction of Ormonde in a private letter, but -was soon allowed to go to the King at Oxford. Digby procured -him an audience in Christ Church garden, where he -told Charles that the war was ill-managed, and that the army -should be reduced to 10,000 men, thoroughly equipped and -with professional officers trained in the Low Countries. A -commission was given him to raise a fresh regiment with the -promise of a major-general’s command. Not having done -the work before Nantwich, he preferred to fight there in the -ranks, and when taken was sent to the Tower, where he -remained in a destitute condition for two years, writing his -book on military affairs and making love to Ann Radford. -Charles, who had little to spare, once sent him 100<i>l.</i>, a kindness -which Monck never forgot.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Solemn -League -and -Covenant.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ireland a -party to -the -Covenant.</div> - -<p>While Ormonde was negotiating with the Confederates -under the title of ‘His Majesty’s Roman Catholic subjects -now in arms’—he had not allowed them to style themselves -‘Catholics’ simply—a common danger was drawing the -Scottish estates and the English Parliament into a closer -alliance. One week after the conclusion of the Irish cessation -the solemn League and Covenant was published by order of -the House of Commons. The word League was introduced -by Vane to emphasise the political character of the compact, -for the growing Independent party had no idea of submitting -themselves to the strict yoke of Presbyterian polity. Making -this reservation and reducing the sum promised to 30,000<i>l.</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> -we may accept Baillie’s account: ‘The authority of a General -Assembly and Convention of Estate was great; the penalties -set down in print before the Covenant, and read with it, were -great; the chief aim of it was for the propagation of our -Church discipline to England and Ireland; the great good, -and honour of our nation; also the Parliament’s advantage -at Gloucester and Newbury, but most of all the Irish cessation, -made the minds of our people embrace that means of -safety; for when it was seen in print from Dublin, that in -July his Majesty had sent a commission to the Marquis of -Ormonde, the judges, and committee there, to treat with these -miscreants; that the dissenting commissioners were cast in -prison; that the agreement was proclaimed, accepting the -sum of 300,000<i>l.</i> sterling from these idolatrous butchers, and -giving them, over the name of Roman Catholic subjects now -in arms, a sure peace for a year, with full liberty to bring in -what men, arms, money they could from all the world, and to -exterminate all who should not agree to that proclamation;—we -thought it clear that the Popish party was so far countenanced, -as it was necessary for all Protestants to join -more strictly for their own safety; and that so much the -more, as ambassadors from France were come both to -England and us, with open threat of hostility from that -Crown.’ Monro refused to be bound by the cessation, but -abstained from open hostilities until orders came from -Scotland. ‘Here,’ says Turner, ‘was strange work, a man -not able to prosecute a war, yet will not admit of a cessation. -It cost us dear, for since the King’s restoration, all our arrears -were paid us by telling us we were not in the King’s pay, -since we refused to obey his commands; and very justly we -were so served.’ By a clever stroke of the politicians rather -than the theologians Ireland was made a party to the -Covenant as ‘by the providence of God living under one -King, and being of one reformed religion,’ thus excluding the -Irish confederates from the rights of subjects.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Jealousies -among the -Confederates.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Antrim’s -nominal -command.</div> - -<p>The confederate assembly sat at Waterford in the early<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> -part of November, and summoned O’Neill to meet them there. -It was determined to attack Monro, and indeed a chief object -of the cessation was to have their hands free for so doing. -Their great difficulty was about the choice of a general. O’Neill -was the ablest officer available, but they feared to put so much -power into his hands, and were influenced by ‘that ancient -and everlasting difference’ between the North and South. -They could not name Preston, between whom and General -Owen O’Neill there was ‘such an antipathy as, from their -first apprenticeship in soldiery, which they had passed at -least thirty years before, notwithstanding their having -served for all that time the same princes, and been employed -in the same actions of war, could not be removed.’ After -much discussion Castlehaven was chosen, for he was generally -liked, and no one suspected him of personal ambition. O’Neill -was pleased at the rejection of his enemy, but he wished to -be general-in-chief, and the evils of divided command were -not long in showing themselves. In the mean time Antrim -came to Waterford, and there were some who thought good -might be done at the English Court by giving him the title -of Lieutenant-General. It was, however, expressly stipulated -that he should have no real military authority in Ireland. -He did not so understand it himself, or perhaps he only pretended -not to understand, and proposed to carry into England -the very forces which had been provided for the invasion -of Ulster. This claim was quickly set aside, and Castlehaven -was ordered to continue his preparations.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Covenant -taken in -Ulster.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A deputation -from -the -General -Assembly.</div> - -<p>Early in December, Owen O’Connolly arrived in Ulster -with instructions from Westminster, and at once invited -the English to take the Covenant. Lord Montgomery, his -uncle Sir James, Sir Robert Stewart, Sir William Cole, Colonels -Arthur Chichester, Hill, and Mervyn, and Robert Thornton, -mayor of Londonderry, met at Belfast on January 2 and -decided not to do so, but to consider themselves under -Ormonde’s orders, which involved acceptance of the cessation. -In writing to the Parliament they merely asked for -money to prosecute the war against the rebels. But the bulk<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> -of the men composing what were called the British regiments, -as distinguished from Monro’s Scots, were of Scottish origin, -and were induced to take the Covenant by the Presbyterian -ministers, who were vigorously supported by Sir Frederick -Hamilton. All were required at the same time to repudiate -Strafford’s black oath and to confess their fault in taking it. -A deputation of four ministers, one of whom was William -Adair, was sent over by the Scotch General Assembly, and -reached Carrickfergus at the end of March. Monro readily -embraced the Covenant with all his officers and soldiers except -Major Dalzell, whom Adair calls an ‘atheist,’ and who afterwards -served in Russia, where he learned methods of warfare -which made him no less odious as a persecutor than Claverhouse -or the Laird of Lag. The country people followed -the example of the soldiers. At Belfast, where Chichester -commanded, the ministers met with some opposition, for he -had published the proclamation against the Covenant by -Ormonde’s orders; but everywhere else they were received -gladly. At Coleraine, Colonel Audley Mervyn and Sir Robert -Stewart were at first hostile, but the majority were favourable. -At Londonderry Adair and his colleagues appeared in the -market-place while the Church of England service was going -on in the principal church, and the mayor and others,’coming -from their sacrament, stood somewhat amazed,’ but did not -molest the meeting. At Enniskillen they were equally -successful, Sir William Cole, after some little hesitation, -taking the Covenant himself. They went as far west as -Rathmelton and Ballyshannon, and on their return to Londonderry -Mervyn took the Covenant, the soldiers greeting him -with shouts of ‘Welcome, Colonel.’ Sir Robert Stewart -followed suit at Coleraine.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Monro -commands -in Ulster -for the -Parliament.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">He seizes -Belfast, -May 14, -1644,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and -secures -general -obedience.</div> - -<p>Towards the end of December the English Parliament -resolved to put the British and Scottish forces in Ulster -under one commander, and Leven was named. He did -not return to Ireland, but was authorised to appoint a -lieutenant, and so at the end of April 1644 Monro obtained<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> -the full command. Some of his unfed and unpaid troops had -gone back to Scotland, but the remonstrances of the Ulster -Protestants prevailed, and the policy of withdrawing from -Ireland was not persevered in. The colonels of the British -regiments met at Belfast on May 13 to deliberate as to what -degree of obedience they would give Monro, and he resolved -to anticipate their decision. In spite of Chichester and his -proclamation the Covenant was popular in Belfast, and had -many friends among the soldiers. Scouts were sent out during -the night after the meeting of the colonels in consequence of -reports as to hostile intentions on Monro’s part. They -returned about six in the morning, saying that they had been -within three miles of Carrickfergus and had seen nothing, the -probability being that they had met the Scots and come to -an understanding with them. At seven Monro appeared, -and Captain MacAdam’s sergeant, who commanded the -guard, at once opened the gate. Monro marched through the -town unopposed, seized the gate at the other end, and took -possession of all the cannon. Chichester was allowed to -remain in the castle, which was his own house, with 100 -men, but the other regiments were quartered outside the -town. As soon as Belfast was secured, Monro marched on to -Lisburn, but there he found the garrison on their guard and -devoted to Ormonde. The English regiments were left in -possession, but Monro succeeded in getting all the Protestant -troops in Ulster to serve under him. On the last day of -June he had collected 10,000 foot and 1000 horse at Armagh, -and with these he marched to Cavan.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Expedition -to Ulster -under -Castlehaven, -July, 1644.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Leinster -and Ulster -cannot -agree.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -expedition -a failure.</div> - -<p>Castlehaven’s army of 6000 foot and 1000 horse were in -the meantime ordered to assemble at Granard, but not more -than half had arrived when Monro’s approach was announced. -He left Mountgarret’s brother, John Butler, to defend the -passage into Leinster at Finnea between Lough Sheelin and -Lough Kinale. According to an Irish writer, Butler was given -to carousing at critical times, and he failed to maintain his -position. Monro advanced as far as Carlanstown Castle,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> -which he burned, but finding that Castlehaven and O’Neill -had joined forces at Portlester in Meath, he withdrew northwards -again. He had started with provisions for only three -weeks. Castlehaven then called on O’Neill to perform his -promise of co-operating in an invasion of Ulster with 4000 -foot and 400 horse, and O’Neill assured him that he should -have no reason to complain when actually operating in the -northern province. During the greater part of August and -September, Castlehaven lay at Charlemont and Monro at -Tanderagee, but there was no general action, and O’Neill -was ill nearly all the time. In a skirmish at Scarva on the -borders of Down and Armagh, Captain Blair was taken, and -about 100 Scots killed. In another encounter between -Benburb and Caledon three of O’Neill’s officers fell, Colonel -Ffennell looking on with some of Castlehaven’s horse, but -doing nothing to save them. There was evidently no love -lost between the Leinster and Ulster men, and at last, about -the beginning of October, Castlehaven returned to his own -province. O’Neill upbraided him with the conduct of his -officer, ‘a gentleman I see here, Lieutenant-Colonel Ffennell, -with the feather, a cowardly cock, for seeing my kinsmen -overpowered by the enemy, some of them hacked before his -face, and a strong brigade of horse under his command, and -never offered to relieve them.’ Castlehaven had very little -help from the Ulster Irish, except in the way of provisions. -‘O’Neill,’ he said, ‘began to be very weary sometimes of -assisting me with cows,’ and attributes the ill-success of the -whole expedition to the ‘failing, or something else, of General -Owen Roe O’Neill.’ On the other hand, we are told that -O’Neill went to Kilkenny and demanded an inquiry, saying -that the foreign residents would think very little of the -Confederacy if neither general lost his head. A committee -sat accordingly, but no report transpired.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Designs of -Antrim.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His agreement -with -Montrose, -January -1643-44.</div> - -<p>Having failed to acquire any real influence at Kilkenny,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> -Antrim went to England, and arrived at Oxford December 16, -1643. He talked about providing an army of 10,000, but -was not at first taken very seriously. ‘We know the person -well,’ said Digby, ‘and therefore wondered to find those -probabilities which he made appear unto us of his power -with the Irish.’ But Montrose was at Oxford, and saw his -chance at once. On January 28, an agreement was made -between Montrose, ‘his Majesty’s Lieutenant-General’ for -Scotland and Antrim, ‘his Majesty’s General of the isles and -highlands of Scotland,’ binding both to appear in arms by -April 1. Antrim’s share of the work was to levy all the men -he could in Ireland and in the Scottish isles, ‘and with the -said forces invade the Marquis of Argyle’s country in Scotland.’ -The witnesses were Digby, Robert Spotswoode, and Daniel -O’Neill. The King himself directed Ormonde to give Antrim -every possible assistance, and Daniel O’Neill was sent with -him ‘by way of ballast,’ and as ‘the fittest person to steer -him.’ It was very hard to bring the King to this point, for he -distrusted Antrim and disliked O’Neill. But Digby was in -his element, and he persuaded Charles to give Antrim a -marquisate, which he vainly imagined would make him -Ormonde’s equal, and to appoint O’Neill a Gentleman of -the Bedchamber, which was his great object of ambition. At -Oxford Antrim talked chiefly of the moderate courses to -which he intended to lead the Irish, but at Kilkenny he had -encouraged them to hope that by his interest all their objects -would be easily gained.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Confederates -hesitate to -send troops -to England.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Antrim -raises a -small force,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">under -Alaster -Macdonnell,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">who joins -Montrose.</div> - -<p>Antrim and O’Neill reached Kilkenny on February 23. -In obedience to the King’s instructions, their first business was -to persuade the Confederates to send him ‘10,000 men, well -armed, to be transported into England with all possible -expedition,’ and to provide them with artillery, ammunition, -and shipping. The Supreme Council replied that they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> -would wait until they had a report from their agents at Oxford. -Prince Rupert’s application for muskets and powder was also -set aside, but some were sent in the following autumn. The -expedition to the Scottish isles was agreed to, and the Council -undertook to provide ‘2000 muskets, 2400 pounds of powder, -proportionable match, 200 barrels of oatmeal, by May 1, upon -knowledge first had that all other accommodations be concurring, -and a safe and convenient port provided in Ulster; -provided the same port be commanded by Walter Bagenal.’ -Ormonde objected to put Carlingford or Greencastle into the -hands of the Confederates’ nominee, and also to Bagenal’s -being made governor of Newry, the rather that he had -hereditary claims there which might prove awkward. After -much wrangling, the Council agreed that the expedition -should embark at Passage in Waterford harbour, but the -flotilla, consisting of two Flemish and one Irish vessel, did not -sail till June 27. The delay was aggravated by the difficulty -of finding shipping, and by the necessity of watching the -parliamentary cruisers. According to Antrim’s own account, -the number of men sent was about 1600, and 800 more were -discharged for want of shipping. Three weeks later Ormonde -informed Digby that Antrim had sent ‘from Waterford and -other adjacent places,’ 2500 men well armed and provisions -for two months. The chief of the expedition was Alaster, or -Alexander McColl MacDonnell, often, but incorrectly, called -Colkitto. He was a man of great courage, remarkable for -his strength and stature, and Leven thought him the most -formidable leader of the Irish. On the way to Scotland -several prizes were taken, on one of which were three ministers -named Weir, Watson, and Hamilton, being among those who -had gone over to administer the Covenant. Weir and Watson -died in prison after enduring dreadful hardships, but Hamilton -lived to be exchanged after ten months’ confinement. MacDonnell -reached the Sound of Mull in safety, and seized upon -the castles of Mingarry and Lochaline. The prospect was -so unpromising that he thought of re-embarking; but Argyle, -with the help of two English vessels, mastered his ships, and -he was forced to go on. The Flemings surrendered at once,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> -but the Irish sailors, who fought desperately, were all killed -and their ship burned to the water’s edge. He harried all -the Campbell territory that he could reach, and afterwards -that of the Mackenzies, and then tried to recruit his forces on -the Spey. In the meantime Montrose had entered Scotland -and summoned MacDonnell to meet him at Blair Athol. The -Irish contingent took part in the victory of Tippermuir on -September 1.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Importance -of the -Irish to -Montrose.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Their -barbarous -proceedings.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Alaster -Macdonnell -deserts -Montrose.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Cruelty of -the Covenanters.</div> - -<p>The epic of Montrose belongs to Scotland, but it should be -remembered that the Irish, as they are always called, formed -the nucleus and the only stable part of his army, and that -when Alaster Macdonnell forsook him, victory forsook him too. -Antrim was Tyrone’s grandson, and the remains of the Ulster -clans had no objection to follow him, though some of his levies -were islemen or Hebrideans settled in Ireland. Patrick -Gordon calls them ‘strangers and foreigners,’ adding that -they showed no pity or humanity, nor made any distinction -between man and beast, ‘killing men with the same careless -neglect that they kill a hen or capon for supper. And they -were also without all shame, most brutishly given to uncleanness -and filthy lust; as for excessive drinking, when they -came where it might be had, there was no limit to their beastly -appetites.’ Spalding, who was present when Montrose -sullied his fame by allowing the sack of Aberdeen, says they -murdered and ravished for four days. The corpses lay -unburied until women ventured to move them, for no man -could show himself: ‘the wife durst not cry nor weep at her -husband’s slaughter before her eyes, nor the mother for the -son, nor daughter for the father; which if they were heard, -then were they presently slain also.’ As long as the business -consisted in harrying Campbells or Mackenzies, Alaster<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> -Macdonnell had no difficulty in getting recruits from his -fellow tribesmen on the main land, but after Kilsyth he and -his Highlanders, who were gorged with plunder, deserted -Montrose that they might carry their acquisitions home. -No commands or entreaties of their general could prevail, -says Sir James Turner, ‘to Cantire they would go, and to -Cantire they did go.’ They cared nothing for Lowland or -English politics. Some 500 Irish remained faithful ‘because -they had no place of retreat,’ and these were cut to pieces -at Philiphaugh, 300 of their wives being butchered there, -and many others later at Linlithgow, where the horrors of -Portadown bridge were repeated with the parts reversed. -Those who are disposed to deny the Ulster massacres may -ponder the words of Spalding and Gordon, while nothing can -excuse the cruelty practised in retaliation.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Confederate -agents at -Oxford, -March -1644.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Protestant -agents -follow, -April.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Irish -Government -separately -represented.</div> - -<p>As early as November 1643 the Supreme Council of the -Confederates, acting by order of their General Assembly, -nominated seven commissioners as agents to attend the King -and to state their grievances to him. The persons chosen -were Lord Muskerry, Antrim’s brother Alexander Macdonnell, -Sir Robert Talbot, Nicholas Plunket, Dermot O’Brien, -Geoffrey Brown, and Richard Martin. There is some doubt -about Martin, but all the others went over. The Lords -Justices granted them a safe conduct in January, but there -was considerable delay first at Kilkenny, and afterwards -in waiting for a wind at Wexford. They landed in Cornwall -and reached Oxford March 24. As soon as it was known in -Ireland that the King would be likely to receive the Confederate -agents, the more zealous Protestants began to prepare -for a counter-mission. Charles expressed himself ready to -hear both sides. Lords Kildare, Montgomery, and Blayney -were the chiefs of the Protestant movement, and a deputation -waited on Ormonde the day after he was sworn in as Lord -Lieutenant. Michael Jones was the spokesman. Ormonde<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> -answered that he was somewhat taken by surprise, but ‘for -you English and Protestants, I assure you both of assistance -and protection, and that, if need be, to the hazard even of -my life and fortunes.’ The envoys first chosen were Sir -Francis Hamilton, Captains Ridgeway and Jones, and Fenton -Parsons. Jones, whose parliamentary sympathies led him -to avoid the Court, refused to go, and Sir Charles Coote was -substituted with the King’s consent. A petition of the -Protestants was read in the Irish House of Commons on -February 17, and approved by the House. The agents did -not reach Oxford till April 17, and the King received them -next day ‘in the garden at Christ Church,’ and desired them -to prepare definite proposals. Charles had sent to Ireland -for Chief Justice Lowther, Sir Philip Perceval, Sir William -Stewart, and Mr. Justice Donnellan, who arrived about this -time, accompanied by Sambach, the Irish Solicitor-General. -Sir H. Tichborne and others went over later. Strafford’s old -secretary, Radcliffe, who was already at Oxford, was ordered -to join in their consultations. The whole case was then -handed over to a committee of the Privy Council, consisting -of the Earls of Bristol and Portland, Lord Digby, Secretary -Nicholas, Colepepper, and Hyde.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Attitude of -Hyde, -Digby and -others.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Revised -demands -of Confederates.</div> - -<p>Hyde and Colepepper were hostile to the Confederates’ -demands, and Radcliffe was even violent, ‘which,’ says a -correspondent of Ormonde, ‘makes the Irish swagger very -severely.’ Digby, who was much more favourable to them, -said their first propositions were scandalous, and that all -negotiations would have to be broken off unless they amended -them. Muskerry, on the contrary, had assured Ormonde -that their demands were an irreducible minimum. ‘Neither,’ -he said, ‘is the highest of them such a rock, but that the -King may find a way to satisfy his people in Ireland without<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> -prejudice to his party in England. And the real advantage -of the assurance of our kingdom, and of a nation so faithfully -affected to his service, is much more considerable than the -fears and jealousies to discontent a party.’ Unfortunately for -this argument, Ireland was divided into parties quite as much -as England, and concessions to Irish national feeling were -certain to deprive the King of all effective English support. -In spite of Muskerry’s assurance, Digby found him and his -colleagues ‘beyond expectation counsellable, and they have -this day, instead of the former, presented these enclosed -propositions, which though in many things unreasonable -for the King to grant, yet are not very scandalous for them -to ask.’ Ormonde wrote to Muskerry advising moderation, -and foretold that the time might come when ‘his Majesty -might with more safety grant, than he can as yet hear propounded’ -such of the agents’ desires as were in themselves -just. The amended propositions demanded the repeal of all -penal laws affecting the Roman Catholics, their relief from -disabilities of every kind, and that a free Parliament, entirely -independent of the English legislature, should at once be -called. All proceedings of the Irish Parliament since -August 7, 1641, should be annulled, as well as all outlawries, -attainders, and other acts affecting the Roman Catholics -prejudicially since that date. All forfeitures to the Crown in -Connaught, Clare, Tipperary, Limerick, Kilkenny, and -Wicklow since 1634 were to be abandoned, and the ancient -possessors confirmed by law, the Court of Wards abolished, -and trained bands established in every Irish county. The -other demands were of less importance. Among the proposals -waived by the agents was one which virtually placed -all titles to land created since the beginning of Elizabeth’s -reign at the mercy of the Irish Parliament. Another clause -proposed to deprive the King of all right to maintain a -standing army in Ireland. It was also required ‘that the present -Government of the said Catholics may continue within -their quarters and jurisdictions until the Parliament, and -after until their grievances be redressed by Acts of Parliament, -and for a convenient time for the execution thereof<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span>.’ -The original propositions were such as might have been -dictated by the victors to a conquered country. The amended -propositions, though containing many things ‘in themselves -just,’ involved the complete subjection of the Protestants in -Ireland, and could never be granted by an English Government. -If the King granted them it would only be because he -had no longer any real power. The Irish Privy Councillors -at Oxford, though more moderate than Coote and his colleagues, -held that the toleration of Romish priests had been -the cause of the rebellion, that what was called a free Parliament -would contain few or no Protestants, most of them -having been murdered or exiled, and that Poynings’ Act was -one of the wisest ever made and ‘one of the precious jewels -of his Majesty’s imperial diadem.’<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Protestant -proposals -equally -extreme.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">No compromise -appears -possible.</div> - -<p>If the propositions of the Confederate agents seemed -scandalous to Digby, those of Coote and his colleagues will not -seem less so to modern readers. They demanded, among -other things, that all penal laws should be strictly executed, -that all the Roman Catholic clergy should be banished out of -Ireland, that the oath of supremacy should be taken by every -member of Parliament, mayor, sheriff, or magistrate; that -no lawyer refusing to take that oath should be allowed to -practise; and that there should be a ‘competent Protestant -army.’ After a few days, the Protestant agents were summoned -to meet Ussher, Henry Leslie, Radcliffe, and others. -Radcliffe, on behalf of the Committee of Council, said their -proposals were unreasonable, and that peace could never be -made on any such terms. The agents then agreed to modify -the demands, but still insisted firmly on the full execution of -the penal laws, on maintaining the existing Parliament and -Poynings’ law, on the encouragement of plantations, and on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span> -disabling lawyers who refused the oath of supremacy. They -waived the expulsion of Roman Catholic priests and the oath -<i>ex officio</i>, and also the demand that all churches should be -restored to them, rebuilt and refitted ‘at the charge of the -Confederate Roman Catholics.’ A week later the agents -were summoned before the King in council. Charles asked -them whether they wanted peace or war. They said they -preferred peace, but only upon honourable terms; and the -King answered that he also would choose the hazard of -war rather than that they should suffer by a peace of his -making. He could not, he added, help them with men, -money, arms, ammunition, or victuals, nor could he allow -them to join with those who had taken the Covenant. It was -consistent with Charles’s love for tortuous ways that he had -tried to prevent Coote and his friends from knowing what the -propositions of the Confederate agents were. They had -oozed out, of course, and, making a virtue of necessity, the -King now gave them a copy and requested their answers. -This was done, and the absolute incompatibility of the two -sets of agents was conclusively shown.<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Failure of -Oxford -negotiations.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Both -parties are -referred to -Ormonde,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">who is -authorised -to make -peace.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">An -impossible -task.</div> - -<p>Muskerry and his colleagues left Oxford first, and were -followed by the Protestant agents on the last day of May. -Both missions were dismissed civilly enough, but neither had -gained their point. Percival told Ormonde that the failure -of the Council to make any decision was reported to be the -work ‘of one that labours to be commanded to Ireland, and -hopes to rule all there.’ This points unmistakably to Digby, -who probably encouraged the King to refer everything back<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> -to Ormonde. This was done by a commission dated June 24, -and to enable the Lord Lieutenant to arrive at a decision, all -the propositions by both sides during the Oxford negotiations -were sent to him, and also the King’s answer to the Confederate -agents. They were told that the King would not -‘declare Acts in themselves lawful to be void,’ but that the -penal laws had never been harshly executed; and that if his -Irish subjects would live peaceably and loyally, they should -be as moderately administered ‘as in the most favourable -times of Queen Elizabeth and King James.’ He would -allow a new Parliament to assemble, but ‘would by no means -consent to the suspension of Poynings’ Act.’ Many lesser -demands were wholly or partly conceded, but religious toleration -and the Irish Parliament would still depend on the -King’s will. If the Confederates could be got to accept such -terms, Ormonde was authorised to conclude peace upon that -basis, and to go further if he found it consistent with the -present preservation of the Irish Protestants. If peace -could not be had on reasonable terms, then he might renew -the cessation for as long as he thought expedient. Ormonde -lost no time in informing Muskerry and his colleagues that -he was commissioned to treat for a peace or truce, and asked -them to prepare the ground among their friends. ‘Let me -tell you,’ wrote that astute courtier Daniel O’Neill, ‘that our -friend the Marquis of Ormonde has a hard task put upon -him: for it is imposed upon him to end that in Ireland -which all the Council durst not look upon in England.’<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin -visits -Oxford,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and -returns -discontented.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">He sides -with the -Parliament,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and -secures -Cork, -Youghal, -Kinsale -and -Bandon.</div> - -<p>During St. Leger’s illness and since his death, Inchiquin -had been acting-President of Munster. His services had -been great, and he was not willing to see anyone put over his -head. ‘If the King,’ he wrote to Ormonde from Cork, ‘have -bestowed the ‘presidency on any other (though more worthy) -personage, I hope your lordship will not command my stay -longer here.’ Ormonde disliked his going, but gave no direct<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> -order, and Inchiquin was at Oxford early in February. It -soon appeared that the King had many years before promised -the presidency to Portland, and though Radcliffe and Digby -were in despair, the most that could be obtained for Inchiquin -was the reversion. As Portland would not waive his claim, -this really amounted to nothing. Inchiquin received a warrant -for an earldom; but that was not what he wanted, and -he did not use it. Hopes were held out to him of commanding -the Munster troops in England; but his best regiments had -been assigned to Hopton and others, and he saw no chance of -anything in that direction. At Oxford he dissembled his ill-humour, -but before the end of March it was generally known -in Ireland that he ‘came discontented from Court.’ -Ormonde’s idea was to keep the presidency of Munster -vacant, so that Inchiquin should be kept quiet by seeing the -great prize always dangling before him. Portland’s object -was to sell his interest without going to Ireland; but he does -not appear to have offered it to Inchiquin, who kept pretty -quiet during the spring and early summer. When the result -of the Oxford negotiations was known, he and the other -Munster officers declared strongly against a peace which could -not be had without abandoning the Protestants. As a proof -of their danger, they cited a Franciscan named Matthews -who had been executed as a spy after having confessed that -he was concerned in a plot to betray Cork to Muskerry. -Ormonde had heard reports that there was some plot. After -Marston Moor it became evident that the King was powerless -to protect the Irish Protestants, and Inchiquin resolved to -throw in his lot with the Parliament. Broghill afterwards -told Ludlow that he persuaded him without much difficulty -to take this step. The letter in which Inchiquin declared -himself—for he assured Ormonde that this was his first advance—was -signed also by Broghill as governor of Youghal, -and by the governors of Cork, Kinsale, and Bandon. Each -of the subscribers offered to go on board a parliamentary ship -as a hostage, there to remain until all four towns were in sure -hands. A letter with the same signatures was also sent to -the King, who was urged to come to terms with the Parlia<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span>ment -as the only means of saving the Irish Protestants. -Aware that he might be distrusted, Inchiquin reminded the -governor of Portsmouth that he was forsaking a plentiful -fortune ‘for the good of the cause,’ and that he was ready to -make room if another commander was thought fitter to -subdue the Irish rebels. Bandon was easily secured, for it -was a Protestant place; but Inchiquin took the strong step -of expelling the Irish inhabitants from Cork, Youghal, and -Kinsale. This was a very harsh measure, especially for a -chief of the O’Briens; but it may be defended on military -grounds, the only defence of the Munster Protestants lying in -the four garrisons, without which they would be quite cut off -from England. Inchiquin’s brother Henry, after making -great professions of attachment to the King, surrendered -Wareham on August 24 and brought his regiment over to -serve the Parliament in Ireland.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Bell’s <i>Memorials of the Civil War</i> (Fairfax Correspondence), i. 68; -Dugdale’s Journal in his <i>Short View</i>. Fairfax’s report to Essex is in -<i>Rushworth</i>, v. 302; the accounts of Byron and his brother Robert in -Carte’s <i>Original Letters</i>, i. 36-42. See also Fairfax’s <i>Short Memorials</i> in -Somers Tracts, v. 387; Clarendon’s <i>Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, vii. 403; and -Gardiner’s <i>Civil War</i>, i. 346.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Gumble’s <i>Life of Monck</i>, 18; Carte’s <i>Life of Ormonde</i>, i. p. 468. Crawford -wrote an account of his proceedings under the title of <i>Ireland’s Ingratitude -to the Parliament of England</i>, &c., which was published by order of the -House of Commons, February 3, 1643; and see <i>Carlyle</i>, i. 173.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Text of the Solemn League and Covenant in <i>Rushworth</i>; Baillie’s -<i>Letters</i>, ii. 102-103; Sir James Turner’s <i>Memoirs</i>, p. 29.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Colonel O’Neill’s <i>Journal</i>; <i>Castlehaven</i>, p. 46; <i>Bellings</i>, iii. 3-7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Rev. Patrick Adair’s MS. in Reid’s <i>Presbyterian Church</i>, ii. 439-454. -Adair’s narrative was published at Belfast in 1867.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Benn’s <i>Hist. of Belfast</i>, 103-109; Turner’s <i>Memoirs</i>, p. 33; Report to -Ormonde, May 27, 1644, in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> i. 586.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Castlehaven’s <i>Memoirs</i>, 48-53; O’Neill’s Journal in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> iii. -202-4; British armies in Ulster to Ormonde, <i>ib.</i> i. 602. The abusive account -in the <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i> may be neglected; it absurdly states that -Castlehaven was ‘no soldier,’ <i>ib.</i> i. 84. <i>Bellings</i>, iii. 11.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> The agreement between Montrose and Antrim is printed from the -original in Hill’s <i>Macdonnells of Antrim</i>, 267. If the date, January 28, be -right, then the King’s and Digby’s letter to Ormonde of the 20th were -not despatched for several days. Digby to Ormonde, February 8, 1644-5, -in appendix to Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>. The intrigues at Oxford are amusingly -described by Clarendon, <i>Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, book viii. 264-278.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> The King’s instructions to Antrim, January 12, 1643-4, in <i>Confederation -and War</i>, iii. 88; Negotiation at Kilkenny, <i>ib.</i> 112; Bellings to Ormonde, -<i>ib.</i> iv. 276; Letters of Daniel O’Neill in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> i. 569; Antrim to -Ormonde, June 27, 1644, in appendix to Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>; Ormonde to -Digby, <i>ib.</i> July 17, and to Nicholas, July 22; Narrative by one of Macdonnell’s -officers in Carte’s <i>Original Letters</i>, i. 73; Reid’s <i>Presbyterian -Church</i>, i. 459-464; Napier’s <i>Memoirs of Montrose</i>, chap. 22. Turner -(<i>Memoirs</i>, 39), who, however, was not present at Tippermuir, says Montrose -won with ‘a handful of Irish, very ill-armed.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Spalding’s <i>Hist. of the Troubles</i>, ii. 265-7; Patrick Gordon’s <i>Abridgment</i>, -65, 133, 161, 181. Wishart thinks Alaster ‘Macdonaldorum res -privatas impendio curasse: de publico parum solicitum.’ See also Napier’s -<i>Memoirs of Montrose</i>, chaps. 22-27, and Gardiner’s <i>Civil War</i>, chaps. 26, 30, -33, and 36; Turner’s <i>Memoirs</i>, p. 240.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, iii. 6, and in the same volume, Safe conduct for agents, -January 4, 1643-4, and letter to Bellings, April 7-10; Michael Jones’s -speech, January 22, in appendix to Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>; <i>Rushworth</i>, v. 897-900. -The names of the Committee of Council are given by Carte, but in -the first letter to Bellings, mentioned above, Cottington is added and -Hyde omitted. It appears from Rushworth that both attended the Committee.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> The original propositions are in <i>Confederation and War</i>, iii. 128; the -amended ones in <i>Rushworth</i>, v. 909. See also the following letters in appendix -to Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>: Arthur Trevor to Ormonde, March 25, 1644; Radcliffe -to Ormonde, April 2; Digby to Ormonde, April 2; Muskerry to Ormonde, -March 29; Ormonde to Muskerry, April 29. Statement by the delegates -of the Council of Ireland in <i>Egmont Papers</i>, i. 212-229, which seems to have -been read or spoken by Lowther or one of his colleagues to Charles’s Privy -Council.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> <i>Rushworth</i>, v. 901-917. A manifesto published in French at Lille, -January 26, 1642-3, and intended for foreign consumption, contains the -following demands of the Confederates: ‘(1) That the Catholic religion, -the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and the religious orders be restored, and no -sect or heresy tolerated, except that of Protestants existing (<i>qui a vogue</i>) in -England, Germany, and some other provinces; that there be no bishop -other than Catholic; that the priests enjoy all benefices and Church -revenues; and that the Protestant ministers enjoy only such bishoprics [<i>sic</i>] -or benefices as those of their sect shall procure them for a living. (2) That -we be governed by a Catholic President, Council, and officers; that all -governors of castles, fortresses, towns, and districts be Catholics,’ &c. -Reprinted in <i>Confederation and War</i>, iii. 336.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> Sir Philip Percival to Ormonde, May 23, in appendix to Carte’s -<i>Ormonde</i>; the King’s commission to Ormonde, his instructions, and his -answers to the Confederate agents, in <i>Confederation and War</i>, iii. 175, 198, -208; Daniel O’Neill to Arthur Trevor, July 26, in Carte’s <i>Original Letters</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> Inchiquin to Ormonde, January 3 and February 10, 1643-4, in appendix -to Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, and in the same volume letters from Radcliffe and -Digby to Ormonde, February 8-20, and Ormonde to Digby, March 8; -<i>Bellings</i>, iii. 14, and one of March 29 from the Supreme Council to Ormonde; -Inchiquin to Ormonde, July 23 and August 4, in Calendar of <i>Clarendon S.P.</i>; -Letters of Inchiquin, Broghill, and others to the King and Parliament, and -Declaration of Munster Protestants, July 17 and 18, in <i>Rushworth</i>, v. 918-924; -Ludlow’s <i>Memoirs</i>, ed. Firth, i. 85. Besides those in <i>Rushworth</i>, -Inchiquin’s letters to Jephson, governor of Portsmouth, to Colonel St. Leger, -and to Sir J. Powlet were published in pamphlet form in 1644. For Henry -O’Brien, see Walker’s <i>Discourses</i>, p. 46, and <i>Bellings</i>, iv. 10.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXV" id="CHAPTER_XXV">CHAPTER XXV</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">INCHIQUIN, ORMONDE AND GLAMORGAN, 1644-1645</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">No truce -with the -Parliament.</div> - -<p>Protestants in Ireland complained with reason that they -got little help from England during the truce, while communication -with the Continent was quite free to the Confederates. -There were parliamentary cruisers, but not -nearly enough to do the work, and a Spanish captain named -Antonio was engaged by Castlehaven to keep them at a -distance. His frigate of 400 tons and sixteen guns appears -to have been cast away at Dungarvan; but he commanded -other ships and was active to the very end of the war. Letters -of marque were issued from Kilkenny, and it was long before -even the port of Waterford was closed. The numerous -inlets on the west coast it was impossible to blockade at all. -There were endless complaints on both sides as to breaches -of the truce, but the recriminations on this subject are scarcely -worth discussing. After he had once taken the Parliamentary -side, Inchiquin gave himself a free hand.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The no-quarter -ordinance</div> - -<p>On October 24, 1644, both Houses at Westminster passed -an ordinance to the effect that no quarter should be given -to any Irishman, nor to any Papist born in Ireland, taken in -hostility against the Parliament in England and Wales or -on the high seas. All officers by land and sea were therefore -ordered to leave all such Irishmen and Papists out of every -capitulation, agreement, or composition. If taken, they were -to be ‘forthwith put to death.’ When the French National -Convention made a similar order about British prisoners, -French officers refused to carry it out; and the majority in -the Long Parliament evidently feared such a refusal, for they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> -declared that every officer neglecting to observe their ordinance -should be ‘reputed a favourer of that bloody rebellion in -Ireland,’ and liable to such condign punishment as both Houses -might inflict. Pym and Hampden were dead, and it is uncertain -under whose influence this savage decree was passed; -but it seems that Captain Swanley and others had anticipated -it by throwing prisoners into the sea, and that they had been -blamed for so doing, as there were many English prisoners in -Ireland upon whom it would be easy to retaliate.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin -at Cork -and -Kinsale.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Harsh -treatment -of the -citizens.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Broghill at -Youghal.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Covenant.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Queen -on Irish -Protestants.</div> - -<p>Cork had some time ago agreed to give 4000<i>l.</i> for the -support of the army, and a part of this sum still remained -unpaid. Inchiquin’s first order during the last week in July -was that the citizens should pay the balance or make up its -value in provisions and bedding. All the Roman Catholic -inhabitants were ordered to leave the town, except the -mayor and aldermen and their families, one hundred men -selected by the rest, the widows of aldermen, and the sick. -They were to carry out nothing with them, but if the supplies -required were provided, they were to be allowed to return -from time to time and carry off all their property, but not to -remain in the town during the night. Robert Coppinger, the -mayor, made the best fight he could, but, according to his -own account, Inchiquin exacted more corn and money than -was owing, and was very harsh in other ways. He gave -warrants, says Coppinger, to enter the houses of the banished -inhabitants, to carry off almost everything that might be -useful to the garrison, ‘leaving all the doors of the houses -wide open, and exposed, with all the rest of the goods therein -remaining to the insolency of the common soldiers.’ When -the people came back for their property, according to the -proclamation, there was very little left. From the nature -of the case, and from what we know of Inchiquin, it is not -likely that the work was very gently done; but it is nowhere -alleged that any life was lost. Similar measures were taken -at Youghal and Kinsale. Broghill was governor of the former -town, and he forbade all officers, soldiers, and others ‘to break<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> -open the houses of any persons who have in obedience to my -proclamation left this town,’ or to plunder any Irish Papists -‘on pain of death.’ On August 24 eleven parliamentary -ships entered Cork harbour, while seven appeared at Youghal -and six at Kinsale. Proclamation was at once made that all -civilians should leave Cork unless specially licensed to remain, -giving security to keep themselves in provisions for six weeks. -All Irish Roman Catholics were henceforth to leave the town -at six until Michaelmas, and at five after that day, so that the -garrison might be always ready to resist an attack. A market -was established outside the north gate. The Youghal people -took the Covenant, and Inchiquin told Ormonde that he should -be compelled to do the same, unless the Lord Lieutenant -put himself at the head of the Protestant movement. A -stringent oath was at the same time administered to Protestants, -who declared themselves allied for defence and swore -never to make peace until the terms were approved by -Parliament as well as by the King. Colonel Brockett, -governor of Kinsale, wrote to Ormonde in commendation of -Inchiquin’s zeal, and announced that a ship laden with provisions -had come from Middleburgh to Cork for the relief of -the distressed Protestants. A little later in the year there -was a curious intrigue, the object on both sides being probably -to see how far Ormonde would go. Major Muschamp, the -governor of Cork fort, let Muskerry know that he had Royalist -leanings and might be induced to surrender his post to the -Lord Lieutenant. Muskerry forged an order from Ormonde -to deliver the place to him. Muschamp said the order must -be placed in his hands; but this Muskerry refused for obvious -reasons. The plot came to nothing, and Muschamp told the -whole story to Inchiquin in presence of his staff. Ormonde -was doing his best to serve the King without betraying the -Protestant cause, but he had little thanks from anyone. -That Henrietta Maria should call Inchiquin a miserable -knave was not to be wondered at. As to Ormonde, she is -reported to have said it was hard to trust him or ‘any Irishman -that is a Protestant, for every Irishman that goes to -church does it against his conscience, and knows he betrays<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> -God.’ The letter containing this passage was intercepted, -and a certified copy came to Ormonde’s hands.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">First negotiations -for -peace, -September -1644.</div> - -<p>The result of Ormonde’s application to Muskerry and his -colleagues in the Oxford business was a letter from the -general assembly of the Confederates appointing commissioners -to treat for peace. The Oxford agents, all lawyers -except Muskerry, Antrim’s brother, and Colonel O’Brien, -were nominated, with the addition of Mountgarret, Antrim, -Archbishop Fleming, Sir Richard Everard, Patrick Darcy, -and John Dillon. Of these commissioners, Martin, Dillon -and Barron were afterwards proposed by the Confederates -as judges of the superior courts, and nearly all the others as -Privy Councillors. Ormonde objected at once to ‘your -Archbishop of Dublin, who, though a man as free from -exception (as unto his person) as any we could expect to -be treated with, for we have heard exceeding much good of -him, and we do believe no less, so as if we were to admit any -of his function he should be the man.’ He had already -announced that he would not treat with any clergyman, and -the Confederates gave way. Some delay had been caused, -and the commissioners did not meet Ormonde until September -1, when they practically repeated the Oxford propositions. -The cessation was at once prolonged to December 1, and -questions of statute law and of title to land being involved, -a committee of lawyers was appointed to assist the Lord -Lieutenant. The chief demands were the repeal of the penal -laws, the suspension of Poynings’ Act, and the power of their -‘free Parliament’ to try offences. They were all rejected.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde’s -difficult -position.</div> - -<p>The negotiations were then suspended for a time. Sir -Henry Tichborne, who thought the cessation very dishonourable, -left Oxford on December 31. He and others were taken -at sea by one of Swanley’s captains, and were sent to the -Tower. Tichborne was soon released, and afterwards sided<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> -definitely with the Parliament in Ireland. About the same -time Swanley intercepted some correspondence between the -Confederates and their foreign allies, and he sent copies to -Ormonde, cautioning him about the dangers hanging over -his ‘truly honoured family’ and his ambiguous position with -regard to the Protestants. The Lord Lieutenant’s task was -indeed a hard one. The question of a universal act of oblivion -was left undecided, the Confederates contending that their -oath of association precluded all exceptions, while Ormonde -was unwilling to pardon criminals merely because the country -had been in a state of war. In the end, Charles conceded the -act of oblivion to ‘all treasons and offences, capital, criminal, -and personal’ on land, and to piracy and its attendant crimes -in the Irish seas.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Confederate -diplomacy.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Bellings -at Paris. -Mazarin.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Bellings -at Rome. -Rinuccini.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Attitude of -Innocent -X.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Barren -sympathies.</div> - -<p>The negotiations dragged along slowly and intermittently -throughout 1644 and 1645, but peace, as between Ormonde -and the Confederates, was preserved by frequent renewals of -the cessation. In the meantime the Kilkenny government -sought eagerly for foreign support. Bellings left Galway on -the last day of December 1644 with credentials addressed to -Louis XIV., Anne of Austria, Henrietta Maria, Mazarin, -Innocent X., the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Cardinals Grimaldi -and Bentivoglio, and the Governments of Venice, Genoa, and -Belgium. He had not intended to visit anyone at Paris -except Henrietta Maria; but the Jesuit O’Hartegan, who was -resident agent for the Confederates, persuaded him to see -Mazarin. The Cardinal was very inquisitive, and might stop -Bellings in France if thwarted. He did not like the application -of the Confederates to Rome, because Innocent X. was -much under Spanish influence; but Bellings answered that -though his employers were bound to neutrality as among -Catholic princes, yet their natural leaning was to France, -where their exiled Queen had found shelter. Bellings himself -had certainly French sympathies, and told Mazarin that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> -it was from France that Ireland really expected help. ‘And -in truth,’ he adds, ‘the promises given now and often before, -had they been performed, might well have satisfied our -expectation.’ On reaching Rome, Bellings found that -Rinuccini was already appointed nuncio. The two men -disliked each other from the first. When Bellings found that -Innocent was sending a moderate sum of money, he importuned -for more, but was told that the late war in Italy and preparations -against the Turks had exhausted the papal treasury. -He then loudly proclaimed that he was quite satisfied with -the Pope, lest his backwardness should be an excuse for -others. Innocent was at least liberal with his briefs, but -they had no effect either at Florence or Genoa. Bellings did -not even visit Venice, the Cretan war being excuse enough -for the republic. On his return to Paris he found that there -was little or no hope from France without assuming a hostile -attitude to Spain. As the final result of his long expedition -Bellings reported that ‘all men wished well to the cause, but -no man was in condition to assist it.’ He accompanied -Rinuccini to Ireland.<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">French -and -Spanish -crimps.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Foisset -and -Monnerie.</div> - -<p>Bellings understood that the help of France and Spain -‘rather seemed a traffic for men and a gratification for the -levies made in Ireland for the service of both crowns, than -marks of a royal bounty and a real will to assist them.’ -Early in 1643 the Confederates allowed Spain to recruit in -Ireland, the number of men, after some haggling, being fixed -at 2000. Philip IV. then made them a present of 20,000 -crowns, which was laid out in arms and ammunition. With -the Parliamentarians in command of the sea, it took a long -time to get the men away, and they could not be spared till -after the cessation. Then it became necessary to promise the -same number of soldiers to France. At last, in February -1643-4, the Spanish agent or envoy was received by the -Supreme Council, and told that he should have his men by -June 25. He was a Burgundian named Foisset, and came, -not from Spain, but from Don Francisco de Melo in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> -Netherlands. Next day the French representative, De la -Monnerie, was received and had exactly the same answer. -Monnerie was a gentleman of the bedchamber, and his sole -business was to get as much food for powder as possible in -Ireland. It would seem that both agents were privately told -that the great object of the Council was to favour their respective -sovereigns. Meanwhile their lawful King was calling for -Irish troops in vain. Monnerie did manage to get off 1300 -men from Galway early in 1645, not being able to get shipping -for more in Ireland, and Mazarin failing to send the vessels -which he promised; but the recruiting still continued. -Monnerie seems to have done better than his rival, and -reported that ‘the Spaniard who is here’ began to lose heart -and to declare loudly that the Supreme Council was quite -French. It was Mazarin against Don Luis de Haro. A -Colonel Plunket was promised forty crowns by Ottavio -Piccolomini for every man he could land in Flanders, but the -Kilkenny authorities would not let him do the work.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Confederate -envoys. -Talbot and -O’Sullivan.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Hugh -Bourke.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The story -told -abroad.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Heresy to -be extirpated.</div> - -<p>Immediately after the outbreak in 1641 the Irish of -Western Munster had sent Francis O’Sullivan, a Franciscan, -to solicit the help of Spain. A little later, James Talbot, an -Augustinian, was sent on the same errand, and returned with -3000<i>l.</i> in silver, 4000 muskets, four pieces of cannon and other -stores, purchased with the 20,000 crowns obtained from -Philip IV., but not without much bickering as to whether the -Celtic O’Sullivan or the Anglo-Norman Talbot deserved the -credit. In acknowledgment, it was proposed to send 1000 -men to Spain; but there was a difficulty about transport, and -they never started. Talbot was sent again in June 1643 -with an offer of two thousand and directions as to how he -should spend any further sum he might receive. The landing -of the money and arms at Dungarvan during the negotiations -for a cessation made Ormonde’s task harder; but the Spanish -Government had transferred the matter to the Governor of -the Netherlands. Talbot went there instead of to Spain,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span> -and returned with Foisset. He perhaps thought it the best -thing to do, but the Supreme Council never fully trusted him -afterwards. It was found that unauthorised persons had been -begging in Spain for the Irish cause, and had kept the money -received, and it was thought expedient to cancel all former -credentials and to send a new envoy to Spain. The person -selected was Hugh Bourke, a Franciscan, who had been doing -good service in the Netherlands, whence he was transferred -directly. He went by Paris, where he met Rinuccini on his -way to Ireland, and impressed him by his cleverness and -energy. The instructions to Bourke, dated December 12, -1644, throw great light upon the position of the Confederates. -The war was represented as being purely a struggle ‘for the -Catholic Church in its splendour.’ Nothing at all is said -about the Ulster barbarities, but the Protestant party are -simply described as ‘taking advantage, before we were -provided of arms and ammunition, to destroy many thousands -of people unarmed, and exercise barbarous cruelties against -man, woman, and child, sparing none that did come within -their power, and intending to extirpate the whole nation.’ -Nevertheless, the Confederates, having received some arms -from abroad, had re-established the Catholic religion in full -splendour and been victorious everywhere except ‘in some -particular places and parts of the kingdom.’ Among those -particular places, unfortunately, were Dublin, Cork, Youghal, -and Kinsale, Londonderry and Coleraine, Carrickfergus and -the rising settlement of Belfast. If the Spaniard inquired -why such a victorious party had agreed to a truce with -Ormonde, Bourke was to reply that it was thought wise to -be on terms with one hostile party so as to be free to crush -the other. Nor had the calculation been unsuccessful, -for Ormonde had sent 12,000 men to England, most of whom -had been killed. As to the Oxford propositions, the Confederates -had thought it expedient to ask for freedom of -religion only, and ‘you may inculcate the reason (which God -knows to be true), it was to win time, and our construction -shall be freedom in splendour if holpen with possibility of -subsistence.’ The ultimate goal was to be an Ireland whose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> -victorious soldiers ‘would not rest satisfied, but try their -valours elsewhere for religion, as long as any heretics did -remain in the neighbouring provinces.’ The duplicity of -Charles I. was rightly complained of by the Confederates; -but it was not greater than their own.<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Siege of -Duncannon, -Jan.-March -1644-5.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Parties -in the -garrison.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -cessation -ignored.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Lord -Esmond’s -difficulties.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A rival -governor</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Covenant.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles I. -characterised.</div> - -<p>Duncannon Fort in Wexford guards the approach both -by the Suir to Waterford and by the Barrow to New Ross. -Every large ship must necessarily pass under the guns, but -the place is very weak on the land side, being commanded by -higher ground. The defences had been strengthened in 1611 -by Sir Josias Bodley, a younger brother of Sir Thomas, who -founded the Oxford library. Bodley was a skilful engineer, -and was fully aware of Duncannon’s weak point, though he -probably considered his works strong enough to resist a -purely Irish attack. When the rebellion broke out the -governor of the fort was Laurence Lord Esmond, a strong -Protestant Royalist, and he held it for the King; but the -majority of his men were much more inclined to the Parliament. -Summoned by the Confederates to join them as the -loyal party, Esmond refused to do so without orders from -the Lords Justices, and those orders were of course never -given. He made great efforts to maintain discipline, but as -he could neither pay nor feed his men they were forced to -drive cattle and otherwise spoil the country. With the help -of some English ships they burned Dunmore in Waterford, -which was too near a neighbour, but in an attempt to seize -the Hook Tower, their over-enterprising leader, Captain Aston, -and some sixty of the garrison, were taken or slaughtered, -having been surrounded in a fog by a large number of the -natives. This was as early as July 1642, and it settled the -question as to whether the fort was really friendly to the -Confederates or not. The garrison continued to plunder -in 1643 and 1644 without regard to the cessation, and it -was soon resolved at Kilkenny that the fort must, if possible, -be reduced. Among Esmond’s officers two should be men<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span>tioned, -Major Ralph Capron, who said he was ‘too old to -forego his loyalty,’ and Lawrence Larcan, lieutenant of -Esmond’s own company of foot, who made no secret of his -adhesion to the English Parliament. Esmond made great -efforts to obtain relief from Ormonde, but nothing effectual -could be done for him, and early in August Inchiquin sent -Captain Smithwick to induce him to declare for the Parliament. -This he steadfastly refused to do, but told Ormonde -that his life was not safe ‘among so desperate and mutinous -a pack,’ as the garrison had become. ‘Poverty is the cause -of this, and to tell truth, my lord, they are indeed naked.’ -A month later Captain Bright arrived in the Parliamentary -vessel <i>Jeremie</i>, and anchored off the fort. He brought -with him the Covenant and a commission from Inchiquin -appointing Larcan to the command. The Covenant was -eagerly subscribed by all but Esmond himself, Capron, -Richard Underwood the principal chaplain, and perhaps one -or two other officers. Captain Bright promised supplies, -and the soldiers refused to obey Capron, whom Esmond -accordingly sent with despatches to Dublin. Larcan, who is -described as active and witty and a leader of men, said ‘the -King was a tyrant, an extortioner, an oppressor of the subject, -and a Papist,’ and he hoped that the Parliament would soon -‘scour’ him. In the meantime Larcan did what he could to -scour the country, while Parliamentary captains were busy -at sea. The fort became such a scourge that the Confederates -resolved to besiege it.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Preston -at Duncannon. -A French -engineer.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Failure to -relieve -from the -sea.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">An unsuccessful -assault.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Vice-Admiral -Smyth’s -advice.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The fort -capitulates.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">High mass</div> - -<p>Preston sat down before Duncannon on January 20, -1644-5, with about 1500 foot. He had both cannon and -mortars, and the wonder is that the place held out at all. -There was a garrison of about 150 men with twenty-two guns, -but no proper supply of water inside the fort, and no doctor -or surgeon. A French engineer named Lalue directed the -siege operations, which dragged out to a great length. Three<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> -weeks after the first investment Inchiquin wrote to say that -he could give no relief unless help first arrived from England, -and he pointed out that the Confederates might have easily -mastered all the Munster towns if they had not exhausted -their strength in the Ulster expedition under Castlehaven. -Admiral Swanley wrote about the same time from Milford -to say that he was sending a collier under convoy to give -the garrison fuel, and also shipping to convey reinforcements -for Inchiquin, but that ‘as for the soldiers from this country -(England), they are not to be drawn from this service without -an inevitable prejudice.’ Inchiquin could hardly hold his -own, nor could he trust unpaid men. Communications -between the fort and the sea were never interrupted, and -small supplies were sent in from time to time, and thirty-eight -seamen took their part in the defence on shore. At the -beginning of the siege an attempt was made by the Parliamentary -ships to drive the assailants from their works, but -very few shot went even near the mark. Fire from a floating -platform is seldom satisfactory against an enemy on a hill. -As Lalue drew his lines closer and advanced his guns, still -less could be done from the sea. On February 19, five ships -anchored under Credan Head in full view of the fort, but -their commanders dared not come within reach of the plunging -fire, by which one Parliamentary vessel had already been -sunk. Frequent sallies of the garrison annoyed the enemy, -who suffered from bad weather and from the labour of making -approaches in the rocky ground. Lalue contrived an infernal -machine which appears in advance of his time. A trunk -filled with explosives and calculated to go off when opened -was left near the gate of the fort. Esmond suspected a -snare, and advised that the trunk should be soaked in the -sea for some hours, but the soldiers were too impatient, and -the explosion took place. The besiegers heard the noise -and expected great results, but only one person was killed, -a woman who had drawn near out of curiosity. There were -some men in the fort who sided secretly with the besiegers, -and when the trenches approached the ditch communicated -with them by letters tied to bullets and flung by hand. At last<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> -an assault was made, but, says Bellings, the musketeers who -were to cover the storming party had their pieces rendered -unserviceable by a whirlwind which blew away the priming -and filled the pans with gravel. The assailants were beaten -off with great loss, but Larcan, who had been the soul of the -defence, was hit by a stone which a round shot had displaced. -A surgeon might have saved him, but there was none, and he -died. The sap went on until a mine was brought up to the -rampart, and the second assault was likely to be successful. -Vice-Admiral Smyth with the <i>Swallow</i> and other vessels -lay in the offing, and to him Esmond made a last appeal. -‘Your lordship,’ the sailor quaintly answered, ‘hath but -two things to consider of: first, the potency of the enemy; -next, your abilities to subsist. For, before any relief can -overtake you, it will be ten or eight days at soonest. Now, -if you find in your strength a disability, then our Saviour Jesus -Christ gives you the best counsel, who sayeth: agree with -thy adversary quickly while thou art in the way.’ If they -waited for the assault, he argued, they would all be put to -the sword, but if they capitulated so many gallant men -would be available for future service, and might perhaps -even have a hand in recapturing the fort. As for the guns, -they must go with the place, for if they were ‘all of beaten -gold’ there was no means of embarking them. The poor -old governor could only lament that he had been encouraged -to hope for help which had never come, and replied that he -would try one stratagem more by asking for a Protestant -garrison named by Ormonde. Two days later he still defied -Preston, and declared that he would not surrender without -the direct orders of the King or the Lord Lieutenant. Larcan -being gone, the other officers prepared to take Smyth’s advice, -and Esmond was at last forced to ask for a parley. Preston -was not bloodthirsty, and on March 19, being the fifty-ninth -day of the siege, the garrison marched out with the honours -of war, and were allowed to go to Dublin, Bristol, or Youghal, -as they themselves preferred. A few men took service with -Preston. Esmond waited till a carriage could be got, but -died at Adamstown on the road to Enniscorthy. The fort<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> -was not without provisions or ammunition at the time of -surrender, but the want of fresh water was very pressing. -There had been torrents of rain, but either from want of time -or from want of vessels it had not been sufficiently utilised. -Only about thirty men had been killed, though the besiegers -had burned 19,000 pounds of powder. Duncannon was taken -on March 19, and on Lady Day Scarampi came in and said -high mass. The Confederates boasted much of their success, -in announcing to their friends at Paris the capture of what -they call the ‘impregnable fort of Duncannon.’<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Glamorgan -mission</div> - -<div class="sidenote">An extraordinary -patent, -April -1644.</div> - -<p>Charles had handed over the reduction of the Irish rebels -to Parliament early in the day, and had told the Protestant -agents at Oxford that he would rather have war than peace -at their expense. As long as negotiations were entirely in -Ormonde’s hands this was no empty promise, but when the -King decided to employ a private envoy as well, the situation -was a good deal modified. The person selected was Lord -Herbert, eldest son of the Marquis of Worcester, who had made -immense sacrifices for the royal cause. Both father and son -were Roman Catholics, and ardent champions of their faith. -In history the latter is best known as Earl of Glamorgan, -and so Charles styled him, though the creation was never -formally made. On April 1, 1644, when the Irish agents -were at Oxford, the King had granted him under the Great -Seal a patent of so extraordinary a character that its main -provisions must be repeated, though perhaps no episode in -English history has been more thoroughly discussed. By -this document he was constituted generalissimo with extraordinary -powers of three armies, English, Irish, and foreign, -and admiral of a fleet at sea; with authority to raise money -by pledging wardships, customs, woods, and other hereditary -property of the Crown. ‘Persons of generosity’ were to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> -be encouraged to subscribe in return for titles of honour, ‘for -whom,’ the King wrote, ‘we have intrusted you with several -patents under our Great Seal of England, from a marquis to -a baronet, which we give you full power and authority to date -and dispose of without knowing our further pleasure.’ Charles -solemnly bound himself to ratify all the patentee’s acts, and -and to give his daughter Elizabeth to Glamorgan’s son -Plantagenet ‘with 300,000<i>l.</i> in dower or portion, most part -whereof we acknowledge spent and disbursed by your father -and you in our service.’ Finally he was promised the dukedom -of Somerset with power to ‘put on the George and blue -ribbon’ at his pleasure, and to bear the garter in his coat of -arms. The affixing of the seal to this patent may have -been an amateur performance, the joint work of Endymion -Porter and of Glamorgan himself, ‘with rollers and no screw -press,’ but the document was genuine, and the king knew all -about it.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Introduction -of -Glamorgan -to -Ormonde.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Three -commissions -Jan.-March, -1644-5</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Glamorgan’s -instructions.</div> - -<p>His sanguine hopes of Irish and foreign forces having been -dashed, and Marston Moor having been fought, Charles -turned to Glamorgan again. The latter had married Lady -Margaret O’Brien, the late Earl of Thomond’s daughter, and -his many Irish connections might give him influence. Ormonde -was informed that ‘Lord Herbert’—the title of Glamorgan -was dropped here—had business of his own in Ireland, and -that he might be found incidentally useful in bringing about -a peace. ‘His honesty or affection to my service,’ says the -King in a cypher postscript, ‘will not deceive you; but I will -not answer for his judgment.’ Yet to this man of more than -doubtful discretion were given three commissions, the first -of which authorised him to levy an unlimited number of men -in Ireland and other parts beyond sea. By the second -Charles promised ‘in the word of a King and a Christian’ to -confirm all Glamorgan might do, whatever irregularities -might appear when his powers came to be criticised. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> -third was a royal warrant to treat with the Confederate Roman -Catholics of Ireland, proceeding with all possible secrecy. -Ormonde was warned by friends in England to be on his -guard against Glamorgan, who left Oxford soon after receiving -the last commission, but circumstances changed a good deal -before the latter reached Ireland. He sailed from the Welsh -coast, but was chased by a Parliamentary ship and driven -to Lancashire, whence he made his way to Skipton Castle, -and there stayed for three months, during which Naseby was -fought. In his instructions to Glamorgan which preceded the -first of the three commissions above mentioned, the King -promised solemnly to ratify whatever should be ‘consented -unto by our Lieutenant the Marquis of Ormonde,’ -but authorised him to supply if possible anything ‘upon -necessity to be condescended unto and yet the Lord Marquis -not willing to be seen therein, or not fit for us at the present -publicly to own.’ Glamorgan seems to have given a verbal -promise to consult Ormonde in everything, but there is no -evidence that the Lord Lieutenant knew this, and it is only -known to historians because Glamorgan, after his failure, was -reproached by the King for not having done so.<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles -lays down -conditions -of peace,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">but soon -changes -his mind.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Still -sanguine -after -Naseby.</div> - -<p>A few days after giving Glamorgan his instructions, -Charles wrote to Ormonde defining clearly the extreme point -of his possible concessions to the Roman Catholics. He -promised that ‘the penal statutes should not be put into -execution, the peace being made and they remaining in their -due obedience. And further that when the Irish give me that -assistance which they have promised, for the suppressing of -this rebellion, and I shall be restored to my rights, then I will -consent to the repeal of them by a law. But all those against -appeals to Rome and <i>Præmunire</i> must stand.’ A month -later the orders were that Ormonde should hasten the peace -upon the terms already granted, but that if he could not do -so he was to avoid a rupture and to continue the cessation.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> -Only three days later came a ‘command to conclude a peace -with the Irish, whatever it cost, so that my Protestant -subjects there may be secured and my regal authority preserved.’ -Charles said he would not think it a hard bargain -if the Irish could be heartily engaged on his side in England -or Scotland, upon condition of repealing the penal laws at -once, and of suspending Poynings’ Act for that and kindred -purposes. But he did not tell Ormonde whether he still -considered the statutes against foreign ecclesiastical jurisdiction -part of his ‘regal authority,’ and he directed him to -‘make the best bargain he could, and not to discover his enlargement -of power till he needs must.’ The King’s position -remained substantially unaltered during the spring and early -summer, but four days after Naseby he told Ormonde that -Irish help was more necessary than ever. ‘If,’ he wrote, -‘within two months you could send me a considerable assistance, -I am confident that both my last loss would be soon -forgotten, and likewise it may (by the grace of God) put such -a turn to my affairs, as to make me in a far better condition -before winter than I have been at any time since the rebellion -began.’ The Lord Lieutenant was to conclude the peace as -quickly as possible, and then to come over himself at the head -of an army. The course of events was destined to be very -different.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Glamorgan -in Ireland. -August -1645.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Glamorgan -Treaty, -August 25.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">An army -offered in -payment.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -is kept in -the dark.</div> - -<p>When Glamorgan reached Dublin about the beginning -of August, he found no peace signed and no army ready to -embark. As Charles’s necessities grew, so did the demands -of the Irish bishops, and the King’s orders to conceal his -powers prevented Ormonde from saying at once what was the -furthest point to which he could go. Glamorgan was present -at some of the meetings between the Lord Lieutenant and the -Confederate commissioners, and he then went to Kilkenny. -Ormonde told his brother-in-law Muskerry, who went there -also, that the news of Naseby had made the conclusion of -peace more needful than ever. He urged him to help Glamorgan, -but at the same time acknowledged his independence,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> -and to some extent deprecated the idea that he was -acting in concert with him. ‘I know,’ he wrote, ‘no subject -in England upon whose favour and authority with his Majesty, -and real and innate nobility you can better rely than upon -his lordship’s.’ Muskerry, who was anxious to come to terms -with the King, no doubt made full use of this testimonial, -and so Glamorgan, relying entirely on his commission of -March 12, proceeded to ‘engage his Majesty’s royal and -public faith’ for the due performance of the articles known -as ‘the first Glamorgan treaty.’ Ormonde was no party to -them in fact or in name. ‘Free and public use and exercise -of the Roman Catholic religion’ was granted to all without -exception. All churches possessed by the Roman Catholics -at any time since October 23, 1641, were granted to them, -‘and all other churches in Ireland other than such as are now -actually enjoyed by his Majesty’s Protestant subjects.’ All -jurisdiction of the Protestant clergy over Roman Catholics -was taken away, and an Act of Parliament was promised to -abrogate the penalties for breaches of the Acts of supremacy -and uniformity. Glamorgan also promised ‘on behalf of his -Majesty,’ confirmation to the Roman Catholic clergy of -all temporalities possessed by them at any time since the -fatal October 23, two-thirds of the profits for three years -or during the continuance of the war being applicable to the -royal service and one-third to the support of the clergy. -Glamorgan afterwards explained that he intended the immediate -wants of the Protestant clergy to be provided for -out of the two-thirds reserved to the King. That any English -Protestants at that time were willing to grant unlimited -toleration may well be doubted, but it is certain that there -were none ready to confirm everything that had been done -against their own clergy since the rebellion began. The -consideration offered by the Confederates was 10,000 men, -armed one half with muskets and one half with pikes, to be -shipped by Glamorgan to any port he might choose. These -troops were to be kept together in one entire body under the -Earl’s leadership, all other officers being appointed by the -General Assembly or Supreme Council. Ten days later<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span> -Glamorgan solemnly swore to tell the King everything, and -‘not to permit the army entrusted to his charge to adventure -itself, or any considerable part thereof, until conditions from -his Majesty and by his Majesty be performed.’ In the meantime -the treaty was kept secret, and the negotiations between -Ormonde and the commissioners of the Confederates went on -pretty much as before.<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Copies of -the treaty -are -secretly -circulated,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and thus -becomes -public.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles -writes to -the Pope.</div> - -<p>Glamorgan soon returned to Dublin, leaving the original -of his treaty in the hands of the Confederates, but Archbishop -Walsh ordered copies to be given to several ecclesiastics, and -the secret was not very long kept. Meanwhile the negotiations -with Ormonde dragged their slow length along, and the -arrival of Lord Digby, who in those days was an Anglican -champion, did not make concessions on ecclesiastical matters -more probable. The appearance of a papal nuncio at this -stage was the one thing needful to make the situation hopeless. -After Rinuccini landed in Kerry, but before he reached -Kilkenny, Archbishop Queely was killed in a skirmish before -Sligo, and a certified copy of the Glamorgan treaty was -found upon his person. As early as the previous April -Charles had written two letters, one to the nuncio and one to -the Pope, and had entrusted them to Glamorgan for delivery. -He promised Rinuccini to perform all that he should agree -upon with Glamorgan, whom he praises in exaggerated -language. ‘This,’ he concludes, ‘is the first letter that -we have ever written directly to any minister of the Pope, -hoping that it will not be the last, but that after you and -the said Earl have done your business, we shall openly show -ourselves, as we have assured him, your friend.’ When the -King wrote this dangerous letter, Rinuccini was already at -Genoa on his way to Ireland.<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Castlehaven to Ormonde, November 7, 1643, in <i>Confederation and -War</i>, iii. 40; La Boulaye Le Gouz, <i>Tour in Ireland</i> (1644), p. 35.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Husband’s <i>Collection</i>, p. 576; Gardiner’s <i>Great Civil War</i>, i. 396; La -Boulaye Le Gouz, <i>Tour</i>, pp. 2, 135.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> For the expulsion of the Cork citizens see <i>Confederation and War</i>, -iii. 221-230 and 235-247; for Broghill’s proceedings Caulfield’s <i>Youghal -Council Book</i>, p. 545; Calendar of <i>Clarendon S.P.</i>, July 31-November 27, -1644. For the Protestant oath and for Henrietta Maria’s opinions, as -reported by the Jesuit O’Hartegan, see <i>Confederation and War</i>, iv. 49, 84; -Muskerry to Ormonde, February 2, 1644-5, in appendix to Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Ormonde to Digby, October 1644, in <i>Confederation and War</i>, iii. 29, -with the documents referred to at foot; and see <i>ib.</i> v. 296; Brabazon, -Tichborne, and Ware to Ormonde, January 5, 1644-5, <i>ib.</i> iv. 116, and -Swanley’s letter, 121; Tichborne’s letter to his wife, appended to <i>Temple</i>, -pp. 327, 330.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, iv. 1-6, and Monnerie to Mazarin, February 20, 1644-5, in -the same volume.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Receptions of Foisset and Monnerie, February 1643-4, in <i>Confederation -and War</i>, iii. 102, 106; Monnerie to Mazarin, February 20, 1644-5, -<i>ib.</i> iv. 147.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, i. 32, 49; <i>Bellings</i>, iii. 8, and the receipt to -Talbot for the Spanish money in the same vol., p. 273. For Bourke’s -mission, <i>ib.</i> 126 and iv. 90; Rinuccini’s <i>Embassy</i>, 106, 307.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Bodley to Salisbury, October 15, 1611, in State Papers, <i>Ireland</i>, and -to Carew, in <i>Carew Cal.</i> 123; preface to <i>Confederation and War</i>, iv. xxvii-xl, -and in the same vol. 381-2; Captain Thomas Aston’s <i>Brief Relation of -passages at Duncannon since June 8</i>, July 22, 1642, written very shortly -before the writer was killed.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Preface to <i>Confederation and War</i>, iv. xl-xlvii, and in the same vol., -which contains three plans of Duncannon, a diary of the siege, written by -Bonaventure Barron, the famous Latinist, in his favourite tongue, 189; -Depositions of officers and soldiers, 210-237; Letters of Supreme Council, -203-209; Letters of Smyth, Swanley, &c., and articles of capitulation, -177-183. The author of the <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, i. 102, says ‘the -defendants behaved themselves exceedingly well.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Dated Oxford, April 1, 1644: ‘and for your greater honour and in -testimony of our reality we have with our own hand affixed our Great Seal -of England unto these our commission and letters, making them patents.’ -Printed in Birch’s <i>Inquiry</i>, p. 22, and elsewhere; S. R. Gardiner in <i>English -Historical Review</i>, ii. 687.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> The instructions to Glamorgan are dated January 2, 1644-5, the -three commissions referred to in the text being of January 6 and 12 and -March 12 respectively. The King to Ormonde, December 27, 1644, in -Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, appendix to vol. ii., No. 13.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> The King to Ormonde, January 18, 1644-5; February 16, February 27, -May 21, 1645; June 18 and 26—all in Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, appendix to vol. ii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Carte Papers, vol. xv., from which the letters, &c., are printed in -<i>Confederation and War</i>, v. 62-79; and the treaty dated August 25, 1645, -printed from Husband’s <i>Collection</i>, p. 821. When examined before the Lord -Lieutenant and Council, Glamorgan said he ‘did not consult or advise -with any person whatsoever concerning any the matters contained’ in the -treaty, <i>ib.</i> 220.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> Charles I. to Rinuccini, April 30, 1645 (in French), printed by Birch -from the Holkham MS. Archbishop Queely was killed on October 17.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXVI" id="CHAPTER_XXVI">CHAPTER XXVI</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">FIGHTING NORTH AND SOUTH—RINUCCINI, 1645</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Castlehaven -in -Munster.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Cappoquin</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Mitchelstown.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Action -near -Castle -Lyons.</div> - -<p>Military operations in Munster, though contributing towards -the general result of the war, did not at the moment interrupt -the negotiations between Dublin and Kilkenny. As Lord -President of Munster for the Parliament, Inchiquin was not -bound by any truces but those of his own making, and Broghill -as governor of Youghal was practically in the same position. -Duncannon being taken, and the truce expiring soon after, -Castlehaven invaded Munster with 5000 foot and 1000 horse. -‘The enemy,’ wrote Castlehaven long afterwards, ‘in this -province had always been victorious, beating the Confederates -in every encounter ... every gentleman’s house or castle -was garrisoned, and kept the country in awe. To begin, -therefore, this field I made my first rendezvous at Clonmel, -and the army encamped not far from it. Thither came Dean -Boyle, now Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and then married to -my Lord Inchiquin’s sister; his business was to persuade me -to spare Doneraile and other houses and castles not tenable.’ -They parted friends, but Castlehaven made no promise, and -marched to Cappoquin, where he summoned the castle, -believing that the failure to take it before had been owing -to the town being attacked first. Here and elsewhere his -terms were fair quarter in case of immediate surrender, but -‘no quarter at all’ in case of prolonged resistance. Cappoquin -preferred the first alternative, but the commandant was -afterwards executed by court-martial for cowardice. According -to Broghill and others, articles of capitulation were not -always well observed, but from what we know of Castlehaven<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span> -this may have been the fault of his subordinates. The possession -of Cappoquin bridge enabled him to pass the Blackwater -at will, and Inchiquin was too weak both in men and supplies -to oppose him seriously. Youghal was summoned with -the boast that mass should be said there in six days, but -Broghill replied that God should be worshipped there for six -months. Mitchelstown refused the first summons, but soon -yielded at discretion, when ‘two or three,’ says Bellings, ‘of -which one was a minister, that were charged to have been -upon several actions cruel to the Irish were hanged for their -unsoldierly obstinacy.’ The logic or morality of this is not -very clear. Dromana surrendered, as well as Knockmone, -which Sir Richard Osborne had defended since the beginning; -but Lismore held out under Major Power. In the meantime -a strong body of horse under Broghill had crossed the Blackwater -by the ford of Fermoy, and Purcell persuaded Castlehaven -to detach his own cavalry, ‘which I count certainly -among my other follies.’ As Purcell came on, Broghill -retired over the river and faced about at Kilcruig, half-way -between the ford and Castle Lyons, with a scrubby wood -between him and his pursuers. The Irish straggled through -the covert, and before they had time to reform, Broghill -charged and defeated them with great loss. The main body -of Castlehaven’s army being visible in the distance, he retired -to Castle Lyons and sent all the men he could spare to Inchiquin.<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Castlehaven -generally -successful,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">but Inchiquin -holds -his own,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and -Youghal -still -resists.</div> - -<p>From Fermoy Castlehaven proceeded to clear the country -north of the Blackwater. Mallow, Doneraile, and Liscarroll -were taken with little or no resistance, but Milltown, which -had made a brave defence in 1641, threatened to give trouble. -Some boys who made a hole in the courtyard wall to steal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> -cattle found a way into the castle: soldiers followed, and the -place was taken by assault. Annagh Castle, which was then -surrounded by bog, made a brave resistance under Lieutenant -Fisher. A breach was made with the artillery and the -garrison was put to the sword. The English account says -this was done in cold blood after Fisher had been treacherously -killed during a parley in sight of his own men. Bellings -acknowledges the slaughter, but says it was during an assault. -While Castlehaven was busy to the north of the Blackwater -Inchiquin fell upon the district of Imokilly between Cork -and Youghal. Rostellan and Castle Martyr both held for -his uncle Edmond Fitzgerald. In the final division of the -spoils the first fell to his lot, and the second to Broghill’s, and -no doubt both leaders intended something of the kind from -the first. At Rostellan, says Bellings, ‘Sir Richard Meagh, -the Catholic Dean of Cork, and Captain William FitzJames -Barry were hanged, which actions, how justifiable soever by -arms, yet made a great noise and increased the animosities -between them, the clergy of both sides being therein concerned. -Hearing of Inchiquin’s raid, Castlehaven hurried to the relief -of Castlemartyr, but was delayed by a flood at Fermoy, -and when he passed the river met the late garrison. He -thought that 140 men with plenty of arms and provisions -ought to have made a better fight. He found the castle -burned, and having just failed to intercept part of the Youghal -garrison who retreated with their guns at his approach, -he seized Cloyne and Aghada and recaptured Rostellan after -a short struggle. Thomas Barham, Dean of Ross, was -hanged to match the other dean, and Inchiquin’s brother -Henry, ‘one of the most malicious of our enemies,’ would -have had the same fate, but that the officers preferred to -reserve him for special judgment by the King. This was -just before Naseby. Ballyhooly and Castle Lyons were also -taken, and at Conna Castlehaven made an example ‘by -putting to the sword some, and hanging the rest.’ He believed -that the siege of Youghal would ‘rather be a work of hours -than days,’ but there were plenty of men there, and the sea -was open. Broghill hurried off to England for help and to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> -place his wife and his sister, Lady Barrymore, with the young -Earl, in a place of safety.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Two -baronies -depopulated.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Fall of -Lismore.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Naseby -prisoners.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Siege of -Youghal.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Broghill -relieves -Youghal,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and -Castlehaven’s -army is -dispersed</div> - -<p>Castlehaven reported that he had cleared the baronies of -Imokilly and Barrymore completely both of people and -cattle. ‘I conceive in this I have done my Lord of Inchiquin -more mischief than in killing a thousand of his men,’ for this -source of supply was quite cut off. He hoped to take Youghal -and to besiege Cork before harvest, but this sanguine letter -was written two days after Naseby. Lismore was taken -at last after a gallant defence by Major Power, and the -garrison admitted to quarter. Templemichael capitulated, -Castlehaven undertaking the safe custody of the garrison to -Youghal, but Broghill complains that he kept them for a -fortnight and sent them in when nearly starved. The -general’s proceedings at Mogeely and Strancally were also -objected to, but both banks of the Blackwater from Mallow -to the sea were in his hands before the end of June. Several -hundreds of the King’s soldiers taken at Naseby were sent -to relieve Youghal, but the curious experiment was hardly -successful, for when provisions ran short they deserted. ‘I -could wish,’ writes a zealous Protestant, ‘no more might be -sent over. They are brutes, void of reason or understanding, -or they would never hasten so much to the herd of unclean -beasts.’ Some of them, however, might have taken the oath -of allegiance devised for the benefit of Protestant Royalists, -involving the independence of the Irish Parliament and co-operation -with ‘the Confederate Catholics (saving in the -freedom of religion).’ About the middle of July an Irish -vessel reached Nantes with the news that Youghal had fallen, -and that Castlehaven was on his way to Cork, but the wish -was father to the thought. Inchiquin sent some reinforcements -from Kinsale, but the <i>Duncannon</i> frigate with many -men was blown up in Youghal harbour during an artillery<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> -duel with one of the Confederate batteries. After this Youghal -was effectively blockaded on both sides of the river, but the -besiegers never came to close quarters. At the beginning -of October Preston came with his army, but finding that in -Munster he would be only second to Castlehaven, went back -in dudgeon to his own province, leaving the country, as -Bellings mildly puts it, ‘much offended at the unusual -liberty the soldiers assumed in his return.’ Youghal was no -longer in danger, having been relieved early in September by -Broghill, who brought over reinforcements from England. -Inchiquin also was able to send supplies from Cork and -Kinsale, and the Parliamentary Vice-Admiral Crowther -commanded the sea. After Preston left him, Castlehaven -attempted to take the great island in Cork harbour, which -was of the highest importance to Inchiquin. The bridge at -Belvelly appears not to have been then in being, and the -attempt to cross the narrow channel failed, both horses and -men sticking in the mud. After some indecisive skirmishing -in the direction of Blarney, Castlehaven returned to Youghal, -where he found his army dwindling away, and disheartened -by Preston’s desertion. Those who remained were dispersed -into winter quarters, and Youghal was left to itself. So far as -Munster is concerned, this failure may be called the turning -point of the war.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Three -presidents -of Connaught.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -and the -Scots.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Activity -of Coote</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Sligo -taken, -July 8</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Battle of -Sligo, -October 17.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Four days -later -Rinuccini -landed in -Kerry.</div> - -<p>While Castlehaven was in Munster the Scots threatened -Connaught, where there were now virtually three provincial -presidents—Lord Dillon of Costello for the King, Sir Charles -Coote for the Parliament, and Archbishop Queely for the -Kilkenny Confederacy. Ormonde steadfastly abstaining -from denouncing the Scots as rebels, for many who had taken -the Covenant were really Royalists, and those who had refused -it were still worse disposed to the Parliament, whose promises<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> -of help had not been kept. The hard treatment of the King -at Uxbridge and Montrose’s successes in Scotland had a great -effect in Ulster, and for a moment Ormonde thought it possible -to unite the English and Scots forces there under his own -banner. The officers of the British forces in Ulster—excluding -Monro and the new Scots—met at Antrim on May 17 and -agreed to receive commissioners from the Parliament. They -proposed, in spite of all the misery they had undergone, to -continue the war until the conclusion of a safe and honourable -peace by consent of King and Parliament, but, they significantly -added, they ‘called heaven and earth to witness -that it was not their fault, if they were forced to take any -other way whatever for their preservation and subsistence.’ -Five days before this Coote, who was in England, received -a commission as President of Connaught. He hurried over -to Ireland, and the presence of so resolute an officer with the -necessary authority soon changed the aspect of affairs. First -he entered his province at Ballinasloe and ravaged the -country almost up to Galway. His next thought was to take -Sligo, which was held by Teige O’Connor with a colonel’s -commission from the Confederates. Four thousand foot and -500 horse assembled at Augher in Tyrone on June 17, consisting -both of English and old Scots, and battering guns -were sent to Sligo by sea. At the instance of Clanricarde, -Ormonde gave a commission to Lord Taaffe, authorising him -to raise troops and resist all who invaded Connaught in -breach of the cessation, and Lord-President Dillon was -directed to use his services in the last resort; but the appointment -was ineffectual for the immediate purpose. Ten days -later cannon were brought to bear upon Sligo Castle, and -O’Connor surrendered. The town was defended a little -longer, but was carried by assault with great slaughter. The -Irish accounts say that men, women, and children were killed -after quarter had been promised, ‘so as never a man escaped -but two men and two women’; but these charges were generally -made by both sides during the war, and it is not always -possible to test them. The Sligo district was now at the mercy -of Sir Frederick Hamilton and his allies, but recruits flocked to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span> -Taaffe’s standard in considerable numbers, and he turned his -attention to Roscommon. Tulsk was taken by storm, and -Major Robert Ormsby, a redoubtable partisan of the Parliament, -was taken prisoner. Carrigdrumrusk and Boyle also -fell, and then Lord Taaffe was recalled to Dublin. The chief -authority in Connaught was for a short time in Archbishop -Queely’s hands, but Major Luke Taaffe appears to have commanded -the force which attempted to recover Sligo in October. -A priest is out of place at the head of any army, and probably -some of the evils attending a divided command were felt. At -all events a very bad look-out was kept. On October 17 a -cavalry detachment from Sir Robert Stewart’s army, under -Lord Coloony and another Coote, fell upon the Irish and put -them to flight. Sir Frederick Hamilton came up in time to -take part in the pursuit, and there was great slaughter. -Archbishop Queely was killed, and upon him was found the -copy of the Glamorgan treaty which played so important a -part.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -nuncio -Rinuccini.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His -instructions.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Curia -imperfectly -informed.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Scope of -the nuncio’s -mission</div> - -<p>Giovanni Battista Rinuccini was of a good old Florentine -family, and had been carefully educated. He was in his -fifty-third year, and had been Bishop of Fermo since 1625. -In 1631 he refused the archbishopric of Florence, telling the -Grand Duke Ferdinand II. that he was too much attached to -his flock to leave them. When the Irish Confederacy begged -for a regular nuncio, Luigi Omodei, afterwards a cardinal, -was first chosen, but passed over as a Spanish subject, whose -appointment might be disagreeable to France. This was the -reason given, and it seems sufficient, but according to Bellings -Rinuccini was preferred to please Ferdinand, and that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> -revenues of Fermo might be applied for a time in liquidation -of the bishop’s debts. He was given almost unlimited -ecclesiastical authority and patronage in Ireland, with power -to visit all monasteries and nunneries, even exempt jurisdictions, -and to settle disputes between the various orders. -He was directed to be chiefly guided by the advice of archbishop -Queely and Bishop Emer Macmahon, and he was to -establish the Tridentine decrees firmly. With regard to church -lands in lay hands, he was to use his own discretion, treating -each case on its merits, and giving grants or leases as he -thought best, but always with the proviso that a sufficient -part of the profits should be retained for the support of the -clergy. About ecclesiastical matters in Ireland the Roman -court was very well informed, Luke Wadding being at hand -to answer every question. But political affairs were less -well understood. Rinuccini was told, for instance, that the -Parliament had ‘bound themselves by a sacrilegious oath to -maintain and defend what they called the true reformed -Protestant religion against all Popish inventions and innovations, -and determined to extinguish every spark of the Catholic -religion, by extirpating all who adhered to that faith, not -only in England and Scotland, but even in Ireland. This -dreadful sentence came to the knowledge of the Irish at a time -when four thousand men were in arms, who had been levied -for the service of the King of Spain, but were then detained in -Ireland by order of the Parliament.’ The detention of the -troops was indeed one great cause of the outbreak in 1641, but -the men had been levied originally not for any foreign prince, -but to enable Charles and Strafford to crush the English -Parliament and their Scots allies. Parliament was undoubtedly -ready to oppress the Roman Catholics, but there is no evidence -of any intention to extirpate them. The friars persuaded the -people that this had been determined on, and the argument -was too convenient to be neglected. The main object of -Rinuccini’s mission was to ‘restore and re-establish the public -exercise of the Catholic religion in the island of Ireland, and -further to lead her people, if not as tributaries to the Holy See, -such as they were five centuries ago, to subject themselves<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> -to the mild yoke of the Pontiff, at least in all spiritual affairs—thus -to gain over souls innumerable to the glories of Paradise.’<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Opinion -held of -Ormonde.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Queen -distrusted,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">as well as -the King.</div> - -<p>The nuncio was informed that the cessation and its various -renewals had done no good, and that peace was unlikely -because Ormonde would ‘never yield save by force to the -wishes of the Catholics.’ The Lord Lieutenant’s Protestantism -was sincere, but in Rinuccini’s secret instruction a lingering -hope is expressed that he might be gained over, perhaps -through the Queen or ‘any particular predilection of which -advantage might be taken.’ He had one predilection, the -supremacy of the Crown in Church and State. The same -secret instructions declared that Henrietta Maria must be -kept out of Ireland, because Royalist heretics would flock -round her and make the Irish suspicious, and because queens -are expensive people to maintain. The Pope would give no -help to the faithful in England except on condition that all -disabilities affecting them should be taken away, the oath of -supremacy abolished, and no peace made until these concessions -were confirmed by Parliament. ‘To secure these conditions -all the fortresses in Ireland must be put into the hands -of English and Irish Catholics, because without some such -pledge, their Majesties’ promises can not be depended on.’ -No Irish army was to be landed in England if of less force -than 10,000 men, ‘who may be able to defend themselves -without danger of being cut to pieces by the English who -serve under the King ... the Irish Catholics are so hated -by the English Protestants that they would be in constant -danger of treachery, if marching with cavalry, commanded -by Protestant officers,’ and therefore the provision of a body -of English Catholic cavalry proportionate to the Irish infantry -was a condition precedent to the latter serving in England, -and there is much more of the same kind. Had Charles known -what ideas prevailed at Rome there would have been no -Glamorgan treaty, no royal letters to the Pope or nuncio, and -very probably no battle of Naseby.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">The -nuncio’s -journey to -Paris.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">French -parties.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Effects of -Naseby.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Attitude of -Mazarin -and -Henrietta -Maria.</div> - -<p>Rinuccini travelled by Florence and Genoa, where the -Doge’s attentions much delighted him, to Marseilles, and -thence by Lyons, where the cardinal archbishop was barely -civil, and he reached Paris at the end of the third week in -May. He had strict orders not to linger long in the French -capital, ‘lest the ill-affected should warn the Parliament of -the enterprise.’ They were not likely to be ignorant, for the -English merchants at Leghorn had plotted to intercept him -at sea between Genoa and Cannes. He carried with him the -golden rose, which was a dead secret, and he was ordered not -to deliver it to Anne of Austria unless he was sure that it -would be well received. There was some ill-feeling on account -of the Pope’s late refusal to make Mazarin’s brother a cardinal, -and this was increased by the mistake of a secretary who -infringed diplomatic usage by neglecting to inform the nuncio -at Paris of Rinuccini’s mission. The refusal to give up -Beaupuis, who was implicated in the conspiracy of the <i>Importants</i>, -and had been arrested at Rome at the French queen’s -instance, made matters worse, and Rinuccini soon determined -not to offer the rose, which would probably be refused under -the circumstances. The Irish flocked to the nuncio with -requests and advice, but the French were not enthusiastic. -The Duke of Orleans, indeed, and the Prince of Condé, were -friendly, the latter expressing the most extravagant devotion -to the Holy See, but Mazarin was merely smooth and cautious. -Jealousy of Spain was much more apparent in Court circles -than sympathy with Ireland, but the devout Duke of Ventadour -promoted a subscription of 100,000 crowns. After the -news of Naseby the French became cooler than ever, but -Henrietta Maria begged Rinuccini to bring about peace -between the Irish, saying that she was empowered to do this -by her husband. The persons trusted by her in the matter -were the Jesuit O’Hartegan, whom Charles considered a -knave; Bellings, who had reached Paris soon after the nuncio; -and the inevitable Jermyn. Scarampi in the meantime was -writing from Ireland that ‘the peace, if concluded, would be -fatal.’ Rinuccini’s long stay in France was so far favourable to -Scarampi’s views that the Confederates were unwilling to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> -conclude anything until he arrived, and in the meantime the -King’s necessities grew more pressing. ‘I have observed,’ -says the nuncio, ‘that many in France are anxious to assist -the King of England, but would rather it should be by the -help of others, and consequently they would greatly like he -should be aided by the Irish. Mazarin, who made some difficulty -about an audience, gave vague promises, but was very -cautious. Henrietta Maria offered to see Rinuccini privately, -but he declined anything short of an official reception. It is -perhaps true that she tried to prevent him from going to -Ireland, for Scarampi showed from her letters that she was -‘always ready to treat of peace without one word concerning -religion,’ and indeed it was quite impossible for her to act so as -to alienate Protestant Royalists. It was equally impossible -for her to please all parties.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Rinuccini -leaves -Paris.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -voyage to -Ireland.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -nuncio -lands in -Kerry, -October 11/21</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -journey to -Limerick.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Reception -at Kilkenny.</div> - -<p>Bellings, who is a very hostile witness, says Rinuccini -disliked the idea of Ireland, and tried to get himself appointed -nuncio to France instead of Monsignor dei Bagni, and Mazarin -seems to have been of the same opinion. However that may -be, it is certain that he lingered for more than three months -in Paris, and that he was severely reprimanded by the Pope -for doing so without showing a sufficient reason to vary his -original instructions on that point. At the date of that -reproof he had got as far as Tours on his way to the coast. -He succeeded in wringing 25,000 crowns from Mazarin, and -persuaded Bellings to go to Flanders in the hope of preventing -him from getting first to Ireland. O’Hartegan had letters in -his possession which showed that Charles was trying to use -the Irish for his own purposes, and had taken care that they -should be known in Ireland, his object being to prevent -any peace without extraordinary securities. Rinuccini sailed -at last from the island of Rhé, more than six months after -leaving Florence, accompanied by Bellings and about twenty -Italians, of whom the most remarkable was Massari, Dean of -Fermo. A nephew of the great Spinola, who soon died at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> -Kilkenny, was sent before to explain or excuse the delay. -There had been much difficulty about shipping, but the -frigate <i>San Pietro</i> was obtained with Mazarin’s money. The -cardinal said the French flag would protect all on board, but -this turned out not to be the case. Rinuccini carried with him -a considerable sum in specie and a large quantity of arms -purchased in France, a consignment of swords, pistols, and -muskets with 20,000 pounds of powder having preceded him -to Ireland. The total amount received from Rome and from -Mazarin was about 200,000 dollars, and of this nearly one-half -had been laid out in arms and other warlike material. At sea -the nuncio was chased first by an English squadron and -afterwards by Plunket, a notorious rover or pirate, who, -having become ‘a Puritan,’ was trusted by the English -Parliament. Superior speed averted the first danger, but -Plunket would have succeeded had not a fire broken out in -his galley. ‘The frigate,’ says Rinuccini, ‘was dedicated to -St. Peter, whose gilded image was placed at the poop ... -and truly I see the hand of the Saint in the miraculous issue -of this pursuit.’ In spite of this it was thought too dangerous -to approach Waterford, and after six days at sea the <i>San -Pietro</i> at last found shelter in Kenmare bay. The nuncio’s -first letters are dated from Ardtully, about four miles to the -eastward of Kenmare. ‘And here,’ he writes, ‘I may give -your Eminence another proof of the Divine providence -towards me in having discovered and touched land on -October 21 and 22, which seem to be consecrated to an -archbishop of Fermo, as on the 21st my Church celebrates -the feast of Saint Mabel, one of the 11,000 virgins, whose -head we have at Fermo, and whom we believe on no slight -grounds to have been of Irish birth; while on the 22nd we -also celebrate the martyrdom of St. Philip, Bishop of Fermo.... -My first lodging was in a shepherd’s hut, in which -animals also took shelter.’ The arms were temporarily stored -in Ardtully Castle, and to avoid Inchiquin, Rinuccini proceeded -by Macroom and Millstreet through the mountains to -Limerick. The ruggedness of the roads and the steepness -of the passes were, he says, indescribable, but the faithful<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> -flocked to meet him, and Ormonde’s brother Richard, specially -sent by the Supreme Council, was among those who escorted -him. At Limerick he found Scarampi, who had succeeded -in making the hitherto neutral city declare itself, and heard -of Archbishop Queely’s death. He reached Kilkenny on -November 12, and was received with much pomp, which he -evidently enjoyed. The Supreme Council held a special -sitting in the Castle, and the nuncio had a chair covered with -‘red damask enriched with gold and handsomer than the -president’s,’ but Mountgarret did not leave his place either at -the beginning or end of the ceremony. The arrangements -were made by Bellings, who would be sure to preserve the -dignity of the civil power.’<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Castlehaven’s summons to Cappoquin is dated April 14, 1645, -<i>Youghal Council Book</i>, 552. Mitchelstown fell May 7 or 8, <i>ib.</i> lii. Castlehaven’s -<i>Memoirs</i>, 54-56. For Castlehaven’s effort to make his soldiers -respect capitulations, see <i>ib.</i> 61. <i>Bellings</i>, iv. 8. Writing to the Parliament, -Broghill says Colonel ‘Ridgway, though drunk, killed nine men that -day with his own hand. His drunkenness was owing to two tumblers of -ryley ale, which he had from the Irish sutler’—Smith’s <i>Cork</i>, ed. Day, -ii. 88.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> Smith’s <i>Cork</i>, ed. Day, i. 289, ii. 87, where the Egmont MS. is cited; -<i>Bellings</i>, iv. 8-11; Castlehaven’s <i>Memoirs</i>, pp. 58-60; Castlehaven to the -Supreme Council, June 17, 1645, in <i>Confederation and War</i>, ii. 281-4. Lady -Broghill was Lady Margaret Howard, daughter of the second Earl of -Suffolk, and is supposed to have been the heroine of Suckling’s delightful -lines, ‘I tell thee, Dick, where I have been,’ &c.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Rinuccini, <i>Embassy</i>, p. 45; Broghill’s <i>Letter-book</i>, Additional MS. 25, -287; <i>Bellings</i>, iv. 11-16; Castlehaven to the Supreme Council, June 17, -1675, in <i>Confederation and War</i>, iv. 281. As to the bad relations between -Preston and Castlehaven, Bellings agrees with the <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, -i. 196: ‘Two generals with unsubordinate power in one and the same army, -neither obeying the other, or either said by a council of war.’ <i>Youghal -Council Book</i>, lii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, i. 54; <i>Confederation and War</i>, iv. 353; <i>Bellings</i>, -iv. 16; <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, i. 93. The authorities are collected in the -two modern histories of Sligo by Archdeacon O’Rorke and Colonel Wood-Martin. -Scarampi wrote: ‘Posteaquam se pactis dediderant, occiderunt -barbare præsidium nostrum circa ducentorum militum necnon omnes -pueros et mulieres’—<i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, i. 293. The Irish Cabinet -containing the captured papers is in Husband’s <i>Collection</i>, p. 782, reprinted -in <i>Harl. Misc.</i> v. 485, and in <i>Somers Tracts</i>, v. 542. <i>Good News from Ireland</i>, -communicated to Parliament, January 12, 1645-6, and printed by authority, -January 15. As to Coote’s first movements, Clanricarde to Ormonde, -May 6, <i>Carte MSS.</i> vol. lxiii. f. 443.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Papal brief of March 15, 1645 (Latin), in <i>Embassy in Ireland</i>, xiii. -Instructions to Rinuccini, <i>ib.</i> xxvii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Secret Instructions to Rinuccini in <i>Embassy</i>, li.; Memoranda for him, -<i>ib.</i> lvii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> <i>Embassy in Ireland</i>, pp. 8-52, particularly Rinuccini’s letters of -August 4 and 11; Scarampi’s letter of May 8, <i>ib.</i> 553; and of July 14, in -<i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, i. 292; <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, i. 91.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Rinuccini’s <i>Embassy</i>, p. 90; <i>Bellings</i>, iv. 5-7. See also the translation -of a paper preserved at Rome, reprinted in appendix to Meehan’s <i>Confederation</i>, -from the <i>Dublin Review</i> for 1845.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXVII" id="CHAPTER_XXVII">CHAPTER XXVII</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE ORMONDE PEACE, 1646</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Glamorgan -and the -nuncio.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Digby in -Dublin.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Rinuccini -and the -Confederates -not in -accord.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Attitude of -Henrietta -Maria.</div> - -<p>While at Rochelle waiting for his ship, Rinuccini had seen -Geoffrey Baron, treasurer of the Confederation, who told him -that no peace had yet been made in Ireland, and who brought -a letter from Glamorgan. Baron, ‘a cavalier of excellent -countenance and very affable manner,’ was on his way to -Paris to succeed O’Hartegan, who seems to have returned -to Ireland a little later. Glamorgan returned from Dublin -to Kilkenny one week after the nuncio’s arrival, and in due -course delivered the King’s letter to him. Of that to the -Pope he only showed the address, but he disclosed the contents -of two ‘patents in which the King gives him secret but -full powers to conclude a peace with the Irish, on whatever -terms he thinks advisable.’ In the meantime Lord Digby, -who bore the now empty title of principal secretary of state, -had arrived in Dublin. It was characteristic of Charles’s -diplomacy that his English minister was even more ignorant -of Glamorgan’s business than his Irish viceroy. Glamorgan -was sanguine that the nuncio would agree to everything -required; but Ormonde calls him ‘the Italian bishop,’ and -an ‘unbidden guest,’ which he would not have done had he -known of the King’s letter to him. Rinuccini found that -the majority of the Confederates were inclined to accept -Ormonde’s political articles, and to leave the religious -question for later consideration. Noblemen and lawyers -saw plainly enough that the King could not grant what would -satisfy the Pope without making his position in England -hopeless, and they wished to save their properties with the -hope of later concessions in church matters. The certain -ruin of the royal cause was the worst thing that could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> -happen, for from the Parliament nothing but evil was to be -expected. Some, says Rinuccini, ‘audaciously declare that -the Catholic interest could not fail to prosper under the -government of a nobleman so warmly attached to the cause -of Ireland as the Marquis of Ormonde; others are not ashamed -to say that it is sufficient to perform the Catholic service in -secret, provided it can be done in safety, and that to expect -more than this from the King, restricted as he is at the present -moment in his liberty, would be open injustice; and finally, -that it is not lawful to contend with him in this cause. No -one holds forth more loudly in favour of this doctrine than -that priest Leyburn sent here six months ago by the Queen, -and whose words almost amount to sedition.’ Leyburn’s -mission was known and feared at Rome, where it was well -understood that Henrietta Maria was willing to make peace -‘without one word concerning religion,’ and considered ‘the -whole well-being of the Catholics to depend on peace with -the Protestants.’ A still greater obstacle to peace on -Rinuccini’s terms was the personal popularity of Ormonde, -and the fact that the Council ‘were mostly relations, friends, -clients, or dependants of his house.’<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Arrest of -Glamorgan.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Examination -of -Glamorgan.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His -answer.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Irish -Government -horror-struck.</div> - -<p>A copy of the Glamorgan treaty came into Ormonde’s -hands, and was shown to Digby, who was in Dublin before -the end of November. Glamorgan himself reached the Irish -capital on Christmas Eve, and on St. Stephen’s Day he was -arrested at Digby’s instance, and closely confined to the -Castle, ‘yet with needful attendance and accommodation,’ -and not as Rinuccini heard, ‘without even a servant left to -attend him.’ The prisoner being brought before the Council, -Digby produced copies of the treaty, of the ‘pretended -authority’ of March 12, 1644-5, and of the oath taken by -Glamorgan. The King complained at this time that Ormonde -had been long without writing, the fact probably being that -he knew just enough to make him cautious and not enough<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> -to enable him to advise. The fatal papers were read to the -Irish Council, Digby declaring that the commission was either -forged or obtained by fraud, or at the very least limited by -other instructions. It was ‘destructive both to his regality -and religion,’ and such as the King would never grant to save -his Crown or life, or the lives of his wife and children. Next -day Glamorgan was examined on interrogatories, framed so -as to shield Charles while accumulating blame upon his agent. -It was not sought to prove that he had forged the King’s -commissions of January 12 and March 12, for probably both -Ormonde and Digby knew in their hearts that they were -genuine, though they had not seen them before the conclusion -of the treaty. The fourth interrogatory was as follows: ‘Did -your lordship grant, conclude, and agree, on the behalf of -his Majesty, his heirs and successors ... that the Roman -Catholic clergy of Ireland should and might from thenceforth -for ever hold and enjoy all and every such lands, tenements, -tithes, and hereditaments whatsoever by them respectively -enjoyed within this kingdom, or by them possessed at any -time since October 23, 1641, and all other such lands, tenements, -tithes, and hereditaments belonging to the clergy -within this kingdom, other than such as are now actually -enjoyed by his Majesty’s Protestant clergy?’ In reply -Glamorgan acknowledged the words of the treaty, while considering -them ‘not obligatory to his Majesty.’ He was afterwards -allowed to add the words ‘and yet without any just -blemish of my honour, my honesty, or my conscience.’ At -the end of four days Glamorgan was released from close -imprisonment, but confined to the walls of the Castle for more -than three weeks longer. In reporting to the King the Lord -Lieutenant and Council confess that they were ‘stricken with -most wonderful horror and astonishment to find so sacred a -majesty so highly scandalled and dishonoured.’ And, said -Ormonde for himself, ‘it is manifest that the retarding of the -peace is no way on the part of me the Lieutenant, but ought -rather to be attributed to that underhand dealing of the said -Earl, whereby that party have been encouraged to hope for -such concessions as they themselves had before receded from,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> -as wanting confidence to insist on matters so unreasonable.’ -It was pointed out that Glamorgan had mis-recited the -commission authorising Ormonde to treat for peace, that he -had acknowledged Mountgarret’s ‘usurped style and title’ -as Lord President of the Supreme Council, and that ‘he had -strangely misinterpreted the facts of the case when he -discerned the alacrity and cheerfulness of the said Catholics -to embrace honourable conditions of peace.’ They had shown -their loyalty by ‘entertaining a nuncio from the Pope,’ and -at the same time negotiating with a messenger from the -King of Spain, ‘and how comely it is that such treaty with -foreigners should be held at the same time that they are in -treaty with his Majesty’s commissioners we humbly submit -to his Majesty’s high wisdom.’<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles -repudiates -Glamorgan.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Negotiations -for -peace interrupted.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Glamorgan -released -on bail.</div> - -<p>As soon as Charles heard of the proceedings in Dublin, -he proceeded characteristically to repudiate Glamorgan, to -whom, he said, he had given a commission to raise and -employ troops, ‘and to that purpose only.’ All his other -doings were without warrant, and ‘framed of his own head.’ -For himself the King was quite ready to go to London and to -confer with the two Houses on the basis of making no peace -in Ireland without their consent. Failing such a conference, -Ormonde was to make a treaty which would preserve the -Irish Protestants and the Crown, without being derogatory -to the King’s honour and public professions. With chivalrous -loyalty, which cannot be too much commended, Glamorgan -kept silence under this undeserved rebuke. He had already -shown Ormonde the original and given him an attested copy -of a document which was probably the patent of April 1, -1644, strictly charging him to keep it secret. It might be -useful to the Lord Lieutenant for his ‘future warrantry to -his Majesty,’ but publication would not be for the King’s -service. Ormonde sent a copy of this paper to the King, -describing it as ‘of an extraordinary nature and way of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span> -penning,’ but expressing no doubts of its genuineness. The -Supreme Council at Kilkenny said negotiations could not go -on nor Chester be relieved until ‘a nobleman, so highly -esteemed by the nation, and chosen general of that army -by the unanimous vote of the Confederate Catholics, were -released.’ To Ormonde Charles averred ‘on the word of a -Christian’ that he never intended Glamorgan to do anything -without his approbation. A prosecution of the Earl was -necessary to clear his Majesty’s honour, but he had been -actuated by mistaken zeal. The King was quite satisfied -with the Lord Lieutenant, and begged him not to sentence -Glamorgan, unless he found it too dangerous not to do so. -Glamorgan was liberated after nearly a month’s detention, -but bound to appear within thirty days after summons, bail -being given for 40,000<i>l.</i>, half on his own part and half on that -of the Earls of Clanricarde and Kildare. Both the sureties -had houses in Dame Street, where service was declared good. -Glamorgan went back to Kilkenny, entering the town late -‘to avoid the vanity’ of popular demonstrations in his -favour, and Rinuccini was rather sorry to see him, because -his return removed one obstacle to the conclusion of peace. -The interest of Rome was to continue the war, and the nuncio -pleaded hard for delay, at least until the articles came to -which the Pope had agreed.<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Mission -of Sir -Kenelm -Digby.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Queen’s -religion.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -broken -reed to be -sacrificed.</div> - -<p>In the spring of 1645 Henrietta Maria sent Sir Kenelm -Digby to Rome. The choice of this fantastic genius was -not a happy one, and the cool-headed Italians soon found -that he was not a serious diplomatist. He could show no -authority from the King, and that derived from an exiled -Queen, who was hated in England and not much loved in -Ireland, hardly afforded security enough. He received an -order for 20,000 Roman crowns to be laid out in munitions -of war, and carried with him articles to which he undertook -to get the royal consent. He left Rome in December for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span> -Paris, where he was to see the Queen. After that he proposed -to visit the King in England and the nuncio in Ireland. He -was at Nantes at the end of January and on the point of -sailing for Ireland, but returned to Paris instead, whence he -made his way back to Rome a few months later. ‘Let him -say what he will,’ wrote Bonaventure Barron to Wadding, -‘this is certainly true that excepting going to mass, the Queen -has no other religion than the Lord Jermyn’s, and that both -are all agreeing in this, that while there is any hope of relieving -the King by a Protestant, a Catholic shall never be -admitted to his succour, and while they think the Scots can -do it, the Irish shall never be admitted to a communication -in the work, much less to any good conditions for our nation, -which is equally hated by the King, Parliament, Scots, Queen, -and Jermyn.’ This was written in May, after Charles had -left Oxford on that sad journey which ended in the Scotch -camp, but the learned Franciscan was well informed, and had -perhaps seen some of the letters received by the Queen. In -January the King had told his wife that Ireland ‘must at all -times be sacrificed to save the crown of England, Montreuil -assuring me that France, rather than fail, will assist me in -satisfying the Scots’ arrears.’ His later letters to her are in -the same spirit, and with some reason from his own point of -view, he declares the Irish wanting in generosity. Colepepper -about the same time pronounced Ireland to be a broken -reed, and the same simile was applied at Rome to the -heretics upon whom King and Queen alike were disposed to -lean.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Sir -Kenelm -Digby’s -treaty.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Protestants -to be -excluded -from office.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">An Irish -invasion of -England.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -nuncio -throws -over Glamorgan,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">who gives -up his -treaty.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde’s -reflections -on the -business.</div> - -<p>A copy of the articles agreed to with Digby was sent to -Rinuccini early in November 1645, and reached him in due -course. This paper was unsigned, and differed in some<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span> -respects from the formally authenticated version entrusted -to Sir Kenelm himself, but the main points were the same. -Seven articles applied to Ireland, and by them the King was -required to grant the free and public exercise of the Roman -Catholic religion, and to restore the hierarchy, with all churches -and church property. The abbey lands ‘pretended’ to have -been confirmed to lay grantees by Cardinal Pole were to be -left to a free Parliament, and so were the bishoprics in the -King’s hands. All penal laws passed since ‘the defection of -Henry VIII.’ were to be first abrogated by the King and then -repealed by a free Irish Parliament, ‘independent of that -of England.’ The viceroy and all the chief placeholders were -to be Catholics, and all towns, including Dublin, to be placed -in Catholic hands, and the King was to join his forces with -those of the Confederate Catholics so as to drive the Scots -and the Parliamentarians out of Ireland. When the King had -done these things, ‘and whatever else Monsignor Rinuccini -may add to or alter in these articles,’ the Pope would give -the Queen 100,000 Roman crowns. In England all penal -laws were to be repealed and all disabilities removed, and -the kingdom was to be invaded by 12,000 infantry under -Irish chiefs, who were to be assisted by at least 2,500 English -cavalry with Catholic officers. As soon as a landing and -junction had been effected the Pope was to pay his money -in twelve monthly instalments, a like sum to be paid in the -second and third year if circumstances justified it. By an -article added afterwards six months were given for the -ratification of the Irish articles, and ten for the English, -‘after which his Holiness will not be bound by his present -promise.’ Rinuccini received this document in February while -the General Assembly was sitting at Kilkenny. Glamorgan, -not without some wry faces and much to the disgust of -his friends, at once agreed to abandon his own treaty and -to adopt Sir Kenelm Digby’s. It was an excuse for delay -that the original had not yet come to hand, and that was the -nuncio’s main object. Glamorgan was reminded that he had -exceeded his instructions, that he had talked at Dublin about -what he had orders to keep secret, that he had spoken of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> -using an Irish army to force the King’s hand, and in short -that he could only cast off his load of responsibility by submitting -to the Pope. It was evident that he could do -nothing by himself, and that his promises had melted into -air, ‘Lord Digby having declared that the Protestants would -rather throw the King out of window than permit his Majesty -to confirm them.’ Speaking in the assembly Rinuccini said -that Glamorgan’s treaty was worthless because its confirmation -depended on the will of another, and that the Roman -treaty was every way preferable. Both were really waste -paper, and everyone at Kilkenny knew it except the clergy -and the clericals. Ormonde reminded Glamorgan that the -chief object of the peace was to relieve Chester, and that could -not be done unless troops were sent at once. To this the poor -man answered that the Queen’s powerful hand effaced the -‘clandestine hopes’ of his own endeavours. A burnt child, -he said, dreads the fire, and he would most willingly leave -treaty-making to the Lord Lieutenant, who could not as -‘a great and public minister of State and real Protestant’ -appear publicly, but who might give a hint to his friends at -Kilkenny to deal with the nuncio. For himself he proposed -to raise 100,000<i>l.</i> in Catholic countries, which was impossible -if the Pope were ‘irritated,’ or the nuncio ‘disgusted.’ -Rinuccini, he added, had agreed to let 3000 men go at once -for the relief of Chester, and he believed shipping could be -readily had. When this was written Chester had fallen, -and a rumour had reached Ormonde when he penned an -answer in his best manner. ‘My Lord,’ he said, ‘my affections -and interests are so tied to his Majesty’s cause that it -were madness in me to disgust any man that hath power and -inclination to relieve him, in the sad condition he is in, and -therefore your Lordship may securely go on in the ways you -have proposed to yourself to serve the King without fear of -interruption from me, or so much as inquiring into the means -you work by.’ For himself he had a commission to treat with -the Confederates, and he intended to do so without venturing -‘upon any new negotiation foreign to the powers he had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> -received.’ In the meantime the proposed succours were -likely to be too late.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Glamorgan’s -oath of -fealty.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Conclusion -of peace.</div> - -<p>Glamorgan was not satisfied with abandoning as worthless -the treaty which had cost him so much, he must needs swear -fealty to the nuncio in terms such as perhaps no other English -layman has ever used. ‘I swear,’ he wrote, ‘to obey all -your commands readily without reluctance and with a joyful -mind. I make this perpetual protestation on my bended -knees to your most illustrious and reverend lordship, not only -as the Pope’s minister but also as a remarkable personage, -and as witnesses of the purity of my intentions I invoke -the Blessed Virgin and all the Saints of Paradise.’ The -result of this alliance was the consent of the Supreme Council -to prolong the cessation till May 1, so as to give time for the -arrival of Sir Kenelm Digby’s original articles. Neither -Digby nor the documents ever reached Ireland, for the Queen -did not choose that they should, and peace was concluded -with Ormonde on March 28, on the understanding that -the terms were not to be divulged until May 1, Rinuccini -failing to get a further postponement. ‘I command you,’ -Charles had written, ‘to conclude a peace with the Irish, -whatever it cost; so that my Protestant subjects there may -be secure, and my regal authority preserved. But for all -this, you are to make the best bargain you can, and not to -discover your enlargement of power till you needs must.’ -This was early in 1645. Six months later, after Naseby, -the King ‘absolutely and without reply,’ commanded -Ormonde to make the peace, with the consent of his Council -if possible, but to make it anyhow. The contracting parties -were Ormonde alone on the King’s part and the following -commissioners for the Confederate Catholics: Ormonde’s -uncle, Viscount Mountgarret, and his brother-in-law, Viscount -Muskerry, Sir Robert Talbot, Tyrconnel’s eldest brother;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span> -Colonel Dermot O’Brien; Patrick Darcy of Plattin; Geoffrey -Brown and John Dillon, two lawyers who were designated -as future judges. The conditions of a peace which was no -peace might seem hardly worth dwelling on, but that they -mark clearly the furthest point to which Charles would openly, -if not altogether willingly, go in his dealings with the Irish -Roman Catholics. A few weeks after the peace was signed, -and before it was published, he ceased to be a free agent, and -the desperate expedients of a prisoner scarcely count. The -articles occupy twenty-two printed pages, but the principal -points may be clearly brought out in a short abstract.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Summary -of the -articles.</div> - -<p>1. The oath of supremacy to be abolished, so far as concerns -Roman Catholics, in the next Irish Parliament; and an -oath of allegiance substituted. All statutory penalties and -disabilities to be repealed by the same Act. ‘That his -Majesty’s said Roman Catholic subjects be referred to his -Majesty’s gracious favour and further concessions.’</p> - -<p>2. An Irish Parliament to be held before November 30, -when all the articles were to be performed by law, the King -undertaking to make no alterations under Poynings’ Act.</p> - -<p>3. All legal acts done against Roman Catholics since -August 7, 1641, to be vacated. Debts to remain as they -stood before the outbreak.</p> - -<p>6. Titles to land to be confirmed under the graces of 1628.</p> - -<p>7. All educational disabilities affecting Roman Catholics -to be removed.</p> - -<p>8. All offices, civil and military, to be open to Roman -Catholics.</p> - -<p>9. The Court of Wards to be abolished on payment of -12,000<i>l.</i></p> - -<p>10, 11. Peers without estates in Ireland to have no votes. -Irish Parliament to be as independent as it ever had been.</p> - -<p>12. Titles to land to be decided by law and not by the -Council.</p> - -<p>13. Acts in restraint of trade to be repealed.</p> - -<p>14. Viceroys to hold for a limited term of years and not -to acquire estates.</p> - -<p>15. An Act of oblivion for all offences civil and criminal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> -since October 23, 1641, with some exceptions to be hereafter -specified.</p> - -<p>16. Officials and judges to have no interest in the revenue.</p> - -<p>17. Monopolies abolished.</p> - -<p>18. To regulate the court of Castle-chamber.</p> - -<p>19. ‘That two Acts lately passed in this kingdom, prohibiting -the ploughing with horses by the tail, and the other -prohibiting the burning of oats in the straw, be repealed.’</p> - -<p>20. Breakers of the cessation or of this peace to be -punished.</p> - -<p>21, 22. Simplification of legal remedies.</p> - -<p>23, 24. Quit-rents increased by Strafford to be reduced -again.</p> - -<p>25. Commissioners named to raise and transport to -England 10,000 men for the King’s service, and to collect -overdue taxes.</p> - -<p>26, 27. Commissioners named to appoint to judicial -offices until Parliament meets, but without power to decide -questions of title, and no other judges to have power within -the Confederate quarters.</p> - -<p>28. The <i>status quo</i> as to garrisons.</p> - -<p>29. Further details as to taxation.</p> - -<p>30. The judicial commissioners to have jurisdiction in -every case, including murder, arising since September 15, -1643.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Delay -fatal to -Charles.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Digby -repulsed -from -Scilly.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -nuncio’s -opinion of -Charles I.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Glamorgan’s -forlorn -condition.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The peace -proclaimed -at Dublin, -July 30, -1646.</div> - -<p>These articles when duly executed were placed in Clanricarde’s -hands, to be kept secret until such time after May 1 -as Ormonde might choose for their publication. Before that -day the Parliamentary fleets had begun their summer cruises -and the sea was entirely at their mercy. Chester having -fallen, it was almost out of the question to land men in Wales.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> -Six thousand of the promised troops were ready, and orders -were given for levying the remainder, but shipping could not -be provided, and there was no money either at Dublin or -Kilkenny. The attempt to put down the English people -with Irish troops failed as it had failed in the days of Strafford, -and as it was destined to fail in the days of Tyrconnel. In -the meantime Lord Digby found a plan of his own for bringing -the Prince of Wales to Ireland and rallying round him there -all the forces opposed to the Parliament. Rinuccini dreaded -the success of this scheme, but it was not he who prevented it. -Digby sailed with two small frigates and 300 men to Scilly, -where the Prince remained from March 4 to April 16, but did -not get there till after the latter date. ‘The men of the -island,’ wrote Plunket to Ormonde, ‘put themselves in arms -and loudly cried that no Irish rebels should land there, the -Lord Digby thereupon parted thence with one frigate, and -one hundred of the men to Guernsey or Jersey.’ The other -frigate with the remaining men returned to Waterford. -According to Daniel O’Neill, the King’s principal secretary -was ‘drunk nine days out of ten with white wine’ during the -preparation of his little expedition, which may have had -something to do with its being late. The Confederates -depended on Glamorgan’s treaty for relief to their religion -further than that promised by Ormonde. It was true that -both sets of articles depended really upon the King’s word -and upon his ability to keep it, but as professed Royalists -they could not reject the first nor assume the permanent -absence of the second. Rinuccini, who had no duties except -to the Church, very rightly held that Charles’s word was -worth nothing, and it was evident to him that if the royal -power was destroyed in England it could not long survive -in Ireland without foreign help. The King had justified -the nuncio’s opinion by repudiating Glamorgan, and when this -was known at Kilkenny he lost all credit, ‘with the merchants -in particular, so that he really had not enough to live -upon.’ He spoke to the French agent Dumoulin about leading -the troops intended for England into Louis XIV.’s service, -but there was no chance of that being allowed. The nunci<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span>o’s -position was strengthened by a royal letter to Ormonde written -from Newcastle under Scotch influence. ‘We think fit,’ -the King said, ‘to require you to proceed no further in treaty -with the rebels nor to engage us upon conditions with them -after sight hereof’; the alleged motive being anxiety for the -safety of the Irish Protestants. This came to Ormonde’s -hands three months after the signature of the Dublin peace. -A very few days later Digby returned from France, where a -letter had been received from the King in which he declared -that he was no longer free, and that Ormonde was to proceed -as before. Digby accordingly publicly declared the Newcastle -letter to be a forgery or written under duress. This -satisfied the Council, and the peace was proclaimed in Dublin -on July 30. On August 3 the Supreme Council at Kilkenny -followed suit. ‘We require,’ they wrote, ‘the above proclamation -to be printed, and do order and require the -same to be published, and due obedience to be given thereunto -by all the Confederate Catholics of Ireland.’<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Siege of -Bunratty, -March-July, -1646.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The castle -in its -grandeur</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Fight at -Sixmilebridge, -April 1.</div> - -<p>Barnabas O’Brien, sixth Earl of Thomond, had endeavoured -to stand neutral during the early years of the war, -and to live quietly in Clare. As a Protestant his natural -leaning was to Ormonde, who could not protect him; and -in October 1644 the Kilkenny assembly, treating neutrals -as enemies, ordered his tenants to pay no rent, and took -steps to sequestrate his vast estates for the benefit of the -Confederacy. Finding his position intolerable, Thomond -surrendered Bunratty to the Parliament in March 1646, and -soon went himself to England. A Parliamentary fleet under -Penn lay in the Shannon, and there was no difficulty about -putting a garrison of 700 men under Colonel MacAdam into -Bunratty Castle, which lies upon the estuary of the Ogarney -river. It is now the most melancholy of ruins; but Rinuccini, -who beheld it in its days of grandeur, thought it the finest -thing he had ever seen, and Bellings’s description bears him<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> -out. ‘It is,’ he says, ‘a noble structure, reputed strong -when engines of battery were not so frequent, and before -time and experience had brought the art of taking in places -to perfection. On the south it hath the river of the Shannon, -distant from it about a mile of marsh and meadow ground. -On the east it is washed by the river which falling to the -Shannon at the end of a goodly plain, ebbs and flows with it. -To the north at some distance from the castle it is environed -with an eminent ridge of earth, which bounds a goodly park, -save that it wanted the ornament of timber trees; it was -then stored with the largest deer in the kingdom.’ Glamorgan, -who was now entirely in the nuncio’s hands, went to Limerick -and busied himself about preparations for the recovery of -Bunratty; but the garrison were at first successful. A party -of Irish, consisting of 120 horse and 300 foot, came from Sixmilebridge -and burned a few houses, but were routed by a -sally and lost eighty men, their commander, Captain Magrath, -and his lieutenant, being taken prisoners. In the afternoon of -the same day the victors, amounting to fifty horse and 600 -foot, went to Sixmilebridge and attacked the Irish camp. -About 1400 men were strongly entrenched there, but were -driven out and took to the woods. A few were slain, but -a more important success was the capture of 250 barrels of -meal, which supplied the garrison of Bunratty with bread for -six weeks. Next day they went as far as Ballyquin, where -the Irish had first encamped, burned a large store of corn, -and returned with some plunder to Bunratty. Magrath -and his subaltern both died of their wounds and were buried -with military honours.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Muskerry -presses -the siege.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Rinuccini -joins the -besiegers.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Bunratty -capitulates, -July 14.</div> - -<p>It was not till the middle of May that the Irish began to -press the siege by taking the outlying castles of Cappagh and -Rossmanagher. The works of Bunratty itself were strengthened -by the labour and skill of the sailors, but it became -difficult to supply the garrison with food and ammunition. -The besiegers encamped in the park, where the underwood -supplied material for gabions and fascines, and ate the deer, -which they roasted with the dry wood of the palings. Muskerry -arrived at the end of the month, and after that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> -siege became closer. Letters were received from Broghill, -but no relief came. Rinuccini came to Limerick about the -middle of May, where he had the satisfaction of superintending -the rejoicings for Benburb, but he found that the siege of -Bunratty was likely to be raised for want of money to pay the -soldiers. There were frequent sallies from the garrison, but -nothing decisive on either side. The nuncio went himself -to the camp at the end of June with all that remained of the -Pope’s money, to which he added some of his own, and the -attack was after that pressed with more vigour. Colonel -MacAdam was killed by a stray round shot which came in at -a window, and his loss proved fatal to the defence. Eighteen -bags of money and some of Thomond’s plate had been guarded -by the commandant; but this treasure was now divided -among themselves by the officers who found it, in spite of -Penn’s remonstrances. When Muskerry’s men succeeded -in getting heavy guns down to the shore where the action -of the defenders was weak, ships could no longer lie near, -and want of provisions soon became felt. On July 14 the -garrison capitulated, and were carried off in Penn’s boats. -Rinuccini was satisfied that his presence and assistance -during the siege would cause ‘the people to recognise it as -an apostolic undertaking,’ and a <i>Te Deum</i> was sung in the -cathedral, where ten captured colours were displayed.<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Battle of -Benburb, -June 5, -1646.</div> - -<p>While Rinuccini was at Limerick, and before Bunratty -was taken, O’Neill gained his great victory at Benburb. -The tidings were peculiarly grateful to the nuncio, in that -success was entirely due to the Ulster Irish, and in no sense -to the Supreme Council or to any who favoured Ormonde’s -peace. And, moreover, the efficiency of O’Neill’s army -was mainly due to the Pope’s money, brought over and distributed -by Rinuccini himself.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Monro -plans an -attack on -Kilkenny.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Over-confidence -of -the Scots.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Owen -Roe’s -speech.</div> - -<p>In the early summer of 1646 the Confederacy was so -weakened by internal dissensions that Monro thought it -possible to take Kilkenny. It was arranged that Sir Robert<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> -Stewart’s army should enter Connaught while he engaged -O’Neill. In the event of both attacks being successful, he -could then march southwards without any great probability -of meeting an enemy that could stop him. He had 3400 foot -‘effective under arms,’ with eleven troops of horse and six -field pieces. Campbell of Auchinbreck was left in command -at Carrickfergus. The general’s nephew, Colonel George -Monro, was to join him at Glaslough in Monaghan, bringing -240 musketeers and three troops of horse from Coleraine. -Monro left the neighbourhood of Belfast on June 2, and spent -the night of the 3rd at or near Dromore. On the following -morning he detached a troop of horse, under Daniel Monro, -with orders to cross the Blackwater at Benburb and meet his -namesake at Dungannon. At Armagh Daniel learned from a -prisoner that O’Neill was concentrating his forces at Benburb, -and the fear lest George Monro should be cut off probably -accounts for the Scottish general’s subsequent proceedings. -The army spent the night of the 4th at Hamilton’s Bawn, -and in the morning Monro went through Armagh to view the -bridges and ford at Benburb. Both are commanded by high -rocks crowned by Shane O’Neill’s castle, and it was impossible -to attempt the passage in front of the Irish army. Monro -then marched to Caledon, where he crossed the Blackwater, -doubled back on the left bank, and faced the enemy late in -the afternoon. After the long march it would have been -prudent to halt till the morning; and, moreover, sun and -wind were in the eyes of the Scots, but they were overconfident -of victory. ‘All our army,’ says Monro, ‘foot and -horse, did earnestly covet fighting, which was impossible for -me to gainstand without being reproached of cowardice.’ -Sir James Turner, however, declared that his greatest fault -as a general was a tendency to underrate his enemy. O’Neill -had with him about 5000 men, including 500 horse, ‘such as -they were,’ and took up a position on hilly ground to the west -of Benburb. He detached the greater portion of his mounted -men to intercept George Monro, but they scarcely did more -than neutralise that skilful leader. The two armies met at -Drumflugh, between the Oona brook and Benburb. O’Neill<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> -made a short speech to his men, reminding them that they -were the ancient inhabitants of Ulster, professing the same -faith as those who first brought Christianity into Ireland. -‘You have arms in your hands,’ he said, ‘you are as numerous -as they are; and now try your valour and your strength on -those that have banished you and now resolve to destroy -you bud and branch. So let your manhood be seen by your -push of pike; and I will engage, if you do so, by God’s -assistance and the intercession of His blessed mother and all -the holy saints in heaven, that the day will be your own. -Your word is <i>Sancta Maria</i>; and so, in the name of the Father, -Son, and Holy Ghost, advance, and give not fire till you are -within picket-length.’<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Scots -completely -defeated,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">with great -slaughter.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Monro’s -apology.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">An old -soldier’s -comments.</div> - -<p>The battle did not begin till about six in the evening, -by which time the sun was well in the eyes of the Scots. The -wind was also against them, and there were clouds of dust -and smoke. Monro’s guns were placed on high ground, but -they did little damage, the round shot going over the heads of -O’Neill’s men as they descended into the plain, which was -full of bushes and scrubby timber. Monro’s front was too -narrow, and there were no proper intervals for his rear divisions -to come out in front. So learned a general might have -remembered something about the Roman maniples. Overcrowding -resulted in confusion, and this was increased by a -squadron of his own cavalry, ‘consisting,’ as he says, ‘for the -most part of Irish riders, although under the English command, -who did not charge, but retreated disorderly through -our foot, making the enemies’ horse for to follow them at -least one squadron.’ He thought they were at least half -traitors. The foot fought on bravely till sunset, when they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> -broke and fled. The majority sought the neighbouring ford -of the Blackwater, where Battleford Bridge now is, and the -slaughter there was frightful. Sir Phelim O’Neill, who commanded -the horse, specially charged his men to take no -prisoners and to give no quarter. Others fled towards -Caledon, and many of them were drowned in Knocknacloy -Lake. Of those who crossed the river a large number were -killed in passing through the county of Armagh. Most of -the horse escaped with Monro, who acknowledges a loss of -500 or 600 men; but the Irish accounts say that from 3000 -to 4000 bodies were counted. A long train of carts followed -the army, so that many camp-followers were probably -killed, and the truth is likely to be somewhere between the -two extremes. The Irish slain were under forty, and the -wounded under 250. George Monro got back to Coleraine -without the loss of a man. Monro’s wig, cloak, sword, and -cap fell into the victor’s hands with thirty-two colours and -the standard of the cavalry. Even those who escaped for -the most part threw away their arms, which enabled O’Neill -to enrol fresh men. Lord Blayney, who commanded the -artillery, was killed, all his guns being taken. Lord Montgomery -of Ardes, who led the cavalry during the battle, was -taken prisoner with about twenty other officers. Monro’s -army was not annihilated, but it was to a great extent disarmed, -and ceased to be an aggressive force. Over-confidence -was certainly one main cause of his defeat. ‘The Lord of -Hosts,’ he says himself, ‘had a controversy with us to rub -shame on our faces, as on other armies, till once we shall be -humbled; for a greater confidence did I never see.’ The -‘British Officer’ agrees that this was the chief cause of -disaster; also mentioning the sun and wind and the long -march, and that the soldiers, who had had little rest or -refreshment since leaving Lisburn, stood to their arms for at -least five hours. Another reason, he adds, is ‘that the Irish -pikes were longer by a foot or two than the Scottish pikes, -and far better to pierce, being four square and small, and the -other pikes broad-headed, which are the worst in the world. -Withal to my knowledge, the soldiers, I mean some that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> -were not strong in the British army for his pike on a windy -day, would cut off a foot, and some two, of their pikes—which -is a damned thing to be suffered.’<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Small -results -of the -victory.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Rejoicings -at -Limerick,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and at -Rome.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -nuncio’s -donative.</div> - -<p>Military authorities are agreed that the general who wins -a great victory ought to pursue his beaten enemy to the -uttermost. One reason why O’Neill did not do this may -have been that he was afraid of Sir Robert Stewart falling -upon Tyrone in his absence; but he was a man of few words, -and it does not appear that he ever said as much. He raised -new regiments, which he armed with the spoils of victory, -and waited for orders from Kilkenny. Want of money was -no doubt a cause of delay. His appearance at Augher -caused Stewart to retire towards Londonderry, and O’Neill -lay inactive, first at Tanderagee and then at Loughanlea in -Cavan. Four days after the battle he sent Boetius MacEgan, -an eminent Franciscan, to Limerick with a letter to Rinuccini, -who was quite certain that a miracle had taken place. The -Jesuit O’Hartegan, who had returned from France, followed -with the captured colours, which were carried in procession -through Limerick to the cathedral. The people filled the -streets and windows, the <i>Te Deum</i> was sung by the nuncio’s -choir, and high mass afterwards by the Dean of Fermo in -the presence of four bishops and of the civic magistrates. -When the news reached Rome, Innocent X. attended at -Santa Maria Maggiore and heard a <i>Te Deum</i> sung there also. -Rinuccini was sure that if he had only money enough he -could make the greater part of Ireland obedient to the Pope. -All his letters declare that money would do almost everything<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> -in Ireland; but it was a scarce commodity, and without it -even the clergy could not ‘keep the soldiers quiet and united.’ -The nuncio had still a little left, and he despatched Dean -Massari to Ulster, who gave three rials to each soldier and larger -sums to the officers. The donative was small, but it tended -to foster the notion that it was the nuncio’s war, and that -little regard need be paid to the viceroy or to the Council at -Kilkenny, where Anglo-Irish influences were in the ascendant.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Roscommon -taken.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill -forced to -let his men -plunder.</div> - -<p>Preston had also been successful in Connaught, but the -capture of Roscommon, though important, paled before the -glories of Benburb. Neither general was in a condition to -attack Sligo. Preston had no ammunition for a siege, no -means of drawing his guns over the Curlew hills, and no money -to pay his men. Even the sums promised—for they had not -arrived at the end of July—were not enough to last for a week -on active service. The country was so wasted that everyone -would have to carry a month’s provisions with him, and -this could only be had for ready money. Ormonde urged -Preston to reduce Connaught before the summer season -slipped away, but admitted that little help in money for the -Leinster army could be expected from Leinster. Both -Preston and O’Neill offered Rinuccini to march on Dublin, -looking no doubt to him for the means; but he refused -because Dumoulin, the French agent, was there, lest the Pope -might be embroiled with the Most Christian King. The part -of that province which bordered on Ulster was overrun by -O’Neill’s men, who plundered all classes and creeds impartially, -so that they appeared as conquerors rather than allies. -Ormonde attributed it ‘to the necessities imposed on General -O’Neill for want of means to go on or to keep his men in better -order where he is.’<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Rinuccini -works -against -the peace.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The clergy -at Waterford.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The peace -not proclaimed -at -Waterford.</div> - -<p>Want of money and ill-feeling between the native and Anglo-Irish -notables prevented the greatest of Irish victories from -having any permanent results. Rinuccini left the Supreme -Council at Limerick under the impression that he would not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> -object further to Ormonde’s peace, but he continued to counter-mine -it while they despatched Muskerry, who would have -been more useful in Munster, to be present at the proclamation -in Dublin. Arriving at Waterford at the beginning of -August, the nuncio summoned the clergy to meet him there -in order to take steps for constituting a national synod. -When he had got them together, they immediately fell to -debate the peace; and this had, no doubt, been his real object. -Scarampi, who had not yet sailed, was authorised to write -letters urging the municipalities of Limerick, Cashel, Clonmel, -Kilkenny, Galway, Wexford, and New Ross not to allow the -peace to be published. In the meantime, Ulster King-at-Arms -had arrived at Waterford with orders from Ormonde -to proclaim the peace there. The mayor and aldermen -refused him permission on various grounds. They had -already been warned by the previous appearance of a pursuivant, -who had to give a little boy sixpence to show him the -way to the mayor’s house, and who declared that there were -‘by imagination about a thousand priests and friars gazing’ -upon him and Ulster when they had succeeded in getting an -interview with the corporation. After two days they were -allowed to go in peace to Kilkenny, not without covert -threats of violence if their departure were longer delayed. -Scarampi’s letters were written before they left Waterford, -though the attitude of the civic authorities was nominally -due to the fact that proclamation had not been first made -at Kilkenny and by order of the Supreme Council. Waterford -was preferred on the ground that it was the most ancient -city of Ireland after Dublin; but perhaps Ormonde hoped that -his herald would create dissension enough to break up the -clerical assembly.<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The clergy -reject the -peace.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Peace proclaimed -at -Kilkenny.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Callan, -Fethard -and Cashel -follow -Kilkenny.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Clonmel -follows -Waterford.</div> - -<p>The Supreme Council at Kilkenny transmitted the original -articles of the peace to Waterford by the hands of Nicholas -Plunket and Patrick Darcy. The nuncio had not seen them -before, though he was, of course, well acquainted with their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> -substance. After several days’ debate it was decided ‘that -all and singular the Confederate Catholics, who shall adhere -to such a peace, or consent to the fautors thereof, or otherwise -embrace the same, be held absolutely perjured: especially -for this cause, that in these articles there is no mention made -of the Catholic religion, and the security thereof, nor any care -had for conservation of the privileges of the country as is -found promised in the oath [of association]; but rather all -things are referred to the will of the most serene King, from -whom in his present state nothing certain can be had.’ In -the meantime everything remained subject to the authority -of Protestant officials, ‘to free ourselves from which we took -that oath.’ And it was plainly hinted that excommunication -would follow in due course. The document was signed by the -nuncio himself, by two archbishops, ten bishops, and many -vicars-general and heads of religious houses. It professes to -be absolutely unanimous; but Archbishop Bourke of Tuam, -Bishop Dease of Meath, and the Franciscan Peter Walsh, -whose stormy career in Ireland now begins, did not sign, -though they took part in the debates and were among those -to whom the question was referred. On the same day the -peace was proclaimed at Kilkenny ‘in the presence of the -mayor and the magistrates only, the people not choosing to -appear,’ according to Rinuccini, who says the Supreme -Council terrorised the city with soldiers. At Callan, Fethard, -and Cashel proclamation was made in spite of clerical opposition, -but there was no popular enthusiasm. The corporation -of Clonmel declared that they would do as Waterford had -done. The town had received supplies of arms from the -nuncio and was subservient to the clergy, though some of the -more prudent inhabitants would have complied. The most -the herald could obtain was a promise to reopen the question -after proclamation had been made at Limerick.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">A herald’s -adventures -at -Limerick.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The drum -ecclesiastic.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Gaol the -only safe -place.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -nuncio -approves -of the riot.</div> - -<p>The proclamation at Kilkenny was an open declaration of -war with the nuncio, who immediately sent Dean Massari<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span> -to Rome to explain that both clergy and people were against -the peace, and that its few supporters could do no harm. -Meanwhile, Ulster went on his way to Limerick. Arriving -after the gates were shut, he was refused admittance, and -had to pass the night in an old house outside. Next day -he was received by Sir John Bourke, the mayor, and at first -it seemed that all would go smoothly; but the civic authorities -went on arguing the question till the following day was well -advanced, and time was thus given for a formidable agitation -to grow. James Wolfe, a Dominican friar, harangued a mob -in the streets, and declared that all who adhered to the -peace would incur the penalties of excommunication. The -chief citizens assembled at the mayor’s house, where Dr. -Walter Lynch, warden of the Galway college, employed his -eloquence in the same cause. A third priest ‘carried a great -crucifix through the streets on the top of a pole.’ The mayor, -nevertheless, favoured the proclamation and tried to protect -the herald while doing his office, but stones flew like hail, -and his house was wrecked. He was himself knocked down -and nearly murdered, while Ulster was hunted from the -room, the friars calling out in Irish, ‘Kill, kill! I will absolve -you.’ He received two serious wounds on the head and one -in the hand, while his body was covered with cuts and bruises. -Dr. Thomas Arthur, a famous physician, who had succeeded -twenty years before in curing Archbishop Ussher of a disease -which had puzzled the London faculty, did what he could to -pacify his co-religionists and to save the herald’s life at the -risk of his own. Appeals to the law of nations which protects -heralds were fruitless, and the more moderate citizens were -forced to carry Roberts to gaol for safety and to give out that -he was dead. He and his companions were detained for ten -days, when Rinuccini said they might be discharged. Bourke -was deposed from the mayoralty, and Thomas Fanning, a -leader of the rioters, was installed in his room. The new -mayor received the nuncio’s thanks and apostolical benediction -for his good conduct in the matter.<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span></p> -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -and the -Protestant -hierarchy.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -at -Kilkenny.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -and Owen -Roe -O’Neill.</div> - -<p>While the Congregation at Waterford were fulminating -their censures against all who adhered to the peace with -Ormonde, the Protestant clergy who had taken refuge in -Dublin were congratulating him on having ‘preserved not -only in this city, but also in all the out-garrisons, the free and -full exercise of the true reformed religion.’ They besought -him to continue in this way as the only means to make Ireland -obedient to the King, and to provide them with some maintenance -until they could return to their benefices. ‘If any -of our number,’ they concluded, ‘be found disaffected to the -religion, book of service, public worship, government of the -Church, his Majesty’s service, or disturbers of the present -peace, we do not supplicate for such, but leave them to your -lordship to be proceeded with as you shall find convenient.’ -This was signed by eleven archbishops and bishops and by -seventy-seven other clergymen, many of whom afterwards -rose high in the Church. Ormonde’s loyalty to the Church -of England was incompatible with Rinuccini’s views; but it -did not prevent the Council at Kilkenny from inviting the -King’s representative to his own town and castle. He left -Dublin on August 28 and reached Kilkenny on the 31st, -where he was received with triumphal arches and many -demonstrations of joy; and even succeeded in collecting some -of his long-lost rents. Ormonde left 1500 foot at Gowran, -under Sir Francis Willoughby, and took 500 horse on with -him, whom he quartered about Bennetsbridge. In passing -Naas he took the precaution of borrowing eight barrels of -powder from Sir John Sherlock, the governor, and they proved -very useful. Digby and Clanricarde accompanied him to -Kilkenny. His previous negotiations with Preston led him -to believe that that general would keep the victorious Ulster -army at a distance. Ormonde’s last act before leaving -Dublin was to send Daniel O’Neill to his uncle, Owen Roe, -with power to make him great offers if he would adhere to the -peace. These included the custody of all lands in O’Neill-land -belonging to men who questioned the King’s authority -and of all Lord Caulfield’s estate, and confirmation in his -command. These were promises, while the nuncio was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span> -able to give hard cash, without which an army could not be -moved—4000<i>l.</i> at first out of the Pope’s money, and 5000<i>l.</i> -later from the contributions of the faithful, or by means of an -advance from the Spanish agent.<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Rinuccini -denounces -the peace.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill -and -Preston.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Limitation -of -Irish -loyalty.</div> - -<p>After staying a few days at Kilkenny, Ormonde went to -his other house at Carrick, so that he might be near Waterford -and in a position to confer with the clergy; but they -were past the reach of argument. Rinuccini issued a decree -ordering them all to denounce the peace publicly and to -threaten actual excommunication by himself of all who -favoured it. He had seen, he said, ‘with grief of heart -that the Protestant ministers in some places appear, and -threaten that they will recover both the churches and the -exercise of their religion.’ Finding that nothing could be -done on the Waterford side, Ormonde set out for Cashel, -intending to encourage those who had proclaimed the peace -there; but he was met on the road by a messenger from the -mayor begging him not to draw down upon the town the -vengeance of O’Neill, who was already at Roscrea. Piers -MacThomas Fitzgerald, with the Munster horse, ‘appeared -upon a hill to the left hand, near Clonmel.’ Preston had -been summoned to attend, but he pleaded ill-health, and a -few days later declared that, though he distrusted the Ulster -army, he had ‘received a positive inhibition from the clergy -that neither myself nor any of my commanders, upon pain of -excommunication, shall obey any orders from my Lord -lieutenant.’ The position of Ireland could scarcely be better -described than in this letter of Preston’s. The Confederates -had all along professed loyalty to the Crown, and had never -denied that Ormonde was the King’s representative. But -when it came to a trial of strength between the viceroy and -the papal nuncio, it was the latter that they were forced to -obey.<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -driven -back to -Dublin.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The many-headed -monster.</div> - -<p>Castlehaven was sent to sound the clergy at Waterford,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> -but he found them impracticable, rejoined Ormonde near -Cashel, and persuaded him to get back to Dublin as quickly -as possible, lest he should be intercepted and captured. -Castlehaven argued that the clerical party was getting stronger -every day, ‘and that the Supreme Council were dissolved on -the proclamation of peace, and consequently of no authority -to make good the public faith.’ Other advices were to the -same effect, and it seemed probable that O’Neill’s object was -to get between the viceroy and his capital. Castlehaven -tried in vain to gain over MacThomas, who followed -Ormonde as far as Callan, but without coming to blows. -Orders were sent to Willoughby to seize the fortified pass -over the Barrow at Leighlin Bridge with his infantry. -Colonel Walter Bagenal, who was in command there, -offered no opposition, and Ormonde joined the main body -at Kilcullen. He had sent Castlehaven and his brother-in-law, -Sir George Hamilton, to the corporation of Kilkenny, -offering to stand by them if they wished it and would -adhere to the peace, but they begged him to pass on his -way. The mob plundered his baggage, and the very men, -says Bellings, ‘who a fortnight before had employed -both cost and invention in erecting statues and triumphal -arches adorned with inscriptions, setting forth his own -actions, and the trophies of his ancestors, were suddenly as -busy in pulling them down, and defacing the monuments -of his solemn entry, lest the northern army, which could -have easily mastered, might be incensed to their destruction.’ -Willoughby, when expecting an attack, found that -the bulk of his powder, which had been given in part -payment of 30,000<i>l.</i> by the Confederates at the first cessation, -was so bad as to be quite useless, and but for the eight -barrels lately borrowed from Sir John Sherlock he would -have been in no condition to fight.<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Lord -Digby’s -proposals.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Triumph of -Rinuccini,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">who imprisons -the -Supreme -Council.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill -and -Preston at -Kilkenny.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -ignores -Glamorgan.</div> - -<p>Digby remained at Kilkenny and made one more -effort for the King. He proposed that the nuncio and -three or four bishops should give an undertaking in writing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span> -to support the peace and unite with Ormonde against -the common enemy, on condition of receiving a firm private -assurance that the penal laws should be repealed and that -they should not be disturbed in their church possessions -until a meeting of a new Parliament to carry out the -articles. Rinuccini would hear of nothing less than -Glamorgan’s treaty fortified by part of Sir Kenelm Digby’s. -Of the latter he never received the official text, and his -instructions were not to proceed without it. He entered -Kilkenny in triumph and took the city into his protection, -relieving it from the interdict which Roth, Bishop of Ossory, -had proclaimed. O’Neill’s army encamped in the immediate -neighbourhood and made all resistance impossible. -Rinuccini then proceeded to imprison the old Supreme -Council. Mountgarret’s eldest son Edmond, Bellings -the secretary and historian, and Lord Muskerry, the -viceroy’s brother-in-law, were among those confined in -the castle. Geoffrey Brown, who had been conspicuous -among the commissioners for concluding the peace, and was -intended to be a judge, was arrested at Galway, but the -citizens refused to send him to the nuncio. O’Neill and -Preston both entered Kilkenny, and assisted ‘the lord -nuncio and congregation of the clergy’ in choosing a new -council of seventeen members. Four were bishops, Walsh -of Cashel, Bourke of Clonfert, Macmahon of Clogher, -and French of Ferns; among the others were Glamorgan, -who was appointed general of Munster in Muskerry’s place, -Owen Roe O’Neill, Preston, and Sir Phelim O’Neill. The -great object was now to take Dublin, and Ormonde was told -that he had no chance of defending himself against 17,000 -foot and 1700 horse. If the city was taken by assault -it was likely that neither man, woman, nor child would be -spared, but this might be averted if Ormonde would adhere -to the Glamorgan treaty. ‘If,’ was the Lord-Lieutenant’s -answer, ‘I could have assured the clergy my lord of Glamorgan’s -conditions, I had not retired hither. They are things -I have nothing to do with, nor will have. If they be valid -in themselves, they need no corroboration; if invalid, I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> -have no power to give them strength.’ After this Rinuccini -concluded that if he wanted Dublin he would have -to get it taken, while Ormonde, who felt his weakness, -opened communications with the English Parliament.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill -threatens -Kilkenny.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His army.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill -and -Preston -on bad -terms.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A clerical -commissary.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -nuncio -and his -generals.</div> - -<p>Rinuccini wished O’Neill to attack Dublin before Ormonde -could return thither; but the Ulster general excused -himself on the ground that he had no artillery, and came -to Kilkenny instead. Benburb had been fought and won -by men who were defending a strong position in their own -country, and the means for a serious siege were wanting. -An officer who was with the northern army near Birr -described it as consisting of 5000 infantry, of which rather -more than half were pretty well armed, ‘the rest as the -rabble used to be in the beginning of the distractions.’ -The horse were under 400, good and bad, and there were -only five field-pieces ‘of about a foot and a half long.’ -When O’Neill was at Kilkenny a month later Ormonde -learned that his army was composed of 8000 foot, more -than half of them without muskets, and seventeen or eighteen -small troops of miserable horse ‘whereof not above -two armed with pistol, and none with defensive arms.’ -About 8000 ‘of the Ulster families, unarmed,’ accompanied -the troops. Preston’s cavalry were well appointed, but -it was estimated that the combined armies could not in any -case exceed 13,000, with five pieces of artillery and very -few stores of any kind. The two generals acted quite -independently. O’Neill took all the castles and towns -in Queen’s County, and made himself master of Athlone. -Preston temporised, and both were much more intent -upon outwitting each other than upon taking Dublin. -The Leinster people did not like to see the hungry northerns -devouring their province, and they flocked to Preston’s -standard, so that he became as least as strong as his rival. -Early in October Rinuccini went to Kilkea, then in the -possession of Robert Nugent, provincial of the Jesuits, to -whom it had been granted for the use of the Society by his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> -kinswoman Elizabeth Countess of Kildare. Nugent lent -1500<i>l.</i> to the nuncio, and voluntarily undertook the task -of victualling the army; but this clerical commissary was -not more successful than a clerical general proved to be -later on. ‘The good man,’ says Bellings, ‘how perfect -soever his mathematical demonstrations might have been, -failed in the practice, which affords a thousand circumstances -that commonly lie out of the road of divinity and -speculation.’ The two armies were together, though not -united, in the neighbourhood of Kilcock, whence they -advanced by Harristown and Naas to Lucan, within seven -miles of Dublin. The Leinster men thought O’Neill’s object -was to conquer them, while he believed, or perhaps only -professed to believe, that Preston was conspiring with -Ormonde to place him between two fires. Successful -joint action under these circumstances was impossible, and -it appeared to the nuncio that ‘arms at first devoted to -religion were about to minister to private passions alone.’ -The two generals met at Lucan, but could not agree, and -Rinuccini joined them there in hopes of at least preventing -a collision between Leinster and Ulster.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ulster and -Leinster -irreconcilable.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Dublin -in danger.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Negotiations -with -the Scots,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and with -the Parliament,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">but nothing -is -settled.</div> - -<p>‘Besides the hatred of the generals,’ Digby wrote from -the midst of Rinuccini’s partisans, ‘their men have a greater -animosity one against another, than those at Dublin have -against either.’ But for this the capital might probably -have been taken, for the defences were very weak, ammunition -was scarce, and famine was always in sight. The -fortifications were, however, repaired as well as possible, -the ladies, with the Marchioness of Ormonde at their head, -setting an example to the citizens by carrying baskets -of earth. Ormonde had destroyed the bridges over the -Liffey, and the mills, so that the Irish had great difficulties -about food. Negotiations were opened by the Lord<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> -Lieutenant with the Ulster Scots, but they ended in nothing, -for the survivors of Benburb were too few and too much -discouraged to play an active part. Colonel George Monro, -whose Royalist proclivities were doubtless known to Ormonde, -apologised for his enforced inactivity. The Lord Lieutenant -suggested that 500 Scots should come to Dublin, but the -officers did not see their way to go so far south, though they -were willing to act as a garrison for Drogheda. The Lord -Lieutenant was not likely to accept such an offer, for Drogheda -was in no danger. Negotiations had also been opened with -the Parliament, whose fleet lay out in the bay. Sir Francis -Willoughby, Sir Gerald Lowther, Chief Baron, and Sir Paul -Davis, clerk of the Council, sailed on Michaelmas Day, and -reached London a fortnight later. They were heard by a -committee of the Commons, and five commissioners, of whom -Sir John Clotworthy was one, reached Dublin on November 12 -with power to treat for its surrender. The negotiations -lasted for ten days, failing at last mainly because Ormonde -would not deliver up the sword of state without actual orders -from the King, and thus dissolve the remnant of the Irish -Parliament on which the Protestants relied. The other -points upon which the Lord Lieutenant insisted and the -commissioners failed to satisfy him, were that they could -give him no assurance for their estates ‘to the Papists who -adhered to his Majesty’s Government since October 22, 1641’; -that the Covenant should not be pressed, nor the Book of -Common Prayer suppressed; and that official vested interests -should be preserved. Ormonde was perhaps less anxious -to come to terms because the mere appearance of the commissioners -had averted the danger of a siege, and because he -had been allowed to procure powder from the Parliamentary -ships. The supplies intended for Dublin were carried by -Clotworthy and his colleagues to Ulster.<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Vacillation -of -Preston.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">One of -Digby’s -schemes.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Preston’s -mental -reservations.</div> - -<p>The conduct of Preston throughout the whole of these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> -proceedings showed the weakness of the Confederate position -as well as of his own character. First he gave Ormonde to -understand that he would prevent O’Neill from marching -southwards, and then he let the nuncio persuade him to join -forces with the northern general in the attempt to intercept -Ormonde and in threatening Dublin. On August 26 he -wrote to invite the Lord Lieutenant’s commands as to the -disposition of troops to prevent O’Neill from entering Leinster. -On September 5 he excused himself from personal attendance. -On the 17th he lamented that clerical threats of excommunication -prevented him from obeying any of the Lord -Lieutenant’s orders. On October 10 he found that the -peace published in his camp and by his authority was ‘destructive -to my religion and liberty of the nation,’ and contrary -to his oath as a Confederate. On the 21st he swore -solemnly to aid O’Neill in attacking Dublin, to ‘use and -exercise all acts of hostility against the Lord Marquis of -Ormonde and his party,’ and to damage him in every possible -way. Digby, who was a sanguine man, thought it possible -to kidnap O’Neill and Rinuccini and carry them to Dublin, -and to spike Preston’s guns, and he was also inclined to believe -that something might be done with that vacillating general. -Ormonde was less hopeful, but his patience was inexhaustible, -and he resolved to make another effort, and Preston took care -to let him know privately that he was not really irreconcilable, -and would not join O’Neill, and that if he captured -towns or castles it was only to prevent the Ulster general -from getting them. Clanricarde was sent for from Portumna, -and came to Luttrellstown, where he was in a position to -communicate with all parties.<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Extreme -demands -of the -nuncio.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde’s -distrust -of the -Confederates.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Agreement -between -Digby and -Preston.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -does not -adopt it.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Proposed -treatment -of Protestants.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Dublin -cannot be -taken.</div> - -<p>Preston never really co-operated with O’Neill, but he -joined him in making certain proposals to Ormonde in which -the nuncio’s hand can be very clearly seen. The first was -that the Roman Catholic religion should be exercised in every -part of Ireland as in Paris or Brussels. The third was ‘that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span> -Dublin, Drogheda, Trim, Newry, Carlow, Carlingford, and all -the garrisons within the Protestant quarters be garrisoned -by the Confederate Catholics.’ They were to be held for the -King, but only in name. ‘The madness of their propositions -to you,’ Digby wrote to Ormonde after he had joined Clanricarde, -‘makes him almost despair of doing any good with -Preston.’ Ormonde did not condescend to discuss the propositions -at all, but contented himself with asking who composed -the Council of the Confederates and by whose authority -they were established. ‘These questions,’ says Bellings, -pithily, ‘were too knotty to be resolved on the sudden, -and therefore, as it is the custom in such cases, they were not -answered.’ Four days later Clanricarde was at Tecroghan, -near Trim, and at once opened communications with Preston. -Safe-conducts were granted to him and Digby, but to the latter, -who was still nominally Secretary of State, not without great -difficulty. ‘I conjure you,’ said Ormonde, ‘(as you expect -to serve our master, or his hereafter) not to venture any more -among so faithless a generation, if you have any probable -hope of getting away from thence. For, if I have any judgment, -your coming will be fruitless.’ And fruitless it was. -Two days later the Parliamentary commissioners reached -Dublin, and O’Neill, probably fearing to be caught in a trap, -threw an extempore bridge over the Liffey at Leixlip, collected -his men by firing a gun, and passed them all over to the left -bank. It was thought that Sir Phelim O’Neill, who was -jealous of Owen Roe’s supremacy in Ulster and who had -married Preston’s daughter, might be induced to join the latter. -Digby’s plan was to make Clanricarde general, who would -thus be in a position to make the best terms for his own -Church, while loyally co-operating with the Lord Lieutenant. -Preston and his friends bound themselves most solemnly -to embrace the peace in consideration of such additional -securities as Clanricarde undertook to procure. These -included the repeal of the penal laws and enjoyment by -Catholics of such churches and ecclesiastical possessions as -they held at the conclusion of the peace, until a settlement -by a free Irish Parliament, ‘his Majesty being in a free con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span>dition -himself.’ To confirm these promises Clanricarde was -to procure an engagement under the King’s hand as well as -from the Queen and Prince of Wales and the French crown. -The peace once concluded on these terms the Catholics were -to be ‘forthwith invested in such commands by his Majesty’s -authority, both in field and garrison, as may pass for a very -sufficient part of the security.’ Ormonde was no party to -this treaty, which could not be performed without his help, -and he was not anxious for it after he had got rid both of -O’Neill and the Parliamentary commissioners. Rinuccini’s -influence was at work all the time, and it was insisted that -the first thing should be the admission of a Prestonian garrison -into Dublin. Ormonde insisted on the original peace being -first accepted, and so the negotiations fell through. Digby -thought that if Preston had been promptly dealt with he -would have attacked O’Neill, but his judgment is not for a -moment to be set against Ormonde’s. Preston was satisfied, -and in a letter to the mayor and citizens of Kilkenny, urged -the acceptance of Clanricarde’s terms. What the ultimate -position of the Protestants would have been may be judged -from this document. ‘We have,’ he said, ‘by the divine -Providence, wrought the splendour of religion to that extension -as from Bunratty to Dublin there is Catholic religion -publicly professed and exercised, and from Waterford to the -lower parts of Tyrone, and confined heresy in this province -to Dublin, Drogheda, Dundalk, and Trim, these places which -in four days will be garrisoned by my army, by God’s help; -and then think you in what posture of religion these parts -are in, for us and ours, having all penal laws against Catholics -repealed; all in our own hands, churches and church livings -secured till the King in a free Parliament declare the same for -us; the government in the Catholics’ hands; petitions of -right allowed the parties grieved; and, to make this good, -our arms in our own hands.’ This was written under the -impression that Dublin would soon be in his hands, though in -the same letter he admits that he could not take it even with -O’Neill’s help. Rinuccini and his council had already left -the camp, and Preston’s officers were soon induced to break<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> -with Clanricarde on the ground that no concessions would be -of any use without a garrison in Dublin. ‘That being denied -did beget a desperation of future performances.’<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -popular -tide turns -against -Rinuccini.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Supreme -Council -released.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Confederate -constitution -breaks -down.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Officers -not ‘excommunication-proof.’</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Preston -submits -to the -nuncio.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -in Westmeath.</div> - -<p>The nuncio, says Bellings, entered Kilkenny, ‘very -incognito in his single litter without guards or attendance, -and the council and congregation dropped in one after another -without pomp or ceremony.’ The tide had turned, and the -odium which so often attaches to authority in Ireland, especially -when it fails to make itself feared, was borne by the clerical -party. Rinuccini, yielding very unwillingly to Nicholas -Plunket and fearing lest the mob should do it without his -leave, allowed the old council to be liberated, and devoted -his attention to the elections for the next general assembly. -All over the country the clergy administered oaths to candidates -binding them to reject the peace. Absolution for other -sins was denied to those who refuse to take such an oath, -and O’Neill’s soldiers were everywhere called in to enforce -the clerical decrees. The vacant places in the Ulster returns -were filled up from the creaghts or nomad herdsmen whom -Owen Roe had planted in the Queen’s County—‘nay,’ says -Bellings, ‘with such an overcharge of supernumeraries, as for -some boroughs three have been returned and actually voted.’ -When the session began, the verification of these returns -proved to be impossible, and after much wrangling the -assembled members turned as they were to other business, -‘and all formalities, how necessary soever, were quite omitted.’ -In the meantime Preston had again gone over to the nuncio. -On December 10 Walter Bagenal wrote by his orders to -Ormonde, pressing him to advance at once so as to join forces -against the northern army, all the nobility and gentry -being ready to support him. ‘If you fail or delay,’ Bagenal -concluded, ‘you ruin us all and yourself in us.’ On the same -day that this was written, Preston made his submission to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> -the nuncio, who had threatened excommunication. Ormonde -advanced to the neighbourhood of Gowran, which was to -be the place of meeting. He found reason to believe that -there was another plot to cut him off. A letter from Preston -to Clanricarde was brought to him at Grangebeg in which -the general said that ‘his officers not being excommunication-proof, -were fallen from him to the nuncio’s party.’ On first -receiving this Clanricarde had so far forgotten his usual -serenity as to call Preston traitor. It was followed by a -similar letter to Ormonde, and by an abject declaration of -obedience to the nuncio’s commands. Ormonde professed -to believe that the letter, which was printed and circulated, -was ‘a forgery, as also the reports raised that some of your -army are gathered in a body at Castle Dermot, with intent to -intercept my return, or destroy the remainder of my quarters.’ -He withdrew into Westmeath and Longford, where there was -still some country undevastated by O’Neill, and where he -maintained good discipline among his men. Dublin was -relieved for a short time without distressing the country, -and the Westmeath gentry actually scraped together a voluntary -contribution of 1000<i>l.</i> At Kells an attack was made -upon some of Ormonde’s men by a party of O’Neill’s soldiers. -Ormonde says two officers were barbarously murdered. -Bellings admits that a very bad impression was made, but -O’Neill was hardly a party to the negotiations. After conferring -with the Lord Lieutenant, Clanricarde went to Kilkenny -in the vain hope that he might to some extent counteract -the nuncio and induce the assembly to embrace moderate -ideas. Ormonde soon found it necessary to reopen communications -with the English Parliament.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Discord at -Kilkenny.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A clerical -majority.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The things -that are -Cæsar’s.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Mazarin -supports -the peace,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">but it is -rejected -publicly, -Feb. 2, -1646-7.</div> - -<p>The Confederate assembly met at Kilkenny on January 10, -‘with all those signs,’ said Rinuccini, ‘of discord and intrigues -which generally reign in such meetings.’ The tempers of the -old council had not been improved by imprisonment, while -the clergy, knowing that they had a majority, were in no<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> -conciliatory mood. Bellings admits that former assemblies -had been turbulent ‘and loud in their ayes and noes, yet now -it was grown clean another thing.’ Edmond Dempsy, -Bishop of Leighlin, who was a famous preacher, and had probably -a good voice, sat upon a lofty bench which recalls the -revolutionary Mountain. He had only to wave his hat to -raise a storm, the mass of members, ‘like a set of organ-pipes, -as senseless and louder, depending for their squeaking, or being -still, on the hand of another.’ After a few days the turmoil -partially subsided, and then the nuncio demanded an audience. -He was received with the same ceremony as at first, and -proceeded to justify his assumption of dictatorial power. -He declared in plain terms that the ecclesiastical authority -was superior to the temporal, ‘and that ignorance of the true -source of power had ruined the neighbouring kingdom.’ -Above all things he urged the assembly to reject the peace -with Ormonde, and to take a fresh oath adverse to it. A letter -was read from Dumoulin, the French agent, who had positive -orders from his government to press for confirmation of -the peace, but this had no effect, though a letter from Mazarin -had been previously received urging them to merit help from -France by re-establishing the King of England. A remarkable -speech of Walter Bagenal’s has been preserved by Bellings, -in which he urged them to remember how strong England -was and how certainly they would be overwhelmed if they -did not support the King. Ormonde sent Lord Taaffe and -Colonel John Barry to represent him at Kilkenny, but the -clericals would listen to nothing, and it soon became evident -that the peace would be rejected publicly. This was done -after three weeks’ wrangling, but by no means unanimously, -and Scarampi started at once to carry the news to Rome. -It was found necessary at the same time to declare that the -commissioners and others who had a hand in the peace had -‘faithfully and sincerely carried and demeaned themselves -in their said negotiation pursuant and according to the trust -reposed in them, and given thereof a due acceptable account -to this assembly.’ This important matter being settled, -a new and stringent oath of association was taken by which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> -all bound themselves to make no peace without the consent -of the General Assembly. One of the conditions precedent -was that the Roman Catholic clergy should enjoy all churches -and church property in as ample a manner as the Protestants -enjoyed them on October 1, 1641, in all places which the Confederates -should at any time possess ‘saving the rights of -Roman Catholic laymen according to the laws of this kingdom.’ -The law, in other words, was to protect Roman Catholics, -but not Protestants. All this referred to the secular clergy -only, for the question of abbey-lands was too dangerous to -touch. To avoid the appearance of an open breach with the -Lord Lieutenant, Dr. Fennell and Geoffrey Baron, who -had just returned from France, were deputed to see him. -Their proposals for a sort of offensive and defensive alliance -with Ormonde came to nothing, but successive truces were -patched up until April 10.<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> <i>Embassy in Ireland</i>, November and December, 1645, pp. 98, 103, 554, -569. Correspondence between Glamorgan and Ormonde in <i>Confederation -and War</i>, v. 197-200; 208-210. It appears from Dumoulin’s letters to -Mazarin that Leyburn was at Limerick in April 1645, <i>ib.</i> 314, 325.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Lord Lieutenant and Council to Secretary Nicholas, January 5, -1645-6, printed in appendix to Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i> and in <i>Confederation and -War</i>, v. 234. Interrogatories, etc., <i>ib.</i> 211-222. Digby’s letter to Nicholas, -January 4, 1645-6, was one of those which Fairfax rescued from the sea -at Padstow, <i>Husband</i>, p. 816.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> The King’s declaration, January 24, 1645-6, printed (from Reliquiæ -Sacræ Carolinæ) in <i>Confederation and War</i>, v. 252. Glamorgan to Ormonde, -January 7, 20 and 29, <i>ib.</i> 244, 255; Supreme Council to Ormonde, -January 16, <i>ib.</i> 246; <i>Embassy</i>, p. 115; the King to Ormonde, January 30, -<i>Carte MSS.</i> vol. lxiii. <i>f.</i> 386.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> Rinuccini to Pamphili, March 5, 1645-6, in <i>Embassy</i>; Fr. Barron to -Wadding, May 11, 1646, in <i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, ii. 24; Charles I. to -Henrietta Maria, January 8 and February 8, 1645-6. Nuncio’s Memoirs -(April or May) in Birch’s <i>Inquiry</i>—“Pamphilius et nuncius in hoc negotio -caste et sincere partes egerunt suas; alii vero Regem Reginamque -impulerunt ad deferendum tractatum pontificium, et spem in baculo arundineo, -hæreticorum brachio, collocandam.” Colepepper to Ashburnham, -Feb. Cal. of <i>Clarendon S.P.</i> 2135.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> Sir Kenelm Digby’s articles were printed by Birch, and are also in -<i>Embassy</i>, pp. 573, 577. The nuncio’s advice to Glamorgan, <i>ib.</i> p. 120, and -his speech, p. 122; Ormonde to Glamorgan, February 3, 1645-6, <i>Carte -MSS.</i>, vol. lxiii. f. 354; Glamorgan to Ormonde, February 8, in <i>Confederation -and War</i>, v. 258, and Ormonde’s answer, February 11, in appendix to -Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>. Chester surrendered on February 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> The articles were printed in London in September 1646, and are -reprinted in <i>Confederation and War</i>, v. 286. Glamorgan’s oath of allegiance -to Rinuccini, February 16, 1645-6, is given (Latin) in Gardiner’s <i>Civil War</i>, -ii. 420. The King to Ormonde, February 27, 1644-5; May 22, 1645, in -Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, iii. and July 31 in Halliwell’s <i>Letters of the Kings of England</i>. -On August 24, 1646, Charles wrote to his wife: ‘I have returned two -messengers into Ireland with my approving the peace there, to which I -shall firmly stick,’ <i>Charles I. in 1646</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> N. Plunket to Ormonde, May 7, 1646, in <i>Confederation and War</i> -v. 335; Digby’s Declaration, July 28, and Proclamation of Peace, July 30 -and August 3, <i>ib.</i> vi. 55-60; Daniel O’Neill to Ormonde, April 18, in <i>Contemp. -Hist.</i>, i. 671; Rinuccini’s letter, March 22, in <i>Embassy</i>, p. 153; the -Newcastle letter, June 11, in Birch’s <i>Inquiry</i>, p. 208.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> There are accounts of this siege in <i>Bellings</i>, v. 20-24; in Penn’s -<i>Memorials</i>, i. 165-210; and in Rinuccini’s <i>Embassy</i>, pp. 182-191; and see -Frost’s <i>Hist. of Clare</i>, pp. 371-376.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> All the contemporary accounts mention O’Neill’s short speech, which -evidently made a great impression. None say whether it was in English -or Irish. The ‘British Officer’ has been followed in the text, ‘MacArt -spoke in the front of his own men these words, as I was told, or to -that effect.’ The much longer speech in the <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i> is -obviously a mere grammarian’s figment containing allusion to Gratian, -Hannibal, Scipio, Plutarch, Polybius, the Maccabees, etc. The number -of Monro’s army are given from his account, but the ‘British Officer’ -thinks the foot were near 5000. The numbers of the Irish are from O’Neill’s -journal, and O’Mellan says nearly the same.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> The battle is described by Bellings and in the <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>. -In <i>Contemp. Hist. of Affairs in Ireland</i>, i. 676-686, are printed (1) a short -notice from <i>Carte Papers</i>, xvii. 25; (2) Monro’s despatch to the Scotch -estates; (3) a London tract dated June 15, 1646; (4) Rinuccini’s account -(Italian) published as a tract at Rome and Florence; (5) the ‘British -Officer’s’ account from <i>Hist. of the Wars in Ireland</i>. An eighth account -is in Colonel O’Neill’s journal, <i>ib.</i> iii. 204. A ninth—not the least valuable—is -in Young’s <i>Old Belfast</i>, being a translation from the Irish of O’Mellan -the Franciscan, who was chaplain to Sir Phelim O’Neill. The Rev. W. T. -Latimer, in his <i>Hist. of Irish Presbyterians</i> (Belfast, 1893) identifies the -localities from O’Mellan and from his own local knowledge. I have satisfied -myself by actual inspection that he is right. A tenth account is in O’Neill’s -letter (Latin) to Rinuccini printed in <i>Confederation and War</i>, v.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> Officers of Preston’s army to the Supreme Council, July 27, 1646; -Ormonde to Preston, August 3, and to Bellings, August 10—all in <i>Confederation -and War</i>, vi. Rinuccini’s <i>Embassy</i>, pp. 173, 181, 189; <i>Bellings</i>, -v. 16; O’Mellan’s <i>Narrative</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> William Roberts, Ulster, to Ormonde, August 11, 1646; Declaration of -William Kirkby, pursuivant; Letters by Scarampi—all in <i>Confederation and -War</i>, vi. 67, 110, 126. Rinuccini in <i>Embassy</i>, pp. 192, 197; <i>Bellings</i>, vi. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Decree of Ecclesiastical Congregation, August 12, 1646, in <i>Confederation -and War</i>, vi. 69; <i>Bellings</i>, <i>ib.</i> 17; Roberts to Ormonde, August 17, -<i>ib.</i> 115; <i>Embassy</i>, p. 198.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Narratives of Roberts and Kirkby in <i>Confederation and War</i>, vi. 119-130; -Rinuccini’s letter, August 22, <i>ib.</i> 96; <i>Embassy</i>, p. 200.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, i. 580-587; Remonstrance of the bishops and clergy, -August 13, 1646, <i>ib.</i> ii. appendix No. 471.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, vi. 18; Decree of Excommunication, September 1, 1646, -in <i>Confederation and War</i>, vi. 132; Sall, Mayor of Cashel, to Ormonde, -September 10, <i>ib.</i> 134; Preston to Ormonde September 5 and 17, <i>ib.</i> 132, 139.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> <i>Castlehaven</i>, p. 66; <i>Bellings</i>, vi. 19; <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, i. 125; -Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, iii. 580-583.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, vi. 21. Order by Rinuccini and the generals, September 26, -1646, in <i>Confederation and War</i>, vi. 144; Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, iii. 583.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Rinuccini’s letters, September 21 to December 29, 1646, in <i>Embassy</i>, -pp. 204, 224 <i>sqq.</i> The nuncio was with the two generals at Lucan on -November 11. Sir Robert Talbot to Ormonde, September 10; Captain -Cadogan to same, September 12; Ormonde to the Council, October 11—all -in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, i. 703-713. Digby to Ormonde, October 13, in Carte’s -<i>Ormonde</i>, iii. 506. <i>Bellings</i>, vi. 22, 36.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> The negotiations between Ormonde and the Parliamentary commissioners -are given fully in <i>Rushworth</i>, vi. 418-444. Bellings (vi. 28-35) -gives the correspondence with the Ulster Scots. Digby to Ormonde, -October 13, 1646; Ormonde to Digby, October 12 and November 20, in -Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, vol. iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Preston’s letters, of which the dates are in the text, are all in <i>Confederation -and War</i>, vol. vi. Ormonde to Digby, October 22, 1646, and all -Digby’s letters at this time in Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, vol. iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> Preston and O’Neill to Ormonde, November 2, 1646, and the answer, -November 4, in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> i. 713; Ormonde to Digby, November 10, -in Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, iii. 512, and all the letters there till November 26. -Negotiations between Preston and Clanricarde in <i>Confederation and War</i>, -vi. 151-162. Preston’s letters to the mayor of Kilkenny (from Lucan), -November 24, <i>ib.</i> 162; Theobald Butler to Ormonde, <i>ib.</i> 165.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, vi. 46; vii. 18. Papers of December 1646, in <i>Confederation -and War</i>, vi. 164-168, and in Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, vol. iii. <i>Embassy</i>, p. 347; -Walter Bagenal to Ormonde, December 10, <i>Carte MSS.</i>, vol. lxiii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Rinuccini’s narrative and speech in <i>Embassy</i>, pp. 241, 244, 250; -<i>Bellings</i>, vii. 1-12. The new oath of the Confederacy in <i>Confederation and -War</i>, vi. 168; Declaration by the General Assembly against the peace, -February 2, 1646-7, <i>ib.</i> 177; overtures of Fennell and Baron, March 3, <i>ib.</i> -185.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXVIII" id="CHAPTER_XXVIII">CHAPTER XXVIII</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">SURRENDER OF DUBLIN AND AFTER, 1647</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -determined -to surrender -Dublin.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">An emissary -from -the Queen.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Hostilities -resumed.</div> - -<p>Rinuccini’s attempt on Dublin had completely failed, but -Ormonde’s position there was nevertheless made worse. -The two armies had descended like locusts upon the districts -from which he had drawn his chief supplies. Excise could no -longer be levied, and the citizens were reduced to penury -for the support of the garrison, and yet the soldiers were -half paid and half fed. As soon as it became evident that the -Kilkenny assembly would reject the peace Ormonde offered -to surrender the sword and his garrisons to the Parliament -on the terms lately offered by their representatives. The -despatch was long delayed upon the road, but the Parliamentary -commissioners in Ulster at once agreed to the terms -proposed. English or Anglo-Irish soldiers who had hitherto -obeyed Ormonde found no difficulty in following where he -led. Sir Henry Tichborne was continued as governor of -Drogheda, and ‘embraced it with cheerfulness.’ In the -meantime George Leyburn, whose diplomatic name was -Winter Grant, visited Ireland for the second time with powers -from Henrietta Maria and the Prince of Wales ‘to renew,’ -in Ormonde’s words, ‘motions of peace or accommodation.’ -He was a learned English priest, educated chiefly at Douai, -and one of the Queen’s chaplains since 1630. He had been for -a time in the Tower, and knew Monck, whose future greatness -he foretold. Leyburn was sent to Dublin, but was driven by -wind to Waterford, and found that the assembly at Kilkenny -had just broken up. He had letters for the nuncio and clergy, -but was forbidden by his instructions to deliver them until -after showing them and all his other papers to Ormonde. -The Queen would have made peace on almost any terms,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> -but the clerical party at Kilkenny maintained their position. -Dr. Fennell and Geoffrey Brown, who were despatched to -Kilkenny, would not commit themselves so far as to make -proposals in writing, nor even sign what Ormonde took down -from their mouths. He asked for a continuation of the truce, -but this was refused, and on April 10, the day on which it -ended, Preston invested Carlow, which resisted only for a few -days. Still Ormonde professed himself willing to delay the -reception of Parliamentary troops in consideration of a truce, -but to this no answer was given. Both parties were anxious -to have the credit of making the last peaceful overture, the -Confederates because they were alarmed at Inchiquin’s -progress, Ormonde in order to make it clear that he did not -close with Parliament till the last possible moment.<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Mission of -Leyburn.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A truce -refused.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Leyburn -and the -nuncio.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Proposals -from -O’Neill.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Lord -Digby’s -schemes.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">He is -driven -abroad.</div> - -<p>At Kilkenny Leyburn attended the council, where his chair -was placed next to Antrim’s, who presided. He told them that -the Queen and Prince were anxious for peace, without which -the Catholic religion would be ruined, but that he must see -Ormonde first of all. Horses were provided and he was -passed on to Dublin. The Lord Lieutenant, says Leyburn, -expressed himself ready to cast away one son if necessary for -the King’s service, but would ‘give up those places under his -command rather to the English rebels than the Irish rebels, -of which opinion he thought every good Englishman was. -To this I answered nothing.’ It took the inexperienced -diplomatist two days to decipher his instructions, which he -then presented to Ormonde, who requested him to go back to -Kilkenny and obtain a truce for three weeks from April 17 -if possible, without binding him not to receive fresh Parliamentary -forces during its continuance. Leyburn consulted -the French agents Dumoulin, De la Monnerie, and Tallon, -according to his instructions, but he found the Council -sanguine about the probable successes of their army, and they -refused any truce for less than six months. There were -already two thousand Parliamentarians in Dublin, and -Leyburn did not think it prudent to re-enter the city; but he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span> -was in constant communication with Digby, who had found -quarters in Sir Nicholas White’s house at Leixlip, and who -professed to know Ormonde’s mind. Leyburn accompanied -Bishop Macmahon to Kilkenny, and informed the nuncio -that the conditions of peace concerning religion had been -referred to France, and that Ormonde would not treat except -on the basis of the peace which the clergy had already rejected. -Rinuccini said he wished for peace, but was against a preliminary -truce, which Ormonde, who had already once deceived -him, wanted only to gain time, and that he could not trust -him. ‘I could see,’ says Leyburn, ‘he was not my Lord -Lieutenant’s friend.... I found in him great animosity -to my Lord of Ormonde’s person, my Lord of Clogher being a -better hider of his thoughts.’ The Council of the Confederates -as well as the clergy came to Clonmel about the beginning -of June, and Daniel O’Neill brought a proposal from his -uncle to establish a sort of joint government between the Lord -Lieutenant and the Council; but he was arrested for not having -a pass. Leyburn handed in the paper for him, but all these -delays had been fatal, for a letter came to Digby to say that -the Parliamentary commissioners had landed at Dublin with -1500 men, and that Ormonde would now be forced to conclude -matters with them. Leyburn could come to no terms with -the clergy, who would have nothing to say to the rejected -peace, while Ormonde would treat on no other basis. They -said God was not once mentioned in it, and he could only -reply that questions of religion might be settled later. He -continued to discuss matters with Digby and his secretary, -Edward Walsingham, who, according to Nicholas, was ‘a -great babbler of all his most secret employments,’ but it -all led to nothing. Leyburn, however, persuaded Clanricarde -not to leave Ireland, which he had made up his mind to -do. In the end the best he could do for Digby was to procure -him a safe-conduct through the Confederate quarters, and -he escaped to France with some difficulty. At his earnest -request Leyburn himself remained in Ireland, and was sheltered -by Clanricarde at Galway from August 1647 until the -following March. In November he received a letter of recall<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> -from the Queen dated three months back, and in February -another from Digby to the like effect. He sailed in the same -ship with Glamorgan and his wife, who had now become -Lord and Lady Worcester, and reached Havre in five days.<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Leyburn’s -opinions.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Effect of -the -cessation.</div> - -<p>Leyburn, who was a very honest as well as intelligent man, -favoured the peace of 1646. The demand for a Catholic -governor, he says, was one which the King could not grant, -and the objection to Ormonde’s religion was therefore -invalid. He thought the divisions of Irish parties made -effective action hopeless, and that the hatred of the Leinster -men to O’Neill and the old Irish ‘overbalanced their reason.’ -The cause of the rebellion and of its savage character was that -the ‘Irish had not enjoyed such a pleasant bondage under -the English, but that they had contracted ill will enough -against their masters ... they ran hastily and furiously -to all kind of bloody executions, and as their rebellion was -without order so were their actions without measure, none -that was called English and was within reach escaping their -fury ... they either killed the English or forced them to -forsake their habitations.’ The men of the Pale joined in -because they had no arms, and were not trusted by the -Government. The massacres had been amply revenged with -much cruelty, the one committed ‘by a rude, headless multitude, -the other by soldiers under order and command.’ -Insurgent slaves, he says, seldom make good soldiers, and the -Irish were always beaten until Charles drew away to England -the army which had been ‘with his consent employed against -them by the Parliament,’ which is perhaps the strongest -argument against the cessation of 1643.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde’s -reasons for -surrender.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -leaves -Ireland.</div> - -<p>‘The marquis,’ says Clarendon ‘in his defence of Ormonde, -believed it much more prudent, and agreeable to the trust -reposed in him, to deposit the King’s interest and right of the -Crown in the hands of the Lords and Commons of England, -who still made great professions of duty and subjection to -his Majesty, and from whom (how rebellious soever their -present actions were) it must probably revert to the Crown,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span> -by treaty or otherwise, in a short time, than to trust it with -the Irish, from whom less than a very chargeable war would -never recover it, in what state soever the affairs of England -should be; and how lasting and bloody and costly that war -might prove, by the intermeddling and pretences of foreign -princes, was not hard to conclude.’ To the Lord Lieutenant -Ireland was essentially part of the same State as England, -and the King being temporarily in abeyance, the actual wielders -of power were trustees for the Crown. Parliamentary troops -began to be received in Dublin at the end of March, and on -June 7 the new commissioners arrived. At their head was -Arthur Annesley, son of Strafford’s Mountnorris, and afterwards -well known as Earl of Anglesey. Other forces followed, -and arrangements were soon made. Ormonde sailed from -Dublin on July 28, having left the sword of state in the hands -of the Parliamentary commissioners. ‘He was,’ says Carte, -‘attended by the prayers of the distressed clergy, great -numbers of whom, with their wives and children, had been -kept from perishing through want by his and his lady’s -bounty, and landed on August 2 at Bristol.’ Colonel Michael -Jones became governor of Dublin for the Parliament. His -father, the Bishop of Killaloe, had died there just nine months -before.<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Digby and -Ormonde.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Parliament -prevents -foreign -enlistment.</div> - -<p>Lord Digby’s schemes were always unsuccessful, but he -continued plotting to the last moment. After a meeting at -Leixlip with Bellings, Sir Robert Talbot, and others of the -Confederates who were more or less opposed to Rinuccini, -Digby urged Ormonde not to leave Ireland after delivering -the sword, but to go to Rathfarnham or some other country -where his presence would be a protection to the well-affected. -He might raise a force and transport it to France with Muskerry’s -help, who was absolute in Munster. In this way -he would avoid all appearance of joining with the English -Parliament. Ormonde received this strange proposal only<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> -five days before he sailed. He replied that Preston and the -rest who refused his help while he still possessed an army -and fortresses would not be much impressed by his arguments -in a private capacity, that the Parliament commanded the -seas, and that the very worst way to get their leave to transport -troops was to put himself into the power of the Confederates. -For himself, he could always go from England to -France, but to go from France to England would be virtually -impossible. True to the policy which had prevailed since -Strafford’s time, the dominant party in England refused to -allow troops to be sent from Ireland into the service of any -foreign prince. It was evident that they might be used -against England if France or Spain were to espouse the -King’s cause. Yet it is probable that unrestrained foreign -enlistment would have gone far to settle the Irish question, -and might have made Cromwell’s terrible campaign unnecessary.<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Glamorgan -as general.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Character -of his -army.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">He is -ousted by -Muskerry.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Rinuccini -forced -out of -Leinster.</div> - -<p>At the beginning of 1647 Clanricarde reported that -Glamorgan was despised and dejected, and Ormonde said it -mattered little what became of him or of Antrim ‘if it were not -for a natural propension in this people to love their cozeners.’ -But the Kilkenny assembly had made Glamorgan general of -Munster, and an effort was required to make the appointment -a reality. He told the King that he had been forced to -undergo a seeming commission which should put him at the -head of 12,000 foot and 2500 horse, but that his enemies -never rested and that he had small hope of success. Rinuccini -and his council moved to Clonmel at the beginning of June, -and for a moment it seemed as if they were going to have -their own way. Glamorgan, though not much of a soldier, -had had some experience in raising troops, but in Munster -he did little, finding it easier to multiply officers under the -King’s commission of January 6, 1644-5, so that later on it -was difficult to ‘dissolve even this airy structure, and to proportion -the officers to the men the province was able to contain.’ -Rinuccini, with the help of these new colonels and -captains, thought he could establish clerical supremacy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> -in Munster and displace all who adhered to Ormonde’s peace. -Of these last Muskerry was by far the most important, for he -had the confidence of the soldiers, and the nuncio had been -unable to exclude him from the council. But his life was -thought to be in danger, for three Dominican chaplains -suggested that it would be no harm to murder him or the -Munster commissioners. This kind of casuistry, as Rinuccini -saw, ‘made the impression to be expected on these idiots.’ -Muskerry came to Clonmel and took his seat amongst the -hostile clericals, but feared a second arrest, and escaped to -the camp. He found the old officers friendly and afraid of -being superseded by Glamorgan’s creatures. Moreover they -professed themselves excommunication-proof, and declared -that they were ready to live and die with Muskerry. The -men were then mustered, and it was explained to them that -their pay would be diverted to the new officers, for that the -province could not bear both. They gladly followed suit, joyfully -repeating Muskerry’s name with cheers and casting up of -hats. ‘And thus,’ says Bellings, ‘was the army, in the space -of one hour, without noise, save what witnessed their public -satisfaction, placed under his command.’ Their resolution -proved irrevocable, and though the nuncio himself might be -respected, his adherents could not venture into the camp. -Rinuccini therefore went to Galway, and the Council returned -to Kilkenny.’<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Preston’s -army.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A sluggish -general.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Preston’s -vacillations.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Design -against -Dublin.</div> - -<p>While Ormonde was making his arrangements with -Annesley and Jones, Preston was at Monasterevan collecting -an army with which he hoped to neutralise the Parliamentarians -in Dublin. Digby still struggled to make this force -available for the King’s service, and his secretary Walsingham -wrote from Monasterevan that he had been cherished and -received as an angel of peace. When mustered a few days -later on the Curragh of Kildare, Preston’s army amounted to -7000 foot and 1200 horse, well officered and well appointed.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> -Leyburn says the foot were ‘as lusty appearing men, and as -well accoutred with arms and clothes as ever I did see,’ and -the horse up to the average. Jones, with a much inferior -force, advanced to Naas, while Preston encamped on the left -bank of the Liffey not far off. Jones drew back to Johnstown, -and then detached some cavalry to go round by the south of -Naas and intercept some of Preston’s men. Leyburn had -warned the latter of the danger he incurred from the superiority -of the English horse, but there was a moment when they -might have been annihilated between Naas and Johnstown, -and Bellings himself remonstrated with the sluggish general, -but it was then too late, and Jones was allowed to rally all his -men in safety on a hill near Kill, whence they reached Dublin -without further fighting. Preston’s next encampment was -at the Boyne close to Trim. Walsingham came there by -appointment, but found that the political wind had changed, -and that the general had changed with it as usual. The -presence of Bishop French was probably fatal to any negotiation, -and the unfortunate private secretary returned to -Dublin. Trim was held by an English garrison, and Preston -wished to take, while Jones was anxious to relieve it. Hearing -that the Ulster Protestants had come as far as Dundalk -on their way to join Jones, but that they would be obliged -to retire in ten days for want of provisions, Preston withdrew -to an unassailable position at Portlester, where he intended -to remain until the invasion was passed. But Bishop French -and Sir Nicholas Plunket advised him to take active measures -lest his own supplies should run short. Jones, who in Bellings’s -words ‘fought but for bread and elbow-room about Dublin,’ -could not have kept the field long, and Preston, by taking the -advice of a priest and a lawyer on a military question, lost the -advantage of dividing his enemy’s forces and perhaps beating -them in detail. Sir Henry Tichborne and others came to -Skreen with nearly 2000 men and two guns, and the united -forces marched through Trim. Jones mustered his army at -the famous hill of Tara, and found himself almost equal in -strength to Preston, and rather superior in horse, of which he -despatched 500 under Major Harman to reconnoitre at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> -Portlester, but they lost their way. Preston left his almost impregnable -position and marched to Agher, south of Trim, where -he again took up strong ground. But news came from -Leixlip that there were only 500 soldiers in Dublin, and the -Irish general, as rash as he was generally supine, decided to -make a dash for the capital through Maynooth, which had -already ‘by especial Providence’ voluntarily surrendered to -Jones. Preston left Agher on August 8, Harman with his -troopers hanging upon his skirts, and causing as much delay -as possible.<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Battle of -Dungan -Hill, -August 8, -1647.</div> - -<p>The wheel of a waggon which came off at a ford delayed -Preston’s march, and the bulk of the enemy’s cavalry gradually -drew up to Harman’s support, while their whole army was -visible in the distance. Jones was upon Lynch’s Knock or -Summerhill, and Preston upon Dungan Hill, after which -the battle is generally named. It was evident that Maynooth -would never be reached without fighting, and Preston prepared -for battle in what he thought was a good position. -Without any preliminary cannonade the Parliamentary -army advanced across the interval between the two hills. -The Irish horse were routed at the first charge, having been -posted in a narrow lane with high quickset hedges and without -power of forming line to the front. Perhaps the real cause -of their misfortune was that they were commanded by Lord -Costello instead of by their well-tried leader MacThomas -Fitzgerald. Costello knew nothing of war, but he was a -recent convert, and that seems to have been thought sufficient. -A large part of the infantry stood in some very tall wheat, -where they were useless. Battalions were separated from -each other by high banks, and no manœuvring was possible. -The best fight was made by four hundred Scotch Islanders -under a Glengarry, but most of them were killed. The -bulk of the infantry took refuge in a bog, where they were -first surrounded, and then ‘our foot,’ says Jones, ‘followed -into the bog, where they put to the sword all not admitted to -quarter; such of the rebels as left the bog fell into the power<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span> -of our horse.’ There is the usual dispute as to whether -men were slain after quarter given or not. Bellings says -‘most of the officers and some soldiers repaired to the red -colours, and to preserve them Colonel Flower commanded -his regiment to stand to their arms in a body; and having -brought them to Colonel Jones, they had quarter.’ Jones’s -own account tallies pretty well with this, for he says ninety-five -commissioned officers were taken prisoners, and only -about 300 non-commissioned officers and men. Five thousand -four hundred and seventy bodies were counted on the field, -and many stragglers were afterwards killed by the troopers. -No mercy was shown to any English, nor to such of the -Anglo-Irish as had changed sides. Jones thought scarcely -500 of the infantry escaped. The English lost three officers, -of whom one, Captain Gibbs, really died of drinking ditch-water -when heated. The total number killed was under -twenty. Four twelve-pounders with sixty-four draught oxen, -and what was even more important, Preston’s papers fell into -the victor’s hands. All the colours were taken, which Jones -‘could not be persuaded to be brought into Dublin in triumph, -as savouring (said he) of ostentation, and attributing unto -men the glory of this great work due to the Lord only,’ but -there was a public thanksgiving in all the city churches.<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Parliament -neglect -Ireland.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Victories -of -Inchiquin.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Dungarvan.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Bunratty.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Adare.</div> - -<p>The House of Commons voted 1000<i>l.</i> each to Jones and to -Fenwick, who commanded at Trim, 500<i>l.</i> to Colonel Conway, -200<i>l.</i>, to Tichborne, who commanded the rear guard, and -100<i>l.</i> to Colonel Culme, who brought the letter. They also -talked about sending provisions, but these were long delayed. -One thousand five hundred pounds borrowed on personal -security was looked upon as a god-send. Preston retired to -Carlow, giving up Naas and other places in Kildare, and -busied himself in collecting another army. In the meantime<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span> -Inchiquin had become formidable in Munster. Early in -May 1647 he took Cappoquin, where there was no powder -to fire a shot, and Dromana, where the garrison only fired -four or five. Inchiquin had studied these places, and in -1642 had pointed out how easy it would be to take Dromana -and how troublesome to take Dungarvan. The latter did in -fact make a stout resistance, but Inchiquin made himself -master of the water-supply, which soon settled the matter. -All the garrisons were allowed to march out with military -honours, ‘but some twenty Englishmen of the red-coats that -had run to the rebels were hanged.’ Three thousand cows -and two thousand sheep were cut out from under the walls -of Waterford. Dungarvan, being a seaport, completed -Inchiquin’s chain of posts from Kinsale to the mouth of the -Suir, and its loss was much felt by the Confederates. The -victor has a bad name, but many grumbled at his comparative -lenity. Rinuccini attributed these disasters to general -dissension among high and low, and to the non-payment of -the soldiers. About midsummer Inchiquin invaded the -county Limerick, and destroyed many castles, forced the -passage of the Mulkear at or near Barrington’s Bridge, -and plundered the country up to the Shannon. A party -crossed where O’Brien’s Bridge had once stood, and the -terrified Irish of Clare burned Bunratty, which had been -so troublesome to take. Inchiquin then returned to Cork -to rest his troops, who were ‘generally barefooted and extreme -naked,’ but scarcely hungry after driving homewards 8000 -cows and 5000 sheep. In the meantime Colonel Byron, -starting from the new base at Dungarvan and Cappoquin, took -Castle Grace in Tipperary, ‘put the rogues to the sword,’ -entered Limerick and stormed Adare ‘where four friars were -burned and three took prisoners.’ Byron’s party also drove -off between two and three thousand cattle. Seven thousand -pounds were voted to Inchiquin by Parliament about the -same time, and Preston’s defeat at Dungan Hill greatly -increased his relative strength.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span></p> -<div class="sidenote">Lord Lisle -appointed -Lord Lieutenant.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin -will not -obey Lisle.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -officers -support -Inchiquin.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Lisle -leaves -Ireland.</div> - -<p>In January 1646 the House of Commons resolved that the -Government of Ireland should be vested in a single person of -honour, and that there should be a fresh appointment every -year. In April Philip Lord Lisle, who as Leicester’s son might -be supposed to have some claim, was made Lord Lieutenant -accordingly, with power to appoint officers for two regiments -of foot and one of horse, and with the command of all troops -raised and to be raised for the reduction of Ireland. The -Parliament exercised the power of naming a chief governor, -and perhaps that was the real object, for no attempt was -made to provide him with the means of doing anything. -Lisle lingered in England for a year, and arrived at Cork -on March 9, 1647, George Monck being one of those who -accompanied him. Sir Adam Loftus and Sir John Temple -were sent as commissioners for the civil government of Munster, -but Lisle’s appointment expired on April 15, and Inchiquin -dissembled until then. Lisle lost no time in reporting that -he was equally ready to return to England or to remain in -Ireland if his commission were prolonged, but that he could -do nothing to reduce the rebels without further supplies. -Then Inchiquin, who had been expecting to be arrested, -exhibited his own patent as Lord President under the Great -Seal, declared Lisle a private person, and hinted at putting him -under restraint if he interfered any further with the troops. -Most of the officers sided with him in spite of all the efforts of -Broghill, Loftus, and Temple. Lisle, finding himself powerless, -proposed to sail with his baggage on Vice-Admiral -Crowther’s ship, but here again he was foiled. Crowther -said he would do nothing without the Lord President’s orders, -which were not given until Lisle’s trunks had been searched, -and in the end the late Lord Lieutenant was glad to get out -of Ireland with his property and ten officers who refused to -serve under Inchiquin. Among them was Monck, who soon -returned to command all forces, both English and Scotch, -in Ulster, except those in charge of Sir Charles Coote. Broghill, -Loftus and Temple went with Lisle, Parliament having<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span> -in the meantime decided not to send a chief governor. The -whole authority in Munster, both civil and military, remained -in Inchiquin’s hands.<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Taaffe and -Inchiquin.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin -takes -Cahir, &c.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Sack of -Cashel, -Sept. 4.</div> - -<p>When Ormonde left Ireland, Lord Taaffe, who had been -and was to be his adherent, took the oath to the Confederacy. -Muskerry, having got rid of Glamorgan, thought he could -counteract Rinuccini most effectually by attending the -Council regularly; and he handed over the command in -Munster to Taaffe. The new general, who was perhaps not -very sure of his troops, invaded the county of Cork, but -avoided an encounter with Inchiquin, who disregarded him -and made a dash into Tipperary, which had hitherto suffered -little by the war, and where there were cows to be lifted and -towns to be sacked. He reported the capture of twelve -castles, of which Cahir was the most important. There were -a hundred men in this strong place, which might have defied -him if it had been bravely defended. One of his soldiers -was wounded and taken in a plundering affray, and Colonel -Hippesley, who had some skill in surgery, obtained access to -him in the guise of a doctor. He used his opportunity to -notice that there was a weak point in the courtyard wall, and -that a timorous spirit prevailed among the garrison. The -outer wall was carried by storm, and the castle surrendered -on condition that the soldiers’ lives should be spared. The -moral effect of this success was great, for it was supposed -then, and it has often been said since, that Cahir held out -for two months against Essex. It is true that that ill-starred -favourite wasted several weeks in Munster, but his siege of -Cahir lasted only three days. On September 4 Inchiquin -came before Cashel, where there was a garrison of four hundred -men. A panic was caused by the fate of Cahir, and the -soldiers with a large part of the inhabitants took refuge on -the famous rock, which was well supplied with water and -surrounded by strong walls. Others wisely distrusted the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> -acropolis, and hid themselves in the woods and fields. -Inchiquin offered to let the garrison march out with the -honours of war, without any conditions for the clergy and -citizens; but the officers bravely refused. The assailants -had no cannon, but trusted to fire within the walls. One -account says Inchiquin piled turf against the defences; -another, that firebrands were thrown over the battlements. -The fine September weather did the rest. The assailants -swarmed in over the north wall, and a terrible carnage ensued. -About a thousand of the besieged perished, some women -being killed and others stripped. ‘Three of the secular clergy, -the prior of the Dominicans, and one of our society (the -Jesuits) fell in the performance of their sacred duties.’ A -bishop who was present managed to hide himself, as did the -mayor and some others; but no respect was paid to the -church or even to the altar. According to the account most -favourable to Inchiquin, he tried to stop the slaughter as -soon as he reached the cathedral, but is said to have donned -the archiepiscopal mitre, boasting that he was governor of -Munster and archbishop of Cashel too. Ludlow says he ‘put -3000 to the sword, taking the priests even from under the -altar: of such force is ambition when it seizes upon the -minds of men.’ The soldiers sold the plunder, including the -sacred vessels, to the people who flocked in from the neighbouring -villages ‘as if to a fair.’ Pictures of saints were used -as horse-cloths, and insults were offered to statues of the -Virgin.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Rinuccini -without -money.</div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Disputatio -Apologetica.</i></div> - -<div class="sidenote">The book -publicly -burnt at -Kilkenny,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and condemned -at -Lisbon.</div> - -<p>Money was expected from Rome at the beginning of the -year, but did not come for twelve months, during which -Rinuccini’s influence waned; and to this delay he attributed -the expulsion of Glamorgan, the action of Muskerry, and -the defeat of Preston. Six thousand crowns would have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> -prevented it all. With eight thousand more O’Neill could have -retaken Sligo, subdued Connaught, and ‘marched into Ulster -to reduce the fort of Enniskillen, and to take possession of -the Holy Place of St. Patrick’s Purgatory, now about one -hundred years in the hands of the heretics.’ Having seen -Ormonde safe out of Ireland, the nuncio himself withdrew -to Galway, where his presence would still have some of the -charm of novelty and where he might expect less resistance -than at Kilkenny or Clonmel. But Clanricarde carefully -avoided paying him any attention, and he was confronted -with a new difficulty immediately after his arrival. A Jesuit -named Cornelius Mahony, a native of Cork but living at -Lisbon, published in 1645 what he called an ‘apologetic -disputation,’ with an exhortation to his countrymen. He -proves to his own satisfaction that the English Crown had no -claims upon Ireland, having broken the conditions of Adrian’s -bull, and urges the Irish to ‘elect a Catholic king, a vernacular -or natural Irishman.’ ‘You have already,’ he says, ‘killed -150,000 enemies in these four or five years, as your very -adversaries’ howling openly confess in their writings, and -you do not deny. I think more heretic enemies have been -killed: would that they had all been! It remains for you -to slay all the other heretics, or expel them from the bounds -of Ireland, lest they infect our Catholic country with their -heresies and errors.’ A copy of this incendiary production -reached Ireland from France, and others followed from -Portugal. At Kilkenny the book was publicly burned, and -close search was made at Galway. Rinuccini expressed no -disapproval of its doctrines, and refused to punish John -Bane, parish priest of Athlone, with whom a copy was found. -He attributed the outcry against it to those who were in -possession of ecclesiastical lands, and to those who hated -O’Neill, the only possible ‘natural and vernacular’ hero -who could be chosen king. The Portuguese kingdom had only -lately been re-established, and Mahony argued that the -Irish had just the same right to upset a heretic dynasty -as the Portuguese had to drive out their Castilian oppressors. -Nevertheless, King John condemned the book, and the pos<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span>session -of a copy was forbidden under grievous penalties. -Peter Walsh preached nine sermons against it on five successive -Sundays and holidays in St. Canice’s Cathedral, and -had no difficulty in showing that loyalty to a Protestant -king was an essential part of the Confederacy’s political -creed.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -nuncio -dislikes -O’Neill.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Church -held responsible -for Ulster -savagery</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Mutiny in -O’Neill’s -army.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Devastation -of the -Pale.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Munster -refuses -O’Neill’s -help.</div> - -<p>Rinuccini, though O’Neill was his only champion, came -to hate him almost as much as he hated Ormonde. He even -made excuses for Preston, whose intrigues with the latter -might be explained by O’Neill’s ambition ‘under cover of -religion.’ After Benburb, the northern general had increased -his army without orders, and he thirsted for the plunder of -Leinster. Monck took care that he should have no supplies -from Eastern Ulster. ‘If I had not sent my confessor to -dissuade him from so unjust a resolution,’ said the nuncio, -‘Kilkenny would have been sacked and much innocent -blood shed.’ Wherever O’Neill went, the Ulster soldiers, -‘barbarous enough by nature, although good Catholics,’ -spread terror and destruction around. The worst of it was -that they called themselves the army of Pope and Church, -and when they ‘perform any act of cruelty or robbery, the -sufferers execrate his Holiness and me, and curse the clergy, -whom they consider the patrons of this army.’ Two regiments -harried the property of Mountgarret, who brought a crowd -of women to the nuncio’s house, ‘where they made a dreadful -uproar with howls and lamentations, thus giving it to be -understood that I countenanced the cruelties perpetrated -by the Ulster men.’ After the failure of the attack on -Dublin, O’Neill was made general of Connaught, and devoted -himself to the affairs of that province. He was at Boyle, -preparing to march against Sligo, when the news of Dungan -Hill reached him, with a pressing summons to enter Leinster -again, so as to prevent Inchiquin from joining hands with -Jones. Muskerry was a party to this, for he could see no<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> -other means of safety; but O’Neill refused to move. The -personal entreaties of Bishop Macmahon at last prevailed, -but many of his officers, with Alexander MacDonnell at their -head, refused to obey. Partly by persuasion and partly by -turning his guns on the mutineers, the general pacified them -for the time, and established his quarters at Castlejordan in -Meath, until November 1647. He had then collected about -12,000 foot and 1500 horse, and with these he proceeded to -make a famine round Dublin. Tichborne followed the northern -army everywhere, and cut off many stragglers. The destroyers -passed near the scene of Preston’s defeat to Dunboyne and -Clonee, and all southern Meath was burned or spoiled. Turning -northwards, they went almost to Balbriggan. Two -hundred fires were counted at one time from St. Audoen’s -steeple in Dublin. On the sixth day, between Ratoath and -Garristown, Jones and Tichborne showed themselves; and -the latter wished to fight, but was overruled, so that O’Neill -returned to Castlejordan without having to strike a blow. -He offered to quarter 4000 men in Munster, who were to spare -the Confederates while galling Inchiquin’s partisans; but the -provincials refused such help. Inchiquin’s methods of making -war were not gentle, but there was some excuse for doubting -whether the deliverers would be much better.<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin’s -soldiers -hungry,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">but -anxious -to fight.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Battle of -Knocknanuss -Nov. 13.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Alaster -Macdonnell -again.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin -completely -victorious.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Death of -Macdonnell.</div> - -<p>Having access to a sea which their friends commanded, -neither Jones nor Inchiquin were easy to assail. They could -always retire into their coast towns and exist there somehow. -Yet the Munster Protestants were in miserable state enough. -‘It would make your soul bleed,’ writes a resident in Cork -to his cousin in England, ‘to see the poor common soldier -march out with never a whole rag to his back, nor shoe to his -foot, feeble and faint for want of what should suffice nature.’ -The prospect of a battle was a relief, and ‘those that were -sickish skipped for joy.’ Taaffe, says the author of the -‘Aphorismical Discovery,’ ‘was a well-spoken man of both<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span> -art and delivery, a fencer, a runner of a tilt, a brave, generous -gamester, and an exceeding good potator in any liquor you -please.’ He was a brave soldier, but more diplomatist than -general. In the King’s interest, Digby had urged him to -avoid a general action, but Fabian tactics require a Fabius, -and probably he was forced to fight by the feeling which -Inchiquin’s doings at Cashel had excited. At all events, he -drew his forces together early in November, when Inchiquin -concentrated his at Mallow, and went to look for him. Taaffe, -with 7000 foot and 1200 horse, was strongly posted on the -hill of Knocknanuss, about three miles to the eastward of -Kanturk. A bog and stream ran along his front. Inchiquin -with a much smaller force advanced to a place called Garryduff -on November 12, where he received a letter from Taaffe, -who declared that he was fighting in the King’s cause, and -proposed a contest between 2000 foot a side, ‘more for recreation’ -than for any serious military reason. Inchiquin -retorted that Taaffe was not really preserving the King’s -interest, and that he would wait till the morning before -engaging in a battle for recreation. He sheltered his army -in a wood for the night, and when the first light disclosed -Taaffe’s position, suggested in his turn that he should descend -from his hill, cross the stream, and fight ‘upon a very fair -piece of ground.’ Taaffe answered verbally that he was -soldier enough to improve the advantage that he had. He -refused to abandon his position, but did what was nearly as -bad by shifting his men in sight of the enemy and finally -posting them so that the bend of the hill hid his two wings -from one another. The right, under Alexander MacDonnell, -consisted of Scots islanders and Ulstermen, the Munster -troops being on the left, where Taaffe himself stood. Inchiquin -began the attack with his artillery, but the Highlanders, -having fired a volley, threw away their muskets and rushed -sword-in-hand upon the guns, of which they retained possession -for an hour. Inchiquin’s left was driven back towards -Mallow, but on the right he was completely victorious. -Rupert’s faults were not his, and he did not pursue, but -turned back to look after his defeated wing. The Highlanders<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> -and Purcell’s horse, believing the battle won, were scattered -all over the country, and made no effective resistance. Half -of Taaffe’s army were slain, the remainder flying to Liscarroll -and Newmarket; while Inchiquin lost only about 150 men. -‘We were killing till night,’ he says; and few prisoners were -made, except among the officers. The arms of 6000 men -strewed the field, and Taaffe’s commission from the Confederates -as general of Munster was taken with his baggage. -Bellings had heard that Alexander Macdonnell was killed -by an officer in cold blood, after quarter given; but the -English accounts give no hint of this; and Rinuccini says -distinctly that he refused quarter. The result of the battle -was to place all Munster at Inchiquin’s discretion, except -Limerick, Waterford, Clonmel, and Kilmallock. He received -the thanks of Parliament, and 1000<i>l.</i> were voted to buy -horses.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -dwindling -Assembly -at Kilkenny.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -nuncio’s -party outnumbered</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A property -qualification.</div> - -<p>The General Assembly of the Confederates met at Kilkenny -on November 12, the day before the battle of Knocknanuss. -In the previous year there had been seventy-three -members to represent Ulster, and these had given Rinuccini -his majority. This time, ‘from poverty or some other cause,’ -only nine appeared, who claimed to hold proxies for the whole -number. This claim was disallowed, and Munster and -Connaught, being under-represented owing to the difficulties -of travel, the powers lay with ‘the mob of Leinster, many of -them the minions of Muskerry.’ On the very day of meeting, -apparently, the Assembly proceeded to pass what was in -effect a new constitution. This document, extending to -fifteen printed pages, and no doubt carefully prepared beforehand, -begins by setting forth the ruin wrought by military -violence. To repress this for the future a new Supreme<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span> -Council was appointed, consisting of twelve from each province; -but the real power was given to a committee of twelve -‘residents,’ three for each province, chosen out of the larger -number. Bellings was one of the twelve, only two of whom -were bishops; of these, Edmund O’Dwyer, Bishop of Limerick, -was a pronounced Ormondist; while Emer Macmahon of -Clogher was by no means averse to treating with the Lord -Lieutenant. When seven, being an absolute majority of the -committee, came to any decision, the dissidents were to sign -as if they had been assenting parties. Elaborate orders were -made for the repression of malefactors, for raising money, -and for the arming and training of a militia consisting of all -men between sixteen and sixty, ‘forcing such as are able to -provide for themselves swords and muskets, and the rest -pikes and skeyns.’ It was recited that in all former assemblies -many of the members had been ‘serving-men and -men uninterested in the kingdom,’ and ordered that only -estated gentlemen should be eligible in future. Finally, -orders were given for the regulation of the ‘creaghts’ or -nomad herdsmen of Ulster, who had followed Owen Roe -O’Neill into the other three provinces and settled upon -them like locusts, turning the cultivated country into a -desert.<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Queen’s -opinion -about -Ireland</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Envoys -sent to -Rome,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">to Spain,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and to -France.</div> - -<p>‘I wonder,’ wrote Henrietta Maria to her husband a few -days before the Assembly met at Kilkenny, ‘that the Irish -do not give themselves to some foreign king; you will force -them to it in the end, when they see themselves offered as a -sacrifice.’ Many in Ireland were of the same opinion, and -Rinuccini feared that Louis XIV. would be chosen. His -own sympathies were rather Spanish, but he could not deny -that France was likely to be the best paymaster and the most -vigorous protector. A neutral would be preferable, and, like -a good Florentine, he suggested the Grand Duke Ferdinand II. -who had sent or promised some arms. But the Assembly -had no thought of repudiating the English Crown, though -they eagerly sought help from Continental sovereigns, and -even from the Dutch States-General. None of the envoys<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span> -chosen were such as Rinuccini approved. Bishop French -and Sir Nicholas Plunket were sent to Rome, and in this -case he could say that the object of the Council was to get -good men out of the way. They were to represent generally -the fidelity of Ireland and her need of help, and in particular -to beg the Pope’s intercession with the Queen and Prince, -with the sovereigns of France and Spain, and with all other -Christian princes. If all else failed, they were empowered to -invite Innocent to be himself protector of Ireland, and they -were to ask his help even if matters should be accommodated -with the Queen and Prince. Sir Richard Blake, a decided -opponent of the nuncio, was sent to Spain with instructions -to offer the protectorship to the King; but only in the last -resort and after they had heard the result of the Roman -mission. The same instructions were given to those who -went to France. Viscount Muskerry, Bishop Emer Macmahon, -and Geoffrey Brown were at first chosen; but Macmahon -positively refused to go on the grounds that the -Queen hated him, that Jermyn and Digby had threatened -his life for opposing the Ormonde peace, and that he spoke -neither French nor English. The latter can hardly have -been strictly the case, but perhaps he did not speak well -enough for diplomacy. It was nevertheless carried by a -majority that he should be compelled to go. ‘He then -rose,’ says Rinuccini, ‘and, with much displeasure, added -the following words: “You, sirs, have gained your victory, -but I say that under no circumstances will I go to France.”’ -More than fifty members left the hall, exclaiming that the -Confederation was at end; but a bishop said that the disaffection -of one need not dissolve the union of others. Muskerry, -Taaffe, and Preston wished to imprison Macmahon, -but the mayor sheltered him. There was a cry that O’Neill -was coming, and the city gates were shut. Preston went to -look for soldiers, and when Macmahon returned to the -Assembly next day he was driven away as being himself -under discussion. The lawyers said a bishop might be -imprisoned, but the clergy objected, and the Council contented -themselves with forbidding him to leave the city. In the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span> -end, Antrim was substituted for the bishop as envoy to -France, and the matter dropped for the time.<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin’s -bare-footed -army</div> - -<div class="sidenote">is everywhere -victorious.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Flight -of the -Supreme -Council.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin -ill-supported -by Parliament,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">which he -resolves to -desert.</div> - -<p>On December 16 Inchiquin marched out of Cork with -1000 foot and a few horse, ‘and was fain to have a gathering -among the poor inhabitants to get so much monies as to buy -them brogues to keep their feet from being cut to pieces by -ice.’ Owing to the difficulty of feeding men and horses, he -could not increase his force materially. But, small as it was, -Rinuccini reported at the end of January that it met with -no resistance anywhere. A few days later Inchiquin relieved -Cahir, occupied Carrick, and repaired the bridge there; -threatened Waterford, where Rinuccini then was, and, turning -northward, took Callan by assault. No artillery was used, -all the gates being blown down with petards, and three hundred -men were put to the sword, ‘besides some women, which the -soldiers’ mercy would not extend to, notwithstanding orders -to the contrary.’ The victors were unpaid and half starved, -and even the officers underwent ‘intolerable extremities.’ -Fethard was also in Inchiquin’s hands, and the Council of the -Confederates fled in haste to Kilkenny from Clonmel, whither -they had gone to compose local differences. Rinuccini went -to Waterford, and Inchiquin raised contributions up to the -very walls of Kilkenny. Perhaps he did not really want to -take it, being already suspected of a wish to turn against the -Parliament which had supplied his wants so ill. His officers -continued to protest their fidelity, but dwelt upon the -‘improbable successes’ which they had attained without help. -The Derby House Committee promised money and clothes, -which either never came or came in ridiculously small quantities, -showing that they were distrusted. They would be -obliged to make terms with the rebels, unless Parliament -sent shipping to fetch them off. The officers’ remonstrance -was not read in the House of Commons until March 27, but -Inchiquin had been for some time in communication with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span> -Ormonde. This did not prevent him from attempting a -junction with Jones, which was prevented by O’Neill, or -from sending Major Patterson to Edinburgh, offering to join -the Scots with 6000 men if they would declare for the King -against the English Parliament.<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -in -England, -Aug.-Feb., -1647-8.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">He escapes -to France.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Irish -envoys at -Paris, -March, -1647-8.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -advises -an evasive -answer.</div> - -<p>On landing in England, Ormonde went for a few days -to Acton, near Bristol, where he stayed with his uncle, Sir -Robert Poyntz. Having received a pass from Fairfax, he -went to London and to the King at Hampton Court, to whom -he presented an elaborate account of his proceedings in -Ireland. He had a friendly meeting with Fairfax at Putney, -and lived for some time at Kingston, to be near the King; -but the army became jealous of the Royalist confabulations -at Hampton Court, and on October 9 he had to take leave of -Charles, whom he never saw again. He returned to Acton, -which was conveniently near to Ireland, and sent, first, -Colonel John Barry, and then Edward Synge, afterwards -Bishop of Cloyne, to negotiate with Inchiquin. Fearing that -he might be arrested, he crossed the country to Hastings -and escaped in a fishing-boat to Dieppe. Many believed that -he had gone to Scotland. He reached Paris early in March -where he met Glamorgan and Antrim, each of them hoping -to be the ‘Catholic viceroy’ for whom Rinuccini had so long -contended. Muskerry and Brown reached St. Malo on -March 14, and on April 2 made written proposals to the -Queen and Prince. They were debarred from considering -religious matters until the return of the envoys from Rome, -and were content to stand for the present upon the terms of -the Ormonde peace. In the case of property they were -more specific, insisting that all lands forfeited since the first -year of James and reconquered since October 23, 1641, from -‘any of the party adverse to us’ should be confirmed to the -actual holders, that all who had lost their estates since the -accession should be allowed to recover them, no statute or -patent being pleadable to the contrary. No king of England -could have granted these terms, and Henrietta was sur<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span>rounded -by English Protestants. Ormonde advised a -friendly answer without any definite promises, and this -course was taken. The Queen and Prince regretted the -violation of the late peace, declined to discuss matters of -religion with men who were not authorised to treat, and -promised to send someone to Ireland empowered to ‘condescend -to whatever may consist with justice and with his -Majesty’s honour and interest to grant unto the said Confederated -Catholics.’ This answer was not given till May 13, -by which time the situation in Ireland had materially changed.<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> George Leyburn’s <i>Memoirs</i>, 1722; Tichborne’s <i>Letter</i> to his wife, -June 8, 1657; <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 15 <i>sqq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Leyburn’s <i>Memoirs</i>; Digby’s letters in Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, vol. iii., -appendix.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> All the material facts for this paragraph are in Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, and -Rinuccini’s <i>Embassy</i>, pp. 276-329; Clarendon’s <i>Hist. of the Rebellion, -Ireland</i>, p. 39. The garrisons surrendered with Dublin were Drogheda, -Naas, Trim, Dundalk, Carlingford, Narrow-water, Newry, Greencastle, -Slane.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> Letters of Digby and Ormonde in Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, iii. 17-23, July.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> Clanricarde to Ormonde, January 8, 1646-7, with Ormonde’s answer -of same date, in Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, iii.; <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 21-27; Rinuccini’s -<i>Embassy</i>, June 18 and August 22, 1647; Muskerry to Clanricarde, June 17, -‘from the camp, near Kilmallock,’ in <i>Confederation and War</i>, vii. 203; -Glamorgan to the King, March 31, <i>Additional MSS.</i>, 28,938, <i>f.</i> 129.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 27-32; Culme’s Diary referred to below; Leyburn’s -<i>Memoirs</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 32, 349; Jones’s account in <i>Rushworth</i>, vii. 779; Rinuccini’s -account in <i>Embassy</i>, p. 306; Borlase’s <i>Rebellion; A Diary of Passages</i>, -August 1-10, 1647, brought to London on August 18 by Lieut.-Colonel -Arthur Culme, who was present, and presented by him to Parliament, to -which a list of prisoners is appended, giving the names of 101 commissioned -and twenty-five non-commissioned officers, with 241 privates -not named. Lord Westmeath is at the head of the list.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Culme’s <i>Diary</i>, <i>ut sup.</i>; Lismore Papers, 2nd series, p. 111; <i>Rushworth</i>, -vi. 486, 562, 632 and vii. 787 (Letter of August 12, 1647) <i>Two letters</i> from -Lord Inchiquin to the Speaker, May 4 and 10, 1647, ordered to be printed -May 18.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> <i>Rushworth</i>, vi. 248, 455; <i>Whitelock</i>, March 9, 1646-7; <i>Confederation -and War</i>, iv. 19-25; Blencowe’s <i>Sydney Papers</i>, pp. 6, 13, 17; <i>A True and -Brief Relation</i> of Lord Lisle’s departure (a letter from Cork), 1647. Monck’s -Ulster appointment was made in July 1647.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> For the sack of Cashel I have chiefly followed Father Andrew Sall, -S.J., who was a native of the place, and who appears from internal evidence -to have been at least in the neighbourhood. A translation from his Italian -narrative is printed in Murphy’s <i>Cromwell in Ireland</i>, pp. 388-392. The -<i>Aphorismical Discovery</i> (i. 182) says thirty priests and friars were killed; -Carte says ‘near twenty.’ Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, ii. 7; Ludlow’s <i>Memoirs</i>, -ed. Firth, i. 85; Lenihan’s <i>Limerick</i>, p. 161.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> I have used the very scarce Dublin reprint of the <i>Disputatio Apologetica</i>: -the original is, of course, still scarcer. Nearly all that is known of -Mahony is in Walsh’s <i>Remonstrance</i>, part ii. sec. 22. The Portuguese -decrees are in <i>Contemporary Hist.</i> i. 739; Rinuccini’s <i>Embassy</i>, p. 321.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Rinuccini’s report on O’Neill’s proceedings, 1647, in <i>Embassy</i>, p. 281. -For the great and increasing hatred excited by the Ulster troops, <i>ib.</i>, 290, -309, 324, 347, 353-4, 357, 359; O’Neill’s Journal, 1647, in <i>Contemporary -Hist.</i>, iii. 206; Sir H. Tichborne’s <i>Letter</i> to his wife; Sir Maurice Eustace -to Ormonde in <i>Confederation and War</i>, vi. 207.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> Letters in <i>Rushworth</i>, vii. 916, 947; Inchiquin’s letter to Taaffe is in -Meehan’s <i>Confederation of Kilkenny</i>; Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, ii. 9; Smith’s <i>Cork</i>; -Rinuccini’s official account of battle in <i>Embassy</i>, p. 335, and further particulars -at p. 519; <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 34, 350; Inchiquin to Lenthall, November 18, -1647, ordered by the House of Commons to be printed, November 30. -<i>A Perfect Narrative</i> of the battle of Knocknanuss, by an officer present, 1647; -<i>A Mighty Victory</i> in Ireland, November 29, 1647, being a letter from William -More written in the field on November 13.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> Rinuccini’s <i>Embassy</i>, p. 343; <i>Confederation and War</i>, vi. 208, 232.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> The Queen to the King, December 1/11; 1647, in Bruce’s <i>Charles I. in -1646</i>; Rinuccini’s <i>Embassy</i>, pp. 330, 332, 340, 343; <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 36. -Instructions for the agents to Rome, France, and Spain in <i>Confederation and -War</i>, vi. 223-227. Speech of the agent in Holland, <i>ib.</i> 232.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Letter in <i>Rushworth</i>, vii. 947; <i>ib.</i> 1006, 1029, 1041; Rinuccini’s <i>Embassy</i>, -pp. 367, 370; <i>Thurloe</i>, i. 93; <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 36-39.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, ii. 15. Ormonde’s report on Ireland to the King -is <i>ib.</i> iii. appendix No. 565; <i>Rushworth</i>, vii. 795. The Paris negotiations -in <i>Confederation and War</i>, vi. 228-232. <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 37.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXIX" id="CHAPTER_XXIX">CHAPTER XXIX</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">INCHIQUIN, RINUCCINI, AND ORMONDE, 1648</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin -and the -Parliament.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">He is -distrusted,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and voted -a traitor, -April 14, -1648.</div> - -<p>Inchiquin’s espousal of the Parliamentary cause had been -generally attributed to his disgust at the King’s foolish -appointment of Portland to be President of Munster over his -head. But the motives of men are, for the most part, mixed, -and he may have thought, as was indeed the fact, that he -was taking the best course to protect the Protestants of -southern Ireland. Ormonde could do little for them, and -the masters of the sea could do much. But Parliament was -torn by factions, and help was sent to Ireland grudgingly. -Having gained two great victories and successfully maintained -the three seaports, Inchiquin thought he deserved -better treatment. Besides all this, he disliked the Independents -and dreaded their growing power. In November 1642 -he assured Ormonde that he was no Roundhead; and in -August 1645, after Naseby and after his expulsion of the -Roman Catholics from Cork and Youghal, he told his brother-in-law, -Michael Boyle, that he would waive all dependence -on Parliament if he could see safety for the Protestants by -any other means. Even before the battle of Knocknanuss -he was distrusted in Parliamentary circles, and after it he -began to draw towards Ormonde. The Confederacy was -evidently on the decline, and there was some chance of a -general combination against Owen Roe O’Neill. Purely -selfish considerations would probably have confirmed him in -his allegiance to the Parliament; for since Cornet Joyce’s -raid it was easy to see that the ‘Roundheads’ were going to -win. On March 30, after the letter from Inchiquin’s officers -had been considered, three members of the House of Commons -were appointed to go as commissioners to the Munster army.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span> -A fortnight later Major Elsing, one of the officers who refused -to follow their general, reported his defection to the House, -who thereupon recalled their commissioners, cancelled all -Inchiquin’s powers, and voted him a rebel and traitor. Before -declaring himself openly he had taken the precaution of -bespeaking a welcome in France in case the worst came to -the worst. Broghill, his rival in Munster, was also intriguing -with Ormonde and the Queen; but in his case it came to -nothing. His cousin, Sir W. Fenton, and other officers who -refused to declare for the King, had been imprisoned by -Inchiquin, and this may have tended to prevent Broghill -from joining him.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin’s -truce with -the Confederacy</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Rinuccini’s -opposition.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The truce -condemned -by the -bishops, -April 27.</div> - -<p>Inchiquin having declared himself a Royalist, there was -nothing to prevent those who had made the Ormonde peace -from coming to terms with him also. When the late raid was -fresh in his memory, even Rinuccini had seen the necessity -of doing something of the kind. Now that Kilkenny and -Waterford seemed safe he strenuously opposed any cessation -or truce on the ground that it would leave things as before. -Inchiquin’s change of front had left him without allies, and -this was the time to crush the author of the Cashel massacre. -The Supreme Council urged that they were in no condition -to maintain a war, and that even if they were it would be -bad policy to drive Inchiquin to desperation. The result -would be to deliver Cork, Youghal, and Kinsale to the Parliament, -who would always grant him fair terms for such valuable -possessions. Inchiquin was certainly very anti-Catholic, -‘yet, as we are informed, he suffers our priests to live and -mass to be celebrated within his quarters,’ and he would allow -tithes to be paid in Tipperary and ‘Cashel and all the churches -which were profaned there’ to be restored to their old uses. -Michael Jones was making great preparations in Dublin, and -the Confederacy would soon have to reckon with him. ‘Your -lordship knows by experience,’ they reminded the nuncio, -‘that when the enemy insulted over your lordship at the walls -of Waterford, and stood at defiance with us at the gates of -Kilkenny, how slow our forces were drawing to a head, when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> -after orders upon orders, ten times at least, issued by us, -one on the neck of another, to General Preston, General -O’Neill, and the Lord Taaffe, scarce three thousand men could -be brought into the city before the enemy retreated.’ But -Rinuccini above all things dreaded the return of Ormonde, -and persisted in opposing a truce ‘with any of a contrary -religion,’ though he was willing to agree to an ‘accommodation, -confederacy, or some such like contract,’ based not upon -the <i>status quo</i>, but upon a distinct advantage to be gained. -He held a meeting of fourteen bishops, who decided that no -one could with a safe conscience agree to the truce. There -was a minority of six, but, according to the custom on such -occasions, they signed with the rest.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Rinuccini -goes to the -Ulster -army.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The truce -concluded -in his -absence, -May 20.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Interdict -and excommunication -follows.</div> - -<p>‘The nuncio,’ says Bellings, ‘seeing that no opposition -he could give was of force to interrupt the cessation, judging -it, perhaps, unfit for him to be present at the publishing of -it, left the town in such a manner as might well persuade the -people somewhat had been plotted against his person, for, -passing through the garden of Mr. Shea’s house, where he -lived, and mounting to the town wall by a ladder, he went -out at the gate, and thence to the northern army in Leix, -where the Ulster creaghts, from the time Owen O’Neill had -taken the fort of Maryborough on his advance to the siege -of Dublin, had been planted.’ Bishop Macmahon left Kilkenny -next day. Some monks had told the nuncio that a plot -against his life had been revealed to them under the seal of -confession. Somebody may have said this to drive him away, -but that there was such a plot is quite incredible, and it -may be doubted whether Rinuccini believed it himself. He -fled to O’Neill at Maryborough, and when he was gone the -truce was quickly concluded. The Council, more for the sake -of popularity than because they wished for his presence, -made great efforts to induce him to return, but he was irreconcilable, -and was destined never to see Kilkenny again.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span> -The truce was concluded without his consent on May 20, to -last until November 1, upon the basis of each party retaining -its own and of a mutual exchange of prisoners. Inchiquin’s -quarters were defined as the counties of Cork, Kerry, and -Waterford, with the proviso that he should not tax the -baronies of Glenaheiry, near Clonmel, and Gaultier, near -Waterford, nor the towns of Dingle and Tralee. He undertook -not to interfere with the free exercise of religion outside -his garrison towns. A week later the nuncio excommunicated -all who accepted the truce, and laid an interdict on towns and -villages receiving it. Macmahon and four other bishops -signed the document, and the penalties of excommunication -were declared to be incurred by all who removed or defaced it.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Supreme -Council -appeal to -Rome.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill -supports -the -nuncio.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Tyrone’s -sword.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Preston -and -O’Neill -at war.</div> - -<p>‘The lord nuncio’s excommunications,’ says Bellings, -‘had now by his often thundering of them, grown more cheap.’ -A sense of this may have been the reason why he made it as -stringent as possible, though he was without books or canonists, -and therefore open to criticism in point of form. In the -letters written at the time he admits that the result varied -very much in different places, but in the narrative composed -after he left Ireland he says he ‘knew of no occasion when the -censure has better deserved the name of a thunderbolt,’ -and that it had at once sent 2000 of Preston’s soldiers over -to O’Neill. The paper was publicly posted in Kilkenny, -and the Supreme Council at once appealed to Rome. O’Neill -and his officers declared unreservedly for the nuncio, professing -to believe that Ormonde was really a partisan of the Parliament, -and that those who adhered to him were inclined the -same way. The Council thereupon revoked his commission -as general of Ulster, and advised him and his officers by letter. -O’Neill collected these missives and burned them publicly -in the presence of Bishop Macmahon and others, and proceeded -to increase his forces as fast as possible. Some money -brought from Rome by Dean Massari enabled him to do this. -The Dean had also brought a sword from Luke Wadding,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span> -which was said to have been Tyrone’s, and for which he had -a splendid scabbard made at Paris. As a former Pope had -sent Tyrone a crown of peacock’s feathers, so this was thought -to be a confirmation of the report that Owen O’Neill was -designated as king in Mahony’s pamphlet. The sword never -came into O’Neill’s hands, and there is no evidence that -he had any such ideas, though the nature of his ambition -must always be somewhat questionable. Things came to a -head about the end of July, when James Preston, the general’s -son, besieged Athy, which was held by Shane O’Hagan against -the Confederates, and where O’Neill had established a bakery -for ammunition-bread. Summoned by O’Hagan to his -relief, the northern general came from Longford without -meeting much resistance, and passed the flooded Barrow by -felling an oak tree across it. Preston drew off at his approach, -and he encamped a few days later in Lord Mountgarret’s -park at Dunmore with 10,000 foot and 500 horse. His men -ate the deer and drank the good ale in the lodge. He made -no attempt on the town, about which Preston had collected -some troops, and after a stay of five days drew off into Queen’s -County, Inchiquin following him with a much inferior force.<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Panic at -Kilkenny, -May-August.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin -urges -Ormonde -to return.</div> - -<p>While O’Neill’s tents were visible from the walls of Kilkenny -there was great confusion inside. Some churches were shut; -others, in defiance of the interdict, remained open. A letter -was intercepted in which Paul King, guardian of the Franciscans -and a special confidant of the nuncio’s, invited the -northern general to take possession. The Council imprisoned -King and made Peter Walsh guardian. Walsh was employed -to draw up queries and answers, which were afterwards -signed by Bishop Rothe, against the validity of Rinuccini’s -censures. ‘I remember very well,’ writes the learned friar, -‘how (besides others) Richard Bellings, Esq., a leading member -and chief secretary of the said Council, came several times -from them to my chamber to hasten my despatch, and to -tell me of the great danger of delay, being the enemy was in -sight and the people so divided.’ He worked for five days<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> -and nights consecutively without closing his eyes, and preached -in the cathedral at the end of it. A respectable number of -divines followed Rothe and Walsh, but it was evident that the -Confederacy could not be restored. O’Neill, who alone of the -Irish generals had the prestige of victory, openly defied the -authority of the Council and adhered to the nuncio. Jones -was gradually growing stronger in Dublin, and it was evident -that no one except Ormonde could have the weight necessary. -Inchiquin had urged him to come as soon as the truce was -concluded. ‘Divers of my men,’ he said, ‘have died of -hunger, after they had a while lived upon cats and dogs, as -many do now. And if, while I am in this condition, the -Parliament shipping should arrive according to our expectation, -grounded upon good advertisement, with some officers, -money, clothes, and victuals, and make tender thereof unto -our soldiers, if they will give up the officers they have now, -a greater strait than I shall be in cannot be imagined.’<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Activity of -O’Neill, -August-September.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">He is -generally -unsuccessful.</div> - -<p>After leaving Kilkenny, O’Neill marched to Borrisoleigh -in Tipperary. Here he received an invitation to visit Clare, -and went to Killaloe, whence he detached Rory Maguire -to surprise Banagher. He then turned back into Tipperary, -and sent another detachment to Nenagh, which was taken -by storm. From Silvermines he went to Birr, where he heard -that Athy was again closely besieged by Preston, and sent a -party to relieve it. Inchiquin, in the meantime, recovered -Nenagh by undermining the wall, while his men were sheltered -with wooden barriers. The garrison surrendered before the -mine was fired, and Inchiquin then went to Banagher, where -he was joined by Clanricarde and Taaffe. They were so well -posted that O’Neill was unable to raise the siege, and retired -by Tullamore to the neighbourhood of Belturbet in Cavan. -Athlone was already in Clanricarde’s hands, so that the -party opposed to Rinuccini had been successful all along -the line. O’Neill’s object had been to reach Kerry, which -had not been devastated and where there were harbours -to receive foreign supplies, and mountains suited to his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span> -peculiar tactics. He remained inactive in Ulster for the rest -of the year.<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill -makes -advances -to -Inchiquin,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and to -Michael -Jones,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and denounces -the Confederates.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill -proclaimed -traitor, -Sept. 30.</div> - -<p>Early in September O’Neill employed Rory O’More, the -original plotter of the rebellion, on a mission to Inchiquin. -He offered to leave him the whole of Munster without any -condition but that of non-interference in the other provinces. -Adopting Rinuccini’s view that anything was better than the -Supreme Council, he also entered into negotiations with the -governor of Dublin. Jones was represented by his brother, -the Bishop of Clogher, while Macmahon, who claimed the -same see, was hand-and-glove with O’Neill. The General -Assembly declared that ‘as Owen Roe and the Bishop of -Clogher (Macmahon) mislead those adhering unto them with -deep protestations of their loyalty, and desires to advance -the Catholic religion, and his Majesty’s interests, and his -aversion to Jones and his ways; so of the other side Jones -with his Protestant Bishop of Clogher, by the same acts and -illusions (while they be practisers with Owen O’Neill) endeavours -to persuade his officers and soldiers that he intends -to prosecute him as a pestilent blood-sucker, and a sworn -enemy to the English nation and Government; and we are -informed that when despatches come from Owen O’Neill, and -the messengers of Vicar-General Edmond O’Reilly are seen at -Dublin, Jones gives out that they are sent from the Council at -Kilkenny.’ In his declaration against the truce with Inchiquin -O’Neill denounced the Confederates for surrendering all to -Ormonde, ‘the great personage whom in their souls they -know to be wholly disposed to betray the kingdom to the -Parliament.’ It is hard to believe that O’Neill thought -any such thing; at all events, he heartily congratulated the -great personage on his safe arrival in Ireland. ‘None,’ he -said, ‘shall be found in the kingdom more obedient and dutiful -to his Majesty, and consequently to your Excellency.’ -Ormonde replied that he would have no reason to complain -if his actions were agreeable to his professions. In the meantime -the Supreme Council had proclaimed O’Neill a traitor, -along with Bishop Macmahon, Vicar-General O’Reilly,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span> -Dominic Fanning, and others, and had ordered all their -adherents to lay down their arms before October 25 on pain -of being held traitors likewise.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -lands at -Cork, -Sept. 29.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -King’s -orders -to him.</div> - -<p>Ormonde reached Cork harbour on Michaelmas Day. -Inchiquin begged him to come, with or without money, but -to multiply the real sum by four so as to encourage the -soldiers. What he actually brought was thirty pistoles, his -slender resources having been expended through various -accidents and delays before he left France. He issued an -address to the Munster army, declaring that he had come ‘to -employ his utmost endeavours for the settlement of the -Protestant religion, for defence of the King in his prerogatives, -and for maintaining the privileges and freedom of Parliament, -as well as the liberty of the subject.’ Independency he would -do his best to suppress. He had still all the legal authority -of a viceroy, but his special powers to treat with the Irish had -been exhausted in 1646. He had fresh powers from the Prince -of Wales, but they might be objected to, and the King was -applied to for their confirmation. ‘I must command you -two things,’ wrote Charles from Newport, ‘first, to obey all -my wife’s commands; then, not to obey any commands of -mine until I send you word that I am free from restraint. -Lastly, be not startled at my great concessions concerning -Ireland, for that they will come to nothing.’ Ormonde stayed -a few days at Cork, and then went to his own house at Carrick, -so as to be near Kilkenny.<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Riot at -Galway, -July.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The archbishop -defies the -nuncio.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -General -Assembly -denounce -the -nuncio’s -party,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and -welcome -Ormonde -to Kilkenny.</div> - -<p>The mayor of Galway attempted to proclaim the truce, -as Kilkenny had done, but Rinuccini opposed him in person, -and in the riot which followed some lives were lost. The -mob generally sided with the nuncio, and he had the bell of -the Carmelites’ church taken down, that order having opposed -him. Two priests were posted at the door ‘to keep Catholics -from the mass, to the great scandal of Catholic religion in -the country, where there are many Protestants that, by good<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span> -example, might be converted to the Catholic faith.’ Archbishop -de Burgo reached the town at this juncture, and -demanded the production of the warrant under which -Rinuccini acted. ‘I won’t show it,’ said the nuncio. ‘And -I won’t obey you,’ replied the archbishop, and ordered the -church doors to be forcibly opened by a man who got in through -a hole in the roof. The archbishop celebrated mass in spite -of the interdict. In order to neutralise the action of the -Kilkenny Council, Rinuccini summoned a national synod to -meet at Galway on August 15; but Clanricarde, who had -the assistance of Inchiquin, surrounded the town and quite -prevented any episcopal gathering there. No letters reached -the nuncio, and it was with great difficulty that he despatched -any. On August 30 he published a declaration, which was -signed by six bishops and some other dignitaries, setting forth -that adhesion to the truce with Inchiquin was ‘a deadly sin -against the law of God and His Church.’ This did not prevent -the Assembly from meeting at Kilkenny on September 4, -who denounced the malice and irregularity of those who -signed the declaration, and pronounced them guilty of the -late bloodshed at Galway. A few days later they sent John -Roe, provincial of the barefooted Carmelites, to Rome with -letters for the Pope. They had fought, they said, for the -faith for seven years, and their reward was to have the papal -thunders loosened upon their heads by the nuncio. As soon -as Ormonde arrived they congratulated him, and announced -their willingness to conclude ‘a well-grounded and lasting -peace’ with him. Commissioners, of whom Sir Phelim -O’Neill was one, were appointed to carry on the negotiations. -Early in November Ormonde was invited to Kilkenny, and -entered the town with great pomp, the members of the -Assembly going out along the road to meet him and conducting -him to his own castle. It was just three years since -Rinuccini had been received with equal or greater rejoicing.<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Antrim -tries to -thwart -Ormonde</div> - -<p>Antrim was much disgusted at not being made Lord<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> -Lieutenant, and reached Ireland about the same time as -Ormonde, with the intention of thwarting him. He was not -trusted by the Confederates, and the most important part of -the Paris negotiations had been hidden from him. Wexford -favoured the nuncio, and Antrim collected about a thousand -men there with a view of making a diversion in aid of Owen -O’Neill. They consisted of a battalion of Highlanders, under -Macdonald of Glengarry, and of levies made among the -O’Byrnes and Kavanaghs. They were attacked on the road -between Wexford and Arklow by the Confederate forces, and -routed by MacThomas and his cavalry. This is what Antrim -in his autobiographical memoir calls ‘living privately at -Wexford and Waterford.’ He escaped by boat to Arklow, -and thence to O’Neill’s garrison at Rebane in Kildare. In the -following year he became a pensioner of Cromwell.<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Parliament -masters of -Ulster.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Monck -takes -Carrickfergus and -Belfast, -September.</div> - -<p>In the meantime the aspect of affairs in Ulster had -changed very much. Coote was governor of Londonderry, -but much straitened by the fort of Culmore, which was -held by Sir Robert Stewart. Stewart was now a decided -Royalist, and his guns commanded the channel of the Foyle -so that supplies reached the city with difficulty. Monro -still held Carrickfergus and Belfast, while Monck held O’Neill -in check from Dundalk and Lisburn. When Monro’s nephew -George, who had escaped so narrowly at Benburb, went over -to Scotland for the King, he took with him men from most -of the Scottish regiments. This was done with his uncle’s -connivance, and Monck had strict orders from the Parliament -to seize Belfast. During the night of September 12 he -arrived accordingly before Carrickfergus with a strong force. -The captain of the guard opened the gate, Monro was taken -in his bed, and sent over to England. Belfast then surrendered -without resistance. The thanks of Parliament, which was in -good humour after Preston, were given to Monck, who was -voted 500<i>l.</i>, and made governor of Belfast and Carrickfergus. -A few weeks later, Coote was equally successful, and he also -received the thanks of Parliament. Stewart was inveigled<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span> -into Londonderry to attend a christening, and was seized, -along with Audley Mervyn. They were sent over to England, -and Culmore fort soon surrendered to Coote, as did Lifford and -some other places. With the exception of Charlemont, which -the Irish had held since 1641, every fortified place in Ulster -was in Parliamentary hands by the end of the year.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Mutiny in -Inchiquin’s -army.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -at Cork, -November.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Prince -of Wales -expected.</div> - -<p>While Ormonde was negotiating at Kilkenny, a serious -mutiny occurred among the cavalry of Inchiquin’s army. -Many of the officers were not Royalists, and many of the men -had received no pay. It was true that their wants had been -neglected by Parliament; but the Houses had at least the -means of becoming prompt paymasters, while Ormonde -could only give promises. The proceedings in Ulster showed -that the Parliamentary cause was gaining ground. By -simultaneously seizing several of the chief officers, by offering -an indemnity for the past, and by promising to detain no -man against his will, Inchiquin quelled the mutiny; but it -was thought desirable that Ormonde should visit Cork, and -he left the Assembly sitting at Kilkenny. Richard Fanshawe -reached Kinsale at this juncture with letters from the Prince -of Wales and power to announce that Rupert was coming -with his fleet and supplies. The Duke of York was expected -at once, and his elder brother as soon as he had recovered -from an attack of smallpox. Ormonde urged the Prince of -Wales to come, for his presence was the one thing necessary -to restore the confidence of ‘a discouraged rather than disaffected -army.’ Money and additional men would be very -useful, but Charles himself much more so. Having done -what he could in Munster, the Lord Lieutenant returned to -Kilkenny within a fortnight as he had promised.<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">No help -from Rome.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Peace -concluded, -January, -1648-9.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Commissioners -of -Trust -appointed.</div> - -<p>Ormonde was ill after his return to Kilkenny, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> -discussions about the peace were suspended till December 19; -but the Confederates were in no condition to drive a hard -bargain. Bishop French and Sir Nicholas Plunket had -returned from Rome empty-handed, the Pope alleging -troubles in Crete and a possible invasion of Italy by the Turks -as reasons for turning a deaf ear to Ireland. The agents were -also reminded that no account had been given of the large -sum sent over by Massari. The Remonstrance of the army -in England became known at Kilkenny about the same time, -and it had a very sobering effect. The Assembly receded -from its extreme claim in the matter of religion, and on -January 17 a peace was concluded which differed but slightly -from that made in 1646 and afterwards rejected by Rinuccini’s -advice. Everything was referred to a free Parliament to be -held in Ireland in six months, or as soon after as possible, -and no man was to be molested for any matter of religion in -the meantime. The Confederacy was dissolved and the -powers of a provisional government were vested in twelve -lay notables, of whom three were peers, afterwards known -as the ‘Commissioners of Trust.’ The peace was signed at -Kilkenny and proclaimed on the same day, and a circular -letter was also sent out by nine bishops. These prelates -advised their co-religionists to accept the peace loyally. -‘In the present concessions,’ they said, ‘and in the expectation -of further gracious favours from his Majesty’s goodness, -we have received a good satisfaction for the being and safety -of religion; and the substance thereof, as to the concessions -for religion, is better than the sound; by the temporal -articles lives, liberties, and the estates of men are well provided -for ... you fight fiercely against sectaries and rebels -for God and Cæsar, and under those banners you may well -hope for victories.’<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -nuncio -loses all -credit.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -on ultramontane -politics.</div> - -<p>While Ormonde was negotiating at Kilkenny, Rinuccini<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span> -was in low estate at Galway. ‘For eight months,’ he wrote, -‘I have seen none of my attendants, and am reduced to such -a point, that however bad the vessel, the sea is almost safer -for me than the land.’ He sent his confessor, Giuseppe -Arcamoni, a Theatine, to Rome in order to counterbalance -the efforts of the Carmelite Roe. The Confederates had gone -so far as to order him out of Ireland to make his defence before -the Pope in person, and to forbid him in the meantime to -‘intermeddle directly or indirectly’ in Irish affairs. A -duplicate of this letter was sent to the Corporation of Galway, -and both original and copy were accompanied by a long -statement of charges against the nuncio. The corporation -were peremptorily ordered to have no further dealings with -the ‘lord archbishop of Fermo.’ He was accused generally of -arbitrary and tyrannical conduct, of endeavouring to subvert -fundamental laws and to withdraw the people from their -allegiance to the Crown, and of plotting to ‘introduce a -foreign, arbitrary, and tyrannical government.’ In a paper -drawn up about this time Ormonde says, ‘the nuncio is a -foreigner, and no subject of his Majesty’s; therefore not -at all interested in any agreement between his Majesty -and his subjects, and may have aims prejudicial to -both, wherefore his satisfaction may be as difficult as -unnecessary.’<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Rinuccini -leaves -Ireland, -February -1648-9.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Reasons -of his -failure.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">What was -thought -at Rome.</div> - -<p>Rinuccini was completely beaten, though the great bulk -of the clergy were with him. He could claim seventeen -bishops against eight, and the vast majority of the religious -orders, excepting the Jesuits. He had with him the Celtic -population, as represented by Owen Roe O’Neill, and the -poorer classes generally, who cared much for the Church and -very little for the Crown. But the nobility and the legal -profession were against him. ‘A few days,’ he wrote, ‘after -my arrival in Kilkenny some lawyers inquired from Father -Scarampi if I were going to erect a tribunal. When he said -yes, they replied that they would not put up with it by any<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span> -means.... In the public assembly Viscount Muskerry said -that the day of my arrival was a fatal one for the country; -in short, they have shown in every action that they cannot -endure the authority of the Pope; they are even not ashamed -to say in private and in print that his succours were mere -empty hopes, vanity, and vexation. It may be therefore -by the will of God that a people Catholic only in name, -and so irreverent towards the Church, should feel the thunderbolt -of the Holy See, and draw upon themselves the anger -which is the meed of the scorner.’ Rinuccini declared that -a nuncio to a heretic viceroy was an absurdity, and prepared -to leave the country. With difficulty he succeeded in securing -the very <i>San Pietro</i> on board of which he had first come. -Plunket and French went to Galway to report the result of -their Roman mission, but he did not await their arrival, -and it was thought that he feared orders from the Pope -incompatible with his late proceedings. He sailed on -February 23, crowds of weeping people accompanying him -to the ship; the poor were much better Catholics than the -lords and lawyers. The demonstration on his arrival had been -less than ‘on the completion of his mission to a poor and -persecuted minister, and could not be ascribed to the hopes -of assistance which they entertained.’ He thought the -corrupted nations nearer Rome should ‘journey to a distant -clime where the sun is never seen, that they may fully comprehend -the due subjection of the faithful to their head.’ In -the meantime he sent his confessor to Rome with instructions -to press for certain specific measures. The authorities were -called upon to suspend Bishop Rothe of Ossory, to summon -Archbishop de Burgo to Rome, to call Peter Walsh ‘before -the Inquisition or any other tribunal in Rome,’ to summon -the chiefs of the recalcitrant Carmelites, and to order Malone, -provincial of the Irish Jesuits, out of Ireland. Arcamoni -arrived in March, but Rinuccini lingered long in France and -in his native Florence, and did not reach Rome till the -second week in November. No one there approved of -his proceedings in Ireland, and the Pope accused him of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span> -rashness. More than two years before he had abstained from -making him a cardinal, though urged to do so by Bishop -Macmahon.<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 37; <i>Rushworth</i>, vii. 1060; Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, ii. 24-31.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 37-58, where the documents are all given. The episcopal -declaration is dated April 27. Rinuccini’s <i>Embassy</i>, pp. 380-391. The -printed declaration and protestation of Lord Inchiquin and his officers, -dated May 6, 1648, attributes their action to the fact that the Independents -had denied them supplies.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Rinuccini’s <i>Embassy</i>, p. 393. The articles with Inchiquin in <i>Confederation -and War</i>, vi. 235; the Excommunication in <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, -i. 194; <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 69.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> O’Neill’s <i>Journal</i>; <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 98, 104; <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, i. -240.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> Walsh’s <i>Remonstrance</i>, xlvi.; the Queries, <i>ib.</i>, appendix 1; <i>Bellings</i>, -vii. 103-12; Inchiquin to Ormonde, May 29, 1648, in Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 104-108; O’Neill’s <i>Journal</i>, September, 1648.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Documents in <i>Contemporary Hist.</i>, i. 745-754, September and October, -1648.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, ii. 39-41; the King to Ormonde, October 28, in -Carte’s <i>Original Letters</i>; Ormonde to Sir R. Blake, Walker’s <i>Discourses</i>, -p. 71.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> Rinuccini’s <i>Embassy</i>, August and September; Hardiman’s <i>Hist. of -Galway</i>; Letter to the Pope, September 17, in <i>Confederation and War</i>, vi. -280; <i>ib.</i>, 300.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> Hill’s <i>Macdonnells of Antrim</i>, pp. 278-303; <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 114; Carte’s -<i>Ormonde</i>, ii. 42.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> Benn’s <i>Hist. of Belfast</i>, p. 122; <i>Rushworth</i>, vii. 1277, 1282, 1386; -Lodge’s <i>Peerage</i>, vi. 244.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> Ormonde to the Prince of Wales from Cork, November 27, 1648, in -<i>Confederation and War</i>, vii. 149; Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, iii. 44-47. On December -12, Digby reported, but without believing the story, that a ‘she correspondent’ -of Jermyn had told him that Inchiquin had agreed with the -Derby House Committee and promised to give up Ormonde, <i>Carte MSS.</i> -vol. 63, <i>f.</i> 565.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Articles of peace, proclamation of same, and circular of prelates, -January 17, 1648-9, in <i>Confederation and War</i>, vii. 184-213. The Commissioners -of Trust were Viscounts Dillon and Muskerry, Lord Athenry, -Alexander MacDonnell (Antrim’s brother), Sirs Lucas Dillon, Nicholas -Plunket, and Richard Barnewall, Geoffrey Brown, Donogh O’Callaghan, -Turlagh O’Neill, Miles O’Reilly, and Gerald Fennell Esquires.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> Rinuccini’s <i>Embassy</i>, October 31, 1648; Sir Richard Blake to Rinuccini -and to the town of Galway, October 19, with enclosure, in <i>Confederation and -War</i>, vi. 294; Notes by Ormonde in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> i. 756.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> Rinuccini’s <i>Embassy</i>, pp. 436, 467. The Pope’s words to Rinuccini, as -reported by Father Roe to Peter Walsh, were <i>Temerarie te gessisti</i>,—<i>Hist. -of the Remonstrance</i>, xxxiv. Castlehaven alludes to them, and may have -had his information from either Roe or Walsh. Macmahon to the Pope in -<i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, i. 303; Robert Meynell to Hyde and Cottington, -Rome, October 18, 1849, in <i>Clarendon S.P.</i>, and Father Roe to Hyde, Nov. -27, <i>ib.</i></p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXX" id="CHAPTER_XXX">CHAPTER XXX</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">RINUCCINI TO CROMWELL, 1649</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde’s -commanding -position.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">He tries -to gain -O’Neill.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill, -Jones and -Coote.</div> - -<p>Having pacified the Confederates and driven away Rinuccini, -Ormonde was now for the moment almost master of Ireland. -If he could only regain Dublin before Cromwell was ready, -the chances of war and politics might yet turn in the young -King’s favour. He attempted to win over O’Neill, who had -still 5000 foot and 300 horse, though many chiefs had deserted -him and 2000 of his men had gone to Spain under O’Sullivan -Bere. O’Neill was willing to accept the peace if he might be -allowed 6000 foot and 800 horse at the expense of the country, -but the Commissioners of Trust, with whom all such questions -rested, would not agree to more than 4000 foot and 600 -horse. When at last they yielded it was only on condition -that the regiments of Sir Phelim O’Neill and others who had -deserted the Ulster general should form part of the force. -Suspecting ill-faith, Owen O’Neill turned to Jones and Monck, -from whom he might expect a supply of powder, and the -former actually sold him some. Ormonde then approached -Michael Jones, but he refused to abandon those from whom -he held his command. Coote professed himself ready to -obey the King’s orders as soon as his Majesty was in a position -to enable him to do so safely. He was, however, deserted by -some of Sir Robert Stewart’s old officers, who seized Enniskillen, -imprisoned Sir William Cole, and declared for the -King. Ormonde pressed Charles to come to Ireland, but -Scotch influences proved too strong.<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles II. -proclaimed, -February.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -and Jones.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Attitude -of Jones.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Milton and -the Ulster -Scots.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Scots -a hired -army.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -and -Cromwell -compared.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">All the -treaties -with the -Irish condemned.</div> - -<p>Ormonde went to Cork early in February in order to -communicate with Prince Rupert. At Youghal on his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span> -return he heard of the King’s execution, and immediately -proclaimed Charles II. The same was done wherever his -authority extended, and the new sovereign lost no time -in renewing his commission as Lord Lieutenant with the -fullest powers. His negotiations with O’Neill at this time -had no result, but he had some hope that the King’s execution -would detach Michael Jones from the Parliament. There was, -he said, an evident intention to abolish monarchy, ‘unless -their aim be first to constitute an elective kingdom and -Cromwell or some such John of Leyden being elected then -by the same force to establish a perfect Turkish tyranny.’ -Nothing better could be expected from ‘the dregs and scum -of the House of Commons picked and awed by the army,’ -which was all that remained of the ancient constitution. -Jones in his answer pointed out that the peace just concluded -scarcely gave any protection to Protestants, and -that none was to be expected from a Papist army. His -business was not to meddle in affairs of State, but to carry -out the work for which he was appointed. The intermeddling -of Irish governors with English parties had always had the -effect of weakening the colony, and Ormonde himself had -provided a case in point by sending most of his English army -across the channel, and thus very nearly abandoning Ireland -to the rebels. The English interest could evidently only be -preserved by the English, and it was upon that ground that he -had surrendered Dublin to the Parliament, ‘from which -clear principle I am sorry to see your lordship now receding.’ -Jones said nothing either in approval or condemnation of -the King’s execution, but he did not allow it to affect his -action. The Scots in Ulster, while condemning it unreservedly, -did not think it a reason for supporting Ormonde. The -Presbytery of Belfast were chiefly anxious to overthrow the -sectaries who had departed from the Solemn League and -Covenant, and even showed an intention of tolerating all -religions, even ‘paganism and Judaism.’ But they were -scarcely less bitter against those who ‘combined themselves -with Papists and other notorious malignants.’ Milton, who -was just beginning his career as Latin secretary, was em<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span>ployed -by the House of Commons to answer both Ormonde -and the Ulster presbyters. With the latter he had little -difficulty, for they admitted that Ireland was dependent upon -England and not upon Scotland. ‘The Presbytery of Belfast, -a small town in Ulster,’ said the poet, should have enough -to do in overseeing their own flock, without meddling in affairs -of State. The House of Commons were accused of seizing -upon the King’s person, ‘but was he not surrendered into -their hands an enemy and captive by their own subordinate -and paid army of Scots in England?’ And Knox, who was the -founder of Scotch presbytery, ‘taught professedly the doctrine -of deposing and of killing kings.’ Ormonde on his part -made a great mistake in comparing Cromwell to John of -Leyden, for never was any man more unlike the Puritan -chief than the polygamous scoundrel who had enjoyed a brief -royalty at Münster. Cromwell, said Milton, had ‘done in -few years more eminent and remarkable deeds whereon to -found nobility in his house though it were wanting, and -perpetual renown to posterity, than Ormonde and all his -ancestors put together can show from any record of their -Irish exploits, the widest scene of their glory.’ Dealing with -the articles of the peace in greater detail than Jones had done, -Milton shows that the Protestants of Ireland were really -left at the mercy of those who were more or less responsible -for the massacres. The cessation of 1643 and the abortive -articles of 1646 were open to the same objection, but this -last treaty went further in proposing to give an Irish Parliament -power to repeal Poynings’ Act, and by abandoning -the militia, ‘a trust which the King swore by God at Newmarket -he would not commit to his Parliament of England, no, -not for an hour.’ Nor did Milton omit to notice the article -‘more ridiculous than dangerous’ which provided for the -repeal of laws against ploughing by the tail and burning in the -straw, showing how ‘indocible and averse from all civility -and amendment,’ the Irish rebels were.<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span></p> -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill -and -Monck.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">They -combine -against -Ormonde -and -Inchiquin.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill -helps -Coote.</div> - -<p>George Monck was governor of Ulster for the Parliament. -Being deserted by the Scots under Sir Robert Stewart and -Sir George Monro, he found it hard to maintain himself, but -he was able to victual Londonderry, Coleraine, Greencastle, -and Lisburn. He himself lay at Dundalk, where he feared -to be attacked on all sides. To keep O’Neill from joining with -Ormonde was therefore his chief object. Sooner or later -O’Neill would have had to accept the Lord Lieutenant’s -overtures, for he was entirely cut off from the sea and had -no other means of replenishing his stock of powder. Monck, -who knew that help was coming from England, resolved to -give the necessary powder on condition of an offensive and -defensive alliance for three months, during which O’Neill -bound himself to make no terms with Ormonde or Inchiquin -or with any opponent of the Parliament. Each of these two -silent men, who were soldiers and not politicians, thought -the preservation of his army the first object. O’Neill was -responsible to no one; but Monck took the precaution of -reporting all he had done to Cromwell, who would understand -the military argument, and see that political prudery was -out of place in the midst of war. The immediate result of -the treaty was to reduce the activity of the Scots by whom -Londonderry was beset. Later on Coote followed Monck’s -example, and O’Neill’s help enabled him to hold out until -relief came from England. Ormonde, on the other hand, -drove O’Neill out of Leinster, Maryborough, Athy, and other -garrisons being taken by Castlehaven during the month of -May.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -before -Dublin, -June.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Rupert -gave no -help.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin -takes -Drogheda, -June 28.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Monck -gives -powder to -O’Neill,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">but -Inchiquin -captures it.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill -relieves -Londonderry.</div> - -<p>On June 19 Ormonde, with 7000 foot and 3000 horse, -advanced almost to the walls of Dublin, and fixed his camp -at Finglas, about three miles north of the town, his tents being -visible to the besieged. Jones had nearly as many foot, -besides armed citizens, but only about 500 horse. Outside -the capital Parliament now held only Drogheda, Trim, and -Dundalk in Leinster. Jones had no hay or oats for horses -and oxen, and was short of provisions, there being neither<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span> -fish nor flesh in the market; but while the sea was open that -was not likely to last, though a more enterprising general -might perhaps have succeeded in a sudden attack. The -army, however, as it turned out, was not a very good one, -and doubtless Ormonde knew it. Rupert was at Kinsale -with his piratical fleet, and Ormonde urged him to blockade -Dublin, but the prince either could not or would not comply -while the possibility existed, and after Blake’s arrival on -May 22 even the possibility ceased. Pressed probably by -want of forage Jones sent most of his cavalry to Drogheda, -but they were attacked on the road by Inchiquin and suffered -great loss. Inchiquin was then detached with 2000 foot and -1500 horse to beleaguer Drogheda, and on the 28th it capitulated. -The garrison were allowed to go where they pleased, -and a few joined Jones, but the greater part went over to -Ormonde. O’Neill’s chief strength was at this time in Cavan -and Monaghan, and at the beginning of May he held a provincial -council at Belturbet, where it was decided to help -Coote if he would give the necessary ammunition. This -negotiation failed at the time, and in June O’Neill drew -down with 3000 men to the neighbourhood of Dundalk, -where he encamped. Monck was ready to give the powder if -O’Neill would bring it off, and Colonel Ferral with the -requisite carts and an escort of 500 men was sent on this duty. -From the town to the camp was only about seven miles, and -the road was open. Inchiquin found out what was going -on, and sent Colonel Trevor with a strong body of horse to -attack the convoy. The Irish soldiers had got drunk in -Dundalk, and made but a poor resistance, so that the stores -were captured and most of the escort killed or taken. O’Neill -immediately fell back to Clones and renewed his negotiations -with Coote, who was now willing to give thirty barrels of -powder with sufficient match, and either three hundred -beeves or 400<i>l.</i> in money. As soon as O’Neill approached -Londonderry the Scots marched away, and the bulwark of -the North was threatened no more. Inchiquin was left free -to deal with Dundalk, which Monck had no idea of surrendering, -had his men allowed him to hold it. But they were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span> -hungry, they were unpaid, and to their eyes it seemed that -their chief was engaged in an unholy transaction with the -authors of the Ulster massacre. Dundalk opened its gates -and Monck was allowed to go where he pleased. He went -to England to tell his own story.<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -encamps at -Rathmines.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin -is detached -to Munster.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Battle of -Rathmines, -August 2.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Total -defeat -of the -Royalists.</div> - -<p>After Drogheda and Dundalk were taken Ormonde crossed -the Liffey and established his camp at Rathmines, leaving -Lord Dillon at Finglas with a small force. On the same day -Jones received a reinforcement of 1500 foot and 600 horse -under Reynolds and Venables, and the chance of taking -Dublin was proportionately diminished, for the garrison -had become more numerous than the besieging army. ‘We -had it,’ says Ormonde, ‘from many good hands out of England -and from Dublin, that Cromwell was at the seaside ready to -embark for this kingdom, and that his design was for Munster.’ -Lest Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal should fall while Dublin -was still untaken it was decided by a council of war to send -Inchiquin to Munster with three regiments of horse. This -proved fatal, but it was supposed that Cromwell meant -to land the greater part of his army in the south, and his -intention was made known by some who came in the ships -which brought fresh troops to Jones. Ormonde realised that -if he did not take Dublin before Cromwell came he was not -likely to take it after. He diverted the conduit which brought -the Dodder water from near Templeoge to Dublin, and thus -stopped the mills, though there was still enough to drink from -other sources. Wheat was selling in Dublin at 5<i>l.</i> 10<i>s.</i> a quarter -and rye at 4<i>l.</i> 10<i>s.</i>, yet the garrison would hardly starve -while they had command of the river, but it was different -with the horses who depended upon the grazing of the meadows -between Trinity College and the mouth of the Dodder. Having -first reduced Rathfarnham, which annoyed his rear, Ormonde -decided to fortify Baggotrath Castle, which stood near the -point where Waterloo Road now joins Upper Baggot Street, -and thus deprive Jones’s cavalry of their supply of fodder. -Soon after dark on the night of August 1 he sent Purcell with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span> -1500 men to occupy the place, which had already been -examined carefully, and he expected to find tenable entrenchments -there in the morning. The distance was scarcely a -mile, and Purcell had been at Baggotrath during the day; -but he wandered about all night, and when the morning -broke nothing had been done. This was attributed to the -treachery of a guide, and Peter Walsh says Edmund O’Reilly, -afterwards Archbishop of Armagh, had been engaged in -conducting an intrigue between Owen O’Neill and Jones, -and that he was guilty of betraying the camp at Rathmines. -Ormonde sat up during the night to write despatches, but -rode to Baggotrath with the first light. He found very little -progress made with the entrenchments, while the garrison of -Dublin were evidently on the alert and busily moving about -under shelter of their works. Jones had 4000 foot and -1200 horse under arms, having at first no intention but to -prevent the Royalists from establishing themselves on the -shore, but the first encounter gradually developed into a -general engagement, when the superior quality of the Parliamentarian -troops soon became manifest. Expecting no -attack, Ormonde had lain down to rest about nine o’clock, -and some of his officers left their posts, so that the troops -were partly surprised. He himself was roused by the firing -about ten, and most of his men made but slight resistance, -‘many of them running away towards the hills of Wicklow, -where some of them were bred, and whither they knew the -way but too well.’ The fighting continued for about two -hours and ended in a complete rout, the cavalry dispersing -after the death of their commander, Sir William Vaughan. -Jones’s loss in killed was not above twenty, and he reported -that he had taken 2517 prisoners and that 4000 Royalists -were killed; but the latter figure is doubtless much exaggerated. -A vast quantity of arms and stores of all kinds -fell into the victor’s hands. Ormonde escaped with very few -followers, having totally failed to rally his broken regiments, -but that portion of his army which had remained on the -north bank of the Liffey escaped to Drogheda and Trim. -Many of Inchiquin’s old soldiers afterwards took service with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span> -Jones, and not a few of Ormonde’s did the same, declaring -with loud shouts that they would return to their own countrymen. -Jones secured all the guns, and Ormonde lost his -papers, besides ‘velvets, silk, scarlets, wines, grocery, and -some convenient quantity of money.’ He went to Kilkenny, -and a week after started for Drogheda with 300 horse. Jones, -who had moved northwards to attack that town, thereupon -withdrew into Dublin and awaited Cromwell’s arrival. Rathfarnham, -Maynooth, and other strong places near Dublin -fell into the victor’s hands, but Ormonde took Ballyshannon -immediately after the battle, persuading the governor that -Dublin had surrendered. When the truth was known Inchiquin’s -soldiers in Munster began to desert and enter the -Parliamentary ranks.<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles II. -invited to -Ireland.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">But Scotch -influences -prevail.</div> - -<p>The peace was signed on January 17, and on the 22nd -Ormonde sent Lord Byron to invite the Prince of Wales to -Ireland. If he could bring money and supplies with him he -would be doubly welcome, but in any case his presence would -be of the greatest value. All England and Scotland were -either engaged in rebellion or subdued by the rebels, otherwise -Ormonde would not have invited the Prince ‘so far from -the more vital part of his hopes.’ Byron found Charles at -the Hague nearly two months later surrounded by Scotch<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span> -lords, who were for the most part opposed to an Irish venture, -though Montrose strongly favoured it. On his way through -Paris Byron had seen Henrietta Maria, who thought the -change of her son’s condition from prince to king ‘an argument -rather to hasten than retard his repair thither.’ Charles -himself was anxious to go, but he had no money and the -States would give none unless he would go to Scotland and -take the Covenant. Among the Scots the extreme Presbyterians -even insisted on his parting with Montrose. The idea -of going to Ireland was not abandoned for some months, but -the means were wanting, and Charles spent some time at -St. Germains, where he divided his attentions between Lucy -Walter and Mademoiselle de Montpensier. He reached -Jersey in the middle of September, and there heard for the -first time of the defeat at Rathmines. Henry Seymour, -who carried a garter for Ormonde, was sent to find out how -things were really going in Ireland, but the news of the fall -of Drogheda and of Cromwell’s progress arrived before he -could start. When he reached Ireland he found Ormonde -still anxious for the King’s appearance, but he must have -seen that the cause was hopeless. Seymour was back in -Jersey about the end of January 1650, and Charles left the -island, which he had found intolerably dull, about a fortnight -later. He went to Breda to make arrangements for becoming -a covenanted King of Scotland and for denouncing Ormonde’s -treaty with the Irish Confederates, with which he had before -declared himself highly satisfied.<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Prince -Rupert at -Kinsale.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His -behaviour -in Ireland.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Blockaded -by Blake.</div> - -<p>Prince Rupert left Helvoetsluys January 21, 1649, with -‘three flagships, four frigates and one prize ... in company -with the <i>Amsterdam</i>, a Dutch ship of 1000 tons, and two -others of less burden.’ His own second-rate had but forty -sailors and eighty soldiers instead of the normal complement -of 300. The frigates, whose business it was to prey upon -merchantmen, were a little better manned. The Duke of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span> -York was invited to sail with this fleet, but Hyde says he was -dissuaded by ‘his old Presbyterian counsellors.’ Rupert -was blown as far as Crookhaven, but by the end of the month -he had collected his ships at Kinsale. Fanshawe was at -hand to receive such part of the expected plunder as might -help to fill the exiled King’s exchequer, and Hyde impressed -upon him the importance of maintaining friendly relations -between Rupert and Ormonde. The Prince of Wales wrote -to the same effect, but Rupert preferred to play an obscure -game of his own and to intrigue with Antrim, O’Neill, and the -Irish generally against the Lord Lieutenant. As a sea-rover -he was at first successful enough, keeping a squadron at -Scilly, which had revolted from the Parliament, and announcing -his intention to make a second Venice of the little archipelago. -A great many prizes were taken, but Rupert lost one -frigate, taken at sea by Parliamentarian cruisers. His great -difficulty was want of men, but he picked them up wherever -he could about the Irish coast in sufficient numbers to man -some extra ships. The depredations upon commerce lasted -until May, when a powerful fleet under Deane, Popham, and -Blake came before Kinsale. Towards the end of June Rupert -made a show of attempting to break through the blockade, -but had to draw back without fighting. He had greatly -strengthened the fortifications at the harbour’s mouth, which -prevented the republican squadron from entering. Then -provisions and crews began to dwindle again, and nothing -more was attempted throughout the summer. In October -Blake was driven off the coast by a storm. Rupert seized the -opportunity to slip out, and Ireland knew him no more. -His presence at Kinsale had no real influence on events.<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Cromwell -sent to -Ireland.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Broghill -persuaded -to serve.</div> - -<p>When there had been a difficulty about getting soldiers -for Ireland in the spring of 1647 the officers in Saffron Walden<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span> -church, had shouted ‘Fairfax and Cromwell and we all go.’ -Skippon was chosen, much against his will, but he never -crossed the channel. It was not till March 1649 that Cromwell -was appointed, and he hesitated to accept the command. -He was ready to go where Parliament sent him, but could -hope for no success unless the soldiers were satisfied as to their -pay and arrears. He was much impressed with the importance -of reducing Ireland, lest England should be attacked -by Presbyterians and Papists at once. He would rather see -the Cavaliers triumphant than the Scots, but a predominant -Irish interest would be the most dangerous of all. The money -difficulties were got over, and it was decided to send 12,000 -men to Ireland, the regiments casting lots for the danger -or honour. No individual was forced to go against his will, -but those who refused were dismissed from the army, and -their places easily filled by volunteers. The troubles with -the Levellers followed, and it was not till July that Cromwell -was ready to start. His first idea was to land in Munster, -where the allegiance of Inchiquin’s troops was known to be -shaken, but reinforcements were sent to Jones, which enabled -him to win the battle of Rathmines. In the meantime -Broghill, who had been for some time inactive and thought -of joining Charles abroad, was gained over by Cromwell -on the understanding that he was expected to fight only -against the Irish.<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Cromwell -leaves -London, -July 10.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Lands at -Dublin, -August 15.</div> - -<p>On July 10 Cromwell left London ‘in very noble equipage, -with coaches and six horses apiece, his lifeguard of eighty, -who had all been officers, and a great number of attendants.’ -Many well-wishers accompanied him as far as Brentford. -It was fifty years and a few weeks since Essex had started -on his ill-fated expedition with the same title of Lord Lieutenant. -Cromwell was at Bristol four days later, where he -spent some days with his wife and other members of his -family. A hundred thousand pounds, the want of which had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span> -doubtless caused this delay, was despatched at the end of the -month, and he then pushed on to Milford Haven, where he saw -Monck, who probably dissuaded him from going with his whole -force to Munster. Cromwell was on board ship on August 13, -and ‘as sea-sick,’ says Hugh Peters, ‘as ever I saw a man in my -life,’ but before sailing he had the news of Rathmines, which -he described as ‘an astonishing mercy.’ He reached Dublin -two days later, with about 3000 men in thirty-five vessels. -Ireton, with a second and stronger division, contained in -seventy-seven ships, went as far as the mouth of Youghal -harbour, where he, perhaps, expected a welcome; but the -pear was not yet ripe, and he was soon driven by stress of -weather to Dublin. By the middle of September the whole -force was assembled in and about the Irish capital.<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, iii. 55-65; Owen O’Neill to Ormonde, March 24, -1648-9; to Plunket and Barnewall, March 25; Relation from Ireland, -April 13—all in <i>Contemp. Hist. of Affairs</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> <i>Observations on the Articles of Peace</i>, May 1649, in Milton’s prose works, -Bohn’s ed. ii. 139. The articles with Ormonde’s and Jones’s letters and -the Representation of the Belfast Presbytery are given in full.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> Agreement between Monck and O’Neill, May 8, 1649, with other -papers, reprinted in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> ii. 216 <i>sqq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> O’Neill’s <i>Journal</i>; Monck’s letters <i>ut sup.</i>; <i>The Present Condition of -Dublin</i> (two letters), London, June 22, 1649.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> Ormonde’s account is in a letter to the King, August 8, and in one -to Lord Byron, September 29, Carte’s <i>Original Letters</i>, ii. 392, 407; and see -his answer to the Jamestown prelates, October 2, 1650, in appendix 48 to -Cox’s <i>Hibernia Anglicana</i>. Colonel John Moore to Fairfax, August 4, -<i>Egerton MSS.</i> 2618, <i>f.</i> 36. Jones’s account, dated August 6, is in Cary’s -<i>Memorials of the Civil War</i>, ii. 159; Clarendon’s account is virtually Ormonde’s, -<i>Hist. of the Rebellion, Ireland</i>, pp. 77-79; Walsh’s <i>Hist. of the -Remonstrance</i>, p. 609; the account given by <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 127, does not -differ materially from Clarendon’s. The discipline of Ormonde’s heterogeneous -army was probably bad. The author of the <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, -ii. 102, says the Lord Lieutenant ‘kept rather a mart of wares, -a tribunal of pleadings, or a great inn of play, drinking, and pleasure, -than a well-ordered camp of soldiers.’ For the topography of the battle -I have used Mr. Ellington Ball’s article in the <i>Journal of the Royal Society -of Antiquaries of Ireland</i>, vol. xxxii. For the plunder taken see <i>Contemp. -Hist.</i> iii. 158, and a version of Jones’s account rather fuller than that given -by Cary in Z. Grey’s <i>Examination of Neal</i>, iv. appendix 6. As to the state -of the garrison <i>see Two Great Fights in Ireland</i>, London, 1649, and a <i>Bloody -Fight at Dublin</i>, July 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> Ormonde to the Prince of Wales, January 22, 1648-9, in appendix to -Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, No. 601; Lord Byron to Ormonde, March 30 and April 1, -1649, N.S., in Carte’s <i>Original Letters</i>, i. 237, and October 12, <i>ib.</i> 319; -Charles II. to Ormonde, February 2, 1649-50, in Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, i. 108.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> MS. quoted in Warburton’s <i>Life of Rupert</i>, iii. 281; Hyde to Fanshawe, -January 21, 1648-9, <i>ib.</i> 279; Rupert’s letter of April 12, ib. 288; Prince -of Wales to Ormonde, <i>Carte MSS.</i> vol. lxiii. <i>f.</i> 570; letters of Blake and -Deane, May 22, July 10, <i>Leyborne-Popham Papers</i>, pp. 17-21; Carte’s -<i>Ormonde</i>, ii. 65; Relation taken at Havre, April 13, 1649, printed from the -Clarendon MSS. in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> ii. 204, where it is noted that Rupert -had met Ormonde at Cork; Sir W. Penn’s <i>Memorials</i>, i. 291.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> Cromwell’s speech to the officers is in <i>Clarke Papers</i>, ii. 200, and in the -appendix to the new edition of <i>Carlyle</i>. For the episode of the Levellers, -which hardly belongs to Irish history, <i>see</i> Gardiner’s <i>Commonwealth</i>, chap. 2, -and as to Broghill, <i>ib.</i> i. 106.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> It is evident from the dates collected in Gardiner’s <i>Commonwealth</i>, -i. 115, 116, that Monck went from London to Milford and back again -between August 1 and 10. Cromwell’s letter to his daughter Dorothy, -August 13, ‘aboard the <i>John</i>’; Robert Coytmor to Popham, August 25; -Blake to same, September 10; Deane to same, September 14, in <i>Leyborne-Popham -Papers</i>, Hist. MSS. Comm.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXXI" id="CHAPTER_XXXI">CHAPTER XXXI</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">CROMWELL IN IRELAND, 1649</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Reception -of -Cromwell -in Dublin, -August -1649.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">He restores -discipline.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Civil -liberty for -peaceful -people.</div> - -<p>Jones had pretty well cleared Dublin of all but Protestants, -and it is, therefore, not surprising that the new Lord Lieutenant -was received with much rejoicing. He made a speech, -of which no full report is extant, promising favour and -reward to all who helped ‘against the barbarous and bloodthirsty -Irish, and all their adherents and confederates, for -the propagating of the Gospel of Christ, the establishing of -truth and peace, and restoring of this bleeding nation of -Ireland to its former happiness and tranquillity.’ And the -people shouted ‘We will live and die with you.’ When he -had had a week to look about him, he found that profane -swearing and drunkenness were prevalent, and issued a -declaration to the citizens against them. These offences were -forbidden both by civil and military law, and all officers and -soldiers were ordered under the severest penalties to co-operate -with the mayor in suppressing them. A separate -declaration to the army recited the too frequent practice -of ‘abusing, robbing, pillaging, and executing cruelties upon -the country people.’ He was resolved, he said, to put down -such wickedness by the most stringent enforcement of the -articles of war, and officers found negligent would be cashiered. -A free market was granted to all in every garrison, and ready -money was to be always paid. A general protection was -granted till January 1, during which time the inhabitants -of the country would have time to make up their minds. -Those who intended to plough and sow were to apply to -the Attorney-General or other authorised persons for further -protection. Some officers who appeared incorrigible were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span> -actually got rid of, and proper discipline was henceforth -established.<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -garrison of -Drogheda.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Sir Arthur -Aston.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Cromwell’s -advance.</div> - -<p>Ormonde’s first care when he had rallied after Rathmines -was to garrison Drogheda with about 2000 foot and -300 horse, the flower of his remaining force, and to victual -it for a long siege. Ludlow and Bate say the majority -of the garrison were English, but this has been denied by -modern critics, and there is really no satisfactory evidence -on the point. The choice of a Roman Catholic governor may -be thought to indicate that the defenders were mainly Irish, -but Sir Arthur Aston had been governor of Oxford under the -late King’s immediate eye, and no Royalist would be likely to -take offence at his appointment. Wood says he brought ‘the -flower of the English veterans’ to Ireland. Aston was a brave -soldier, and had made a good defence of Reading against -Essex, but he was an unpopular man, and Clarendon, who -was at Oxford during his command there, has little good -to say of him. He lost a leg from the effects of a fall ‘when -curvetting on horseback in Bullingdon Green before certain -ladies.’ At Drogheda he had much trouble with ladies -who insisted on corresponding with Jones. A boy was employed -to carry letters, ‘whom, I fear, is of too small a size -to be hanged.’ Ormonde did not think there was any serious -plot, expressing an opinion that ‘woman is given much to -make little factions.’ On September 2, Aston sent out men -to seize the neighbouring castles, but Cromwell’s advanced -parties were beforehand with him, and no outlying obstacle -could be raised against his main body. Next day the infantry -made its appearance with some small field-pieces, and the -Boyne was forded at Oldbridge, but the garrison sallied -forth and drove them back. In announcing this small success -to Ormonde the governor hoped ‘shortly to understand of -his Excellency’s march with a gallant army.’<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Siege of -Drogheda, -Sept. 3-11.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The town -carried by -storm.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">No -quarter.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">An avenger -of blood.</div> - -<p>On August 31 Cromwell mustered a field force consisting -of eight regiments of foot and six of horse, with some -dragoons, in a field three miles north of Dublin. He marched -next day and encamped next night at Ballygarth on the -Nanny River, very near Julianstown, where the English -forces had been routed eight years before. On September 3, -Cromwell’s lucky day, he was close to Drogheda, where there -was a week’s delay before the batteries could be got ready, -and the heavy guns landed below the town. On the 7th, -Aston made a successful sally, but without in any way -interrupting the assailants’ preparations. On the morning of -the 10th Cromwell summoned the town in the name of -Parliament. ‘To the end,’ he wrote, ‘effusion of blood may -be prevented, I thought fit to summon you to deliver the -same into my hands to their use. If this be refused you will -have no cause to blame me.’ Aston did refuse, and a cannonade -was opened against the south-east angle of the town, -one battery being against the east, and the other against the -south side of St. Mary’s Church. The steeple fell, but the -breach did not prove practicable until the next day. Some -of the siege guns carried shot of sixty-four pounds weight, -and the cannon of the defenders must have been quite overmatched. -No regular approaches were necessary, and about -five on the second day the breach was assaulted. The stormers -were repulsed once, according to Cromwell and Ludlow, -twice according to Royalist accounts. The general entered -the breach himself at the head of a reserve of infantry, who -carried the church and some trenches which the defenders -had made inside the walls. These inner works really helped -the assailants, for they prevented Aston from using his -cavalry. The bank was too steep for the English horse, -but the foot soldiers seized the entrenchments and drove a -large part of the garrison ‘into the Mill-mount, a place very -strong and of difficult access, being exceeding high, having -a good graft and strongly palisaded; the governor, Sir -Arthur Aston, and divers considerable officers being there, -our men getting up to them were ordered by me to put all -to the sword; and, indeed, being in the heat of action, I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span> -forbade them to spare any that there were in arms in the -town.’ This is Cromwell’s own account, and he estimates -the slain at about 2000. A part of the defenders were driven -across the bridge and as far as St. Sunday’s Gate, at the far -end of the town, where a tower was occupied, as was another -near the west gate. About a hundred took refuge in St. -Peter’s Church tower, which was fired by Cromwell’s orders. -The parties near the two gates surrendered next day, and -in one case, where fatal shots had been fired, ‘the officers -were knocked on the head, and every tenth man of the soldiers -killed and the rest shipped for the Barbadoes; the soldiers -in the other tower were all spared as to their lives only, and -shipped likewise for the Barbadoes. I am persuaded that -this is a righteous judgment of God upon these barbarous -wretches, who have imbrued their hands in so much innocent -blood, and that it will tend to prevent the effusion of blood -for the future, which are the satisfactory grounds to such -actions, which otherwise cannot but work remorse and -regret.’ Sir Arthur Aston was known to be fond of money, -and it was rumoured that much was hidden in his wooden -leg. This turned out not to be the case, but 200 gold pieces -were found in his belt. According to Wood’s account he was -actually despatched with this wooden leg. Several friars -were in the town, and they were all killed. That some others -of the slain were not soldiers is at least highly probable, -for Cromwell himself mentions ‘many inhabitants,’ and in -this the case of Drogheda does not differ from a hundred -others, in which no special blame rests on the general. -Ormonde says not a word about women having suffered; -but Bate, who was not in Ireland, states in a book published -in the following year that ‘there was not any great respect -had to either sex.’ The stories attributed to Thomas Wood, -the great antiquary’s brother, rest entirely on hearsay evidence, -and Thomas was a noted buffoon.<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span></p> -<div class="sidenote">The -carnage -lasted for -two days.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Richard -Talbot.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Demoralisation -of -Ormonde’s -followers.</div> - -<p>That a garrison duly summoned should be put to the -sword after the storming of their works was not contrary -to the laws of war in those days. Ormonde speaks of ‘the -book of Martyrs, and the relation of Amboyna,’ but the -case of Magdeburg would have been more to the point. -Ludlow says ‘The slaughter was continued all that day and -the next, which extraordinary severity, I presume, was -used to discourage others from making opposition,’ but he -says nothing more, though he did not love Cromwell. ‘And -truly I believe,’ wrote Oliver to Bradshaw, ‘this bitterness -will save much effusion of blood.’ The charge that many -were killed after quarter given may be founded on fact, -but if quarter was anywhere promised it was by persons not -authorised to give it, for Cromwell himself says that he -forbade it immediately after entering the town. English -and Irish alike were treated as accomplices in the Ulster -massacre, though very few even of the latter could have -had anything to say to it. Among those who escaped was -Cornet Richard Talbot, afterwards Duke of Tyrconnel, who -owed his safety to the humanity of Colonel John Reynolds. -According to Hugh Peters the total number slain was 3552, -the loss to the Parliamentarians being only sixty-four, while -Cromwell estimates his killed at under a hundred, but with -many wounded. Aston expected to be relieved, and was -himself expected to hold out much longer. He complained -that ammunition ran out fast, but it was certainly not exhausted -when Cromwell forced the place, and Ormonde -expressly states that there was enough for a long siege. He -was not in a position to do anything, though he had about -3000 men, for they were demoralised by the Rathmines -disaster, and decreased daily, either by going to their own -homes, ‘or by the revolt of some officers and many private -soldiers, the rest showing such dejection of courage, and upon -all occasions of want, which are very frequent with us, venting -their discontent in such dangerous words, that it was held -unsafe to bring them within that distance of the enemy, as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span> -was necessary to have kept him united, and consequently, -one side of the town open to receive continual supplies.’ As -many as forty-three troopers deserted in one batch. Colonel -Mark Trevor, with a strong party of horse, was in charge of -ammunition and provisions at Ardee, but was unable to -approach Drogheda on the north side.<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde’s -treaty -with -O’Neill, -Oct. 20.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Terms of -their -agreement.</div> - -<p>Even before the loss of Drogheda, Ormonde saw clearly -that his only chance was in an alliance with Owen Roe -O’Neill, who could still dispose of 6000 foot and 500 horse. -He wrote to him immediately after the battle of Rathmines, -and a few days later sent John Leslie, Bishop of Raphoe, -and Audley Mervyn to confer with him. They were followed -by the ubiquitous Daniel O’Neill, who was believed -to have influence with his silent uncle. Immediately before -the attack on Drogheda, Charles II. wrote from St. Germains -to the Irish general, urging him to return to his allegiance, -and Father Thomas Talbot, an elder brother of the more -famous Richard, was sent by him to Ireland. Talbot was -directed by Ormonde to carry his letters to Owen O’Neill, -along with others for his nephew, ‘and to proceed by the -said Daniel his advice and direction, and not otherwise.’ -The negotiations ended in a treaty, but this was not concluded -until October 20, and a great deal had happened in the -meantime. The terms finally agreed upon were that the -Kilkenny peace should include Ulster, and that O’Neill -should be general of that province with 6000 foot and 800 -horse. In case of his death or removal, the provincial nobility -and gentry were to nominate a successor for the approval -of the King’s Lord Lieutenant. A part of the Ulster army -co-operated with Ormonde, but O’Neill was already ill and -unable to lead them himself after the capture of Drogheda.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Dundalk -and Trim -abandoned</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Carlingford, -Newry, -Lisburn, -and -Belfast -taken.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Coleraine -taken.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Death of -O’Neill, -Nov. 6.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His last -letter to -Ormonde.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His -character.</div> - -<p>Ormonde had given directions to burn and abandon -Dundalk and Trim, but the garrisons fled in too great haste, -leaving their guns behind them. Having secured these important -places Cromwell sent Venables to join Coote, while -he turned his own steps southwards. Carlingford, which contained -the largest magazine in Ulster, capitulated after some -well-directed shots had been fired at Captain Fern’s frigate; -seven cannon and a thousand muskets, with much powder -and many pikes, fell into the victor’s hands. Newry also -surrendered on articles. At Lisburn, Trevor with his cavalry -surprised Venables’ camp by night and very nearly gained a -complete victory, but the trained soldiers soon recovered -from their panic, and re-formed in a position where horsemen -could not reach them. Trevor had to fall back as far as the -Bann, and Belfast capitulated soon afterwards, leaving guns -and powder to the enemy. A large number of the Scotch -inhabitants were driven out. Coote made himself master of -Coleraine, and by the end of November Ormonde reported -that Carrickfergus, Charlemont, and Enniskillen were the -only considerable Ulster garrisons still in Royalist hands. -Before that time Owen Roe O’Neill had died at Cloughoughter, -in Cavan. In the previous May he had likened Ormonde to -Baal, and rejoiced that he was one of those who had not -bowed the knee; but he saw clearly that it would be necessary -to join either the King’s or the Parliament’s party, though -opposed to both, unless help came from abroad. He was -driven to extremity, and could not otherwise support his -army, which he regarded as the last hope of Ireland. It was -with this object that he had dealings with Coote, Monck, -and Jones, and was driven finally to unite with Ormonde, -to whom he wrote only five days before his death. ‘Being -now in my death-bed,’ he wrote, ‘I call my Saviour to witness -that, as I hope for salvation, my resolution, ways, and intentions -from first to last of these unhappy wars tended to no -particular ambition or private interest of my own, notwithstanding -what was or may be thought to the contrary, -but truly and sincerely to the preservation of my religion, -the advancement of his Majesty’s service, and just liberties<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span> -of this nation, whereof, and of my particular reality and -willingness to serve your Excellency (above any other in -this kingdom), I hope that God will permit me to give ample -and sufficient testimony in the view of the world ere it be -long.’ He concludes by recommending his son Henry to -Ormonde’s care. As a soldier all accounts agree in praising -O’Neill, whose word was always kept, and who is not charged -with any acts of cruelty or unnecessary severity. Of his -patriotism there can be no doubt, but of Ireland as a separate -nation he seems to have had no definite idea. He was a -Royalist, and his natural leaning would have been towards -Ormonde as the special representative of the Crown. But -he was above all things attached to the religion of Rome, -and Rinuccini’s ban weighed heavily upon him. It was this -that separated him so long from his natural ally, while it -did not prevent him from helping Monck and Coote. ‘The -Bishop of Raphoe and Sir Nicholas Plunket,’ wrote Daniel -O’Neill, ‘have agreed upon an expedient about the excommunication -which has so troubled that superstitious old -uncle of mine in his sickness that I could render him to no -reason.’ The expedient was a letter signed by Plunket and -Barnewall on behalf of the nuncio’s opponents in the late -Confederation, who agreed to petition the Pope to remove his -censure, and also to write a sort of apology ‘in a loving and -friendly manner’ to Rinuccini himself.<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Siege of -Wexford, -Oct. 1-11.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ulster -troops in -the town</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Proposals -of the -governor.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Terms -offered by -Cromwell</div> - -<p>After a few days’ rest in Dublin, Cromwell marched -towards Wexford. Fortified posts near Delgany, at Arklow, -‘which was the first seat and honour of the Marquis of -Ormonde’s family,’ and at Limerick, ‘the ancient seat of the -Esmonds,’ were taken without firing a shot. Ferns and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span> -Enniscorthy also surrendered without resistance, and on -October 1 the army came before Wexford, where there was a -garrison under Colonel David Synnott, who was an old -adherent of Preston, and therefore not very popular with -the townsmen, who had favoured the nuncio. Two days -later a summons was sent in the usual terms ‘to the end -effusion of blood may be prevented,’ and Synnott was willing -to parley, but Cromwell refused any truce during negotiations, -‘because our tents are not so good a covering as your -houses.’ It was arranged that four persons should come out -under safe conduct, but while Cromwell was expecting them -Castlehaven managed to introduce 1500 Ulster foot on the -north side of the town, and Synnott then changed his mind. -The safe conduct was withdrawn, and in the meantime Jones -led a party of horse and foot round to the long point of -Rosslare, at the end of which was a fort whose defenders -at once took to the water and were all captured by the Parliamentary -fleet. The weather was rough, and it took some days -to land the siege train, but all was ready by the evening of -the 10th. The battery was placed at the south-east corner -of the town opposite the castle, which was outside the wall, -Cromwell seeing that if it was once taken the town could -make little further resistance. After nearly a hundred shots -had been fired, ‘the governor’s stomach came down,’ and he -sent out four representatives on safe conduct with written -propositions, which Cromwell forwarded to Lenthall ‘for -their abominableness, manifesting also the impudency of -the men.’ The principal demands were that the inhabitants -should for ever have liberty publicly to profess and practise -the Roman Catholic religion, retaining all the churches and -religious houses without interference, that Bishop French -and his successors should have full jurisdiction in the diocese -of Ferns, that the garrison should march out with flying -colours, and be escorted to Ross with all their arms and -other possessions, and that the townsmen should be guaranteed -their municipal privileges, lives, and properties. Cromwell -engaged to protect the civilians, to give private soldiers -leave to go home, ‘with their wearing clothes,’ on condition<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span> -of bearing arms no more against Parliament, and to spare -the lives of the officers, they remaining prisoners of war.<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Dissensions -among the -garrison.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -castle -surrendered.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Great -slaughter -after the -assault.</div> - -<p>Considering the state of affairs, Cromwell’s terms were -not very hard, but there were divided counsels in Wexford. -Synnott did not command confidence, and Ormonde, who -appeared near the river, sent Sir Edmund Butler to supersede -him with a further relief of 500 men. There was no truce -during negotiations, and Captain James Stafford, who commanded -in the castle, was so much alarmed that he surrendered -his post before Synnott’s answer was given. The men -on the nearest part of the town wall were panic-stricken -when they saw what had happened, and the Cromwellians -scrambled over the battlements with the help of their pikes. -Sir Edmund Butler had just arrived, but had no time to ferry -over his men, and was killed by a shot while attempting to -rejoin them by swimming. Barricades and cables had been -drawn across the streets, and the passage of the assailants -was hotly disputed by the garrison and by many armed -citizens. The final contest was in the market-place, and the -total number slain between soldiers and townsfolk was not -far short of 2000. The loss of the besiegers was trifling, -perhaps not more than twenty. For this slaughter Cromwell -is not personally liable as he is for Drogheda, and he expresses -some regret for it, but not very much. He mentions two -instances in which, as he was informed, the Wexford people -showed little mercy to others. ‘About seven or eight score -poor Protestants were put by them into an old vessel, which -being, as some say, bulged by them, the vessel sank, and -they were all presently drowned in the harbour. The other -was thus: they put divers Protestants into a chapel (which -since they have used for a mass-house, and in which one or -more of their priests were now killed), where they were -famished to death.’ A very large number of guns and several -valuable ships were taken. As at Drogheda, little or no mercy -was shown to priests or friars, the deaths of seven Franciscans -being particularly recorded. As to the tradition of 300 women<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span> -being slaughtered, the story first appears in Macgeohegan’s -history, published in 1758, and Bishop French, writing in -1673, made no mention of anything of the kind. A contemporary -account says ‘There was more sparing of lives -of the soldiery part of the enemy here than at Drogheda.’ -An empty town remained in the victors’ hands.<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">New Ross -taken, -Oct. 19.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Cromwell -on liberty -of conscience.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin’s -men join -Cromwell.</div> - -<p>Less than a week after the capture of Wexford, Cromwell -marched to New Ross, on the right bank of the Barrow, -below its junction with the Nore. There was then no bridge, -and Ormonde with Castlehaven and Lord Montgomery -of Ards were able to ferry over 2500 men into the town, -many of them under Cromwell’s very eyes. The governor -was Lucas Taaffe, who made some show of resistance when -Cromwell appeared and sent the usual summons ‘to avoid -effusion of blood.’ Two days later a breach was effected, -and Colonel Ingoldsby was chosen by lot to lead the stormers. -Taaffe knew very well that the case was hopeless, and accepted -the very liberal terms offered. The garrison were to march -away with colours flying and with their arms, leaving the -artillery behind, and ‘protection from the injury and violence -of the soldiers’ was guaranteed to the inhabitants. Those -who wished to depart with their goods were given three -months to think it over. ‘For what you mention,’ wrote -Cromwell, ‘concerning liberty of conscience, I meddle not -with any man’s conscience, but if by liberty of conscience -you mean a liberty to exercise the mass, I judge it best to -use plain dealing, and to let you know, where the Parliament -of England have power, that will not be allowed of.’ He told -Lenthall that there was nothing to prevent the garrison -from recrossing the river without his leave. About 500<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span> -English soldiers of the garrison, many of them from Munster, -here joined Cromwell, as they had probably been long anxious -to do. There was a considerable delay after this, for Oliver -was determined before moving to make a satisfactory bridge -for access to Kilkenny and the interior generally. Before -the work was completed Cork and Youghal surrendered, and -Inchiquin’s once formidable army practically ceased to -exist.<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Broghill -adheres to -Cromwell.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Broghill -and -Inchiquin.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Cork, -Kinsale, -and -Youghal -join -Cromwell. -November.</div> - -<p>Lord Broghill had played a very important part in the -earlier years of the civil war, his last considerable exploit -being the relief of Youghal in September 1645. He was never -on very cordial terms with Inchiquin, but could work with -him as the champion of the Protestant interest in Munster. -The scene changed when Inchiquin deserted the Parliament, -and Ormonde was fain to ally himself with the Kilkenny -Confederates. Broghill retired to Marston Bigot in Somersetshire, -which his father had bought for him, and waited there -for the times to disentangle themselves. The execution of -Charles I. seems to have been too much for him, and the -Royalist idea prevailed so far that he was preparing to go to -Spa, nominally for the gout, but really to be within reach of -Charles II. According to the Rev. Thomas Morrice, who is -the sole and not very trustworthy authority for this passage -of Broghill’s life, Cromwell visited him at this juncture, and -offered him his choice between the Tower and a general’s -command in Ireland. He accepted the latter on the understanding -that he was not expected to fight against any but -the Irish. It is at all events certain that he was with Cromwell -not very long after his arrival in Ireland, and that he -told Inchiquin that he served upon some such terms and would -be glad to do him personal service, ‘though, perhaps, I might -not believe it.’ The promise of a general’s commission is -doubtful from what Ludlow says, but work was soon found -for Broghill, who, in Cromwell’s own words had ‘a great -interest in the men that came from Inchiquin.’ At the begin<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span>ning -of November 1649, he was at Cork and Youghal as a -commissioner for Munster, along with Sir William Fenton, -the two famous seamen Blake and Deane, and Colonel Phaire, -who was on duty at the late King’s execution. The military -authority was at first in Phaire’s hands, but a troop of reformadoes—that -is, unemployed officers—was given to Broghill, -and before Christmas he was in command of at least 1200 -horse. Kinsale was the first Munster garrison to declare for -Cromwell; Cork soon followed, and commissioners from the -English inhabitants were with him before he left Ross. -Their first request, ‘out of a sense of the former good -service and tender care of the Lord of Inchiquin to and for -them,’ was that he should enjoy his estate and have his -arrears paid up to the last peace, and that an Act of oblivion -should be passed in his favour. This article Cromwell refused -to answer, but promised that Inchiquin’s defection should -not be remembered to their prejudice, and that their charter -should be renewed in its old form. Similar terms were given -to the Youghal people, who abstained by Broghill’s advice -from making any conditions. He informed Cromwell that -he and his colleagues were received at Youghal ‘with all the -real demonstrations of gladness an overjoyed people were -capable of.’<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin -attempts a -diversion,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">but is -defeated.</div> - -<p>After the capture of Ross Cromwell lay there for about a -month, his men being occupied in making a bridge of boats -over the Barrow, below its junction with the Nore. He -ordered the invalided soldiers in Dublin to march along the -coast to Wexford, which they did to the number of 1200, of -whom nearly one-third were cavalry. Many of them were -but imperfectly recovered. At Glascarrig near Cahore -Inchiquin set upon them with a greatly superior force, the -detachment sent to meet them not arriving in time. ‘But it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span> -pleased God,’ says Cromwell, ‘we sent them word by a nearer -way, to march close and be circumspect,’ so that they were not -entirely surprised. Inchiquin overtook their rear, but the -passage was narrow between high sand-hills and the sea, -so that the number of his cavalry was of comparatively little -advantage. After a sharp fight the Dublin party were -victorious, and pursued Inchiquin’s men for a short distance, -after which they proceeded to Wexford without further -molestation. Not many fell on either side, but Colonel -Trevor, who had showed so much enterprise as a cavalry -leader, was dangerously wounded.<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The bridge -at Ross.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Carrick-on-Suir -taken.</div> - -<p>Cromwell was very ill during a part of his stay at Ross, -but the bridge greatly impressed the Irish with a sense of his -power as Cæsar’s had impressed the Germans in an earlier -age. ‘A stupendous work,’ says the author of the ‘Aphorismical -Discovery,’ ‘for there were two main rivers, Nore and -Barrow, joining there unto one bed, and the sea-tide passing -over the town in the said rivers six or seven miles, he was -building this bridge upon this swift and boisterous-running -tide-water with barrels, planks, casks and cables.’ Ormonde -had a superior force in the neighbourhood, but the dissensions -between his officers and between the English and Irish elements -of his army made it impossible to risk a pitched battle. -Taaffe made an unsuccessful attempt to destroy the unfinished -bridge, and Cromwell lost no time in fortifying Rosbercon, -on the Kilkenny bank. Ireton and Jones occupied Inistioge -without fighting, but found the bridge at Thomastown broken -down and the walled town garrisoned, while the bulk of -Ormonde’s army retired towards Kilkenny. The road into -Tipperary was, however, open from Inistioge, and Reynolds -was detached with a body of cavalry to Carrick-on-Suir. While -he was parleying with the garrison at one gate, a part of his -men surprised the other and took more than a hundred -prisoners, the remainder escaping in boats over the Suir. -The castle, ‘one of the ancientest seats belonging to the -Lord of Ormonde,’ made no further resistance, and Cromwell<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span> -with the main body of his army, having taken Knocktopher -by the way, passed through Carrick towards Waterford, which -he summoned on November 21.<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Siege of -Waterford -Nov.-Dec.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Castlehaven -relieves -Duncannon,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">but is -refused -admission -to Waterford.</div> - -<p>Waterford was unassailable from the left bank of the Suir, -and Cromwell, like Mountjoy before him, had to cross at -Carrick. Before the naval superiority of the Parliament -could be made available it was necessary to secure the forts -at Duncannon and Passage below the city. Duncannon -had been in the hands of the Confederates since 1645, and was -commanded by Captain Thomas Roche, a very incompetent -officer. Jones was detached from Ross with 2000 men to besiege -the place, and he took Ballyhack, commanding the ordinary -communication between the Fort and Waterford. Parliamentary -ships lay near, and seeing that Duncannon was in -danger Ormonde sent Captain Edward Wogan to supersede -Roche. As a deserter from the Parliamentary army Wogan -fought with a rope round his neck, and he restored the courage -of the garrison. Ormonde then sent Castlehaven to Passage -opposite Ballyhack, whence he managed to get to Duncannon -in a boat. After consultation with Wogan, Castlehaven -returned, and that night embarked eighty horses without -riders in boats, which slipped into Duncannon on the tide. -Wogan mounted officers and picked men on the horses thus -provided, and immediately attacked the Parliamentary camp. -The appearance of cavalry where there had been none before -seemed to indicate the approach of an army, and the siege was -raised next morning. After this piece of service Ormonde -made Castlehaven governor of Waterford with 1000 men, -but the citizens refused to admit him or his soldiers.<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -garrisons -Waterford.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin -repulsed -from -Carrick, -Nov. 24.</div> - -<p>While Cromwell was threatening Waterford, Ormonde -brought his whole army to Carrick, the recapture of which -he left to Taaffe and Inchiquin, while he marched on with -the tidal river between him and the Parliamentary host. -The city was open on the river side, and there was no difficulty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span> -in ferrying over 1500 Ulster soldiers with Lieut.-General -Ferrall as governor. Jones had previously succeeded in -occupying Passage, ‘a very large fort with a castle in the -midst of it, having five guns planted in it, and commanding -the river better than Duncannon.’ The garrison surrendered -on condition of quarter only, and Ballyhack being already -in Cromwell’s hands, Waterford was pretty thoroughly cut -off from the sea. The attempt to recapture Carrick failed, -perhaps for want of a good engineer, for the assailants’ mine -exploded to their own injury, and without damaging the wall. -Reynolds’s men spared their ammunition and defended themselves -mainly with stones. The gates were burned, but quickly -barricaded inside with rubble, and Inchiquin, having no stock -of provisions, was forced to retreat with heavy loss. Ormonde -on his return was very nearly captured, for he expected to -find Carrick in the hands of friends, and had to ride twenty -miles round to join his men at Clonmel. He met the Tipperary -rustics flying in all directions with their portable goods, -so as to escape being plundered by the soldiers.<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The siege -of Waterford -raised, -Dec. 2.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Death of -Michael -Jones.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde’s -difficulties.</div> - -<p>Ormonde said that if the weather ‘proved but as usual at -this time of the year,’ Cromwell might be repulsed from -Waterford. Two days later the siege was abandoned for this -very reason, a great part of the men being sick, and Cromwell -marched to Kilmacthomas on ‘as terrible a day’ as he had -ever known. He found poor quarters, but in the morning was -encouraged by a messenger from Broghill, who lay at Dungarvan, -which had lately surrendered to him, with about -twelve or thirteen hundred men. Michael Jones died at Dungarvan -of ‘a pestilent and contagious spotted fever,’ contracted -during a cold and wet march, and Cromwell lamented his -loss both as a friend and as a public servant. The Parliamentary -cause certainly owed him a great deal, though there -is reason to believe that he did not approve of the execution -of Charles I. At the moment Ferrall made an attempt to -recover Passage, the loss of which made it very difficult to -victual Duncannon, but Colonel Sankey was despatched with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span> -320 men from Cappoquin, and after a sharp fight succeeded -in taking about the same number of prisoners. Ferrall retreated -into Waterford, where Ormonde was himself present, -though the mayor absolutely refused to let his troops cross -the river, saying that an increase of the garrison would cause -a famine in the town. It was proposed to quarter them in -huts outside the walls, but even this was rejected, and Passage -remained in the enemy’s hands, though an overwhelming -force was ready to attempt its relief. Wogan was among the -prisoners taken by Sankey, and Cromwell seriously thought -of hanging him; but he was sent to Cork, whence he soon -escaped, and went to England to seek the adventure which has -made him famous.<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde’s -apparent -superiority -in numbers.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Cromwell -in Munster.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">He is -reinforced.</div> - -<p>When Cromwell broke up from before Waterford on -December 2, he had not more than 3000 effective infantry in -the field, the garrisons taking up many and sickness accounting -for more. Ferrall had as many men in Waterford as there -were besieging him, and the whole of Ormonde’s army was -ten or twelve thousand including O’Neill’s men, who were -at least 7000 and all effective, ‘these being the eldest sons of -the Church of Rome, most cried up and confided in by the -clergy.’ The rest were old English, Irish, some Protestants, -some Papists, and other popish Irish. The interests of -Ormonde, Clanricarde, Castlehaven, Muskerry, Taaffe, and -the rest provided a formidable force, who could live on the -country, for there were scarce twenty natives favourable -to Parliament. ‘God hath blessed you,’ Cromwell wrote, -‘with a great tract of land in longitude, along the shore, yet -it hath but a little depth into the country,’ and the inhabitants -were so robbed by their neighbours that they could -give little help. Therefore it was still necessary to send -money and stores from England, and to maintain a strict -naval blockade, lest supplies should reach the enemy from -abroad. But Ormonde had to disperse his men in winter<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span> -quarters for want of means to support them in the field, and -Cromwell did the same, his headquarters being at Youghal. -He spent the short winter days in visiting Cork and other -Munster garrisons. The tradition is that he went to Glengariffe, -where the ruins of ‘Cromwell’s bridge’ may still be seen, -but there seems to be no evidence of his having gone further -west than Kinsale. His applications to Parliament for help -were not in vain, for 1500 fresh men were sent to Dublin about -this time, and a few weeks later Henry Cromwell came to -Youghal with further reinforcements, followed by thirteen -ships laden with oats, beans, and pease. The sick men -recovered with rest and dry lodgings, and by the end of -January Cromwell was able to take the field again.<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Broghill’s -campaign, -November.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Cork.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Kinsale -and -Bandon.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Baltimore, -&c.</div> - -<p>Broghill, who was now Master of the Ordnance, left -Youghal about the middle of November with 500 foot and -300 horse. A fort with three guns on the Corkbeg peninsula -partially commanded Cork harbour, and had annoyed Blake’s -ships. Captain Courthope, ‘who knew not only the commander -of it, but every particular soldier in it, so well persuaded -and terrified them that they delivered up the fort’ without -fighting. At Belvelly, commanding the strait between the -mainland and the island on which Queenstown now stands, -Colonel Pigott had a strong castle and three Irish companies. -Broghill had formerly ‘particularly well known’ this officer, -and in half an hour’s private conversation satisfied him that it -was a national quarrel. At Cork, Broghill found 700 armed -inhabitants and 500 foot soldiers, who received him ‘with -as great a joy as is almost imaginable.’ A messenger came -from Kinsale to offer that town to the Parliament, and a -detachment was sent strong enough to check the garrison of -the fort. At Bandon, Colonel Courtney, ‘who had ever -been my particular friend,’ stood for the King; but the townsmen -and most of the soldiers were English Protestants, and he -could but surrender. Broghill armed the inhabitants, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span> -nearly all the officers and soldiers ultimately joined him. -The people showed ‘at least an equal joy to our reception -at Cork.’ The bridge at Bandon enabled Broghill to march -straight to the south side of Kinsale harbour, where Rupert -had greatly strengthened the fort, which was held by 400 -Irish under a Scotch governor. The works were too strong -to attack before the return of Blake’s fleet, but the regiment -inside was commanded by ‘an Irish Protestant, a great -sufferer by the rebellion; an ancient dependant of our [the -Boyle] family, and one particularly recommended to my care -by my father,’ who set the governor aside, and persuaded the -soldiers to capitulate. After this Baltimore, Castlehaven, -Crookhaven, and Timoleague surrendered without giving -Broghill the trouble of a march, and Mallow did the same, thus -securing the only bridge over the Blackwater, except that -at Cappoquin, which was already in Parliamentary hands. -Colonel Crosby was detached to see what could be done in -Kerry. Cromwell might well say that Broghill had a great -interest in the men and in the districts which were lately -Inchiquin’s, and that there could have been no rebellion -if every county had contained an Earl of Cork.<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Surrender -of Carrickfergus, -Nov. 2.</div> - -<p>While Cromwell was building his bridge at New Ross, -Dalziel was closely besieged in Carrickfergus by Coote and -Venables. It was the most important place in Ulster, and -the Scotch veteran made good terms for himself and -his men, agreeing to surrender on December 13 if not -relieved in the meantime. A few days before that date Sir -George Monro with Lords Montgomery and Clandeboye, -collected a force which Coote, on the report of deserters, -estimated at 2000 foot and 800 horse, their object being to -relieve Carrickfergus. On December 1 they were at Comber -and next day at Newtownards. After a good deal of manœuvring -Coote took up his quarters at Lisburn, while Monro -crossed the Laggan somewhere between that place and Moira.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span> -On their return upon the Antrim side of the river, Coote -allowed them to pass him, and then attacked their rear -‘upon a boggy pass on the plain of Lisnesreane.’ Sir Theophilus -Jones, who had come out of Lisburn with his cavalry, -met with little resistance, and during a pursuit of ten miles -over 1000 were killed with scarcely any loss to the victors. -Monro and Montgomery fled to Charlemont, most of their -Scots followers leaving them, and Carrickfergus was then -surrendered in due course.<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Clonmacnoise -decrees, -Dec. 4.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Toleration -not to be -expected.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">“Idle -Boys” excommunicated.</div> - -<p>Rinuccini having departed and O’Neill being dead, the -Irish were as sheep having no shepherd. Stubborn resistance -was made in detail, but there was very little concerted action -after Cromwell’s arrival. The remains of the Confederacy -still adhered to Ormonde, but it became evident after the last -peace that he could never rally the native population. Under -these circumstances twenty bishops, with the procurators of -three others, the abbot of Holy Cross and the Provincials of -the Dominicans and Franciscans, met at Clonmacnoise on -December 4, of their own mere motion as they were careful -to set forth. After some days’ deliberation they announced -that nothing could be done without unity, and that past -differences must be laid aside. It was, they said, the evident -intention of Cromwell and his masters to root out the Catholic -religion, which could only be done by getting rid of the people -and recolonising the country, ‘witness the numbers they -have already sent hence for the tobacco islands and put -enemies in their places.’ Cromwell had told the governor -of Ross that he meddled with no man’s conscience, but that -a liberty to exercise the mass would nevertheless not be -allowed of. This was naturally quite enough for the clergy, -and doubtless for most laymen also. The formal decrees of -Clonmacnoise were embodied in four articles. By the first -fasting and prayer were ordered ‘to withdraw from this -nation God’s anger, and to render them capable of his mercies<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span>.’ -By the second the people were warned that no mercy or -clemency could be expected ‘from the common enemy -commanded by Cromwell by authority from the rebels of -England.’ By the third the clergy were ordered under -severe penalties to preach unity, ‘and we hereby manifest -our detestation against all such divisions between either provinces -or families, or between old English and old Irish, or -any of the English or Scotch adhering to his Majesty.’ The -last decree was one of excommunication against the highwaymen -called Idle Boys, and against all who relieved them. -Clergymen were forbidden on pain of suspension to give -them the Sacrament or to bury them in consecrated ground.<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> The two declarations, August 23 and 24, are in the new edition of -Carlyle’s <i>Cromwell</i>, i. 455 and iii. 410.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> Wood’s <i>Fasti</i>, ed. Bliss, 77, and his <i>Life and Times</i>, ed. Clark, i. 110. -The correspondence between Aston and Ormonde, from the Carte MSS., -August 25 to September 10, is in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> ii. 233-261. As to the -composition of the garrison see also Gardiner’s <i>Commonwealth</i>, i. 124, and -the note to Murphy’s <i>Cromwell in Ireland</i>, p. 86.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> The chief authority for the storm is Cromwell’s own letter to Lenthall, -dated September 17; Ormonde’s account is dated September 29. The above, -with those of Ludlow, Bate, and Wood, are collected in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> ii. -262-276. For Cromwell’s battering train see Mr. Firth’s <i>Cromwell’s Army</i>, -p. 170. Elaborate accounts of the siege, with maps, are in Gardiner’s -<i>Commonwealth</i>, chap. v., and in Murphy’s <i>Cromwell in Ireland</i>, chaps. vii. -and viii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Letters of Peters and Cromwell, September 15 and 16, in <i>Whitelock</i>, -iii. 110, which were read in Parliament; letters of Ormonde and Aston, <i>ut -sup.</i> For Talbot’s obligations to Reynolds see Clarke’s <i>Life of James II.</i> -i. 326. Hugh Peters says shortly ‘Aston the governor killed, none spared.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> The terms of the treaty between Ormonde and O’Neill from the -Carte papers is in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> ii. 300, the negotiations, <i>ib.</i> 237 <i>sqq.</i> The -first mention of O’Neill’s illness is in his letter of September 19, ‘an unexpected -fit of sickness in my knee, whereof I am not fully cleared yet.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Summons to Dundalk, September 12, 1640, in Carlyle. Venables to -Cromwell, September 22, in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> ii. 267; Brief Chronicle, <i>ib.</i> iii. -157; Ormonde’s report on the state of the armies, <i>ib.</i> ii. 465; O’Neill’s last -letter to Ormonde, November 1, <i>ib.</i> 315; <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, chap. xiv. -In <i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, ii. 33, are four letters from O’Neill, dated May 18, -1649, to Rinuccini, to Dean Massari, and to Cardinals la Cuena and Pamphili. -Daniel O’Neill’s letter of October 6 to Ormonde is in <i>Contemp. -Hist.</i> ii. 294. There is no reason whatever to suppose that Owen Roe -O’Neill was poisoned.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> Cromwell’s letters are in <i>Carlyle</i>, and the terms demanded by Synnott -in Cary’s <i>Memorials</i>, ii. 181. Castlehaven’s <i>Memoirs</i>, p. 80.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> Cromwell’s despatch of October 11, 1649, in <i>Carlyle</i>. There are elaborate -narratives of this siege in Murphy’s <i>Cromwell in Ireland</i>, chaps. xiii. -and xiv., and in Gardiner’s <i>Commonwealth</i>, chap. v. There is a candid note -by Father Meehan in the appendix to his <i>Franciscan Monasteries</i>, 4th ed., -1872, p. 296. See also Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i> and Castlehaven’s <i>Memoirs</i>, p. 80. -Peters wrote on October 22, ‘It is a fine spot for some godly congregation, -where house and land wait for inhabitants and occupiers; I wish they -would come,’ in <i>Collections of Letters</i>, &c., London, November 13, 1649. -<i>The Taking of Wexford</i>, a letter from an eminent officer (R. L.), London, -October 26, 1649.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> The correspondence between Cromwell and Taaffe is in <i>Carlyle</i>. The -articles of surrender, dated October 19, are printed in Murphy’s <i>Cromwell -in Ireland</i>, p. 188, where there is a full account of the whole affair.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> Morrice’s Memoir prefixed to <i>Orrery State Letters</i>, i. 18; Inchiquin to -Ormonde, December 9, 1649, in <i>Clar. S.P.</i>; Ludlow’s <i>Memoirs</i>, February 8, -1651. The authorities as to the revolt of Cork and Youghal are collected -from various sources in the new edition of Carlyle’s <i>Cromwell</i>, some in the -Supplement. Lady Fanshawe’s <i>Memoirs</i>, p. 53. Blake to Popham, -November 5, <i>Leyborne-Popham Papers</i>, p. 49. Cork and Youghal declared -for Cromwell about November 1, Kinsale a few days later.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> Cromwell to Lenthall, November 14, 1649, Ludlow’s <i>Memoirs</i>, i. 239; -Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> Cromwell to Lenthall, November 14 and 25, in <i>Carlyle</i>; Ormonde to -Charles II., November 30, in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> ii. 329.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> Castlehaven’s <i>Memoirs</i>, p. 81. The siege of Duncannon was raised -November 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> Cromwell to Lenthall, letter 116, in <i>Carlyle</i>; Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>. The -attempt on Carrick was on November 24.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> Ormonde to Charles II., November 30, <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> ii. 330; Cromwell -to Lenthall, December 19, 1649, in <i>Carlyle</i>; Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, ii. 103. -Concerning Jones see a note in Gardiner’s <i>Commonwealth</i>, i. 160. For -Wogan see <i>Clarke Papers</i>, i. 421.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> Cromwell to Lenthall, December 19, 1649, in <i>Carlyle</i>. Brief Chronicle -published by authority in 1650, and reprinted in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> iii. 157; -Gardiner’s <i>Commonwealth</i>, i. 163. note; Murphy’s <i>Cromwell in Ireland</i>, -chap. xx.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> <i>Relation of the Particulars of the Reduction of the Greatest Part of the -Province of Munster</i>, &c., London, 1649 (containing Broghill’s letters of -November 22 and 26, and the Remonstrance and Resolution of the Protestant -Army at Cork, October 23); Caulfield’s <i>Council Book of Kinsale</i>, -pp. 55, 357-363; Bennett’s <i>Hist. of Bandon</i>, chap. xii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> <i>Two Letters</i> from William Basil, A.G., to Bradshaw and Lenthall, -London, December 12, 1649; <i>War in Ireland</i>, p. 100; MacSkimin’s <i>Carrickfergus</i>, -p. 16, where Dalziel’s articles are given; <i>Two Letters</i> of Sir Charles -Coote to Lenthall with Scobell’s imprimatur; December 8 and 13, London, -1649. Coote notes that ‘Colonel Henderson that betrayed Sligo was killed.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> <i>Certain Acts and Declarations</i> made by the ecclesiastical congregation, -&c., printed at Kilkenny and reprinted at London, 1650. Printed also, -with some slight verbal differences, in <i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, ii. 38-42.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXXII" id="CHAPTER_XXXII">CHAPTER XXXII</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">CROMWELL IN IRELAND, 1650</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -and the -Clonmacnoise -decrees.</div> - -<p>In their published utterances the bishops were careful to say -nothing alarming to Protestants, and to lay stress upon the -royalism or loyalty of those for whom they spoke. In writing -to Rome they were silent about the King, but urged the -necessity of union among Catholics. Ormonde, who had -no illusions, thought it much that there had been no public -demand for his own removal; but this too was to come -later. He knew that Antrim had been intriguing to obtain -such a declaration, and he begged the King to recall him -before his position became quite untenable. Charles directed -him to hold on as long as possible, and to leave Ireland when -he was finally convinced that nothing more could be done.<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Cromwell’s -Declaration, -Jan. 1649-1650.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Liberty of -conscience.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The laws of -war.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Cromwell -misunderstood -Ireland.</div> - -<p>The printed proceedings of the Clonmacnoise prelates -reached Cromwell at Youghal, and he lost no time in answering -it. The task of uniting clergy and laity, he said, was -only necessary because the distinction had been invented by -‘the Antichristian Church’ of Rome, and maintained by her -priests as the foundation of their own power. Their royalism -was a ‘fig-leaf of pretence,’ whereas they really fought for -their own supremacy. Cromwell had a right to say that -they began the war, but he much exaggerated the goodness -of the terms on which English and Irish had lived before the -outbreak. No doubt there were some friendships, but all competent -observers had long realised that the Ulster settlement -would be disturbed whenever the children of the dispossessed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span> -natives had the chance. As to liberty of conscience, he took -his stand upon the purely English ground that the mass had -long been prohibited by law, and that he could not extirpate -what had no root. He reiterated his statement to the -governor of Ross and said plainly, ‘I shall not, where I have -power, and the Lord is pleased to bless me, suffer the exercise -of the mass where I can take notice of it.... As for the -people, what thoughts they have in matters of religion in their -own breasts I cannot reach; but think it my duty if they -walk honestly and peaceably, not to cause them in the least -to suffer for the same.’ He defended the raising of money -by mortgaging lands which rebels would forfeit, but denied -that there was any intention to extirpate the people. He -defied anyone to give an instance since his arrival in Ireland -of ‘one man not in arms, massacred, destroyed, or banished’ -with impunity. Those who had been exiled to the West -Indies were all in fact liable to be put to the sword according -to the laws of war. All who had not been actors in the -rebellion should be spared and protected. ‘And having -said this,’ he concluded, ‘and purposing honestly to perform -it,—if this people shall headily run on after the counsels of -their prelates and clergy and other leaders, I hope to be free -from the misery and desolation and blood and ruin that -shall befall them; and shall rejoice to exercise utmost severity -against them.’ Cromwell’s ideas about toleration were in -advance of his age, but his knowledge of Ireland before 1641 -was derived from the published histories of May and Temple.<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Lady -Fanshawe -at Cork, -Nov. 1649.</div> - -<p>When Lady Fanshawe joined her husband, a few weeks -before Cromwell’s landing, she found Cork an agreeable -place of residence enough, and so it remained for about six -months. She lived in the old Augustinian Friary called the -Red Abbey, which then belonged to Michael Boyle, Dean of -Cloyne, who vied with Inchiquin and Roscommon in civility -to her. She calls the latter Lord Chancellor, but he is not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span> -generally included in the list. ‘My Lord of Ormonde had a -very good army, and the country was seemingly quiet.’ And -so it continued outwardly for some time, though Inchiquin’s -power had been gradually wasting away since Rathmines. -Suddenly one night, at the beginning of November, Lady -Fanshawe was roused from her bed by the sound of cannon, -and by screams and cries outside. Opening the window, -she saw a crowd, who informed her that they were ‘all Irish -stripped and wounded and turned out of the town by Colonel -Jeffries.’ Hurrying off to the Colonel she reminded him of her -husband’s former civilities to him, which he handsomely -acknowledged, and at once granted a free pass. She passed -‘through thousands of naked swords’ with her family, 1000<i>l.</i> -in cash and other light property, and got to Kinsale where -she was safe for the moment. Cromwell was much annoyed at -Fanshawe’s papers having thus escaped him.<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Cromwell’s -campaign -in the -South, -Jan.-March, -1650.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Surrender -of Fethard, -Feb. 3.</div> - -<p>The Parliamentary managers were alarmed by the negotiations -of Charles with the Scots. They knew, too, that -Fairfax could hardly be trusted to lead an attack on the -Presbyterian kingdom, and they resolved to recall Cromwell. -The letter was written on January 8, but it did not reach him -until he was already in the field again, and he thought proper -to treat the reports of its coming as Nelson treated the signal -at Copenhagen. On January 29 he set out from Youghal -with twelve troops of horse, three troops of dragoons, and -between two and three hundred foot. Reynolds and Ireton, -with about the same number of horse and dragoons and 2000 -foot, were sent to Carrick to threaten Ormonde’s quarters -at Kilkenny. Cromwell himself marched towards Mitchelstown, -took Kilbenny Castle, Clogheen, and Rehill, near -Cahir, and went from there to Fethard. The last-named -walled town surrendered after a night’s discussion ‘upon -terms which we usually call honourable; which I was the -willinger to give, because I had little above two hundred<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span> -foot, and neither ladders nor guns nor anything else to force -them.’</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Cashel -protected.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Callan -taken.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Enniscorthy -surprised -and -retaken.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ardfinane.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Cahir surrendered, -Feb. 24</div> - -<p>The besiegers had not fired a single shot. The honourable -terms were that the garrison should march away with arms -and baggage, and that the inhabitants, including priests, -should be fully protected. Some Ulster foot at Cashel, -hearing of Cromwell’s arrival at Fethard, ran away in confusion, -and he protected the townsfolk at their own request. He then -went onto Callan, which he found already in Reynolds’s hands. -The garrison of two castles ‘refusing conditions seasonably -offered were put all to the sword.’ Those in a larger castle -surrendered, and were allowed to march away without -their arms. Among the prisoners taken in a skirmish was -one of those who had betrayed Enniscorthy, and he was -hanged. Some Irish gentlemen had feasted the garrison and -sent in women to sell them spirits. When most of the soldiers -were drunk the enemy rushed in and killed all, except four -who had been bribed to open the gates. Colonel Cooke, the -governor of Wexford, soon retook Enniscorthy by storm, -and in his turn put all the garrison to the sword. Reynolds -was despatched to take Knocktopher, and after a fortnight -in the field, Cromwell returned to Fethard, ‘having good -plenty of horsemeat and man’s meat’ in that rich district. -Ireton took Ardfinane, of which Henry II. himself had chosen -the site, and which was important to bring guns ‘ammunition, -and other things’ from Youghal and Cappoquin. Cromwell -came before Cahir, which was surrendered without costing a -man. He was told that it had stood an eight weeks’ siege -against Essex, but that most incompetent of heroes really -took it in two days. Kiltinan, Goldenbridge and Dundrum -were also taken, and the county of Tipperary submitted to a -contribution of 1500<i>l.</i><a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Operations -in Leinster, -Dec.-March, -1649-50.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ballisonan -taken, -March 1.</div> - -<p>The regicide John Hewson was governor of Dublin with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span> -a numerous garrison, consisting chiefly of sick and wounded. -A division of these half-recovered invalids had won the -fight at Glascarrig and joined Cromwell, and by the end of the -year a good many more were fit for service, and some reinforcements -had also arrived from England. Kildare, the hill -of Allen, Castle Martin and other places were occupied, but -Kilmeague was found too strong to attack without artillery. -When his provisions were spent Hewson returned to Dublin, -where he received a curious proposition from the strong -garrison of Ballisonan or Ballyshannon near Kilcullen. -This he describes as ‘having double works and double moats -full of water, one within another, and a mount with a fort -upon it, most of the officers with me esteeming the taking of -it to be unfeazable.’ After the rout at Rathmines some of -Ormonde’s fugitive cavalry had summoned this formidable -stronghold, which surrendered to them under the impression -that Dublin was taken. The defenders now offered to join the -Parliament, on condition of being made a regiment with their -own officers, liberty of religion, and two priests as chaplains. -Their arrears since May were to be paid, Taaffe and Dillon to -be excluded from any accommodation with the Parliamentary -party. In fact, they preferred Cromwell to Ormonde, -which shows how desperate the latter’s position had become. -Such terms were of course unacceptable, and Hewson attacked -Ballisonan with a force of 2000 foot and 1000 horse, with -two guns and a mortar. An entrenched battery was erected, -but the place capitulated before any breach had been made. -Hewson was glad to give easy terms, as Castlehaven was at -Athy, and might make an attempt to raise the siege. The -garrison marched out with the honours of war, Maryborough -and Kilmeague were abandoned by the Irish, and all Kildare -except the extreme south was in Hewson’s power.<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -withdraws -into Clare, -February.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Castlehaven -commands -in Leinster.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The net -drawn -round -Kilkenny.</div> - -<p>After consulting the Commissioners of Trust, Ormonde -allowed agents to meet at Kilkenny in January for the dis<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span>cussion -of grievances affecting the different districts, but -nothing was reduced to writing, and there were, as he expected, -no results. The agents proposed an adjournment -to Ennis, and to this he agreed. The approach of Cromwell’s -forces on the south and of Hewson’s on the north had doubtless -something to say to this, and the plague which began to -rage in the town still more. Cromwell made a strong reconnaissance -towards Kilkenny, where a Captain Tickle had been -bribed or in some other way induced to undertake that one -of the gates should be opened, but the plot was discovered -and the captain hanged; so that Cromwell had to retire. -In spite of the plague and of enemies within and without, -Castlehaven used to go out fox-hunting in the early morning. -Ormonde met him in the field, told him that it was decided -to withdraw into Clare, and appointed him, much to his -disgust, general of Leinster. Ormonde himself went to -Limerick during the first week in February, and was not -destined to see Kilkenny again until after the Restoration. -Cromwell, having failed in the plot with Tickle, waited -patiently and let the plague do his work. Castlehaven had -one success, surprising Athy and taking Hewson’s garrison -of 700 men, but he found the place untenable. ‘Not knowing,’ -he writes, ‘what to do with my prisoners, I made a present -of them to Cromwell, desiring him by letter to do the like to -me ... but he little valued my civility, for in a very few -days after he besieged Gowran, where Colonel Hammond -commanded, and the soldiers mutinying and giving up the -place, he caused Hammond with some English officers to be -shot to death.’ Cromwell’s own account confirms this, and -he adds that Hammond was ‘a principal actor in the Kentish -insurrection,’ and so not entitled to mercy more than Lucas -or Lisle. A priest who acted as chaplain to the Roman -Catholic soldiers was hanged. ‘I trouble you with this the -rather because this was the Lord of Ormonde’s own regiment.’ -At Gowran Cromwell was joined by Hewson, who had taken -Castledermot, Lea, Kilkea, and other castles in the meantime, -he himself having taken Thomastown. Castlehaven did not -find himself strong enough to meet Hewson in the field. Lord<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span> -Dillon promised to join him with about 3000 men, but they -never came, and all he could do was to provision Kilkenny and -leave it with a garrison of 1000 foot and 200 horse. Soon -afterwards an Ulster regiment, which was nearly half his -army, deserted on account of the plague, saying that they -were ready to fight against men but not against God. Having -tried to relieve Kilkenny in vain he gave orders to the governors -of the town and castle to make the best terms they could, and -not to attempt to hold the latter after the former had surrendered. -Cromwell and Hewson corresponded about this -time by letters enclosed in balls of wax, so that the messenger -might swallow them if necessary. Some of these reached -Castlehaven, but only served to show him that he was hopelessly -overmatched.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Capitulation -of -Kilkenny, -March 27.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Citizens -and -soldiers</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Fair terms -granted.</div> - -<p>Cromwell approached Kilkenny by Bennet’s Bridge and -sent in his summons on March 22. Sir Walter Butler, a cousin -of Ormonde’s, was governor of the town, and briefly replied -that he held it for the King. A battery with three guns was -accordingly planted at St. Patrick’s Church, and on March 25 -about a hundred shot struck the wall near the castle. An -attempt to carry the breach failed with the loss of a captain -and twenty or thirty men, the garrison having erected earthworks -and palisades inside. At the same time a thousand men -were detached to attack the Irish town near the cathedral, -where the wall was but weakly defended by the townsmen, -and the Cromwellians entered with a loss of only three or -four men. After this, the walled portion of the town on the -other side of the Nore was easily taken, and the victors endeavoured -to enter the main city over St. John’s Bridge, -but they were driven back with a loss of forty or fifty men. -In the meantime fresh guns were brought up, and the mayor -sent to represent the difficult position of the citizens. No -doubt, he wrote, Cromwell would be willing to grant them -fair terms, but they were in the power of the garrison, and so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span> -‘in danger of ruin as well from our own party as from that -of your Honour’s,’ and it was reasonable that the soldiers -should be included. To avoid further loss, and perhaps to -get away from the plague, Cromwell after some discussion -acquiesced in this view, and on the next day Butler saw that -further resistance would be useless. Considering that Kilkenny -had been the very centre of the lately powerful Confederacy, -the terms granted were liberal enough. The garrison -marched out with the honours of war, surrendering their arms -two miles out of town and then going where they pleased. -The citizens submitted to a payment of 2000<i>l.</i> in two instalments, -in consideration of which Cromwell had ‘made it -death for any man to plunder.’ Those who wished to remove -themselves or their property might do so, ‘none excepted,’ -within three months. There was no armistice during the -negotiations, and the garrison of Cantwell Castle, now called -Sandford’s Court—‘very strong, situated in a bog, well -furnished with provisions of corn’—surrendered, though -specially ordered by Sir Walter Butler to abandon their post -and strengthen the scanty garrison of Kilkenny. They were -allowed to go beyond sea.<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The town -not -plundered.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Damage -to the -churches.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Death of -Bishop -Rothe.</div> - -<p>Leaving the plague-stricken city with a small garrison, -Cromwell went to Carrick. ‘The goodness of God,’ says a -contemporary newswriter, ‘was exceedingly manifested in -preventing the plunder of the place, which must needs have -hazarded the army by infection.’ None of the soldiers, in fact, -suffered, which was ‘the Lord’s own doing and marvellous -in our eyes.’ The clergy were not in any way excepted from -the terms granted to the citizens, and there is no evidence -that violence was done to any priests. But the churches -suffered terribly, Bishop Ledred’s beautiful painted windows, -which even Bale had spared, were broken in pieces, and Thomas -Earl of Ormonde’s splendid tomb was totally destroyed.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span> -A special interest attaches to the fate of the bishop, the learned -David Rothe, who had opposed Rinuccini. There is nothing -to show that he suffered from violence, but he was seventy-eight -years old, and it is not surprising that he died in great -discomfort, and in concealment. Bishop Lynch, who wrote -from Clonfert in August, says he was stripped and mocked -by the soldiers, but allowed to enter the nearest house, where -he died within three weeks of old age and disease. Archbishop -Fleming, who was also in Ireland, and who wrote in June, says -much the same thing.<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Siege of -Clonmel, -May.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Vain -appeals to -Ormonde,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and to -Preston.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Clonmel is -assaulted.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Cromwell -repulsed.</div> - -<p>In the meantime Ennisnag Castle was taken, ‘where were -gotten a company of rogues which had revolted from Colonel -Jones. The soldiers capitulated for life and their two officers -were hanged for revolting.’ Adjutant-General Sadleir, with -two guns, took all the castles in the Suir valley from Clonmel to -Waterford without resistance except at Poulakerry, five miles -below the former town. This was taken by assault, thirty or -forty being killed, ‘and the rest remaining obstinate were fired -in the castle.’ On April 27 Cromwell came before Clonmel, and -offered favourable terms, which were promptly rejected by the -governor, Hugh Boy O’Neill, a nephew of Owen Roe, who -had about 1500 Ulster men with him. O’Neill, whom Cliffe -describes as ‘an old surly Spanish soldier,’ had expected to -be attacked as far back as February, and Ormonde had written -from Ennis at the beginning of March to say that he would -‘draw all the forces of the kingdom into a body for the -town’s relief.’ But he could do nothing, for the Commissioners -of Trust were more anxious to thwart him than Cromwell, -and would not allow a levy to be made in the county of -Limerick. An attempt to send an expedition from the county -of Cork was foiled by Broghill, and Clonmel was left to its -fate. Preston had promised, but failed, to send ammunition -from Waterford, and with Carrick in an enemy’s hand it is -not easy to see how he could have done so. O’Neill and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span> -mayor, John White, made a last appeal to Ormonde. The -long threatened attack had come at last, and the preservation -of the town was almost Ireland’s last hope. ‘It is,’ they wrote, -‘our humble suit that the army, if in any reasonable condition, -may march night and day to our succour.’ But no such -army was available, and Cromwell planted his battery without -hindrance. Reynolds and Theophilus Jones had a force -in the field sufficient to prevent Castlehaven from giving -any trouble. Approaches were made from the north side -of the town, and there were many sallies and much fighting -before the breach was practicable. A comparison of extant -accounts fortified by local tradition seems to indicate that -the spot was near a gate which stood a little to the eastward -of St. Mary’s Church. The assault was made about eight -in the morning of May 9, and the storming party entered -without difficulty, but found that their work was still to do. -O’Neill had manned the houses and erected two breastworks of -‘dunghills, mortar, stones and timber,’ making a lane about -eighty yards inwards from the breach with a masked battery -at the end. The ‘British Officer,’ who got his facts ‘not only -from officers and soldiers of the besiegers,’ but also from the -besieged, describes what followed. The stormers poured in -and found themselves caught in a trap. Those in front cried -‘Halt,’ and those behind ‘Advance,’ ‘till that pound or lane -was full and could hold no more.’ Two guns hailed chain-shot -upon this dense mass, while a continual fire was kept up -from the houses and the breastworks. Volleys of stones were -thrown, and great pieces of timber hurled from slides which -O’Neill’s ingenuity had provided, ‘so that in less than an -hour’s time about a thousand men were killed in that pound, -being atop one another.’ Colonel Culham, who led the -stormers, and several other officers were among the slain, -and the survivors were driven out again through the breach. -Contemporary accounts estimate Cromwell’s total loss at -Clonmel at somewhere from 1500 to 2500. This repulse, -said Ireton afterwards, was ‘the heaviest we ever endured -either in England or here.’ His own regiment lost most of all. -It is stated that Major Fennell, who commanded the few<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span> -cavalry within the town, had plotted, like Tickle at Kilkenny, -to open one of the gates. This was certainly believed at the -time, but if there was such a plot it came to nothing.<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -garrison -escape,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and the -town -capitulates.</div> - -<p>O’Neill had not ammunition to continue the defence, and -he knew that there was no hope of relief. About 9 o’clock -the same night he slipped out quietly by the bridge and made -his way to Waterford, advising the mayor to make the best -terms he could. White accordingly capitulated both for the -inhabitants and for the garrison. All arms and ammunition -in the town were surrendered, the civil population being -guaranteed protection ‘for life and estate, from all plunder -and violence of the soldiery.’ Next morning the besiegers -marched in, and though Cromwell was angry at being outwitted, -the conditions were kept. The garrison were pursued -and stragglers cut off, amongst whom there were probably -some women and at least one priest. On reaching Waterford -admission was denied by Preston to O’Neill’s men. There -was plague both in his camp and in the city, and after a time -he ordered his foot soldiers to shift for themselves. He and -Fennell, with the horse, made their way to Limerick.<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin -and -Broghill -march.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Battle of -Macroom, -April 10.</div> - -<p>Inchiquin was in Kerry in January, whence he invaded -Limerick with three regiments of cavalry, sweeping away the -cattle and devastating most of the county. Broghill and -Henry Cromwell fell upon his camp towards the end of March, -and drove him across the Shannon ‘with more cows than -horses.’ Inchiquin’s men were chiefly English, and some of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span> -the officers were shot as deserters from the Parliament. After -this Broghill joined Cromwell, who was then preparing to -attack Clonmel, and was detached by him to deal with a force -of 4000 foot and 300 horse which had been raised in Kerry, -chiefly by the exertions of Boetius Egan, Bishop of Ross, -an Observant friar promoted by Rinuccini. The Irish, bent -on relieving Clonmel, advanced to Macroom, and garrisoned -Carrigadrohid Castle on the Lee, which Broghill reached on -April 8. He had 1500 cavalry, and hurried on, leaving a -like number of foot to guard his rear. He seems to have had -no guns with him, but the Irish probably thought he had, -for they burned Muskerry’s castle at Macroom, and assembled -in the park. They were raw levies and probably badly -armed, for they were routed in a very short time, ‘though in -a place,’ says Broghill, ‘the worst for horse ever I saw, and -where one hundred musketeers might have kept off all the -horse of Ireland.’ Several hundred were killed, and among -the prisoners were the bishop and Lord Roche’s son, the -high sheriff of Kerry, who was in equal authority with him. -Carrigadrohid was taken by parading pieces of timber with -teams of oxen, as if they were guns. ‘I gave orders,’ says -Broghill, ‘that if the garrison in it delivered it not up, we -should hang the bishop before it. The former not being -done the latter was.... The bishop was wont to say there -was no way to secure the English but by hanging them. -That which was his cruelty became his justice.’ The castle -was then surrendered on fair terms, and Broghill went back -to the siege of Clonmel.<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Cromwell -leaves -Ireland, -May 26.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His plans -of reform.</div> - -<p>Cromwell quitted Ireland on May 26, leaving Ireton as -his deputy. His last extant letter before going was to Hewson, -in favour of young Lord Moore, son of the brave soldier who -was killed at Portlester, and grandson of Lord Chancellor -Loftus. Moore had fought against Cromwell, who nevertheless -ordered that he should be ‘fairly and civilly treated,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span> -and that no incivility or abuse be offered unto him by any -of the soldiery, either by restraining his liberty or otherwise; -it being a thing which I altogether disprove and dislike that -the soldiers should intermeddle in civil affairs farther than -they are lawfully called upon.’ Necessity afterwards devised -the major-generals, but it was to civil justice, to a Matthew -Hale rather than a Desborough, that Cromwell looked for -real improvement. It was a crime, he said, ‘to hang a man -for six and eightpence, and I know not what—to hang for a -trifle and commit murder.’ In Ireland particularly much -might be done for the poor people by the cheap and impartial -administration of justice. They had suffered more by the -oppression of the great than any ‘in that which we call -Christendom. And indeed they are accounted the bribingest -people that are, they having been inured thereto.’ And he -rightly considered that the best guarantee for purity was to -pay good fixed salaries to the judges and to get rid of the -fees and perquisites which had been a ‘colour to covetous -practices.’<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inchiquin -charged -with -treachery</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Submission -of -Protestant -Royalists.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Easy terms -given.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Safe -conducts -rejected by -Ormonde -and -Inchiquin.</div> - -<p>Some papers, which Broghill thought important, were -found in Bishop Egan’s possession. An anonymous correspondent -of Hyde’s says one of them was a letter in which -Inchiquin proposed during the latter part of 1649 to go -over to Cromwell. Carte, without giving his authority, -says that some such letter was forged by Antrim, who -was perhaps tricky enough to do it, and the editor of -the Clarendon State Papers adopted Carte’s account. -Probability seems against Inchiquin having made any such -overtures, but his position after Rathmines was very uncomfortable, -for his men left him and he knew that the Irish -would always hate him for his proceedings at Cork, Cashel, -and elsewhere. He admitted that he had talked too freely -to one of the enemy’s trumpeters, and it may be that he -asked questions which gave rise to the idea that he was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span> -wavering. But in April 1650, when Kilkenny had fallen -and Ormonde had no army in the field, Protestant Royalists -grew tired of the hopeless struggle, and Cromwell was ready -enough to meet them halfway. Nor did Ormonde make any -difficulties. Sir Robert Sterling, Colonel Daniell, and Michael -Boyle, Dean of Cloyne, made the first advances ‘on behalf -of the Protestant party in Ireland now under the command -or obedience of the Lord Marquis of Ormonde.’ They were -all, whether soldiers or civilians, allowed to go where they -pleased on engaging not to act against the Parliament, taking -all their movable property except horses, arms, and ammunition, -and even these they might sell to the army or to English -Protestants. Questions of land were reserved for the decision -of Parliament, and until that was given were referred to the -Commissioners for Revenue, and those who gave assurance -of fidelity to the Parliament might enjoy their estates in the -meantime. Colonel Wogan and the officer who helped him -to escape from Cork were the only persons excepted. Lord -Montgomery surrendered at Enniskillen, Sir Thomas Armstrong -at Trim, and Colonel Daniell at Doneraile. Dean Boyle -had strict orders not to make any overtures on behalf of -Ormonde or Inchiquin, but Cromwell nevertheless sent them -both passes to go beyond seas. Admiral Penn, whose squadron -lay in the Shannon, was directed to make it easy for any of -the Protestants who came in his way. Ormonde contemptuously -rejected the safe conduct, which was civil enough in -point of form, adding that if he ever had to return the compliment -he would not use it ‘to debauch any that commanded’ -under Cromwell. Inchiquin was angry, but his wife had -already been allowed to depart with her family and servants -under convoy to Middleburgh.<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> Letter from Clonmacnoise signed by the four archbishops and seven -bishops, including the secretary of the congregation, to the Pope, December -12, 1649, in <i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, i. 327. Ormonde to the King, December -15 and 24, and the answer from Jersey, February 2, 1649-50, in Carte’s -<i>Original Letters</i>, ii. 417-425.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> Declaration of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for the undeceiving -of deluded people, January 1649-50, in <i>Carlyle</i>, ii. 1, and see the strictures -on this ‘remarkablest State paper’ in the notes to the 1904 edition and in -Gardiner’s <i>Commonwealth</i>, i. 163-166; the Declaration was first printed at -Cork and reprinted in London, March 21.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> Lady Fanshawe’s <i>Memoirs</i>, p. 53, ed. 1907. Sir Richard Bolton -died about a year before the revolt of Cork, after which the Great Seal of -Ireland may have been placed irregularly in the hands of Roscommon, -who had married Strafford’s sister.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> Cromwell to Lenthall, February 15, 1649-50, and to Bradshaw, -March 5, in <i>Carlyle</i>; also letters in the Supplement, pp. 54-56. In the -articles for the surrender of Fethard (No. 55) it is stipulated that the garrison -might retire to ‘any place within his Majesty’s quarters.’ When Cromwell -signed this, he either did not notice the draftsman’s expression, or thought -it did not matter. For Enniscorthy see Whitelock’s <i>Memorials</i>, p. 437.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 129. <i>Several Letters from Ireland</i>, March 18, 1649-50. -This tract is reprinted in the <i>Kilkenny Archæological Journal</i>, new series, -i. 110, with a contemporary plan of Ballisonan, but the latter must have -been drawn to illustrate the capture of the place by Jones in September -1648.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> Castlehaven’s <i>Memoirs</i>, pp. 83-86; Cromwell to Lenthall, April 2, -1650, in <i>Carlyle</i>. And see Murphy’s <i>Cromwell in Ireland</i>, chaps. 24 and 25, -and Lord Dillon’s apologetic letter in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> ii. 373; Clarendon’s -History, <i>Ireland</i>, p. 96.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> Articles for surrender, March 27, in Murphy’s <i>Cromwell in Ireland</i>, p. -301. All the letters extant are printed by Carlyle, vol. ii., see especially -that of Cromwell to the mayor on March 26. The <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, -ii. 69, states that the townsmen capitulated behind the governor’s back, -and that the garrison were not mentioned in the capitulation, which shows -the untrustworthiness of the writer. And see Carte’s <i>Life of Ormonde</i>, ii. 113.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> Cromwell’s letter of April 2, in <i>Carlyle</i>, ii. 48, with the notes; Grave’s -and Prim’s <i>Hist. of St. Canice’s Cathedral</i>, pp. 74, 138, 296; Letters of -Fleming and Lynch in <i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, i. 341, 348; Murphy’s -<i>Cromwell in Ireland</i>, chaps. xxv. and xxvi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> Seven contemporary accounts of this siege, including one from Bates’s -<i>Elenchus</i>, are printed in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> ii. 408-415. See Murphy’s <i>Cromwell -in Ireland</i>, chap. xxviii.; Ireton to Cromwell, July 10, 1651, <i>Milton State -Papers</i>, p. 72. Cromwell’s own account is wanting, but the notes to letter -132 in Carlyle may be consulted. In the churchyard of St. Mary’s, very -near the breach, is a large stone inscribed NL ET SOCII, and the tradition -is that fifty of Cromwell’s soldiers lie beneath.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> Authorities as for last paragraph; <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, p. 616; -Dillingham to Sancroft in Cary’s <i>Memorials of the Civil War</i>, ii. 217. The -articles of surrender are printed in Murphy’s <i>Cromwell in Ireland</i>, p. 341, with -the date May 18, but the letter in Whitelock (456) says May 10. Certainty -is unattainable, but Cromwell’s battery was probably near the railway -station on the slope of Gallows Hill. Since the above was written I have -read the account of this siege in Rev. W. S. Burke’s <i>Hist. of Clonmel</i>, 1907, -but have not thought it necessary to alter the text.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> Broghill’s letter, dated April 16, is printed in Murphy’s <i>Cromwell in -Ireland</i>, p. 324; Borlase’s <i>Irish Rebellion</i>, p. 240; the Brief Chronicle -printed in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> iii. 165, says Roche was ‘condemned to be shot -to death by a council of war’; Cox’s <i>Hibernia Anglicana</i>, ii. 16, where the -date is erroneously given as May 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> Cromwell to Hewson, May 22, 1650, in <i>Carlyle</i>, Supplement 61; to -John Sadler, December 31, 1649, <i>ib.</i> appendix 17. The latter letter offers -Sadler, a master in Chancery in England, 1000<i>l.</i> a year as Chief Justice of -Munster. Sadler did not go, but the place was given to a vigorous law -reformer, John Cook the regicide.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> Broghill’s letter of April 16; Letter among the <i>Clarendon MSS.</i>, July 6, -o. s., endorsed by Hyde as from ‘J. Barn.’ (perhaps Barnewall).; Carte’s -<i>Life of Ormonde</i>, ii.; Gardiner’s <i>Commonwealth</i>, i. 153, 168. It is remarkable -that in Hill’s <i>Macdonnells of Antrim</i> nothing is said about the alleged -forgery, though the writer can hardly have been ignorant of Carte’s statement. -Cromwell’s articles granted to the Protestants, dated April 26, -are printed in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> ii. 393, where the other letters may be found, -pp. 401-408, 410, and 411, and see Supplement 58 to <i>Carlyle</i>.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXXIII" id="CHAPTER_XXXIII">CHAPTER XXXIII</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">ORMONDE’S LAST STRUGGLES, 1650</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Hopeless -dissensions -among -Irish -Royalists.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -meets the -bishops at -Limerick, -March.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Limerick -excludes -Ormonde’s -garrison.</div> - -<p>The Anglo-Irish Catholics had been drawn into the war -against their will in many cases, and in many others only in -the hopes of obtaining religious toleration. They were -genuine Royalists, though the interests of the sovereign did -not always seem to be theirs. But the Celts cared extremely -little for the Crown and a great deal for the Church; even -more perhaps for the land which they had lost. Rinuccini’s -whole influence went to widen the difference between the -two sections. The dominant faction among the clergy were -quite ready to submit to a foreign protector, and Ormonde’s -last struggles were with the bishops. The Clonmacnoise -decrees having failed to secure union, he summoned twenty-four -prelates along with the Commissioners of Trust to meet -him at Limerick, whither he went after finally leaving Kilkenny. -They met accordingly on March 8, and five days later -presented him with a paper of advice. They suggested that a -Privy Council should be appointed consisting of ‘peers and -others, natives of this kingdom, at once spiritual and temporal,’ -to sit daily with the Lord Lieutenant and determine -all weighty affairs. The answer to this was easy: that the -appointment of Privy Councillors belonged to the King alone, -and that in the actual condition of affairs the Commissioners -of Trust were quite Council enough. There were vague -charges of preferring Protestants to Catholics, and suggestions -made as to the rendering of accounts and the administration -of justice, very suitable for peaceful times, but not at all -applicable to the desperate state of affairs really existing. -Ormonde’s immediate object was to place a garrison in -Limerick, and there all was refused to him, Lord Kilmallock,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span> -Catholic though he was, being imprisoned by the citizens for -quartering part of his own troop within the walls by the -Marquis’s orders. Some of the bishops made a faint attempt -to reconcile the townsmen; but Ormonde went away to -Loughrea on March 18, and the prelates and Commissioners -followed him thither next day. It had been represented to -him by some of them that all would be right if he would only -get rid of Inchiquin; while others told the latter that he, as -a chief of the ancient Irish, was the proper person to command, -if only he would separate from Ormonde. The two lords -compared notes, and easily perceived that the real object in -view was to get rid of them both.<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">A successor -to Owen -Roe -O’Neill.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Bishop -Macmahon -appointed, -April 1.</div> - -<p>By the fourth article of his agreement with Owen Roe -O’Neill, Ormonde was bound to give the command in Ulster -to the person nominated by the nobility and gentry of that -province, who assembled for that purpose at Belturbet in -March, under the presidency of Eugene Swiney, who had been -Bishop of Kilmore since 1628. Antrim, who had already -been in communication with Cromwell and was soon to be -in alliance with Ireton, was a candidate, and had many supporters -among the officers. It was thought that Sir George -Monro and his Scots might follow him, though they would -dislike an Irish and especially a clerical general. Hugh -O’Neill, who would have been by far the fittest man, was -absent in Munster; and Daniel O’Neill was practically disqualified -by being a Protestant. The other candidates -were Sir Phelim O’Neill, who had never shone as a soldier, -Owen Roe’s son Henry, General Ferrall, and Bishop Macmahon -of Clogher. The bishop professed no great anxiety -for the post, but there seems little doubt that he left no stone -unturned. These intrigues were successful, and Ormonde -signed his commission on April 1. He was, says the ‘British -Officer,’ ‘a great politician, but no more a soldier fit to be a -general than one of Rome’s cardinals.’</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Englishmen -turned -out of the -army.</div> - -<p>Before the end of April, Monro surrendered Enniskillen to -Coote ‘for 500<i>l.</i> and other trivial things.’ At the beginning<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span> -of May the Bishop began his active campaign. Toome, at -the foot of Lough Neagh, was surprised, and, though it was -retaken not long after, this prevented Coote from besieging -Charlemont; and the Irish army got between his garrison at -Londonderry and that of Venables at Coleraine. A council -of war was held at Loughgall in Armagh to decide whether -the attack should be on the Belfast district or on Londonderry. -According to the ‘British Officer,’ the latter course -was taken owing to the secret practices of Sir George Rawdon, -who wished to keep the war away from his own country. -Macmahon summoned Dungiven, which was defended by -Colonel Beresford with about sixty men, to whom he wrote, -‘if you shed one drop of my soldiers’ blood, I will not spare -to put man, woman, and child to the sword.’ The place was -taken by assault, the soldiers mounting the ramparts by means -of short sticks thrust into the sods, and all found in arms -were killed, except Beresford himself, who was sent wounded -to Charlemont, where he recovered. The women, among -whom, according to the ‘British Officer,’ were Lady Coote -and Mrs. Beresford, were sent safely to Limavady, which was -maintained by the successor of Sir Thomas Phillips. The -Bishop hoped that some Scots would join him on Royalist -grounds; but he got rid of all Englishmen, and a declaration -was published by himself and the Bishop of Down, which was -signed by twenty-nine officers, every one of them with Celtic -names.<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Over-confidence -of Bishop -Macmahon,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">who divides -his forces,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and rejects -Henry -O’Neill’s -advice.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Battle of -Scariffhollis, -June 21.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">An old -soldier’s -comments.</div> - -<p>The Bishop of Clogher styled his followers ‘the confident,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span> -victorious Catholic army of the North,’ but its career of -success was not long. Ballycastle, on the northern shore of -Antrim, was taken without resistance, and garrisoned; but -it could be of little use, and the army, amounting at this -time to about 4000 foot and 400 horse, returned through -the mountains. The Foyle was crossed at a little-frequented -passage below Lifford, Coote being encamped higher up with -a much inferior force. A smart skirmish took place in which -the Irish had the best of it, Captains Taylor and Cathcart -being killed. If the Bishop had followed up this success, he -might have gained a great victory, for Coote had to retire by -a narrow causeway through bogs. The Scotch settlers were -numerous between Lifford and Londonderry, and agreed to -give some provisions to the Bishop’s army; but Coote persuaded -them all to retire into Inishowen with their cattle, -so that there was little left for the enemy to eat. Macmahon -occupied Lifford, which Major Perkins surrendered as soon as -he saw Ormonde’s commission, and remained there for a -week, when supplies began to run short. He then imprudently -weakened his force by sending a large detachment to take the -remote castle of Doe on Sheephaven, and smaller ones to -forage about the country, so that when he took up a position -at Scariffhollis on the Swilly, some two miles above Letterkenny, -he had not with him more than 3000 foot and 400 -horse. In the meantime, Coote was growing stronger: 1000 -foot, under Colonel Fenwick, came to him from Venables at -Belfast, and every available man was drawn out of Enniskillen, -so that he had a large force by the fatal 21st of June. -The principal officers in the Irish army were for adhering to -the Fabian tactics of their late chief, his only son among them. -Their arguments were sound and based on experience; but -we may be sure that the speech put into Henry O’Neill’s -mouth is very different from that uttered by him. The -report occupies little more than a page, but in it are mentioned -by name Mars, Ulysses, Ajax, Antiochus, Hannibal, Fabius -Cunctator, Scipio Africanus, Scanderbeg, Spinola, and -Maurice of Nassau. The Bishop retorted by actually accusing -him of want of courage; and after that there was nothing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span> -left but to fight. They were, says Coote, posted on a mountain-side, -‘inaccessible to either horse or foot,’ but descended -on the enemy’s appearance into ground ‘which was extreme -bad,’ but yet possible to traverse. The infantry on both -sides were perhaps nearly equal, but the English had a great -superiority in cavalry, so that when the Irish broke after an -hour’s hard fighting it was easy to pursue them in all directions. -About 3000 were killed, including a large part of the officers, -and few unmounted men can have escaped. Sir Phelim -O’Neill got away to Charlemont, and the Bishop managed to -keep some 200 horse together, with which he fled southwards. -All his colours, arms, ammunition, and baggage fell into the -victors’ hands. Coote’s casualties of all sorts were under a -hundred, and only one officer was killed outright. Colonel -Fenwick, who fell at the first fire, afterwards died of his -wounds. ‘Now the reader may observe,’ says the British -Officer, ‘the sequel of making the Bishop a general that was -nothing experienced in that lesson, nor becoming his coat to -send men to spill Christian blood; and how that for want of -conduct and prudency in martial affairs he lost himself and -that army that never got a foil before he led them.’<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Bishop is -captured.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and -executed.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill put -to death.</div> - -<p>One of the Maguires, who knew all the short cuts, hurried -off to Enniskillen as soon as he saw the result of the fight, and -warned Major John King that the Bishop was coming his -way. King got out one hundred fresh horsemen and fell -upon the fugitives, who were in no condition to resist. Macmahon’s -leg was broken in the scuffle, and he was taken -prisoner. During his captivity he made a good impression, -bewailing his many shortcomings and foretelling the course -of events. King tried to save his life, but he was hanged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span> -after some weeks and his head fixed upon one of the gates of -Londonderry. The responsibility for this must be shared between -Ireton and Coote, but particulars are wanting. ‘I do -not know,’ says the historian Lynch, ‘what the Bishop foretold, -but I am certain that our nation never experienced -worse calamities than she has done since he was taken from -our midst.’ Ormonde praised him long afterwards as a -truthful man who kept to his agreements. Several officers -of rank were put to death by Coote after the battle, some of -them, if we accept O’Neill’s Journal, with circumstances of -great brutality. Henry O’Neill was among them, who -reminded Coote that his father had saved him when he was -near having to surrender Londonderry. To this Sir Charles -replied that those services had been paid for at the time, -and that he owed him nothing. The Irish accounts say -that these officers had all been received to quarter and should -have been treated as prisoners of war; and it is remarkable -that the English accounts say nothing about it, though -Ludlow notes that there were few prisoners, ‘being for the -most part put to the sword.’ It is never possible to ascertain -exactly what happened in a battle, but the probability is -that immediate quarter for life given on the field was not -supposed to cover acts of treason or rebellion, and all Coote’s -victims would have come within those qualifications of the -subsequent Act of Settlement which barred pardon for life -and estate.<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde is -unsupported.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Assembly -at -Loughrea, -April 27.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -kept out of -Limerick,</div> - -<p>Ormonde has been blamed by many Irish writers for not -supporting the Bishop of Clogher; but he had no army with -him and no means of raising one. Inchiquin’s force had disappeared -in the manner already described, and Castlehaven -could do little with his small following. Meanwhile, the -Shannon estuary was at the mercy of the Parliamentary -fleet. Kilrush and Tarbert were burned and all country -boats destroyed, so that Clare was cut off from the rest of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span> -Munster. The possession of Limerick was absolutely necessary -to keep up the communications between Connaught and -the other provinces, and Limerick was contumacious. To -those who criticised him for keeping the few soldiers he had -in scattered country quarters instead of concentrating them -in important garrisons, the Lord Lieutenant sarcastically -answered that the towns themselves were responsible, -‘wherein we cannot yet prevail, nor ever could, till by the -enemies’ lying at one end of the town we were, not without -articling and conditioning, permitted to put such men as -we could then get in at the other end.’ He summoned a -general assembly to meet at Loughrea on April 27, enclosing -a copy of the young King’s letter, which permitted him to -leave Ireland if he could not secure obedience. He had a -vessel ready in Galway Bay, but the conciliatory attitude of -the assembly, owing to the presence of a lay element, induced -him to dismiss her and to stay on in Ireland a little longer. -The Archbishop of Tuam and Sir Lucas Dillon went to -Limerick with directions to settle matters between the town -and Ormonde, who in consequence received a rather halting -invitation from the mayor, John Creagh. He came within -four miles of Limerick, and agreed to visit the city on condition -that he should be received with the respect due to a -Lord Lieutenant; that he should have military command -within the walls, and that he should be attended by his own -guard of fifty horse and one hundred foot, all Roman Catholics -and old soldiers of the Confederacy. The mayor would have -agreed, but Dominick Fanning and a friar named Wolfe -possessed themselves of the keys, collected a number of young -men, who had already distinguished themselves by plundering -Ormonde’s papers on board a ship, and admitted Colonel -Murtagh O’Brien with an Irish regiment consisting largely of -recruits. Clanricarde, supported by the Commissioners of -Trust, called upon the Bishop of Limerick to excommunicate -Fanning and O’Brien; but, of course, this was not done. -Ormonde offered to remain in Limerick during the coming -siege and take his chance with the rest, provided he was -allowed to put in a proper garrison and strengthen the works<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span> -as he thought fit; but his efforts were all in vain, and -Galway was equally determined not to admit Clanricarde.<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">and Clanricarde -out -of Galway.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Progress -of Ireton.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Tecroghan -taken, -June 25.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Castlehaven -failed to -relieve it.</div> - -<p>While Ormonde persevered in his hopeless task, Ireton -was gradually reducing the few strongholds which held out -to the east of the Shannon after Cromwell’s departure. The -first to fall was Tecroghan, in the south-west corner of Meath, -which capitulated on June 25, only four days after the disaster -at Scariffhollis. That strong castle belonged to Sir Luke -Fitzgerald, whose daughter married the ill-fated Henry -O’Neill, and had been Ormonde’s headquarters when Cromwell -came to Drogheda. Reynolds besieged Tecroghan about the -middle of May, the garrison being commanded by Sir Robert -Talbot, a kinsman of Lady Fitzgerald, under Ormonde’s -orders. This appointment displaced Major Luke Maguire, -and the everlasting jealousy between the native Irish and the -men of the Pale caused great dissension between the partisans -of the late and present governor. In order to relieve the -place, Clanricarde came to Tyrrell’s Pass with 2000 foot and -700 horse, under Castlehaven’s command. Several miles of -bog had to be crossed, and a council of war was disinclined -to move; but Castlehaven offered to march with the foot, -leaving the cavalry to distract the enemies’ attention, if -possible. The latter part of the advance was along a narrow -causeway with deep ditches on either side, and the rearguard, -under Captain Fox, was ordered to face about and -protect the convoy. ‘He turned to his men,’ says Castlehaven, -‘and spake something in Irish that I did not know, -and, marching two or three hundred paces in such a fashion -that I could not tell whether he intended fighting or running -away. At last he did run away, and all his party followed.’ -The van marched on into Tecroghan, but without the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span> -provisions and ammunition; and Castlehaven with difficulty -got back. Fox was tried by court-martial and shot. No -further attempt could be made to relieve Tecroghan, which -capitulated on honourable terms, the garrison marching out -with the honours of war, and protection was given for -the property of Lady Fitzgerald and some of her friends. -By a special article, half the guns in the castle were to remain -with Talbot, provided he took them within eight weeks. -Carte says this was not done, and calls it a shameful breach -of faith; but it is very likely that the pieces were not claimed -within the specified time.<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Surrender -of Carlow, -July 24.</div> - -<p>Ireton summoned Carlow on July 2, having already thrown -a bridge over the Barrow. Major Bellew, who commanded -a garrison of about 200 men, asked for three days’ truce, -which were granted, to communicate with the Bishop of -Dromore and with Preston at Waterford. Further negotiations -then took place, and it seems evident that the news of -Scariffhollis had greatly damped the ardour of the defenders. -Ireton took the bulk of the army with him to Waterford, -leaving Sir Hardress Waller to take Carlow, which capitulated -as soon as a tower near the bridge had been battered -and carried by assault. The terms were as good as those -granted to Tecroghan, and Ireton, says Ludlow, ‘caused -them punctually to be executed, as his constant manner -was.’<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Surrender -of Waterford, -Aug. 10.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ireton’s -military -justice.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Waterford -capitulates,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and Duncannon -also.</div> - -<p>After the fall of Clonmel and the departure of Cromwell, -Waterford was almost isolated, though Duncannon was still -in Irish hands, and communication by the river could not be -altogether prevented. But Ireton had control of all the -county of Waterford and of Carrick, where was the lowest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span> -bridge over the Suir. It was therefore practically impossible -to relieve the city, and a small force encamped at some distance -was probably enough to stop the introduction of cattle or -other provisions by land. When Carlow was once invested, -Ireton could spare a larger force, and he left that place early -in July to press the siege of Waterford, having first sent a -summons to offer fair terms. The garrison were to march out -and surrender their arms within four miles of the town, -officers and gentlemen retaining their swords and pistols. -Cannon were not to be removed. Private property of all -kinds was protected, and two months given to carry it away. -Civilians were to be disarmed, but not otherwise interfered -with in any way, and the soldiers might go where they pleased -on promising not to serve against the Parliament in England -or Ireland. No obstacle was placed in the way of taking -service under any foreign government. These terms were -rejected, and a further summons was sent after the surrender -of Carlow. Preston or his son, Sir James, then made a sporting -offer to admit Ireton’s infantry and let them do what they -could inside the town. There is a good deal of grim humour -in the letters exchanged on this subject, Ireton suggesting -that ‘old General Preston’ must be dead. Of course, this -came to nothing. More importance attaches to the murder -of a man named Murphy, who was going out of Waterford -into the country with 80<i>l.</i> in his pocket. A major and a -cornet were implicated, and Ireton had them both shot. At -last, after much correspondence, Sir James Preston and -others came out upon safe conduct dated the last of July. -The place of meeting was then called New Cross, just outside -the town on the south-east side and close to the Suir. It -was probably the news of Carlow having fallen that decided -Preston to surrender, for Ireton seems not to have been ready -for an assault, though he could annoy the town with his -artillery. The terms were virtually the same as those offered -a month before, and on August 10, says Ireton, ‘there marched -out about 700 men, well armed, the townsmen more numerous -than before we believed, and the town better fortified in all -parts and more difficult to be attempted than our forces<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> -conceived, there being many private stores sufficient to have -maintained them a long time.’ Duncannon, which it was -now evidently useless to defend, capitulated seven days -later.<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Surrender -of Charlemont, -Aug. 14.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A -desperate -defence.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Sir Phelim -O’Neill.</div> - -<p>Having taken a fortnight’s rest after Scariffhollis, Sir -Charles Coote proceeded to besiege the strong fort at Charlemont, -which had been in Sir Phelim O’Neill’s hands since -the first outbreak in 1641. As Sir Phelim had accepted the -peace of 1649 it was reckoned as a royal fortress, and was -the last to hold out for the King in Ulster. Venables joined -Coote, and a hot fire was kept up with guns and mortars; -but it was not till near the middle of August that a practicable -breach was made. The garrison made a desperate resistance, -assisted by many women, ‘who more appeared like fighting -Amazons than civilised Christians.’ The storming-party were -assailed not only with shot, but with scalding slops and hot -ashes, and were beaten back after two or three hours’ fighting. -Venables had a narrow escape, but Coote, who commanded -in chief, remained ‘a spectator, smoking of tobacco at distance.’ -The total loss of the besiegers was not less than -500 men, but O’Neill’s ammunition was running short, and -only thirty men out of 140 were able to bear arms, all the rest -being killed or wounded. He went out himself to confer with -Coote, while Colonel Audley Mervyn, afterwards Speaker of -the House of Commons, and Major King, afterwards Lord -Kingston, were sent in as hostages. The garrison marched -out with arms and baggage, Sir Phelim having leave to go -beyond sea, and Coote undertaking to find him a vessel. -Unfortunately for himself, O’Neill remained in Ireland, while -Venables returned to Carrickfergus and Coote to London<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span>derry. -A Parliamentary garrison was left in the fort which -had been so dearly won.<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Meeting -of bishops -at Jamestown, -Aug. 6.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -rebukes the -prelates.</div> - -<p>While the strong places of Leinster, Munster, and Ulster -were being reduced, Ormonde was struggling to maintain the -semblance of royal authority beyond the Shannon. The -Loughrea conferences had led to no good result, and the -bishops assembled on their own account at Jamestown in -Leitrim on August 6. They announced their intentions to -Ormonde through the Archbishops of Dublin and Tuam, who -reminded him of what he knew only too well—that there was -no army and no money, and that the enemy were actually -drawing large contributions from Irish Catholics, whose -country was in their hands; so that ‘we are in a fair way for -losing our sacred religion, the King’s authority, and Ireland.’ -They invited the Lord Lieutenant to send a representative to -Jamestown, but he answered with perfect truth that this -would be useless after what had already happened. ‘Ancient -and late experience,’ he said, ‘hath made evident what -power those of your function have had to draw the people of -this nation to what they thought fit.’ Yet they had been -unable or unwilling to give him possession of Limerick, without -which successful military operations east of the Shannon -were quite impossible. But he wished the Jamestown -assembly all success, especially if the object of the prelates -was, as they themselves admitted, to clear their own consciences. -He had endeavoured to show ‘that the spring of -our past losses and approaching ruin arises from disobedience, -and it will not be hard to show that the spring of these disobediences -arises from the forgeries invented, the calumnies -spread against government, and the incitements of the -people to rebellion by very many of the clergy.’<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -bishops -order -Ormonde -out of -Ireland.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His -adherents -excommunicated.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Another -fruitless -conference.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -predicts -increased -confusion.</div> - -<p>The Jamestown congregation met as announced, and -after three or four days’ deliberation they despatched Bishop -Darcy of Dromore and Charles Kelly, Dean of Tuam, to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span> -Ormonde with full powers to explain their views. They had -observed with ‘grief and admiration’ that he threw some of -the blame upon them, showed to their own satisfaction that -they were not in fault, and left it to their emissaries to declare -what they believed to be the only possible means of preserving -the country. Ormonde prudently required the plenipotentiaries -to put their message upon paper; and the result was a -peremptory notice to him to quit Ireland forthwith. The -writers plainly said that he was of no use there, but that his -great position and experience might avail something if he -was by the King’s side. In the meantime, he was to leave -the viceregal authority in the hands of someone ‘trusty to -the nation, and such as the affection and confidence of the -people will follow.’ On the day before this message was -delivered the assembled prelates had actually excommunicated -all who adhered to the Lord Lieutenant, so that there was -little sincerity in sending the Bishop of Dromore and his -colleague at all. The excommunication, with the declaration -prefixed, though dated August 12, was withheld from publication -until September 15, so that Ormonde’s answer might be -first received. The Commissioners of Trust persuaded him -to summon the bishops to another conference at Loughrea -on August 26, and he went there himself; but they only -sent the Bishops of Cork and Clonfert, with no instructions -except to demand an answer to their order for his leaving the -kingdom. In giving this, Ormonde pointed out that he had -returned to Ireland from a sense of duty, that he had been -prepared in April last to make room for a Roman Catholic -viceroy, but that many of the prelates themselves had then -begged him to stay; and that he waited now because the -King’s position in Scotland was hopeful and orders might -come which he would be sorry should arrive in his absence. -‘We plainly observe,’ he added, ‘that though the division -is great in the nation under our government, yet it will be -greater upon our removal; for which in a free conference we -should have given such pregnant evidence as we hold not -fit this way to declare.’ The best chance of prevailing upon -Charles to send supplies was to be able to tell him how obedient<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span> -and dutiful the people were. A majority of the Commissioners -of Trust, all Roman Catholics, wrote in much the same strain, -urging that disloyalty on the part of the clergy would reflect -upon the nation at large, and could only result in general -ruin.<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles II. -repudiates -the -‘bloody -Irish -rebels,’ -Aug. 16.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The King’s -mother -idolatrous.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">And -Ormonde’s -peace -exceeding -sinful.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Commissions -to -Cavaliers -revoked.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Opinions of -Clarendon, -Carte, and -Walker.</div> - -<p>On August 16, four days after the decree of excommunication -was passed at Jamestown, an event happened in Scotland -which was alone sufficient to destroy all Ormonde’s -plans. It is less famous and was less important than the -Glamorgan treaty, but it shows that Charles was his father’s -son, and he even contrived to better the instruction. At -Dunfermline on August 16, he was induced to sign a declaration -in which he professed himself ‘deeply humbled and -afflicted in spirit before God’ for his father’s sin in opposing -the Covenant, ‘and for the idolatry of his mother, the toleration -whereof in the King’s house, as it was matter of great -stumbling to all the Protestant churches, so could it not but -be a high provocation against Him who is a jealous God, -visiting the sins of the father upon the children.’ He further -declared his conscientious conviction of the ‘exceeding great -sinfulness and unlawfulness of that treaty and peace made -with the bloody Irish rebels, who treacherously shed the blood -of so many of his faithful and loyal subjects in Ireland.’ For -the future he would prefer affliction to sin, and employ no one -who had not taken the Covenant; and he ‘recalled all commissions -given to any such persons.’ The baseness of this -declaration can hardly be matched in our history, but -George IV. tried to emulate it when he authorised Mr. Fox to -inform the House of Commons that he was not married to -Mrs. Fitzherbert. Clarendon can only say that Charles was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span> -‘absolutely forced to consent’ and other apologists take the -same line, but Carte, with all his royalism, was not deceived -by sophistry of this kind. He makes every allowance for -Charles’s youth and difficulties, but with the scathing -reflection that ‘if a man once gets over his natural magnanimity -he is afterwards fit for anything; and having done -one mean thing, is capable of doing ten thousand.’<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles -had -confirmed -the peace.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His -apology.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Effect of -Charles’s -declaration -in Ireland.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Commissioners -of Trust -support -Ormonde.</div> - -<p>The articles of the peace had been brought by Lord -Byron to the Hague early in March 1649, and Charles had -written twice to confirm them, declaring himself ‘extremely -well satisfied.’ These letters were found by Carte among -Ormonde’s papers, as well as the latter’s acknowledgment, -so that their delivery is not doubtful. Charles did not deny -the facts, and he sought for the means of neutralising them -as much as possible. The emissary chosen was Dr. John -King, Dean of Tuam, who had taken refuge in Scotland, and -we have his own account of the interview where he received -his instructions. ‘The Scots,’ said Charles, ‘have dealt -very ill with me, very ill. I understand you are willing to -go into Ireland. My Lord of Ormonde is a person that -I depend upon more than anyone living. I much fear that -I have been forced to do some things which may much prejudice -him. You have heard how a declaration was extorted -from me, and how I should have been dealt withal, if I had -not signed it. Yet what concerns Ireland is no ways binding, -for I can do nothing in the affairs of that kingdom without -the advice of my council there; nor hath that kingdom any -dependence upon this, so that what I have done is nothing.’ -It is only fair to say that after Dunbar had been fought he -took the opportunity of another trusty messenger to express -his gratitude, begging Ormonde not to run any unavoidable -personal risk, but to leave Ireland whenever he pleased. He -had already advised him that Scotland was not safe, and -that he should seek France or Holland. It took Dr. King<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span> -about two months to get to Ormonde, and he at once undertook -‘through much hazard’ to take the answer back to -Scotland. The Dunfermline declaration was already known -in Ireland through other channels, and Ormonde at first -thought the report was a fabrication circulated by the Scots -politicians for their own purposes, but the Dean of Tuam -brought a printed copy with him, and there was no longer -room for doubt. This was on October 13, and Ormonde at -once summoned the Commissioners of Trust to meet him at -Ennis on the 23rd, and by their advice convened an assembly -to sit at Loughrea on November 15. To the Commissioners -he explained in writing that the Dunfermline declaration -had been ‘by some undue means obtained from his Majesty’ -upon one-sided assertions of the peace being unlawful and -without hearing the other parties. For himself he was -determined by every means in his power to maintain the -validity of the peace as binding the King and all his subjects -until the authorised representatives of the Irish nation should -have ‘free and safe access unto his Majesty,’ provided always -that the Jamestown declaration forbidding obedience to him -as Lord Lieutenant should be revoked, that the bishops -should acknowledge that they had invaded his Majesty’s -prerogative, and that he and the necessary forces under his -command should be freely admitted into all garrisons. The -Commissioners of Trust accepted the excuses made for -Charles, whose declaration they had read with ‘inexpressible -grief,’ and for themselves agreed to the Lord Lieutenant’s -provisoes. In order to prepare matters for the ‘assembly -of the nation,’ they asked and obtained leave to go to Galway, -and to confer with the standing committee of bishops there.<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">A conference -at -Galway.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -bishops -will not -have a -Protestant -governor.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The excommunication -maintained.</div> - -<p>Six bishops met the Commissioners accordingly, among -them being Darcy of Dromore, French of Ferns, who was -Ormonde’s bitter enemy, and Lynch of Clonfert, who had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span> -protested even against the short delay interposed between -the decree of excommunication and its publication. Bellings -and his colleagues suggested that the peace and the maintenance -of the royal authority were the only means of preserving -union, and to this end they asked that the excommunication -and declaration should be withdrawn with a -promise not to renew them. It was understood by both -parties that Clanricarde was Ormonde’s only possible successor, -but the bishops could and did argue irresistibly that -Charles had withdrawn his own authority ‘and thrown away -the nation from his protection as rebels.’ With less wisdom -they declared in the baldest way that it was a scandal to -have a Protestant governor over Catholics, and that in the -abortive agreement between the Pope and Henrietta Maria -this had been provided against. They positively refused to -annul the excommunication or to promise not to renew it, -and they reiterated the complaints of bad administration -already so often made against Ormonde. In conclusion they -agreed that Clanricarde should govern with the consent of all -parties and with ‘the King’s authority from the Lord Lieutenant -which he conceives is in him’ until a free and lawful -assembly should otherwise order. If such a body decided -to treat with the enemy the Church would acquiesce, though -she would be the heaviest loser, but they conjured the -Catholics of Ireland to imitate the Maccabees, whose fears -were greater for the Temple than for their nearest and dearest -kinsfolk. The result of this preliminary conference was not -very hopeful, but the compromise was accepted by Darcy, -who two months before had been authorised to demand that -Ormonde should put the viceregal authority into commission, -the commissioners being all Roman Catholics nominated by -the bishops. This he had of course refused to do, and Clanricarde -was the only alternative.<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Assembly -at -Loughrea, -Nov. 25.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A Deputy -to be -appointed. -Clanricarde.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -leaves -Ireland.</div> - -<p>The assembly began to meet at Loughrea on November 15, -but did not constitute themselves until the 25th, when Sir<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span> -Richard Blake was elected chairman. The lay element from -the first asserted itself, and some bishops, who in purely -ecclesiastical manifestoes considered themselves bound by -the majority, showed a certain amount of independence. -On December 7 an agreement was rather unexpectedly -arrived at, and probably this was hastened by the fact that -Ormonde was on shipboard and might leave Ireland without -delegating his authority. First the prelates were induced -to say that they had no intention at Jamestown of usurping -the royal authority, and no aim but the ‘preservation of the -Catholic religion and people.’ The assembled ‘Lords Spiritual -and Temporal and Gentry’ then declared their conviction -that the royal authority was the best bond of union, and that -no body of men in Ireland had any power to impair it. It is -to be observed, and no doubt Ormonde did observe, that the -deposing power of the Pope is not referred to. They then -besought the Lord Lieutenant to leave his authority in some -person faithful to his Majesty ‘and acceptable to the nation,’ -to whom they promised ready obedience. And they fully -acknowledged that the retiring viceroy had risked person and -property for the royal cause, and that, even when unsuccessful, -he had ‘faithful intentions and hearty affections to -advance his Majesty’s interests and service.’ This manifesto -reached Ormonde at Gleninagh in Clare, where he had put in -before taking his final departure. He wrote to say that he -was not fully satisfied, but that he had sent a commission as -Deputy to Clanricarde, and he left it to him to get further -explanations and to accept or reject the charge according to -their tenor. This was his last act in Ireland until after the -Restoration and, having refused Ireton’s offer of a pass, he -sailed on December 11 in a very fast vessel of twenty-four tons -and four guns which the Duke of York had provided for him -in Jersey. He was accompanied by Inchiquin, Bellings, -Daniel O’Neill, and many officers, and it was three weeks -before they reached land at Perros Guirec in Brittany. Forty -men in a boat of twenty-four tons in the open Atlantic and -in midwinter must have endured very great hardships. -Ormonde made his way to Caen, where his wife and children<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span> -were, and from thence to Paris. A second ship with Sir -George Lane and others reached France, and a third with -servants and baggage was lost at sea. The distinguished -exiles were from the first in the direst distress.<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> Clarendon’s <i>Hist. Ireland</i>, 97-106; Cox’s <i>Hibernia Anglicana</i>, -appx. 45.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> Ormonde’s Commission in Borlase’s <i>Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, ed. 1743, -p. 311, and in the <i>Parliamentary Hist.</i> xix. 297; Sir C. Coote to Lenthall, -July 2, <i>ib.</i> appx. 28; British Officer’s <i>Warr of Ireland</i>, 115-119; O’Neill’s -Journal in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> iii. 212; Declaration of the Ulster Party, -May 20, <i>ib.</i> ii. 418; Bishop Macmahon to Beresford, May 30, <i>ib.</i> ii. 422. -In the English official account, <i>ib.</i> iii. 166, the Bishop’s army is described -as ‘all Irish or Papists, not a Protestant among them, having taken up an -opinion that they should never prosper till they had cleared their army of -all Protestants.’ A letter from Nantes, May 26, 1650, in <i>Spicilegium -Ossoriense</i>, i. 340, says: ‘Decreverunt Catholici nostri nullam dare auctoritatem -ulli Anglo, et specialiter Protestanti, quia experti sunt eos semper -fuisse perfidos in omni occasione, et ita deduxisse nos in ultimam fere -ruinam.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> English official narrative in <i>Confed. and War</i>, iii. 166. Coote’s account -seems pretty faithful in his letter to Ireton of July 2, <i>ut sup.</i> The British -Officer’s <i>Warr of Ireland</i> gives some details. <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, ii. 86, -can hardly be trusted, but it condemns the idea of an episcopal general -as much as the last. An extract from a Latin narrative by John Lynch, -printed from the Carte Papers in <i>Confed. and War</i>, iii. 154, says Coote had -double his opponent’s number of infantry and treble of cavalry, and that the -Bishop gave battle ‘concilio bellico refragante.’ There is a good account -in Ludlow’s <i>Memoirs</i>, ed. Firth, i. 255, but it is certain that the Bishop was -executed long after the battle.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> Lynch’s MS. <i>De Presulibus</i> as above; O’Neill’s Journal in <i>Contemp. -Hist.</i>, iii. 212. Both Lynch and the Aphorismical Discovery mention the -Irishman (nefarius aliquis), who carried the news to Enniskillen, ‘per -viarum compendia,’ and the latter says his name was Maguire. See Cox’s -<i>Hibernia Anglicana</i>, p. 23, and Borlase’s <i>Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, ed. 1743, p. 313.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> Charles II. to Ormonde from Jersey, February 2, 1649-50, in Carte’s -<i>Life of Ormonde</i>, ii. 107. The general assembly to Ormonde from Loughrea, -April 30, 1650, and his answer (same place), May 1, in app. 46 to Cox’s -<i>Hibernia Anglicana</i>. Ormonde’s correspondence with Limerick, June 12, -in Clarendon’s Hist. of the Rebellion, <i>Ireland</i>, 117-121, and his instruction -to Hugh O’Neill and John Walsh, June 29, in <i>Confed. and War</i>, ii. 430. -Ormonde’s letter of June 14 to the mayor of Limerick is printed by Cox, -ii. 22. Captain W. Penn to Cromwell, April 5, 1650, <i>Milton State Papers</i>, -p. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> Castlehaven’s <i>Memoirs</i>, p. 91; Carte’s <i>Life of Ormonde</i>, ii. 115; Dillon -and others to Ormonde, May 16, in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, 411, and the articles of -surrender, <i>ib.</i> 489. The account of the Aphorismical Discovery, who saw -treason everywhere, is hardly to be trusted, but he notes that the cannon -were not sent for within three or four weeks, and for a wonder does not -accuse Reynolds of bad faith, <i>ib.</i> ii. 95.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> The summons and articles are in Borlase’s <i>Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, ed. -1743, appx. 26. Ludlow’s <i>Memoirs</i>, ed. Firth, i. 255. The Diary of one -of Waller’s officers printed in <i>Confed. and War</i>, iii. 218, says ‘a passage over -the Barrow was by one bridge of bulrushes and another of timber.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> Ireton’s account is in <i>Parliamentary Hist.</i>, xix. 336. Diary of a -parliamentary officer employed in the parleys in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, iii. 219. -Most of the letters are in the diary of Mr. Cliffe, who was Ireton’s secretary, -printed in Borlase’s <i>Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, ed. 1743, appx. 32-45. Sir James -Preston always signs as governor, and perhaps his father, whose patent as -Viscount Tarah is dated Ennis (where Ormonde was), July 2, 1650, considered -himself as still general-in-chief. He stayed for some time in Waterford -after the siege. A round shot, which from its position may have come -from the other side of the Suir, still sticks in the tower built by Reginald -the Dane, which formed the south-east angle of the walls.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> British Officer’s <i>Warr of Ireland</i>, p. 131. Archbishop of Armagh and -others to Ormonde, August 18, 1650, in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, iii. 173.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> The letter of the two archbishops, July 24, and Ormonde’s answer, -August 2, are in Clarendon, <i>Ireland</i>, 130-132.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> The Jamestown congregation to Ormonde, August 10, and the Bishop -of Dromore’s statement, August 13, in Clarendon, <i>Ireland</i>, 133-137; -Ormonde’s answer, August 31, in Cox, ii. 32, where the date is misprinted; -eight Commissioners of Trust (none of the names Celtic, Bellings one) to -the Archbishop of Tuam, September 2, in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, iii. 179. Fourteen -bishops and the procurators of several others signed the Jamestown declaration. -Among the other subscribers were representatives of the Franciscans, -Dominicans, and Augustinians. The Jesuits refused to sign on the ground -that they were not allowed to meddle in politics and affairs of State, -<i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, i. 359.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> The Dunfermline declaration is in the <i>Parliamentary History</i>, xix. 362, -and in Walker’s <i>Historical Discourses</i>, p. 170. Whitelock’s summary leaves -out the Irish part. Sir Edward Walker, who was with Charles at the time, -remarks, ‘What induced him to do it I cannot say.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> The papers concerning Dean King’s mission, August to October 1650, -are in Carte’s <i>Original Letters</i>, i. 391-399; the King’s second letter to -Ormonde, September 13, <i>ib.</i> ii. 444, and his two letters confirming the peace, -March 9 and 20/30, 1648-9, <i>ib.</i> i. 363, 368. The Ennis negotiations with the -Commissioners of Trust are in P. Walsh’s <i>Hist. of the Remonstrance</i>, appx. -123-126.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> Proposals of six Commissioners of Trust (Bellings being one), October -29, and the six bishops’ answers, November 5, in Walsh’s <i>Hist. of the -Remonstrance</i>, appx. 127-135.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> The Act of the Loughrea assembly, dated December 7, is printed by -Cox, ii. 51. For Ormonde’s movements see Carte’s <i>Life</i>, ii. 136, and Clarendon, -<i>Ireland</i>, 175; Ormonde to Sir E. Nicholas from Caen, January 9, 1650-51, -in <i>Nicholas Papers</i>, i. 215. Cox says Ireton was advised to send a pass to -Ormonde by a great man still living in 1688—this might seem to point to -Ludlow, who, however, was not in Ireland at the moment.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXXIV" id="CHAPTER_XXXIV">CHAPTER XXXIV</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">CLANRICARDE AND IRETON, 1651</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">The plague -and -famine.</div> - -<p>When Ludlow landed in Ireland a few weeks after Ormonde -left, one of his first acts was to sign a proclamation prohibiting -the slaughter of calves and lambs. The waste of the war -had been so great that there was a danger of depleting the -country of its stock. Starvation was imminent everywhere, -and to this the plague was added, which first appeared in -Galway and was supposed to be imported from Spain. The -Aphorismical Discovery relates with something like glee that -the first house visited was that of Sir Richard Blake, which -had been cursed by Rinuccini, and that the contagion flowed -thence ‘as from a channel, the divine vengeance of high -power unto the respective provinces of Ireland, except Ulster, -as not guilty of either censure, curse, or ejection of my lord -nuncio.’ Ludlow says simply that it reached most parts, -and Bishop O’Brien of Emly that it was in every corner. -It was very bad in the south, Kilkenny, Waterford, and -Limerick being severely scourged. Bishop Comerford of -Waterford estimates the deaths in his own diocese at 5000, -and many priests were taken. ‘Our sins,’ he adds, ‘have -provoked this scourge.’</p> - -<div class="sidenote">A devoted -friar.</div> - -<p>At first the English soldiers were nearly exempt, but -suffered equally afterwards; as a punishment, Ireton thought, -for trusting in the carnal arm and not giving God the glory. -The bishops and the clerical politicians generally do not -show to advantage in their disputes with Ormonde, and -the narrative of a poor friar is much better worth reading. -Having visited in disguise Kilkenny, Ross, and many other -places he came to Waterford, where many were dying of the -plague. ‘Here have I been,’ he says, ‘these six weeks<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</a></span> -ministering indifferently to poor and rich, and here I intend -to stay until plague or gallows ends my life. I had no confessor -until God sent an English priest to this city, who, -coming lately out of Spain into England, was pressed for -military service by the Parliamentarians, who did not know -he was a priest, and sent with others to Ireland, where he -escaped and is now in hiding here. I go freely about the city -as gardener of its chief heretic, and even work at carrying -burdens with the porters. I am indifferent whether God -continues thus to hide me or not, but if I can get away unrecognised -I will go to Dungarvan and Youghal and so round -Ireland until He pleases to take me to Himself. Our father -Gregory is within fifteen or twenty miles, but being known -and unwieldy he cannot come to me, nor can I go to him or -account of the scarcity of priests in these parts, all the native -clergy being driven out.’<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">A regicide -government.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ludlow -and -Cromwell.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Instructions -to the -Commissioners, -Oct. 1650.</div> - -<p>Ireton was Lord Deputy, and commanded the army, but -the Council of State found it necessary to give him help in -the civil government. After some discussion, Edmund -Ludlow, Miles Corbet, John Jones, and John Weaver were -appointed to settle the affairs of Ireland ‘with the advice -and approbation of General Cromwell, Lord Lieutenant -thereof, and Henry Ireton, Esq., his deputy, or either of -them.’ Of these commissioners the first three were regicides, -while Weaver had been appointed one of the late King’s -judges, but had never acted. Ludlow was also general of -the cavalry, and his friends suggested that Cromwell only -wished to get him out of the way, ‘but I,’ he says himself, -‘could not think myself so considerable and therefore could -not concur with them in that opinion.’ He was not anxious -to go, but Cromwell declared that he was the fittest man, and -that private affairs must yield to those of the public. The -Commissioners were instructed to advance religion and to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span> -suppress ‘idolatry, popery, superstition, and profaneness,’ -executing the statutes against Recusants and taking care that -Papists should have no public employment, nor be allowed -to ‘practise as counsellors at law, attorneys, or solicitors, -nor to keep schools for the training up of youth.’ They were -to study the revenue and reduce expenses as soon as the -progress of the war allowed, and to take especial pains as -to the administration of justice. Ludlow and his colleagues -were all at Waterford before the end of January, and Lady -Ireton, who travelled with them, joined her husband there.<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ireton a -dilatory -general.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Hugh -O’Neill at -Limerick.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Athlone -town -occupied, -Sept. 16.</div> - -<p>After the surrender of Waterford, Galway, Limerick and -Athlone were the only walled towns still held by the Irish, -and the next work awaiting Ireton was to find a passage -over the Shannon. Vast quantities of cattle, some stolen, -had been driven into the Wicklow mountains, which were -diligently searched by Ireton’s parties. In Glen Imale, where -the Royal Artillery now practise, a great herd was captured, -and part of it was handed over to Sir Hardress Waller, who -was detached at the beginning of September to summon -Limerick, and to blockade it as far as that could be done from -the left bank of the Shannon. By his defence of Clonmel -Hugh O’Neill had earned the respect of his foes, and civilities -passed between him and Waller, but he declared his resolution -to maintain the city to the death, ‘for the use of his Majesty -King Charles.’ The citizens were well disposed to resistance, -but the unfortunate governor had no soldiers, and the corporation -would admit none. He himself was not ‘excommunication-proof,’ -to use Preston’s phrase, and he thought -it best to keep quiet until circumstances changed. His -personal safety even was doubtful, and he begged Ormonde’s -pardon for not going to bid him farewell, since he ‘gloried -in nothing more than to be esteemed a faithful observer of -monarchical government.’ If Ireton had been a great commander -he would not have divided his army, and probably<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span> -he could have taken Limerick by pressing it resolutely when -no preparations had been made for resistance, and while -dissensions were rife within the walls. Instead of this he -went to Athlone, where the garrison abandoned the town on -the Leinster side. Sir Charles Coote established a camp -among the half-burned houses, and Ireton occupied himself -in reducing scattered garrisons, which might safely have been -neglected. The most important was Birr, which was deserted -by its garrison on the approach of the army and occupied -on September 28. Roscrea, Thurles, Cashel, and Thomastown -near Tipperary were visited, and on October 4 Ireton -encamped near the old Desmond stronghold at Lough Gur, -whence he approached Limerick on the western side. He -asked for a passage through the city, which he would then -protect, but of course this was refused, and on October 9 the -Deputy went to see what could be done about making a bridge -at Castle Connell.<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Clanricarde -invades -Leinster, -October.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Slaughter -at Meelick, -Oct. 25.</div> - -<p>Axtell left Kilkenny with 800 men on October 6, and -marched towards Athlone, from which Coote had withdrawn -northwards. While he was on his way Clanricarde crossed -the Shannon with over 3000 men, took Ferbane and besieged -Kilcolgan in King’s County. In the face of a superior force -Axtell was unable to cross the Brosna, and drew back to -Roscrea. The Irish then summoned Birr, taking Streamstown -and two other castles near it, but retired again before -a fresh advance of Axtell, whose force was trebled in a few -days by the arrival of contingents from Tipperary and Wexford. -On October 25 the Parliamentarians advanced to the -Shannon, where they found the enemy strongly posted in the -island or peninsula of Meelick, near Banagher, which was -then accessible only by one passage flanked with bogs and -defended by three separate entrenchments one behind the -other. The two first were carried pretty easily, but at the -third it came to a hand-to-hand fight. Axtell’s men burst<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span> -into the island and the slaughter was very great, five hundred -being driven into the river and drowned in one body. Out -of at least 3000 men only 300 escaped by swimming across. -Clanricarde, who thought there was no danger, was away, -but his waggon and tent fell into the victors’ hands. The -lately captured castles were abandoned, and Axtell returned -to Kilkenny, having sent a part of his force to help Ireton in -besieging Nenagh. The latter place surrendered on October -30, its garrison of 108 men marching out without arms, -and the army soon afterwards went into winter quarters at -Kilkenny.<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles -Duke of -Lorraine.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A belated -condottiere.</div> - -<p>Charles IV., Duke of Lorraine, who, according to Voltaire, -spent his life in losing his dominions, had been a lover of the -open-hearted Duchess of Chevreuse, for whose sake his state -was made the focus of intrigue against Richelieu. Louis XIII. -when dying ordered this mischievous lady to be kept out of -France, and Mazarin afterwards noted how disaster had -dogged her footsteps in Lorraine and everywhere else. Her -sojourn in England preceded the rebellion there, her voyage -to Madrid was followed by the loss of Portugal and Catalonia, -and her stay at Brussels coincided with the progress of French -arms at the expense of Spain. Acknowledging the suzerainty -of the Emperor and repudiating that of the French king, -the Duke of Lorraine had visions of an eighth electorate, and -of a commanding military position like that of Wallenstein. -He lost his duchy, he did not gain his electorate, and the -mercenaries whom he gathered from all sides, and supported -by plunder or by forced contributions, were used by the -Emperor or the King of Spain with very little regard for the -permanent interests of their leader, who, however, made -money by the business like an Italian condottiere of the -fifteenth century. At the beginning of 1646 he gave a commission -to Colonel Thomas Plunket to raise an Irish regiment -for service in Flanders, and sought the assistance of Ormonde -in so doing. Plunket brought letters to the Confederate -Catholics, also, with money enough for recruiting purposes, -and with a gift of four field pieces, thirty barrels of powder,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span> -and some pikes and muskets. Through the Spanish ambassador -in London he had also obtained a safe conduct for -himself and a passage for his men through the places held for -the Parliament, and he was allowed to carry some of his levies -to Flanders. As the Parliamentarians had command of the -sea, it was easy for Ormonde to say that he countenanced -nothing against the French court, and that there was little -chance of Irish recruits being obtainable for the service of -Louis XIV.<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Duke’s -objects.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Mission of -Bishop -French.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Abortive -dealings -with -Ormonde.</div> - -<p>At the beginning of 1646 the Duke proposed to send -10,000 men into England to help Charles I., but the plan was -frustrated, if it was ever meant seriously, by the unwillingness -of France and Holland to allow the embarkation in their -respective territories. Interference in England would have -had sentimental motives mainly, but Charles had other -reasons for looking to Ireland. He was a bigamist, having -children by a second wife during the lifetime of the first, -and he was not of a rank to imitate Henry VIII. His object -was to dissolve the first union and to legitimate the second, -and assistance given to the Irish Catholics might gain him -favour at Rome. The Irish officers in his service would -naturally push him in the same direction, and the Irish clergy -assembled at Clonmacnoise in December 1649 deputed -Nicholas French, bishop of Ferns, and William Burke, provincial -of the Dominicans, to ask the Duke’s help. French -carried a secret commission signed by some bishops and -others under their control, and without any regard to the -viceroy. The strength of England had not yet been exerted, -and the clergy fancied that Ireland could break off with some -foreign help. Many regretted that they had not supported -Rinuccini better. Patrick Rochfort, recorder of Wexford, -a partisan of the nuncio, went to Jersey about the same time -to open communications with Charles II., but he had no<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span> -authority from anyone holding power in Ireland. His main -object seems to have been to intrigue for Ormonde’s removal -from the Irish Government. The Duke of Lorraine’s first -idea was to deal with Ormonde as the King of England’s -unquestioned representative, and he sent over Colonel Oliver -Synnott nominally to recruit soldiers in Ireland as of old -under Ormonde’s authority, but also with letters relating to -the more important negotiations. Rochfort followed Charles -to Breda, and proposed to give Duncannon Fort to the Duke -of Lorraine as security for an advance of 24,000<i>l.</i> This -negotiation was carried pretty far, but nothing actually came -of it, and Duncannon was in Ireton’s hands in the following -August. Rochfort and Synnott reached Ireland in May, -declaring that they had thrown overboard their most secret -and important despatches for fear of their capture by a pursuing -frigate. There seemed probability enough in their -story to induce Ormonde to treat with them, and he gave -a commission to Lord Taaffe, Lord Athenry, and Geoffrey -Browne to negotiate on his behalf. Galway was now the -object instead of Duncannon, but there was mutual distrust -between Ormonde and Synnott, and they came to no agreement.<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Taaffe’s -mission to -Charles II.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Mazarin -and -De Retz.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">An exile at -Paris.</div> - -<p>While Synnott’s business hung fire, Ormonde sent Lord -Taaffe to the King, and he sailed from Galway Bay on the -last day of June, after the arrival of Charles in Scotland. -The Duke of York, who was the next best authority, -gave him a letter of credence to the Duke of Lorraine at -Brussels. Taaffe, whom Carte rightly calls ‘a bold and -forward undertaker,’ went first to Paris, which he found -hard to leave, as Rinuccini had done before him, and as so -many others have done since. Mazarin was much more -anxious to keep on good terms with the Parliament than to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span> -promote an Irish crusade. Moreover, his enemy De Retz -was, by Hyde’s account, the best friend Charles had in -France, and he certainly gave him sound advice when he -said that the profession of Catholicism, however desirable -for his soul’s good, would prevent him from regaining his -kingdom. De Retz had befriended the Queen when he found -her at the Louvre, a few days before her husband’s death, -without funds or credit, and obliged to keep the future -Duchess of Orleans in bed for lack of a fire. The coadjutor -attributes this destitution to Mazarin, and exaggerated his -own services, but it appears from later researches that the -Queen’s or Jermyn’s extravagance had much to do with it. -The Duke of Lorraine had hesitated about embarking on an -Irish adventure without knowing the King of England’s -views, but it was thought impossible to send a Catholic -emissary to Scotland, and Henrietta Maria wrote twice to -that effect, advising the Duke to place the fullest confidence -in Taaffe. Later on she had not so good opinion of him, for -without consulting her he tried to negotiate a betrothal -between the Duke of York and the Duke of Lorraine’s infant -daughter. After lingering six weeks in the French capital, -Taaffe did not reach Brussels till the end of November, -nearly five months after his departure from Ireland. Want -of means may have been one cause of delay, for he says: -‘I was like to starve at Paris, though every person saluted me -with “votre très humble serviteur jusqu’à la mort!”’ It -became clear to him that nothing could be expected either from -France or Spain, but there was some chance from Lorraine.<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span></p> -<div class="sidenote">A Lorraine -envoy to -Ireland</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Bishop -French at -Brussels.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Clanricarde -and -the -Lorraine -proposals.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">What -Clanricarde -agreed to.</div> - -<p>Ormonde left Ireland in December 1650, and was destined -not to return until 1662. Meanwhile, the Duke of Lorraine -sent Stephen de Henin, Abbot of St. Catherine’s, a person -much in his confidence, to Ireland, with letters addressed -generally to the men in authority there. Shortly afterwards -he wrote to the Pope claiming to be the Church’s champion, -and asking for Innocent’s blessing and prayers. De Henin -was accompanied by George Dillon, a Franciscan who was -Taaffe’s uncle, and who brought 5000<i>l.</i> as an earnest of what -might be expected from Lorraine. They landed at Galway -on February 26, when Bishop French, who hated Ormonde -above all created beings, had sailed for France with a private -commission from some of the clergy. He stayed some time -at Paris, went on to Brussels about the end of April, and -speedily gained the Duke of Lorraine’s ear. Madame de -Chevreuse and the Duchess of Orleans gave what help they -could, and De Henin found the viceregal authority in Clanricarde’s -hands, and being, in Clarendon’s words ‘a wise -man and of phlegm enough,’ he refused to treat with anyone -else. Four of the Commissioners of Trust, of whom two had -already been employed by Ormonde, summoned Clanricarde -from Banagher, and he gave the Lorraine envoy a public -audience at Tirellan. De Henin handed him the Duke’s -letter, and Dillon the two last from Taaffe to Ormonde. -Dillon, who had had opportunities of knowing the Lorrainer’s -plans, was called upon to submit proposals, and -they were not such as Clanricarde could possibly agree to. -It was suggested that the protectorate of Ireland should be -handed over to the Duke, ‘his heirs and successors,’ that -Limerick and Galway should be given in pawn for his outlay, -that he should be invited to come over in person, and that in -the meantime Lord Taaffe should ‘have as ample commission -to treat and conclude with his Highness, as his -Highness’s ambassador hath to this kingdom.’ Many of the -Commissioners of Trust and several bishops had come to -Galway on hearing of the stranger’s arrival, and they drew -up fresh proposals less bold in form, but equally destructive -of the viceregal authority. In the long negotiations that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span> -followed, Clanricarde showed a good deal of diplomatic skill, -and had no difficulty in proving that neither the King -alone nor any popular assembly without him could convey -away Ireland as an estate of inheritance. In the end the Lord -Deputy covenanted with De Henin that the Duke of Lorraine -should give 20,000<i>l.</i>, including what Dillon had already -brought, on the security of Limerick and Galway, and of the -whole nation collaterally, but without binding any man’s -separate estate. The Duke was to have the appointment -of a commandant in each cautionary town, provided, nevertheless, -that ‘in case of pressing necessity for the public -service of the kingdom, the Lord Deputy may make use of -his power as hitherto accustomed.’<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">What -Charles -II.’s -advisers -thought.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Extent -of the -Lorraine -succours.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Bishop -French’s -abuse of -Clanricarde.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The viceregal -authority -set aside.</div> - -<p>Ormonde, and the rest of the exiled family’s chief advisers, -with Hyde at the head of them, had little hope from the Duke -of Lorraine, whom they considered fond of money, very -cunning, and very much inclined to have his pound of flesh. -Nicholas saw very clearly that Taaffe was no match for him, -and that he was liar enough to ‘deceive the Earl of Norwich -or any man living.’ The object was to make a diversion in -Ireland, and so give the King some chance in his Scotch -venture. The Duke of Lorraine did actually give 20,000<i>l.</i> for -Ireland, but this was not enough seriously to affect the -desperate situation there. If anything, the expectation of -these shadowy succours had the effect of preventing the -Irish from exerting themselves. Bad bargains were made in -buying arms, there was a good deal of waste, and the discount -on bills of exchange was so heavy that ‘the sheer -money,’ to quote Bellings, ‘came far short of the first mouthful.’ -Dean King reported that the 20,000<i>l.</i> was thus reduced -by 6,000<i>l.</i> Rumours that more was coming were sedulously<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span> -propagated, and great things were expected as far off as -Madrid, and the farce was continued during the whole of -1651. This reliance upon a broken reed probably weakened -the efforts of the Irish. The Duke proposed to send a small -army, but neither Spain, France, nor Holland would allow it -passage, and it was arms and money that were wanted, for -of men there were already plenty in Ireland. It seems probable -that the Duke had no intention of doing anything, and that -his real object was to further his matrimonial suits at Rome. -To that end he might be willing to outwit the Irish clergy as -well as the Protestant Royalists and the non-clerical Deputy. -In addressing the Pope he took his stand upon a decree of -the Lateran Council under Innocent III., where legates from -England and all other States were present, which gave the -Pontiff power to appoint a protector if any state fell into -heresy. Innocent X., however, was cautious, thought the -Irish nation should be consulted, and that some more -powerful prince might undertake the work. Bishop French -told Taaffe and his colleagues that they derived their -authority from the ‘withered and accursed hand of one for -several causes excommunicated <i>a jure et homine</i>, and at Rome -accounted a great contemner of the authority and dignity -of churchmen, and persecutor of my lord nuncio and some -bishops and other churchmen ... who never joined the -Confederate Catholics until he found the opportunity of -bearing down the Pope’s nuncio ... comrade-in-arms with -Lord Inchiquin, who not long before dyed his hands in the -blood of priests and innocent souls in the church or rock of -St. Patrick, in Cashel.’ He urged the agents to ignore Clanricarde’s -commission, and to ‘go on cheerfully in the contract -with this most Catholic’ prince. Taking advantage of -Taaffe’s absence from Brussels, Plunket and Browne did -accordingly make an agreement with the Duke of Lorraine -without mentioning the Lord Deputy, and in the name of -the ‘kingdom and people of Ireland.’<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span></p> -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde’s -opinion.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Terms of -agreement -with -Lorraine.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A -“Protector -Royal.”</div> - -<p>There was an Irish agent at Paris named Tyrrell, who -intrigued with Madame de Chevreuse and the Duchess of -Orleans, but even before the battle of Worcester Ormonde -saw that the Duke would do nothing serious. ‘He must,’ he -wrote, ‘sit down with the loss of 20,000<i>l.</i>, and they (the -Irish) with the state of perfect slavery, the frequent lot of -such as affect immoderate power upon weak foundations. -The remaining consolation is that, if the King recover England, -Ireland will soon follow, without which, if he had it -again so peopled as it was, it would be lost.’ The agreement -was signed on July 2, but was not transmitted to Clanricarde -until September, after the news of Worcester had reached -Brussels. Taaffe, who had hitherto been so sanguine, now -thought that the Duke of Lorraine would be unable to do -anything; and, indeed, he had probably no further object -but to gain credit at Rome by a show of strong clerical -leanings. ‘His proposals,’ Taaffe wrote, ‘discovered more -of self-interest than affection to his Majesty.’ As far as the -agreement could do it, he was constituted the ‘true royal -protector of Ireland, and this to pass to his heirs and successors.’ -The army and militia present and future were -placed absolutely in his hands, with power in his absence -to appoint a substitute ‘professing Catholic religion, excluding -all other whosoever.’ All heretics were to be expelled -from Ireland. When these points had been granted, -certain provisoes making a show of preserving the royal -authority were hardly worth the paper on which they were -written. Ormonde, who might easily have been communicated -with, never heard of the agreement until a copy was sent back -by Clanricarde from Ireland. At the time of its despatch -Limerick was closely besieged, and within a few days of -surrender, but the corporation of Galway received a direct<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span> -letter from the Duke of Lorraine, in which he held out hope -of further supplies, and claimed their help in carrying out -the agreement made with Plunket and Browne. Some -powder was sent towards the end of 1651, but it was the -‘basest ever seen, not worth 2<i>s.</i> a barrel,’ yet the Irish were -afraid to complain for fear of offending the Duke. In 1652 -a very small further supply was sent to Innisbofin. They -sent a favourable answer by special messenger, addressing the -Duke as royal protector of Ireland, and when the Lord -Deputy remonstrated they practically refused to make any -excuse. He reported fully to the Queen and to Ormonde, -and he could do no more. The latter at least fully understood -the matter. The object of the Irish clergy, he said, was to -call in a Roman Catholic protector, ‘from which office to -absolute sovereignty the way is straight and easy,’ and -they were so intent upon this that they allowed the country -to fall into the power of the English rebels.<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Clanricarde -condemns -the -Lorraine -agreement,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and -Charles II. -approves.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Duke -of -Lorraine’s -reflections.</div> - -<p>Clanricarde plainly told the Duke of Lorraine that he had -been duped ‘by the counterfeit shew of a private instrument, -fraudulently procured, and signed by some inconsiderable -factious persons.’ He laid the chief blame on French, as the -violent and malicious enemy of royal authority in Ireland, -and ‘a fatal instrument in contriving and fomenting all those -diversions and divisions that have rent asunder the kingdom.’ -He bade Bishop Darcy of Dromore, and the Archbishop of -Tuam, who must have known all about it, to observe the -efficacy of that prelate’s powerful spirit in persuading and -‘prevailing with the commissioner to break and betray their -trust.’ Letters took a long time in transit, but in February<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span> -1652 Charles II. wrote to Clanricarde, entirely approving of -his conduct, expressing full confidence in him, and allowing -him to leave Ireland whenever he thought fit. This did -not reach the Lord Deputy until August, and in the meantime -all negotiations with the Duke of Lorraine had been broken -off. ‘De Henin,’ says Clarendon, ‘returned in the same -ship that brought him, and gave the Duke such an account -of his voyage and people that put an end to that negotiation, -which had been entered into and prosecuted with less wariness, -circumspection, and good husbandry, than that prince -was accustomed to use.’ While still professing his anxiety -to help the Irish Catholics, the Duke declined to have anything -more to say to the Commissioners, whose factiousness -had spoiled all. Charles II. had reminded him that Clanricarde -was ‘as zealous for the Catholic religion as anyone in Ireland, -and that he knew the affections and interests of that people -as well as any, whatsoever others pretend.’ Of his dislike -to Clanricarde he made no secret, calling him a traitor and -base fellow, whom he would do his best to injure if he -came within reach, and when the Marchioness reached the -Continent he regretted that her sex prevented him from -satisfying his feelings of revenge. The remnant of the Irish -in Innisbofin continued to hold the island for the Duke of -Lorraine, and to hope against hope for his arrival until -late in the year 1652.<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -on the -results of -Worcester.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">No help, -even from -Rome.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ormonde -and the -Ultramontanes.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Duke of -Lorraine’s -failure.</div> - -<p>When the news of Worcester reached Ormonde he knew -that all was over for a very long time. A Scottish army in -England under Charles in person, a still unsubdued Scotland -behind that, and at the same time enough resistance in -Ireland to occupy a large Parliamentary force, all these made -a combination very unlikely to recur. The only chance, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span> -that a remote one, was that the parties into which England -was divided might fall out among themselves, and so the -King come by his own. ‘This,’ he wrote to Clanricarde, who -may never have got the letter, ‘I take to be a remote, lazy -speculation, and very near lying in the dirt and crying God -help. God often blesses very improbable endeavours, but I -find not where he promises, or where he has given success -to flat idleness, unless contempt or misery, which are the -proper fruits of it, may be so called.’ He thought the only -thing to do was to seek foreign help, and that the best chance -was to try to make the Pope a mediator. Attempts to get -money from Rome for the Irish war had already failed, but -it was proposed to send Taaffe there a little later. The Pope -would do nothing unless Charles would satisfy him that he -had joined the Roman communion, and to let this be known -would have alienated England irretrievably. When, in due -time, the treaty of Dover was signed, Ormonde was kept -in the dark. Bishop French, who had reviled Taaffe for not -signing the agreement with the Duke of Lorraine, did not -return to Ireland, but he attacked Ormonde long after the -Restoration for preferring Cromwell’s protectorate to that -of a distinguished Catholic prince. It was, perhaps, impossible -for an Irish Ultramontane to understand the position -of an English Royalist, but it is easy to see now that Ormonde -and Clanricarde were essentially in the right. Neither they -nor their master could help the usurpation, but they would -have destroyed their chances altogether by placing the -sovereignty of Ireland in the hands of a foreign adventurer, -who could not call a single sea-port his own. Two years later -the Spaniards seized his person, and the French annexed -his army.<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Hopelessness -of the -struggle in -Ireland.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Operations -in the -midland -counties, -March.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Finnea -Castle, -March 14.</div> - -<p>The Parliamentary Commissioners knew that the Irish<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span> -in Connaught had received arms and money from the Duke -of Lorraine, and that they had great hopes from de Henin’s -mission. But Ludlow and the rest saw clearly that the -subjugation of Ireland was only a matter of time. They did -not advise any immediate reduction in the army, but a -large part of the country was now contributing to its support, -and they saw their way to diminishing the parliamentary -grant for Ireland from 33,000<i>l.</i> to 20,000<i>l.</i> a month. They -hoped that the area still to be occupied would on these terms -be much narrowed by Michaelmas. Provisions and clothes -were scarce, ‘yet your poor naked soldiers upon all commands -do go out most cheerfully,’ and they were seldom idle. The -Irish were making great efforts to form a strong force out of -the remnants of O’Neill’s and Preston’s armies in Westmeath, -Cavan, and Longford. To prevent this coming to a head -Hewson left Trecroghan on March 14, marching by Tyrell’s -Pass to Kilbride, which made some resistance, and through -Mullingar to Donore, where Reynolds had stormed the castle -with much corn and other plunder in it. The two officers -here joined their forces to garrison and repair Lord Netterville’s -castle at Ballimore, which had been partly dismantled -by the Irish. Ballinalack, which commanded a passage into -Longford, was taken without much trouble, but a strong -stand was made between Loughs Kinale and Sheelin, where -Lord Westmeath had left a garrison in his castle of Finnea. -He himself had retired with all portable property to a stronghold -at Termonbarry, in Roscommon. Colonel Alexander -MacDonnell, Antrim’s brother, and Philip MacHugh O’Reilly -held the neighbouring village of Togher, where there was -another castle, but there was little discipline, and whisky -was easily obtainable, so that Hewson had an easy victory. -O’Reilly, who had kept his own head clear, could do nothing, -and was fain to gallop away, Sir Theophilus Jones being sent -in pursuit of the demoralised crowd. Many were killed and -about 400 prisoners taken, including the colonel, lieutenant -colonel, and major—all MacDonnells, twelve captains, and -twenty-eight subalterns. According to the Irish account, -those who did not die in Dublin were ‘transported to St.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span> -Christopher as slaves.’ The garrison of Finnea then surrendered -on fair terms, the men marching away under safe-conduct -without arms, and Longford and Cavan were at -the mercy of the Parliament. Many still remained in arms -under Lord Westmeath’s nominal orders, but they were little -better than brigands, plundering the poor, and even depriving -fugitive friars of such cattle as they had preserved -for their sustenance.<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">A turning -movement -in Connaught.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ireton’s -advice to -Castlehaven.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ireton -passes the -Shannon, -June 2.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Coote and -Reynolds -elude -Clanricarde.</div> - -<p>Leinster and Ulster being now pretty safe, Coote was -directed to cross the Erne near its mouth, and to turn the -line of the Shannon. Reynolds was sent with a regiment of -horse to help him, and there was no force in Connaught -able to repel the invasion. Coote and Reynolds were at -Athenry before the end of May, while Ireton himself advanced -to the Shannon opposite Killaloe, and Hewson to Athlone. -Castlehaven was at Killaloe with what were called ten regiments, -‘but nothing answerable in numbers,’ and there he -received a long letter from Ireton setting forth the justice -of the Parliamentary cause, speaking slightingly of the King, -and inviting him to retire to England, where he would be -well received. He would thus save his property and be spared -a hopeless struggle in company unworthy of him. Peter -Walsh was with Castlehaven, and by his advice Ireton’s -offers were spurned, after which all intercourse ceased between -the two generals. Preparations for crossing at Killaloe, -where the bridge was broken down, were openly made, and -more quietly at O’Brien’s Bridge, where there had been no -bridge for generations. A few men were sent over in a boat -at daybreak, and seized an old house on the Clare side, under -cover of which and of field guns on the Tipperary shore 500 -men were ferried over in one hour. The Irish were seized -with panic, and deserted their entrenchments, while Colonel -Ingoldsby with 300 horse crossed the river unopposed at -Castleconnell. Castlehaven came too late to rally the fugitives,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span> -and in his absence Colonel Fennell deserted his post at -Killaloe and fled to Limerick. Ireton then crossed himself -without trouble, while Castlehaven, whose force had dwindled -to 300 horse, lost his plate and other property, and went -northwards in hopes of joining Clanricarde and intercepting -Coote and Reynolds, who had left Londonderry together -on May 5, and who for the first time dragged two pieces -into Donegal over Barnesmore gap, ‘till then thought impassable -for the lightest carriages.’ When they drew near -the Curlew mountains, where Sir Conyers Clifford was overthrown -in the Elizabethan days, their scouts reported that -Clanricarde had occupied the passes, whereupon they turned -westward, and got ‘by strange and unexpected ways undiscovered -into the county of Mayo,’ near Ballaghdereen, -leaving Clanricarde two days’ march in their rear. They were -at Athenry on May 31, and outside Loughrea on June 2, -where they lost no time, but pushed on towards Portumna -without fighting. Clanricarde and Castlehaven were together -at Loughrea, but too weak to do anything. They warned -all the population to fly with their property, and retired -beyond the Galway river, taking refuge in the town when -Coote appeared on its eastern side.<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ludlow’s -march to -Portumna, -June.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Desperate -defence of -Gort.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The laws of -war.</div> - -<p>As soon as he heard of Coote’s approach, Ireton sent 1000 -cavalry and dragoons to meet him, with whom Ludlow, -who volunteered his services, started northwards through a -desolate country. One ‘creaght’ or encampment of half a -dozen families with their cattle, was sighted, and the soldiers -would have killed these poor people as enemies had not -Ludlow interfered. ‘I took a share with them,’ he says, ‘of -a pot of sour milk, which seemed to me the most pleasant -liquor that ever I drank.’ Having marched forty miles in -about twenty-four hours, Ludlow left the bulk of his men -comfortably encamped, and hurried on with sixty troopers -to Portumna, which, having repulsed one attack, surrendered -next morning. Coote being safe, Reynolds joined Ludlow -with 500 horse, and they pursued Clanricarde as far as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span> -Ballinasloe, which surrendered and was garrisoned. Reynolds -then returned to Portumna, and Ludlow marched through -Clare to Limerick. At Gort he found that Sir Dermot -O’Shaughnessy had gone to Galway, leaving his tenants with -some soldiers under an English lieutenant named Foliot to -hold the castle. A countryman employed by Ludlow deserted, -and told the garrison that he had no artillery or other -equipage for a siege. But faggots or fascines were made, and -each soldier carried one to use as a shield first, and afterwards -to fill up the ditch. Enraged by the fall of two comrades the -men climbed the twelve foot wall of the courtyard, helping -each other to the top. Some ladders were found inside which -gave admission to more, a window was soon forced open, -and the occupants of the room killed. Foliot fought desperately -‘with a tuck in one hand and a stiletto in the other,’ -but was soon run through the body. Faggots were piled -against the gates and fired, when the garrison, fearing to be -burned alive, hung out a white flag and threw down their -arms. Ludlow gave one of his men twenty shillings to fetch -out two barrels of powder that were near the fire, which -could not be put out, eighty men besides many women and -children being rescued by ‘skeins of match thrown up into -the chambers.’ A few soldiers were put to death as defenders -of an untenable post. Ludlow says he was pressed by his -council of war to use this severity, but O’Shaughnessy’s -tenants were all dismissed unhurt to their homes, and -the general went on to Ireton, driving before him 500 -cattle which his foragers had collected among the Burren -hills.<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Siege of -Limerick, -June-Oct.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -bombardment -does -little harm.</div> - -<p>Ireton came before Limerick on June 3 on the Clare side -of the Shannon. A large number of cattle had been collected -at a place called Ferboe, a little above the town, where -there was a narrow pass partly defended by an old castle. A -stout resistance was made here, but Ingoldsby forced the -passage with his cavalry and drove the Irish back to Thomond -Bridge, about 150 being killed or drowned. The cattle formed -a welcome addition to the commissariat, and Ireton marched on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span> -without further opposition. The estuary was in the hands of -the Parliament, and the next few days were spent in landing -cannon and mortars. The word bomb was, perhaps, first -applied to the mortar-shells used during this siege. June 18 -was set apart as a day of thanksgiving ‘for the Lord’s mercies -in bringing us over the Shannon,’ and other unexpected -successes, and on the next day Ireton having formally summoned -Limerick, at once began the bombardment. A battery -of twenty-eight guns played upon the castle defending -Thomond Bridge. Two mortars, afterwards increased to -four, threw shells into the town, but the largest, carrying -projectiles of two hundred weight, burst, but without hurting -anyone. Ludlow joined Ireton three days later, and found -that a lodgment had already been effected on the great -salmon-weir above Limerick, where a castle still stands. -Two guns were brought to bear, and from one the first shot -went in at a window and broke a soldier’s leg. The garrison -at once took to their boats, but the fire was so hot that -they all rowed to shore and surrendered, some to Tothill -on the Clare bank, and some to Ingoldsby on the Limerick -bank.<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ireton’s -justice.</div> - -<p>Ireton, says Ludlow, ‘was so great a friend of justice, -even where an enemy was concerned, that, though Colonel -Axtell was a person extraordinarily qualified ... he suspended -him from his employment.’ A court-martial had -found that he killed prisoners who had been promised quarter -by soldiers, though not by himself. This seems to have been -in the attack on Meelick. Tothill was now charged with the -same offence and deprived of his regiment, his ensign being -also cashiered. Tothill pleaded that he thought no one -could grant quarter but the commanding officer, and that the -Lord Deputy would be angry if he showed mercy. Ireton -said the punishment was too little for the offence and the -excuses equally abominable, ‘for the base and servile fear -pretended in the latter part, as for the pride of spirit pre<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span>dominate -in the former.’ He was somewhat consoled by -the fact that Ingoldsby spared all lives on his side.<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Fruitless -negotiations, -June.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Non-combatants -turned -out of -Limerick.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Disaster -to the -besiegers, -June 23.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ireton’s -explanation.</div> - -<p>On the same day that the castle on the weir was taken, -the garrison of Limerick sent out a drum in answer to Ireton’s -summons. A truce was asked for, hostages to be given by -the Deputy during the time that the representatives of the -besieged were in his camp. Both conditions were refused, -but Ireton had no objection to treat for a capitulation, and -six commissioners were sent out, two for the garrison, two -for the citizens, and two for the clergy, a like number being -named by the Deputy. Among the former were Major-General -Purcell and Geoffrey Baron, one of the late Supreme -Council; among the latter, Ludlow, Waller, and Colonel -Henry Cromwell. They met in a tent between town and -camp, dined together every day, and discussed the terms in a -leisurely way; but Limerick did not yet despair of relief, -and the negotiations came to nothing. Meanwhile, the -bombardment continued, two bridges being thrown across the -Shannon, one of wood at Castleconnell and the other of boats -or floats, below the weir. O’Neill tried to reduce the number -of useless mouths by driving non-combatants out of the -town. On one occasion Ireton ordered that four of these -poor wretches should be knocked on the head, but the order -was wrongly given, and forty were killed—‘an act much -disgusted by his Excellency.’ The castle on Thomond Bridge -was stormed after many hand-grenades had been thrown in; -which, strange to say, failed to ignite some barrels of powder -specially laid to blow up the assailants. An open arch -under the drawbridge was filled up with rubbish and faggots, -so that the captured work could be used against the town; -but the garrison broke down other arches, and there appeared -to be no chance of entering that way. As soon as the floating -bridge was finished, Ireton fortified the Clare end of it, and -transferred the bulk of his army to the county Limerick side. -More than a dozen boats were laden with men, and an attempt -was made to seize the upper end of King’s Island, upon the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span> -lower end of which a large part of Limerick stands; but here -the besiegers met with a serious reverse. Four boats got -over safely, under Major Walker, who had been distinguished -at O’Brien’s Bridge, and three other officers. Finding no -resistance at first, the men got out of hand and ran through the -enemies’ line up to a fort in the middle of the island. The -garrison sallied out and drove them back to their boats and -to a fifth which was just coming ashore, so that nearly all -were either shot or drowned. ‘We find missing,’ Ireton -wrote, ‘eighty-six or eighty-seven men, besides the four -commissioned officers aforementioned, and not more whatever -may be reported.’ Abundant reinforcements were at -hand, but before order was restored it was broad daylight, -and nothing more could be done. A night attack is always -risky, and Ireton acknowledges that there was mismanagement; -but some of Tothill’s men who had broken faith -with the enemy were among those who perished, and -on that account, he adds, ‘that most justly the Lord -hath rebuked us, and cast reproach and confusion of face -upon us.’<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Athlone -Castle -taken, -June 18.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ludlow in -Clare, July.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ireton’s -devotion to -duty.</div> - -<p>The next day was set apart as one of humiliation for the -sins of the army, and on the following came the news that -Coote had taken Athlone Castle. Great efforts were made -to relieve Limerick. Muskerry had about 5000 men in Kerry, -with whom he intended to join Fitzpatrick, who collected -what was left of the Leinster forces at Galbally, near the -Glen of Aherlow. Meanwhile, David Roche was active with -some 3000 men in Clare, and Ludlow was detached to look -after him. Roche, who was besieging Carrigaholt, which had -been but lately taken, drew off as soon as he heard that Ludlow -had passed the Fergus, and Captain Lucas took the opportunity -of slipping out with his men, whom he brought safe to the -Parliamentary camp. Roche then occupied the passage of -the river at Inch Cronan, so as to prevent Ludlow from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span> -returning to Limerick; but his party were soon routed by a -superior force of cavalry. Some skirmishing took place -among woods and bogs, during which Connor O’Brien of -Leamaneh, who commanded a regiment of horse, and was -perhaps the most considerable person in Clare, was shot. -The Irish were so light of foot that Ludlow could do but little -execution; but Carrigaholt was burned or blown up, whether -by him or by Roche does not seem quite certain; it was too -remote to have much effect on military operations. Having -dispersed the Clare gathering and made all safe on that side, -Ludlow rejoined Ireton, and while the engineers were pushing -on the siege works accompanied him to Killaloe, where he -repaired or rebuilt the bridge. The Lord Deputy ‘rode so -hard that he spoiled many horses, and hazarded some of the -men; but he was so diligent in the public service, and so -careless of everything that belonged to himself, that he never -regarded what clothes or food he used, what hour he went to -rest, or what horse he mounted.’ As a cavalry leader he -might have done better by giving heed to Francesco Sforza, -one of whose three leading principles was never to ride a -horse that stumbled or cast its shoes.<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Broghill -made a -general.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His -campaign -against -Muskerry.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His victory -near -Kanturk, -July 26.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Superstition -of -Muskerry’s -men</div> - -<p>Lord Broghill thought his services had been insufficiently -acknowledged, and when Cromwell left Ireland he announced -that he would obey no one but Ireton and Adjutant-General -Allen. Ludlow sympathised with his discontent, though he -occupied in command of the cavalry the very post that -Broghill coveted. This, he assured Ireton, he would never -have accepted but as a matter of duty and in obedience to -positive orders. He advised that something should be done -to content Broghill, who, after much discussion, was appointed -Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance, with the rank of a -general officer. In July 1651 he was detached to intercept -Muskerry, with not more than 600 foot and 400 horse as a -field force; but his own troop, consisting of reformadoes or -unemployed commissioned officers, was particularly efficient. -Muskerry collected nearly 3000 men, of whom about one-third -were cavalry or dragoons, in the woods near Drishane,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span> -where he had defeated Colonel Elsing in the previous winter, -and he got over the Blackwater to Dromagh without fighting. -At Castlelyons, Broghill had a message from Ireton ordering -him to use every exertion to intercept the Irish army. On -the 21st he went to Mallow with this object, and next day -followed them towards Castle Ishin, on the border of county -Limerick, coming upon their outposts at midnight in a storm of -rain and wind. Muskerry doubled back to Dromagh, ‘but -through a place and country that the very Teigs themselves -could hardly march in,’ leaving Broghill to bar the road to -Limerick. On the 24th the Irish were at Drishane again, -whither Broghill followed next day, crossing the Blackwater, -which had risen much from the great rain. Unable to bring -them to action, he determined to return to Mallow for fresh -provisions and take up a position at Courtstown, where he could -watch the road to Fitzpatrick’s position at Galbally. Before -they had marched half a mile the enemy suddenly appeared -on the hills to his rear, and at last their whole force descended -into the plain at Knockbrack, to the south of Banteer railway -station. Broghill’s men fought with great alacrity, and he -thought ‘better knocking’ had never been known in Ireland. -One division of Irish pikemen particularly distinguished -themselves, and all fought well, but, though almost surrounded -by superior numbers, the veterans had the best of -it. Broghill narrowly escaped with his life, which was -specially aimed at, the Irish soldiers calling to each other -to ‘kill the fellow with the gold-laced coat.’ He lost under -thirty men killed, but there were four or five times as many -wounded, and he admits that his force was extremely shattered. -Having no means of keeping prisoners safely, he had given -orders to make none, and at least 600 were killed, but a few -officers were taken to Cork. The priests had exhorted the -Irish to fight, and fortified their speech with holy water and -charms, many of which were ‘found quilted in the doublets -of the dead,’ and there was also a large stock of spare ones. -A specimen guaranteeing the wearer against war, water, fire, -and pestilence, was sent for parliamentary inspection: it -claimed to have been approved by the Council of Trent, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span> -it was supposed that the Virgin Mary would appear to the -owner fourteen days before his death.<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The last -battle.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ireton and -Ludlow in -Clare, -Aug.-Sept.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Guerrilla -warfare.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Pirates -in the -channel.</div> - -<p>The fight at Knockbrack was the last in this war which -deserves the name of a battle. There was a prophecy current -among the country people that there would be one on that -spot, and that the English would get the day. Broghill -noted that it was like Naseby, fair weather at the beginning, -then a thunderstorm, and then sunshine again. It made -the relief of Limerick impossible, and Ireton was justified in -firing salvoes of artillery and musketry. But guerrilla warfare -continued in many places, and the besiegers were always -in danger of being attacked. At the end of August or beginning -of September Ireton and Ludlow were both in Clare, -catching horses and cows, but seldom their masters, and placing -a garrison at Clonroad to curb Clare Castle. Seizing the -opportunity of their absence, two thousand foot sallied out -of Limerick and almost surprised the cavalry guard; but the -latter ‘immediately mounted, and being not accustomed -to be beaten,’ drove them back into the town. Muskerry -again collected some force, but Broghill easily dispersed them, -and the Irish general soon retired to Galway. Occasionally -the Parliamentarians suffered small reverses. Meelick, for -instance, was recaptured by Fitzpatrick at the beginning -of August, the garrison being all asleep. Phelim M’Hugh -O’Reilly attacked Finnea on August 5, but was beaten back -with great loss; and there were other considerable bodies -of the Irish still together in Leinster and Ulster. ‘I found -them unwilling to fight,’ says Hewson, ‘though their numbers -be great.’ But they sometimes surprised and routed small -bodies of troops, and they exhausted the country and made -it impossible for the people to contribute towards the support<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span> -of the army. The detached Parliamentary garrisons could -just hold their own, but were scarcely able to act on the -offensive. Early in October Venables made an attempt on -Ballinacargy, O’Reilly’s chief stronghold in Cavan, but was -foiled, the Irish retreating to a bog whenever he advanced, and -watching to intercept provisions, so that he had to return to -Dundalk. It was evident that nothing of importance could -be done as long as Limerick held out and kept the main -strength of the army occupied. Even within a few miles -of Dublin, Sherlock kept 2000 men among the mountains, -and there was no force to attack him. Meanwhile, the coast -was but carelessly guarded, no Government ships being seen -between July and October. At Carrickfergus and at Wexford -rovers took many English vessels out of the harbours, and it -was as hard to get in the customs as the assessments from the -country.<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Limerick -closely -invested, -Aug.-Sept.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Sufferings -of the -besieged.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The party -of -surrender -prevail.</div> - -<p>After the failure of the boat attack in June, Ireton had -been content to rest his hopes mainly on famine and on the -plague which raged within the walls of Limerick. The garrison -sometimes made signals with fire, but without result, and -spies had not much chance. One poor woman brought a -message from Roche, which might have caused a combined -attack by the garrison and by his men in Clare, but she was -caught and ‘hanged for fear of giving further intelligence.’ -All attempts to escape from the doomed city were ruthlessly -repressed. No threats were strong enough to deter these -poor wretches, and an example was made by hanging two or -three and having the rest driven back with whips. One old -man desired to be hanged instead of his daughter, ‘but -that,’ says Ludlow, ‘was refused, and he with the rest driven -back into the town.’ A gibbet was then raised in sight of the -walls upon which condemned criminals were hanged, and this -stopped the exodus, but only for a time. Michaelmas came -round without starving out the place, and Ireton, having<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span> -greatly strengthened his battering train, resumed active -operations, for the winter was approaching, and an Irish -soldier boasted from the walls that snowballs would beat -bombshells. But heavy guns had been brought up from -the ships, and the counsels of the defenders were divided. -Overtures were made to Ireton early in October, but three -weeks elapsed and a fresh bombardment began before the -scale turned in favour of the party of surrender. The news -of Worcester had probably destroyed all hope, but an actual -breach was made before the decisive step was taken. A weak -spot had hitherto escaped notice, where there was no counter-scarp -in front and no mass of earth behind, and Ludlow thought -it would soon have been untenable; but Ireton, who had no -vanity, thought the sudden surrender ‘a mercy most seasonable -at the beginning of winter.’ The English and Irish -accounts agree that there were two parties in the beleaguered -city, and it is possible that the weak place was pointed out -by a deserter or by one of the commissioners who had been -going and coming between city and camp. The charter -required that a new mayor should be chosen on October 6, -and the election resulted in the substitution of Peter Creagh, -who was peacefully inclined, for Thomas Stretch, who had -sworn that the city should be defended during his year of -office. After more than two months of a mere blockade, -‘we began our approaches,’ says Ireton, ‘in one night, and -finished our batteries and planted our guns the second, and -next morning began to batter.’<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Capitulation -of -Limerick, -Oct. 27.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Persons -exempted -from -quarter.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Excommunication -and -interdict -have no -effect.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill -surrenders -to Ireton.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Fate of -Fennell</div> - -<p>The articles offered to the besieged in June and July -had been on the whole favourable, but an exception was made -as to those who ‘committed the murders and outrages in the -first insurrection before the first General Assembly.’ The -members of that first Assembly and the clergy generally -were also denied all protection, so that the city contained -many desperate men, who naturally prolonged the siege as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span> -far as possible. This mistake was not now repeated, but -twenty-two persons were excepted by name, who were all -known or believed to have deceived or overawed the generality -of the people into ‘the obstinate holding out of the place.’ -All spies and a single Welsh deserter were also excepted. Of -those named, the most important were Hugh O’Neill, the -governor, the Bishops of Emly and Limerick, Major-General -Purcell, Ormonde’s old enemy, Alderman Fanning, and -Geoffrey Barron, amongst the others being a few priests and -friars. The corporation and the military officers met, and -decided ‘that the treaty should go on, and that they should -not stick for any person exempted, or to be exempted, from -quarter of life or goods’; but when they met next morning -to choose commissioners, the two bishops, accompanied by -others of the clergy, appeared, and threatened to excommunicate -them all ‘if they should deliver up the prelates -to be slaughtered.’ But the danger was too pressing and -ecclesiastical censures had become too common, so that the -commissioners were named nevertheless. The sentence of -excommunication and a perpetual interdict of the city were -posted on the church doors, whereupon Colonel Fennell -and others were sent to seize St. John’s Gate and the adjoining -tower. O’Neill remonstrated, but Fennell said he had orders -from the mayor and chief citizens. The governor, whose -military authority at least had hitherto been unquestioned, -then summoned a court-martial, but Fennell refused to -appear. Lord Castleconnell took his part, so that no sentence -was passed; and Fennell, who had the keys and some -powder from the mayor, turned the guns upon the town, -and said plainly that he would not leave his post until surrender -was decided on. At last Ireton’s preparations were -complete, and seventeen heavy shot were discharged with -great effect against one spot in the wall, whereupon a drum -was sent out and negotiations began in earnest. Two hundred -‘redcoats’ were admitted by Fennell into the gate-tower, and -on October 27 the articles of capitulation were signed. According -to one account, Fennell even threatened O’Neill with a -pistol, when that brave soldier rode out alone and delivered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span> -his sword to Ireton himself, who treated him honourably. -Fennell was not among the twenty-two specially exempted -from the benefit of the articles, but they did not protect him -or others ‘from prosecution to justice in a judicial way for -any crimes they might be guilty of.’ There is perhaps no positive -evidence against him, though he has always been considered -a traitor by writers on the Irish side. He was accused of a plot -to give up Clonmel; and Castlehaven, who is not much given -to calling names, accuses him of cowardice or treachery in -quitting his post at Killaloe and flying to Limerick, after the -fall of which, ‘Ireton, with more than his usual justice, -hanged him. Some say he was carried to Cork and there -pleaded for his defence how he had betrayed me before -Youghal; but his judges would not hear him on his merits, -but bid him clear himself of the murders laid to his charge.’<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Treatment -of the -besieged.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Bishop of -Limerick -escaped.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Bishop of -Emly -hanged.</div> - -<p>Soldiers and citizens were allowed to go free, and time -was given to remove personal property, but without any -guarantee for lands or houses; and Ireton evidently contemplated -a partial colonisation. The garrison of 2000 had -been reduced to about 1200, who marched out after giving -up their arms, and the city contained about 4000 other men -capable of bearing arms, though about 5000 persons had -perished ‘by the sword without and the famine and plague -within.’ He was inclined to spare those who had not shown -themselves irreconcilable; but there would still be plenty of -room for settlers. In the meantime, he had himself to deal -with as many of the excepted persons as he could catch. -Besides the governor, ten of them voluntarily surrendered,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span> -and their fate was reserved for further consideration. Some -of the others were not caught, among them the Bishop of -Limerick, who escaped in a soldier’s dress, joined Muskerry -in Kerry, and died at Brussels in 1654. Ireton did not regret -this, as he found that he had not been one of the violent -party; he had formerly been well disposed to Ormonde. -The Bishop of Emly took refuge in the pest-house, where he -was quickly taken and hanged by order of a court-martial. -He had been the soul of the defence all along, and has always -been regarded as a martyr by those of his own faith. His head -was placed over one of the gates, as were those of Stretch and -of Purcell, who alone behaved in a pusillanimous manner. -Five or six others were executed, including a priest named -Walsh, who served as a captain, Sir Geoffrey Gallwey, -Geoffrey Baron, and Dr. Higgins, a physician who, according -to the military diarist, was ‘powder-maker and money-coiner -to the besieged.’<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Neill is -tried</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and -acquitted</div> - -<div class="sidenote">He returns -to Spain,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and claims -the -earldom of -Tyrone.</div> - -<p>Hugh O’Neill was the last of that great clan who played -an important part in Irish history, and he bore himself -worthily. Ireton seems to have treated him personally with -courtesy, but he influenced the court-martial against him -because of the blood shed through his defence of Clonmel. -He pleaded that the war had gone on long before he came upon -the invitation of his countrymen, that he had always been a -fair enemy, and that he had often advised the townsmen not -to prolong a conflict which he had seen to be hopeless from -the first; that he had carefully observed the capitulation by -surrendering all stores, ‘without embezzlement, and his -own person to the Deputy’; and that he was entitled to the -benefit of the articles. Many of the officers, including Ludlow,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span> -accepted his defence, and Ireton, ‘who was now entirely -freed from his former manner of adhering to his own opinion, -which had been observed to be his greatest infirmity,’ allowed -a third vote after sentence of death had been twice passed. -He was acquitted, sent to England in the same ship that -carried Ireton’s embalmed body, and well treated in the -Tower. After a few months he was released at the instance -of the Spanish ambassador, on the ground that he was born -in Flanders a vassal of the King of Spain, that he was not concerned -in the first outbreak in Ireland ‘nor in the excesses -which were committed at that time,’ and that he would be -very useful in managing the Irish soldiers whom the Commonwealth -allowed to be recruited for the Spanish service; and -in the end this was agreed to. After the Restoration he wrote -to Charles II. pointing out that his cousin John’s death had -made him Earl of Tyrone, and asking the King to acknowledge -him as such. The attainder was, of course, not reversed, and -O’Neill, who was in bad health when he wrote, probably died -not long after. The title of Earl of Tyrone was conferred on -Lord Power in 1673.<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Geoffrey -Barron -executed.</div> - -<p>Geoffrey Barron had been sent early in 1642 to solicit -Richelieu’s help for the Confederacy, and he had remained -throughout one of its most irreconcileable partisans. He -now pleaded that he had fought for the liberties of his country -just as the English Puritans professed to do. Ireton thought -it answer enough to say that Ireland was a conquered country, -that the Irish had been only too well treated under Charles I., -notwithstanding which they had robbed and murdered the -English wholesale, and that in the matter of religion the -Puritans fought to preserve their natural rights, whereas the -Roman Catholics ‘would not be contented unless they might -have power to compel all others to submit to their impositions -upon pain of death.’ The two points of view were -hopelessly opposed, and the court-martial were satisfied<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span> -with the Lord Deputy’s reasoning. During the short time that -was left to him Barron is said to have looked out a wedding -suit of white taffety, in which he was hanged, in the belief -that his soul would ‘straight enjoy the pleasures of heaven, -in the consummation of that eternal nuptial felicity.’<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Reinforcements -from -England, -June.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ludlow in -Clare, -November.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ireton -joins him.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Lady -Honora -O’Brien.</div> - -<p>Starvation had not done its work as Ireton had expected, -but no horses were found in Limerick at its surrender, and -they had probably been eaten. The besiegers commanded -the estuary, and were in no want of provisions, but the waste -among the men must have been considerable, less by actual -fighting than by hardship and sickness. Reinforcements had, -however, been poured into Ireland during the summer, and -Ireton makes no complaint of insufficient numbers. An -Act passed in April authorised the impressment of 10,000 -men, and was not suffered to remain a dead letter. As -early as June 25 nearly that number had been landed at -Dublin or Waterford. They were of three classes, drafts -from English garrisons, pressed men, and volunteer recruits. -Some were too young for the work, and these were mainly -among the volunteers. Money and ammunition was also -ungrudgingly supplied, and no time was lost in following up -the capture of Limerick. On November 1 Ludlow marched -out to Inchecronan with 2000 foot and 1500 horse, and on the -4th, after some parleying, Clare Castle surrendered. Though -very strong, it was evidently untenable now that the great -siege was over. The guns lost in July were recovered, and -about 230 men marched out with the honours of war and -with power to go where they pleased. Those who desired -protection were to have it, ‘except Romish priests, Jesuits, -and friars.’ Carrigaholt also surrendered and was garrisoned, -after which the whole of Clare was at the mercy of Parliament. -Ireton joined Ludlow, and they visited the barony of Burren, -‘where there is not water to drown a man, wood enough to -hang one, nor earth enough to bury him,’ but good pasture -between the rocks. In riding through the Corofin district -towards Ennis most of the horses cast their shoes among the -crags; they carried spare ones, yet a single shoe was sold for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span> -five shillings before night. Next morning came Lady Honora -O’Brien, youngest daughter of the late Earl of Thomond -and niece of his successor, who was accused of harbouring the -enemies’ goods and cattle while herself enjoying the Lord -Deputy’s protection. Ireton rebuked her, whereupon ‘she -burst into tears, promising to mend her ways’, and begging -Ludlow’s intercession, which was successful. ‘As much a -cynic as I am,’ said Ireton, ‘the tears of this woman moved -me.’<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Death of -Ireton, -Nov. 26.</div> - -<p>The weather was very bad during this journey in Clare, -and both generals caught bad colds. Ludlow’s constitution -triumphed, and he lived till 1692, but Ireton succumbed. -In spite of entreaties he had neglected his health during the -siege, not putting ‘off his clothes all that time, except to -change his linen,’ and never resting, though he was in a burning -fever. Sir Robert King wondered that he was not as -mad as a March hare, ‘pen, tongue, head or both, or all, -incessantly at work.’ Ludlow was not with him when he -died, and we have few particulars. In announcing his loss -to Cromwell, the Commissioners call him an incomparable -man, and it is certain that he had a high sense of duty and -that he was not a self-seeker. Clarendon and others have -thought that his republicanism might have prevented Cromwell’s -rise to supreme power, but of this there is no evidence. -There have been equally vain speculations as to whether -Mirabeau, had he lived, could have stopped the French Revolution. -Ireton had signed the death-warrant, and as a -regicide was of course against restoring the Stuarts, but he -was not a theoretical republican, though he would have disliked -the supremacy of the army.<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> Ludlow’s <i>Memoirs</i>, i. 261; <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, ii. 97; Letters -(Latin) of the Bishop of Waterford, March 3, 1651, of the Bishop of Emly, -March 29, and of Anthony Nugent, ‘capucinus indignus,’ June 30, all three -in <i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, i. 363-373. Borlase says 17,000 were reported to -have died in and about Dublin. Ireton and his officers to Cromwell and -the army in Scotland, July 10, 1651, <i>Milton State Papers</i>, p. 72.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> The instructions to the Commissioners from the Council of State were -laid before Parliament, October 4, 1650, and are given in the <i>Parliamentary -History</i>, xix. 406. Corbet was substituted for Salwey, who had been named -but excused at his own request; Ludlow’s <i>Memoirs</i>, i. 249, 259.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> Hugh O’Neill to Ormonde, September 9 and 15, 1650, in <i>Contemp. -Hist.</i> iii. 180; Diary of Parliamentary Officers, <i>ib.</i> 220; W. Basil, A.G., to -Lenthall, November 3, <i>ib.</i> 265, and to Bradshaw, November 4, in <i>Parl. -Hist.</i> xix. 439.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> Basil’s letters and Parliamentary officers’ diary, <i>ut sup.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> Duke of Lorraine to Ormonde, February 8, 1646, in <i>Confed. and War</i>, -v. 259; Dumoulin to Mazarin, May and June, <i>ib.</i> 346; Cousin’s <i>Madame de -Chevreuse</i>; Mazarin to Anne of Austria, April 1651, in Ravanel’s <i>Lettres du -Cardinal Mazarin</i>. I have followed Martin and the <i>Biographie Universelle</i>, -as well as the Duke’s own agreement with the Irish, in writing Charles IV.—Gardiner -and others call him Charles III.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> Nicholas to Ormonde, February 11/21, 1649-50, in Carte’s <i>Original -Letters</i>; Long to Ormonde, <i>ib.</i>; Duke of Lorraine to Ormonde, April 29, -1650, in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> ii. 399; Ormonde to Synnott, June 25, <i>ib.</i> 428. See -also Carte’s <i>Ormonde</i>, book v., and <i>Hibernia Dominicana</i>, p. 695; Clarendon’s -<i>Hist.</i> xiii. 176. Rochfort reached Jersey January 12, 1649-50, see Hoskin’s -<i>Charles II. in the Channel Islands</i>, ii. 367. Letters from Charles I. to the -Queen, in the <i>King’s Cabinet Opened</i>, February-March, 1644-5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> Taaffe to Ormonde, January 3 and 5, 1650-51, in Clanricarde’s -<i>Memoirs</i>; Letters of James and Henrietta Maria, <i>ib.</i> 40-42; Clarendon’s -<i>Hist.</i> xiv. 66; <i>Clarendon State Papers</i>, iii. 128; De Retz <i>Mémoires</i>, part ii. -vol. ii. 197, in the Grands Ecrivains edition. ‘Les biographes de Charles nous -racontent qu’à cette époque de sa vie il était revenu à l’idée d’aller tenter au -loin quelque grande aventure et à peu près décidé à céder aux instances -que les évêques catholiques d’Irlande lui faisaient continuellement adresser -par le Pape, afin qu’il leur vînt en aide contre la tyrannie de Cromwell. Ils -nous le représentent comme occupé à signer aux Irlandais réfugiés à Bruxelles -des patentes de colonels et d’officiers dans son armée de secours, armant -des vaisseaux pour passer le détroit et déjà tout prêt à s’embarquer.’—D’Haussonville’s -<i>Hist. de la Réunion de Lorraine</i>, ed. 1860, chap. 23, pp. 221-2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> Duke of Lorraine to Innocent X., February 11, 1651, in <i>Spicilegium -Ossoriense</i>, ii. 84; <i>ib.</i> 92 for French’s movements; Letters in Clanricarde -<i>Memoirs</i>, February 27, 1650-1 till April 4, when the agreement was signed; -Clarendon’s <i>Hist.</i>, xiii. 182. According to D’Haussonville (chap. 23), the -state of French politics was what really prevented Duke Charles from going -to Ireland. He could not afford to be out of the way just when Mazarin’s -flight seemed to give him a chance. Ireton was well informed about these -intrigues, as may be seen from William King’s letter to him, March 24, -1650-51, printed in Z. Grey’s <i>Examination of Neal</i>, iv. appx. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> The Duke of Lorraine’s supplies reached Ireland in March 1651, -<i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, i. 368; Bellings to Ormonde, April 10, 1651, in -<i>Confederation and War</i>, vii. 370; Clanricarde <i>Memoirs</i>, April-October; -intercepted intelligence from Madrid, May 20, and from Rome, May 22, in -<i>Milton State Papers</i>, p. 67. According to the <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, ii. 153, -French’s letter was written early in July (more probably the end of June, -since the agreement inspired by it was of July 2). In Carte’s <i>Original -Letters</i> are several from Nicholas commenting on the Duke of Lorraine’s -proceedings. Dean King’s report to Charles II., April 1, 1652, in <i>Contemp. -Hist.</i>, iii. 301; Nicholas to Hyde, April 4, 1651, in <i>Nicholas Papers</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> Ormonde to Nicholas, August 3, 1651, in <i>Nicholas Papers</i>. The agreement -is dated July 2, 1651, and the Duke’s covering letter to Clanricarde, -September 10, but they did not reach him till October 12. The Galway -letter to the Duke is of October 15—all in Clanricarde <i>Memoirs</i>. Taaffe to -Ormonde, September 30 and November 23, in <i>Fourth Rep. of Hist. MSS. -Comm.</i>, appx. 569; intercepted intelligence from Paris, June 14 and 17, -in <i>Milton State Papers</i>, p. 68; Ormonde to Hyde, in <i>Clarendon S.P.</i>, June 30, -1651; Patrick Archer to Ormonde, January 19, 1651-2, in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, -iii. 281. As to the supply to Innisbofin in 1652, <i>ib.</i> 356. Writing to -Clanricarde on March 23, 1651-2, Charles H. says other supplies had been -stopped ‘by some rude people in Zeland,’ Clanricarde’s <i>Memoirs</i>, part ii. 52.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, 996. Clanricarde’s letters in October to the -Duke of Lorraine, to Henrietta Maria, to Ormonde, Muskerry, Darcy, &c., -are in his <i>Memoirs</i>, with the answers; Duke of Lorraine’s letter breaking -off negotiations, February 14, 1652, in Clarendon <i>Cal.</i> For his hostility -to Clanricarde see Hist. MSS. Comm. Calendar of <i>Ormonde Papers</i>, 1902, -i. 256; for the difficulties in corresponding with Ireland at this time see -Ormonde’s letter to Muskerry of March 19/21, <i>ib.</i> 264; Clarendon’s <i>Hist.</i>, xiii. -176-182. Other accounts of the whole affair are in Carte’s <i>Life of Ormonde</i> -and in <i>Hibernia Dominicana</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> Unfinished letter from Ormonde to Clanricarde in September 1651; -Carte’s <i>Original Letters</i>, i. 460; French to Taaffe, August 10, 1651, and -the answer, September 22, in <i>Clarendon S.P.</i> French’s <i>Unkinde Deserter</i>, -published in 1676. ‘Quelle destinée pour l’ennemi obstiné de la cour de -France, pour l’infatigable allié de la maison d’Autriche, de voir au bout -de vingt années, ses troupes au service des Français et sa personne au -pouvoir des Espagnols.’—D’Haussonville, chap. 24, p. 296.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> Ludlow, Corbet, Jones, and Weaver to Lenthall, March (before the -25th), 1650-51, in Cary’s <i>Memorials</i>, ii. 253; Hewson to Lenthall, with the -articles for surrender of Finnea, March 14, published by order of Parliament, -London, March 25; <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, ii. 134-138.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> Journal of Parliamentary officer in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> iii. 227; Castlehaven’s -<i>Memoirs</i>, 95.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> Ludlow’s <i>Memoirs</i>, i. 269-274, May 31 to June 17.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> Ludlow’s <i>Memoirs</i>, i. 274; Ireton’s letter of July 15, in <i>Sad News from -Ireland</i>, published by order of Parliament, but Scobell’s imprimatur is -dated July 4, probably for 24.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> Ludlow’s <i>Memoirs</i>, i. 263-274, and Ireton’s letter, <i>ut sup.</i> See also -Gardiner’s <i>Commonwealth</i>, ii. 48, 52.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> Ireton’s letter of July 15 in <i>Sad News from Ireland</i>, <i>ut sup.</i>; Ludlow’s -<i>Memoirs</i>, i. 274-6; Diary in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, iii. 241, where the abortive -propositions for surrender are given. As Ireton suspected, greatly exaggerated -reports of the repulse at Limerick were circulated in England, -see for example Lord Derby’s letter in Cary’s <i>Memorials</i>, ii. 287.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 276-279.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> This account is taken from the narrative enclosed in Broghill’s letter -to Lenthall, dated Mallow, July 28, and printed by order of Parliament -along with another dated Blarney, August 1. A copy is abstracted in the -Calendar of State Papers, <i>Ireland</i>, addenda p. 303. Notes in Broghill’s -own hand, preserved at Lismore, are printed in Smith’s <i>Hist. of Cork</i>, but -wrongly placed under 1652. Journal in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, iii. 246; Ludlow, -i. 276. ‘My boldest horse being twice wounded,’ Broghill writes, ‘became -so fearful that he was turned to the coach.’ Some accounts call this the -battle of Knocknaclashy.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> Hewson to Bradshaw, August 6, 1651, in <i>Parl. Hist.</i>, xx. 32; Corbet, -Jones, and Weaver to Lenthall, September 18, in appx. to <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 490. -A disastrous skirmish near Cullenagh in Queen’s Co. is reported at September -15 by the Diarist, <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, i. 252.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> Ireton to Lenthall, November 3, 1651, printed by order of Parliament, -November 28; Ludlow, i. 286; Diary in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> ii. 253, 262, 264. In -the list of mayors in Lenihan’s <i>Hist. of Limerick</i> Stretch’s name does not -occur; perhaps there was a by-election.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> Relation by Dr. William Layles (probably the same as Lawless, an -old Limerick name), endorsed by Clanricarde, calendared among <i>Clarendon -MSS.</i> at October 27. The writer was present in the town. The above is -printed in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, iii. 263, and the articles of surrender are at -p. 254. The Aphorismical Discovery, <i>ib.</i> 19, gives even greater importance to -Fennell. Castlehaven’s <i>Memoirs</i>, 95. Clarendon, <i>Ireland</i>, p. 199, says Fennell -was executed some months after the siege, so that it was not Ireton’s doing. -The crime for which he suffered appears to have been the murder of Edward -Croker near Youghal on Shrove Tuesday, 1642, <i>Hickson</i>, ii. 139. See also -the letter in <i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, i. 403, July 1653: ‘Those of the Irish -army who forced us to render Limerick upon so base conditions were hanged -at Cork, viz. Col. Ed. Fennell and Lt.-Col. William Bourke, of Brittas.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> From a comparison of all the accounts it is certain that the Bishop of -Emly, Purcell, Baron, Stretch, Walsh, Fanning, and Higgins, were executed -soon after the surrender. Layles, who was not present, had heard that two -priests, Francis and George Wolfe, also suffered as well as Fanning’s two -sons and brother. The <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i> says Fanning was betrayed -by a servant, when taking refuge from the cold among the soldiers quartered -in the cathedral. Clarendon, <i>Ireland</i>, 198, says he had been refused food -and shelter by his own wife. See also note to Gardiner’s <i>Commonwealth</i>, -ii. 57. As to the execution of James Wolfe, a Dominican, there can be little -doubt, see Clarendon, <i>ut sup.</i>, 199, and <i>Hibernia Dominicana</i>, 568.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 288; Thurloe, i. 212; <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> iii. <i>passim</i>. Cromwell -is said to have specially recommended O’Neill to Philip IV., as a good soldier. -On February 4, 1652-3, O’Neill petitioned the Council of State, and on April 1 -he was discharged from the Tower, <i>Cal. of S.P. Dom.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 288; <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, iii. 20.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 290-293, 278 (with Mr. Firth’s note); Diary in <i>Contemp. -Hist.</i>, iii. 241, 249, 260; Scobell’s <i>Acts and Ordinances</i>, ii. 154. ‘A lady -that went for a maid, but few believed it,’ Lady Fanshawe’s <i>Memoirs</i>, 57.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> See Preface to <i>Clarke Papers</i>, i. lxviii.; Irish Commissioners to Cromwell -December 2, 1651, printed in appx. to Firth’s <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 496, and <i>ib.</i> 297; -W. Rowe to Cromwell in <i>Milton State Papers</i>, p. 17.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXXV" id="CHAPTER_XXXV">CHAPTER XXXV</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">LAST PHASE OF THE WAR, 1652</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Galway -still holds -out, -Dec. 1651.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ireton’s -last -summons -to Galway.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ludlow -commander-in-chief, -Dec. 1651.</div> - -<p>Ireton wished to press on to Galway, and Ludlow thought -it could easily be brought to surrender while the garrison -were ‘under a great consternation by the loss of Limerick.’ -But there was much sickness in the army, and officers generally -were unwilling to begin another troublesome campaign in -November. Coote, who had been for some time blockading -Galway on the east side, came to the camp and gave his -opinion against immediate action. He did not believe the -place could be taken without attacking it on both sides. -A bridge had been prepared for the short river between -Lough Corrib and the sea, but the right bank was strongly -fortified, and it would be impossible to throw it across. It -would be necessary to go all round by Cong, where Clanricarde -lay with 3000 men. Even if the passage were forced -many rivers lay in the way, none of which were fordable in -case of heavy rain, while horses could only be led from Cong -to Aghenure near Oughterard, and from that on to Galway -they could not travel at all. There was no forage in the -country, and food and ammunition would have to be carried -on the men’s backs. This reasoning prevailed, and Ireton -wrote from before Clare Castle merely to offer the same -terms as had been tendered to Limerick in July: ‘I will not,’ -he said, alluding to what had happened at Waterford, ‘now -do you the courtesy to summon you at such a distance, because -your gravity once chid me for it as unadvisedly, but -for the good men’s sake of the city who perhaps may not be -so angry in the notion of a soldier’s honour, as to understand -the quibbles of it ... though men of your unhappy breeding -think such glorious trifling worth the sacrificing or venturing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span> -of other men’s lives.’ He desired him therefore on peril of -his head to communicate the offer made to the citizens. It -was easy for Preston to answer that he fought in a good cause -and that Ireton was risking men’s lives in a bad one, while -his head and those of his friends were as ‘unsettled on their -shoulders as any in the town.’ The mayor and aldermen -answered in the same strain; and Ireton died a fortnight after -the date of their letter. Ludlow was in Dublin at the moment, -and the Commissioners made him commander-in-chief until -the pleasure of Parliament should be further known.<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Irish -in Scilly.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Bishop -Leslie’s -troubles.</div> - -<p>When Axtell left Ireland after his suspension by Ireton, -he was captured by a rover at sea and carried to Scilly, then -full of Irish soldiers who wished to kill him, the cause of his -voyage having been made known by an intercepted letter -from Weaver. Grenville or those about him knew that the -islands could not be much longer in Royalist hands, and they -feared retaliation. Axtell was therefore spared, and was -back in Ireland and governor of Kilkenny soon after Ireton’s -death. Blake occupied the little archipelago not many weeks -later, Bishop Henry Leslie being among those whom he -found there. ‘By the articles,’ the Bishop wrote, ‘I am to -have my pass to go unto the North of Ireland, that is to say -out of the frying pan into the fire; for there I shall be in -more danger of the Scots than of the Parliament soldiers.’ -In either company he was sure that his soul would be more -vexed than Lot’s was in Sodom. As to the Irish soldiers, -it was agreed that they should be sent to Ireland, recruited -up to 2000, and disposed of as the King wished. Blake -offered to take them all into Dunkirk and keep them there -till Grenville could arrange for France or Spain, he giving his -word of honour never to employ them against the Parliament. -This was refused, and Grenville remained in England, most -of the Irish soldiers probably finding their way abroad.<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Meeting of -officers at -Kilkenny, -Dec. 1651.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Guerrilla -warfare.</div> - -<p>During the winter of 1651 and 1652 there was thought -to be some danger that the Dutch would retaliate for the -Navigation Act by landing foreign troops in Ireland, facilitating -instead of opposing the embarkation of the Duke of -Lorraine, who was still expected long after he had abandoned -his scheme. A general meeting of officers was held at Kilkenny -just before Christmas, Coote having already been -authorised to give the same terms to Galway as had already -been offered to Limerick, provided they were accepted by -January 9. It was now evident that all the strong places -must soon be taken, and the deliberations at Kilkenny were -chiefly directed against the guerrilla warfare, which was still -formidable. The nature of the problem is set forth with -great clearness in a report by Ludlow and his three colleagues -in the Government to the Council of State. The great bogs -were the chief difficulty. There are in these wastes many -dry islands which were then generally wooded, and between -them causeways along which horses could only go in single -file. From such places the rebels could sally out at any time -to harry the protected districts, thus depriving the army of -its resources, while it was easy for them to secure their -plunder. They were used to living in cabins and wading -among swamps, where the English soldiers were a prey to -dysentery from wet and cold. Ireton had successfully used -rice to combat this disease, and large quantities were provided -later by the London Government.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Desperation -of the -Irish.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Means -used to -subdue -armed -bands.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ludlow’s -hunt in -Wicklow, -Feb. 1651-2.</div> - -<p>The soldiers were always ignorant of the designs and -movements of the combatant Irish, for whom the country -people acted as scouts, being ‘possessed of an opinion that -the Parliament intend them no terms of mercy and therefore -endeavouring to preserve them as those that stand between -them and danger.’ It was estimated that 30,000 men were -still in arms among the Irish, a few in garrisons, but for the -most part lurking among woods and bogs. The plan adopted -to subdue them was to make a Pale from the Boyne to the -Barrow, and to destroy the means of subsistence elsewhere. -No smiths, harness-makers, or armourers were allowed to -ply their trade outside of garrisons, no beer, wine, or spirits<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span> -might be sold nor fairs and markets held beyond those limits. -The county of Wicklow, with parts of Dublin, Kildare, and -Carlow, was outside the new Pale and excluded from protection. -All who resided within the doomed area after -February 28 were to be treated as enemies, but permitted -to live and graze their stock upon such waste or untenanted -lands as might be assigned to them in the protected region. -As soon as the appointed day had passed, Ludlow himself -went to Talbotstown to plant a garrison, and then carefully -searched Wicklow with horse and foot. Few people were -met with, for they had look-out men on every hill, but all -the houses and stores of corn were burned. ‘He was an idle -soldier,’ wrote one officer, ‘that had not either a fat lamb, -veal, pig, poultry, or all of them every night to his supper -... we have destroyed as much as would have served some -thousands of them until next harvest.’<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Clanricarde’s -proposals -for peace, -Feb. 1651-2.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Failure to -relieve -Galway</div> - -<p>The day fixed for the surrender of Galway with the -benefit of the first articles offered to Limerick was allowed -to pass, and Clanricarde on behalf of many of the nobility -and clergy ‘with the corporation of Galway’ made proposals -for a general peace. He was fain to profess, though -he could hardly believe, that succours would come from his -Majesty and allies; if these failed, he and the assembly for -whom he acted were prepared to sell their lives as dearly as -possible. Ludlow answered from Dublin ten days later -that it belonged to Parliament to grant terms, that those -who had already long since refused to hear reason could -hardly be admitted at the eleventh hour, and that they were -relying upon ‘vain and groundless expectations.’ He -believed that moderate terms would still be granted in -individual cases, but refused to grant a safe conduct for -commissioners pretending to represent the general body in -arms. Clanricarde did his best to prolong the resistance -of Galway, but left the town when he saw that the inhabitants -were not prepared to endure extremities. A sortie to gather<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span> -cattle led to heavy loss, and of two corn ships which attempted -to relieve the besieged one was taken and the other forced -upon the rocks of Arran. The town was, however, not -invested on the west, and there was always a chance that -reinforcements or supplies might be introduced from that -side. Coote thought the place very strong, and was inclined -even to exceed his authority in granting comparatively -easy terms.<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Dissensions -among the -besieged, -July-Feb. -1651-2.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Improvised -colonels.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The clergy -prefer -Parliament -to King.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Rinuccini’s -excommunication -still in use.</div> - -<p>There were dissensions within the walls of Galway as there -had been at Limerick, and it is not easy to make out exactly -what took place. The indefatigable Dean King left Charles -at Stirling in June, just after Ireton had crossed the Shannon -and when Coote had been some time in Connaught. He -landed near Londonderry on the 20th and found his way to -Galway by July 2. Bishop Lynch and others of the clergy -tried to make out that he had not been with the King, and -that his commission was a trick of Ormonde’s. This was -easily disproved, and clerical help was promised on condition -that the chiefs of the old Irish in Connaught should -be made colonels. Ten were so promoted, but not one of -them could muster over 500 men, and every one thought of -little but defending his own castle. These petty strongholds -were daily taken with the pick of the Irish soldiers inside. -The Ulster forces for the most part disregarded Clanricarde’s -summons, while those of Leinster, 3000 foot and 500 horse, -dwindled daily and lived upon the spoil of the country, as -there was no money to pay them, so that he thought it better -to let them go back to their own province under the nominal -generalship of Lord Westmeath. The only force upon -which the unfortunate Deputy could rely was raised in his -own county of Galway, and with these he kept an eye upon -Coote’s army. Dean King found that the clergy generally, -headed by Bourke of Tuam and French of Ferns, were hostile -to the King’s government and anxious only for an accom<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span>modation -with the Parliament, in which they were supported -by the Prestons father and son, by Sir Nicholas Plunket, -and by Geoffrey Brown. The expectation of the -Lorraine succours had paralysed all the Irish parties, so -that no one exerted himself. The little that had been sent -by the ducal pretender had been wasted or embezzled; -‘20,000<i>l.</i> whereof 6000<i>l.</i> defalked for the charge of the -negotiations,’ 1000 stand of arms, 1000 barrels of badly -damaged rye, and ‘thirty barrels of powder, the worst in -the world.’ To make confusion worse confounded, some -of the bishops were using Rinuccini’s old excommunication -to crush their opponents. There were nevertheless nearly -30,000 men under arms, but no means of keeping them -together, and there were many harbours still open in Connaught -and Munster through which money and stores might -be introduced. Dean King left Ireland on February 16 and -reported to Charles at Paris on April 1; but the battle of -Worcester had been fought and lost, and no help came.<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Capitulation -of -Galway, -May 12, -1652.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Coote -offends the -Independents.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Coote and -Ludlow.</div> - -<p>Clanricarde did what he could to prolong the defence of -Galway, but the citizens could not see that there was anything -to gain by it. He had agreed to approach Ludlow -with proposals for a general pacification, but was determined -to resist as long as he could. The town therefore acted -without consulting him, though he was in the neighbourhood, -and the articles of surrender contain no mention of King, -Lord Lieutenant, or Deputy. Fear of famine and of hard -terms when the inevitable end came were sufficient inducements -to surrender, and there is no reason to suppose that -Galway was betrayed in the common sense of the words, -though in 1656 some of the inhabitants claimed special -indulgence on the ground that they had favoured the English -interest throughout the war, and had thereby ‘contracted -a malice from those of their own nation’ among whom they -had to live. Coote has a bad name on the score of severity, -but he and many of those with him had estates in Ireland, -and some of them in Connaught, and they did not see with -the same eyes as those who were bent upon planting new<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span> -settlers everywhere. The extreme Independents called Coote -and his men ‘Tame Tories,’ and there was jealousy of his -position as President of Connaught. Ireton thought the -provincial presidencies should be abolished, as an unnecessary -burden to State and country, and the Commissioners in -Dublin were of the same opinion. One hot-headed captain -of the Munster army attached to that of Connaught wrote -to say that Ireland being almost reduced, there was little -left to do but to ‘fall on Sir Charles Coote and his ‘Tame -Rebels.’’ The letter was intercepted, and Coote imprisoned -the writer, whose curious defence was that many others -agreed with him. Ludlow released him and blamed Coote -for exercising authority over an officer not belonging to his -province. From all this the Royalists had hopes, and no -doubt Coote had never been a republican, but they had to -wait several years for their realisation. In the meantime -he was glad to get hold of Galway upon almost any terms.<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Terms -granted to -Galway.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The terms -disliked in -Dublin.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -articles are -amended,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">but the -townsmen -protest.</div> - -<p>The conditions actually granted were not hard, and the -Commissioners in Dublin thought them too easy. Quarter -and freedom from pillage and military violence were granted -to all, as long as they obeyed the Commonwealth of England, -and were not guilty of murder before March 19, 1642, when -a state of war began to exist in Galway. The murderers of -Captain Clark’s crew were excepted by name. All who wished -to depart were given six months to sell such property as they -did not carry away. This extended to clergymen provided -their names were given in before the actual surrender, but in -their case no protection was to be given after that time. -Where property within the city and liberties was sold one-third -was to go to the State, and the rest to be freed from -extraordinary taxation, and this principle was extended with -qualifications to lands possessed by the townsmen elsewhere. -The charter was maintained until Parliament should otherwise -direct; and Coote promised to get a ratification within<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span> -twenty days by the Dublin Government and legislative -confirmation in England as soon as possible. A fort on -Mutton Island and another opposite Tirellan were surrendered -at once, and the town, after one week’s delay, on -April 12, when Coote took actual possession. The news -reached Dublin on the 11th, and the Commissioners there -at once took exception to some of the articles. They objected, -and so far we can sympathise with them, to any -indemnity for murder committed ‘by or upon any person -not being in arms.’ They insisted on the power of compulsorily -purchasing land or houses in the town when Parliament -considered their owners unsafe persons to remain; in -which case they would have to remove within three months. -The protection as to outside property was considered too -absolute, and should be left for parliamentary decision, and -some minor matters were also reserved. An express -was at once sent to insist on the amendment of the articles, -with orders that the capitulation should be suspended until -this was done, but when the messenger reached Galway he -found the English garrison installed. The ratification of the -articles was made dependent on the acceptance of the revised -terms, but it can hardly be said that the condition was fulfilled. -Only eight heads of families could be found to sign -the certificate of assent, while over one hundred refused; -and there were nearly a hundred absentees. Coote apologised -for his mistake, but maintained that he had nevertheless -done the best thing for the State. If he had not closed with -the besieged there were great chances of the town being -relieved, ‘so that it might have kept all your forces this -summer in those parts to attend that service.’<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Clanricarde’s -last -struggles, -April-June -1652,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Castlehaven -leaves -Ireland.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His -memoirs.</div> - -<p>Clanricarde on his part announced that ‘Galway having -basely and perfidiously yielded,’ he would resist while he -could, and gave earnest of his determination by sending -away Castlehaven in his only frigate, thus leaving himself no<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span> -means of escape. He summoned Westmeath and O’Ferrall -from Leinster, Muskerry from Munster, and O’Reilly from -Ulster to join him in Sligo or Leitrim and ‘unite in one clear -score for God, our King, and country.’ Galway Bay was -full of Parliamentary ships, so Castlehaven had to go first -to Innisbofin and embark from there. He was chased, and -had a smart fight at sea, but was saved by thick weather. -Arthur Magennis, Bishop of Down, a nephew of Owen Roe -O’Neill, died during the action ‘by the wind of a bullet, -for fear,’ having no wound. Castlehaven got safely to Brest, -and thence to Paris or St. Germain’s, where he saw the King -and Queen and Ormonde. As French affairs then stood -nothing could be done, and he joined Condé as a volunteer, -after which he commanded an Irish brigade of about 5000 -men. As late as 1680 he published his memoirs, confessedly -to show that he was always a good Royalist and not to be -confounded with the Irish ‘as a confederate Catholic, which -in plain English is a rebel.’ Lord Anglesey, the son of -Strafford’s Mountnorris, who was a great gainer by the -Restoration settlement, reviewed Castlehaven’s pleasant -little book, saying that ‘by a providence from heaven to the -English the marquesses of Ormonde and Clanricarde, his -Majesty’s chief governors, encouraged the Irish to keep up -a war against the English, wherein they were so much -hardened to their ruin, that they were at length entirely -subdued without condition to any save for life, and left to -be as miserable as they had made others in all respects.’<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles -gives -Clanricarde -leave -to go,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">but urges -him to hold -out.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">He takes -Ballyshannon, -May,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">and -Donegal.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Submission -of Clanricarde, -June 28.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His -character.</div> - -<p>It had long been evident to Clanricarde, as well as to -Ormonde and his friends abroad, that the power of the -Parliament would establish itself in Ireland. But it was their -policy to keep the flag of Royalty flying as long as possible, -on the chance of some foreign complication. That this -stubborn attitude increased the ultimate sufferings of the -Irish masses is very probable. As early as the beginning of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span> -February, Charles, with many expressions of gratitude and -confidence, gave Clanricarde free leave to quit Ireland when -he thought fit, but adding that ‘the keeping up of the war -there in any kind, either offensive or defensive, is of the -highest importance to us and our service that can be performed; -as the contrary would be of the greatest prejudice -to all our designs.’ Six weeks later he wrote holding out -hopes of further help from the Duke of Lorraine, and directing -that no declaration should be issued which might increase -the friction with the clerical party. The two letters reached -Clanricarde together in the following August, when they -were too late to have any significance. Meanwhile, in May, -a second letter was given to Castlehaven, and forwarded by -a sure hand, authorising the Deputy to leave his post at any -time. This letter, though apparently not extant, probably -reached its destination much sooner than the other two, and -justified Clanricarde in making terms when he did. In the -meantime, he succeeded in getting a considerable force -together, with which, after blowing up several castles, he -swooped down upon the fort at Ballyshannon and took it by -assault, dismissing the survivors unhurt and substituting -his own garrison of 300 men. He took Donegal also, but the -success was only transient, for he had no means of feeding -his men but by seizing cattle, and thus involuntarily making -the task of the Parliamentarians easier. Venables came up -from Down to join Coote, and they soon took Sligo and retook -the other two places, giving punctual quarter in their turn. -At the end of June the Lord Deputy, who, Ludlow says, was -practically surrounded in the island of Carrick, made terms -for himself, but none for his vast estates. He was left free -to go abroad where he pleased with not more than twenty -servants, to remain in Ireland for three months, and to enlist -3000 men for foreign service. In the meantime he was to -divest himself of his viceregal authority and do no hostile -act. Six weeks later he was excepted by Act of the English -Parliament from pardon for life and estate, but was nevertheless -left unmolested at his own place at Somerhill in Kent. -His health had never been good, and was not improved by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span> -his campaigning, but he lived till 1657, and was buried in -Tonbridge Church. He was not a great general, but to -most people he appeared, and still appears, as a loyal and -worthy man. To the ultramontane clergy of his own day -he was, as an independent Catholic who cared little for a -nuncio’s censures, more hateful even than the heretic Ormonde. -Bishop French says he put Cæsar before God, and Bishop -Lynch that the Ulster men refused to follow him because he -disdained to receive absolution from Rinuccini’s excommunication. -The British officer so often quoted says, on the -contrary, that the Irish were well satisfied with him as true -both to King and Church, ‘being a good Roman Catholic,’ -and that he surrendered only because he could not fight -Coote and Venables combined. ‘Neither, indeed, was he -ever practised in that trade [war], though a very fine, devout, -liberal, hospitable gentleman, as any is in Ireland in his time, -as I have heard many aver.’<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Case of -Anthony -Geohegan.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Loyalty -the idol of -Dagon.</div> - -<p>Before finally leaving Clanricarde and the Duke of -Lorraine something must be said of the case of Anthony -Geohegan, which had no important results, but which shows -how incompatible were the Royalist and clerical ideals. -Geohegan had been preferred by Rinuccini at the early age -of twenty-four to the nominal dignity of the mitred abbacy -of Connall. Towards the end of 1650 he was studying -divinity and canon law at Paris, and in correspondence with -Abbot Crelly, who was in London, hoping against hope that -the Parliament would grant toleration to his Church. He -offered to go to Ireland if wanted, and Crelly reported this to -Rome. Dean Massari, Rinuccini’s old lieutenant, was -Secretary of Propaganda, and gladly accepted the young -priest’s offer. He reached Galway on March 14, 1651, while -De Henin was there, with instructions to further the appointment -of a Catholic protector, and he stayed on after the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span> -Lorraine envoy’s departure. Clanricarde suspected that he -was working against him, and some of his letters were intercepted, -in one of which he said that ‘if the service of God -had been as deep in the hearts of our nation as that idol of -Dagon, a foolish loyalty, a better course for their honour -and preservation had been taken in time.’ He had noticed -that at Limerick those favourable to Ormonde had got better -terms than others, and he thought the Independents who -professed liberty of conscience more likely to grant reasonable -terms to the Irish than those who maintained the Church -of England and the recusancy laws. Clanricarde would have -tried Geohegan as a traitor, but the clergy took their stand -upon the bull <i>In Cœna Domini</i>, and maintained that no lay -governor or judge could try a priest. They had their way, -and Geohegan was, of course, exonerated from all blame.<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Irish -leaders -submit. -Fitzpatrick, -March -1652.</div> - -<p>Even before the surrender of Galway, the Irish leaders -began to make terms for themselves and their followers. -Of these, the first was John Fitzpatrick, who had lately -distinguished himself by taking and holding Meelick. On -March 7 he agreed to transport 4000 foot and 300 horse -to a state in amity with the Commonwealth, pay being given -to them in the meantime, and hopes were held out as to his -property. He made no conditions for his father and mother, -or for the Catholic religion; whereupon a declaration was -published against him, and he was excommunicated. ‘Some -of his party,’ say the Parliamentary Commissioners, ‘have -been cut off by the enemy, who did also cut off the ears of -some whom they took prisoners.’ The men were not popular, -having lived by plunder, and the Government were glad to -send them to Spain. Fitzpatrick and his father were both -excluded by Act of Parliament from pardon for life or estate, -but he afterwards married Ormonde’s sister and was restored -in 1661 to broad lands in the Queen’s County. His mother, -says Ludlow, ‘was found guilty of the murder of the English, -with this aggravation, that she said she would make candles<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span> -of their fat. She was condemned to be burned, and the -sentence was executed accordingly.’<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Dwyer, -March 23.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Usual -terms of -surrender.</div> - -<p>The next important chief to surrender was Colonel Edmund -O’Dwyer, who commanded in Tipperary and Waterford. He -and his men had quarter for life and personal property only, -with liberty to serve any friendly foreign State. Murderers -of the English, members of the first General Assembly or -Supreme Council, homicides after quarter given, deserters, -and every ‘priest or other of the Romish clergy in orders,’ -were excluded. By the end of June, when Clanricarde came -to terms, the Parliament had not many enemies left in the -field, though a few strongholds held out for some months -longer. The articles of surrender, or authentic copies, are -for the most part extant, and the terms granted generally -amounted to little more than life and personal liberty to those -who had not committed murder. Where priests are not -specially excluded, they are generally left tacitly to the mercy -of the victors. Landed property was to be distributed -according to such qualifications as Parliament might determine. -In one case Sir Hardress Waller undertook ‘industriously -to solicit’ the authorities that priests who were not -charged with any crime except officiating as such should be -free to go beyond seas.<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Siege of -Ross -Castle, -June 1652.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Boats -brought up -from the -sea.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A flotilla -on the -Lower -Lake.</div> - -<p>There was a Parliamentary garrison at Dingle, which -Muskerry made some effort to take, but otherwise Kerry had -for a long time been in Irish hands. Murtagh O’Brien, -when driven out of Clare after the fall of Limerick, joined his -forces to those of Lord Muskerry, and together they amounted -to several thousands. Their chief stronghold was Ross Castle,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span> -in an island or peninsula on the lower Lake of Killarney, -only approachable, as any tourist may now witness, by a -narrow causeway with a bog on either side. Muskerry had -been chief among the anti-nuncionist Catholics, and had -never been forgiven by the priests of his own Church, many -of whom had taken refuge in Ross Castle. When a siege was -imminent, the clerical party went out—and no doubt they -acted prudently in this—but a thousand well-armed men -adhered to their general and resolved to hold out as long as -possible. Ludlow, accompanied by Broghill and Walker, -came to Killarney very early in June with 4000 foot and -2000 horse. Dromagh had already surrendered, so that his -rear was exposed to no attack. The woods on the other side -of the lake were full of active enemies, who must have had -boats of some sort to reach Innisfallen, and who supplied -Ross with provisions. Ludlow’s fellow-Commissioners were -at Cork, and the mitred Scoutmaster-General at Kinsale, -and they quickly provided him with the means of reducing -Ross. Boats were brought to Castlemaine harbour under -convoy of a frigate. Of these some were probably dragged -up the Laune with the help of many men. The two largest, -which were intended to carry guns, were sent from Kinsale -in pieces, but so that they could be put together in two days. -In order to make a safe way for them it was necessary to -disperse a strong force of the Irish about Killagh Abbey, -near the mouth of the Laune, while another division scoured -the woods and put those who occupied them to flight. This -was on June 13; five days later several of the boats had been -brought to Ludlow’s entrenchments near Ross, and by the -20th they were swimming on the lake. The whole flotilla -was not wanted, for the garrison saw that resistance was -hopeless, and there was an ancient prophecy that Ross would -not be taken until strange ships sailed on Lough Leane. The -fitting and management of the boats was entrusted to Captain -Chudleigh, who had been a ship-carpenter, and many -artificers went readily because he was with them.<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span></p> -<div class="sidenote">The -Parliament -as avengers -of blood.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Few -survivors -of 1641.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Murderers -exempted -from -pardon.</div> - -<p>Even after the surrender of Galway the Leinster army under -Westmeath’s command had still an administrative existence; -but its leaders saw no prospect of ultimate success, and were -ready to make such terms as might still be possible. The -Parliamentary Commissioners were at Kilkenny on April 17, -and had a conference with the chief officers of the army, -where Dr. Jones, the Scoutmaster-General, produced an -abstract of the depositions taken as to murders committed in -the early days of the rebellion. This document was forwarded -to Parliament and read there on May 18, the Commissioners -and officers ‘fearing lest others who are at a greater distance -might be moved to the lenity which we have found no small -temptation in ourselves,’ forget past abominations, and make -too tender concessions. But very few of the English who -had any personal knowledge of the original massacres were -still living, and it would therefore be hard to bring the guilt -home to individuals. The whole Irish nation had to some -extent condoned them, and Parliament was bound to take -order for punishment ‘in duty towards God, the great avenger -of such villainies, who hath from the beginning of the war -to this present always in your appeal by war against them -appeared most signally.’ Murderers or their aiders and abettors -were not led to expect clemency, but the Commissioners -declared that all persons living in Ireland should have the -benefit of the Act dated September 27, 1650, repealing the -clauses in Elizabethan statutes which imposed penalties for -not going to church. This was a step in the direction of -toleration, but the Act had been really intended for the -relief of those who disliked the Book of Common Prayer, and -provided also for the prosecution of those who did not attend<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span> -some place of worship, and would be difficult to apply to those -who would have nothing but the forbidden mass.<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Leinster -articles, -May 12, -1652.</div> - -<p>After much discussion, it was agreed that eleven regiments -of foot and six of horse should lay down their arms by June 1 -at Mullingar, Maryborough, Carlow, or Kildare. The military -articles were liberal enough, officers retaining horses and arms, -non-commissioned officers and men whose horses were taken -receiving compensation. Officers were allowed to serve any -foreign State in amity with the Commonwealth, and to -carry 6000 men with them, the Commissioners undertaking -to get leave for 6000 more if they could. Life and personal -estate were secured, and owners of land were promised -‘equal benefit with others in the like qualification with themselves,’ -when Parliament had made up its mind. Murder -and robbery of persons not in arms might still be questioned -‘according the due course of law,’ and the benefit of the -articles was withheld from those who killed Parliamentary -soldiers after quarter given. ‘Priests or Jesuits, or others -in Popish orders,’ were to be dealt with as the Irish Government -thought fit. The Commissioners were well satisfied -with their work, which they had been obliged to do without -positive orders from Parliament, for the Irish, being driven -out of all forts, had nothing to do but range about the country, -‘retiring as they saw advantage to their bogs and fastnesses.’ -The Parliamentary officers had now for the first time leisure -to deal with Clanricarde and with Muskerry, who had 3000 -foot and 600 horse.<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Surrender -of Muskerry, -June 22.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Murder -defined.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Conformity -not to be -enforced.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ross Castle -evacuated.</div> - -<p>Muskerry and his party accepted the substance of the -Leinster articles, but there was a fortnight’s debate on certain -points. The Irish officers feared lest they should be all held -liable for the murder of the English, ‘which,’ says Ludlow,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span> -‘was an exception we never failed to make.’ An explanatory -article was therefore granted, limiting the guilt to those -‘who during the first year of the war have contrived, aided, -assisted, acted, or abetted any murder or massacre upon any -person or persons of the English not in arms but following -their own occupation in their farms or freeholds,’ and to those -who since that time had taken life knowing that quarter had -been given or protection granted. As to religion, Ludlow -and his colleagues would go no further than declare ‘that it -is not our intention nor, as we conceive, the intention of -those whom we serve, to force any to their worship and service -contrary to their consciences.’ Questions as to real -estate were, at the request of Muskerry and his friends, ‘left -to the pleasure of the Parliament,’ means being given them -for pleading their own cause in London. They themselves -asked for this in preference to the clause as to qualifications -in the Leinster articles. In consideration of the above, -960 able men marched out of Ross Castle, and at least 3000 -more followed their example. Murtagh O’Brien, with about -200 men, kept at large in the Kerry mountains until Waller -made them untenable, and then escaped across the Shannon, -to give further trouble in Connaught.<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Richard -Grace -still resists.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Submission -of Grace, -Aug. 14.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Grace leads -1200 men -to Spain.</div> - -<p>Colonel Richard Grace, whose property was in King’s -County, did not accept the Kilkenny articles, but remained -at the head of a considerable force, and burned Birr, which -had been partly rebuilt. Three hundred pounds was offered -for his head in a proclamation dated May 22, but he managed -to cross the Shannon, and burned the towns of Portumna -and Loughrea. The country was laid under contribution, -and for some days no enemy appeared. Grace had near -3000 men, but they were but odds and ends from various -quarters, and were easily surprised by Ingoldsby, who routed -the Irish horse and drove the foot into a bog near Loughrea. -Grace had to fly with a few men, after which many of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span> -followers dispersed or made terms for themselves. This -was on June 20. He managed to recross the river into -Leinster and again got some men together, with whom he -at last took refuge in a strongly fortified island in Lough -Coura, near Birr. Sankey surrounded the lake and made -preparations for starving out the party, and Grace, who saw -there was no prospect of relief, sued for terms. To avoid a -long siege, and also perhaps out of admiration for a brave -enemy, Sankey granted the substance of the Kilkenny -articles and some further indulgence for the clergy submitting -with Grace, who is much praised by the Aphorismical -Discovery for insisting on the latter. The priests concerned -had leave and four months’ time to go beyond sea, with protection -in the interval, and a further respite in case of sickness -or want of shipping. In the other cases, they had been -left at the disposition of the Lord Deputy or Commissioners. -Grace had had nothing to do with the original Irish rebellion, -but had fought for the King in England until the surrender -of Oxford, so that there was some personal reason for favouring -him. He carried 1200 men to Spain, but the Government -there broke all their agreements with him, and he lost -half his regiment by starvation, desertion, and disease. He -attached himself to the Duke of York, and died at Athlone -fighting against William III. in 1691.<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ludlow’s -last service -in the field, -Aug.-Sept., -1652.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Fugitives -smoked in -a cave.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A modern -instance.</div> - -<p>After the surrender of Muskerry, Ludlow turned his -attention to Wicklow and Wexford, where Phelim MacHugh -O’Byrne and others still had a considerable force under -arms. He placed garrisons in suitable places, who reduced -the Irish by destroying their means of subsistence. The -green corn was cut and burned, and in a few months the -soldiers knew every hiding-place as well as the mountaineers -themselves. Early in August, Ludlow turned northwards -and garrisoned Carrickmacross. Between that place and -Dundalk he came to a cave where a number of men had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span> -taken refuge. The soldiers tried to smoke them out, and -entered when they supposed them smothered, but the leader -was killed by a pistol from inside. It turned out that the -cave was ventilated by a hole some way off, and Ludlow -ordered this to be stopped. After a time groans were heard, -which soon grew fainter, and the man who had fired the -shot was drawn out dead. ‘The passage being cleared, the -soldiers entered, and, having put about fifteen to the sword, -brought four or five out alive, with the priest’s robes, a crucifix, -chalice, and other furniture of that kind. Those within preserved -themselves by laying their heads close to water that -ran through the rock. We found two rooms in the place, -one of which was large enough to turn a pike.’ This is not -a nice story; but Ludlow, who wrote in cold blood long afterwards, -does not offer any apology nor show that he thought -any necessary. Nearly two hundred years later the French -in Algiers did the same thing on a much larger scale, but they -knew that public opinion would be against them, and it was. -St. Arnaud did not even venture to tell his own men that -five hundred enemies of both sexes and all ages lay suffocated -in the cave.<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The last -of the -‘creaghts.’</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Arrival of -Fleetwood, -September.</div> - -<p>After filling the mouth of the cave with large stones, -Ludlow established posts at Castle Blayney and Agher, where -he found one of the O’Neills living with his wife, whom he -described as the Duchess of Artois’ niece, and some children. -They wandered about with the cattle as ‘creaghts,’ seeking -for grass and water, and at each halt building a house ‘in -an hour or two.’ Steps were soon afterwards taken to abolish -this system, as one ‘whereby the enemy comes to be relieved -and sustained and the contribution oft damaged.’ It was -impossible to catch people who had no fixed abode, and who -might even commit murder with every chance of impunity. -Lisnaskea was fortified and small holds of the Irish at Bel<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span>turbet -and in one of the Lough Erne islands were taken. -Reynolds, who had reduced Leitrim, joined Ludlow at -Lisnaskea, and the news of Fleetwood’s arrival reached them -there. Ludlow says he was glad to be superseded, his exertions -for the public having been ‘recompensed only with -envy and hatred,’ and he hastened to join the new commander-in-chief -at Kilkenny.<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> Diary in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, iii. 260; <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 289, 294. Ireton’s correspondence -with Galway, December 7-12, 1651, is printed in Hardiman’s -<i>Hist. of Galway</i>, 129; Corbet, Jones, and Weaver to Lenthall, and to Cromwell, -December 2, in appx. to Firth’s <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 496.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 265; Bishop of Down’s letters, May 13 and 29, 1651, in -<i>Nicholas Papers</i>, i. 250, 255.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 300-304; the Four Commissioners to the Council of State, -January 8, 1651-2, <i>ib.</i> 499; orders by the same Commissioners, January 13 -and February 13, in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, iii. 277, 283.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> Clanricarde to Ludlow, February 14, 1651-2. In the text of Ludlow -the date is wrongly given as March 14, but see the appx. i. 505, and -<i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, iii. 58, with Ludlow’s answer in both places, and another to -Sir Richard Blake, who had ‘reiterated in effect the former application,’ -<i>ib.</i> 509.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> Dean King’s report, April 1, 1652, in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, iii. 300.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> Order of the Irish Council as to Dominick Bodkin, &c., May 20, 1656, -printed in O’Flaherty’s <i>Western Connaught</i>, p. 244; W. Heald to T. Holder, -December 12, 1651, in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, iii. 353; Corbet, Jones, and Weaver -to Cromwell, December 2, 1651, in appx. to <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 497.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> Corbet, Jones, and Ludlow to Lenthall, May 6, 1652, in appx. to -Ludlow, i. 516. The articles of surrender are in Hardiman’s <i>Hist. of Galway</i>, -appx. xxix. to xxxiii., along with the strictures of the Commissioners and -the list of those who had accepted or rejected the latter furnished by Coote, -November 26, 1652.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> Clanricarde to Philip O’Reilly and Lieut.-General O’Ferrall, April 4 and -12, 1652, in <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, iii. 76; Castlehaven’s <i>Memoirs</i>, 97, ed. 15, -with Anglesey’s letter of August 1680, appended p. 39; <i>Clarendon S.P.</i>, -iii. 66.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> Charles II. to Clanricarde, February 10, 1651-2 (enclosing one of -February 6 to Duke of Lorraine), and March 23, in Clanricarde’s <i>Memoirs</i>, -part ii. 51; Castlehaven’s <i>Memoirs</i>, p. 97; <i>Clarendon State Papers</i>, iii. 66; -<i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, iii. 122; Ludlow, i. 317, 323, 527; <i>Warr of Ireland</i>, -by a British officer, 138; Bishop of Ferns’ letter, April 21, 1651, in <i>Spicilegium -Ossoriense</i>, ii. 92; Bishop of Clonfert’s letter, August 31, 1652, <i>ib.</i> i. 386.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, ii. 138-144; <i>ib.</i> iii. 54, 285-293; Clarendon’s -<i>Ireland</i>, p. 194. See also Gardiner’s <i>Commonwealth</i>, ii, 46, 59.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> The tenour of the articles entered into can be seen from the subsidiary -agreement printed in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> iii. 293, the declaration of Walter -Bagenal and others against him, and the despatch of Corbet, Jones, -and Ludlow in appx. to Ludlow’s <i>Memoirs</i>, i. 515. For Mrs. Fitzpatrick, -<i>ib.</i> 340. In his preface to <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, iii. xviii., Sir J. Gilbert says the -witness against her was suborned, but he gives no authority, and in the -collection of massacres appended to Clarendon’s volume on Ireland, several -murders by Florence Fitzpatrick are mentioned, Elizabeth Baskerville -testifying ‘that Mrs. Fitzpatrick blamed the murderers because they -brought not Mrs. Nicholson’s fat or grease, wherewith she might have made -candles.’—Lodge’s <i>Peerage</i>, ed. Archdall, ii. 345.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> Most of the articles are printed in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> iii. 293-335.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 320, and his letter of June 24 to Lenthall, <i>ib.</i> 526. There -is a good memoir on the siege of Ross by J. P. Prendergast in Kilkenny -<i>Arch. Journal</i>, iii. 24-35, and a criticism of the same by Archdeacon Rowan -in the <i>Kerry Magazine</i>, 1855, p. 101. Chudleigh’s monument at Kinsale says -he ‘causavit terris velificasse ratem,’ which is rather ambiguous, for no boat -could actually sail on land. Perhaps it is doubtful Latin for ‘inland.’ -Smith, in his <i>History of Kerry</i>, 1756, p. 315, says the boats were ‘brought up -by the river Lane by strength of men’s hands,’ and he afterwards mentions -one Hopkins, sexton of Swords near Dublin a few years before, who lived -to be 115, and who was one of the men employed in drawing the boats to -the lake.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> Ludlow, Waller, Corbet, Jones, Coote and fourteen other superior -officers to Lenthall, May 5, 1652, in appx. to Ludlow, i. 512; Declaration -of May 12 in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> iii. 315; Scobell’s <i>Acts and Ordinances</i>, 1650, -cap. 27.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> The Leinster Articles, May 12, 1652, are in <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, -iii. 94, 315; Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones to Lenthall, May 13, in appx. -to <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 520.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 322, with Mr. Firth’s note; Jones and Corbet to Lenthall -July 22, 1652, in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> iii. 339. The articles, June 22, are printed -<i>ib.</i> 324.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, with the articles of surrender, dated August -14, 1652, iii. 128-133, and the note <i>ib.</i> 392; Clarke’s <i>Life of James II.</i> i. 268; -<i>Memoirs of the Family of Grace</i>, 1823, 27-34.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 328, 342; <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, iii. 125; Thureau-Dangin, -<i>Hist. de la Monarchie de Juillet</i>, vi. 343; Kinglake’s <i>Crimean War</i>, ii. 8. -The French Government argued that conquest must precede philanthropy.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 330. Fleetwood landed at Waterford on or just before -September 11.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXXVI" id="CHAPTER_XXXVI">CHAPTER XXXVI</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">END OF THE WAR, AND ITS PRICE</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">The last -stand at -Innisbofin.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -islands surrendered, -Feb. -1652-3.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Rory -O’More.</div> - -<p>The historian Cox says that he could find nothing that -looked like war during the year 1653, though the rebellion was -not officially declared at an end until September 26. The -early part of the year cannot, however, be considered as -peaceful. There was still some resistance in Ulster, and the -Irish also possessed a fortified post in the island of Innisbofin. -To that remote stronghold Murtagh O’Brien had repaired -after Muskerry’s surrender, and with the help of some arms -and ammunition from the Duke of Lorraine he continued to -give trouble on the mainland. The fort of Arkin on the great -island of Arran had been surprised through ‘the supine -carelessness and negligence of Captain Dyas’ shortly before -Fleetwood’s arrival, and the Irish garrison under Colonel -Oliver Synnot did not surrender until the middle of January. -Among those who took refuge in Innisbofin were Roger -O’More, the original contriver of the rebellion, Bishop Lynch -of Clonfert, Brian MacPhelim O’Byrne, and Colonel Dudley -Costello. The governor was Colonel George Cusack, whose -family had property in the Pale, and he soon came to terms -with Reynolds. The islands of Bofin, Turk, and Clare were -surrendered and facilities were given for transporting 1000 -men into the Spanish service. The officers retained their -arms, ‘prelates and clergymen’ being allowed to go with the -rest. Some of the articles were more indulgent than usual, -but Colonel Jones thought them ‘suitable to the difficulty of -gaining that place by force.’ Only a few days before, near the -neighbouring castle of Renvyle, on the mainland, 270 men -who were on their way to attack Bofin fell into an ambuscade -of 800 Irish, and only got through with the loss of four officers -and forty-six men. According to the Aphorismical Discovery, -O’More, who could expect no mercy if captured, was basely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span> -deserted by Cusack and the Bishop of Clonfert. Donogh -O’Flaherty, who was also left behind, was shot by the soldiers; -but O’More, after enduring great hardships, got away to -Ulster and lived for some time as a fisherman.<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The last -stand in -Ulster.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Surrender -of Cloughoughter, -April 27.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Murder.</div> - -<p>In the same month of February fighting continued in -West Cork and Kerry among the O’Sullivans and O’Driscolls, -some of whom took up arms after their inclusion in the Muskerry -articles; and there were still a few desperate men for -the garrisons of Cork and Limerick to hunt. But the last -stronghold was the island in Lough Oughter, where Bedell -had died in the first year of the war. In February, Colonel -Barrow came to the lake, burned some of the defenders’ -boats ‘with a fiery float,’ and their corn with incendiary -missiles, but had the ill luck to be captured himself and held -to ransom. This was probably the work of some loose band -which remained in arms after the capitulation of the garrison -at the end of April. The articles concluded were between -Sir Theophilus Jones and Philip O’Reilly on behalf of himself -and the other Ulster chiefs still remaining under arms. The -terms were much the same as had been granted in other -recent cases, and included liberty to make terms with the -Spanish recruiting agents. Priests and others in Roman -orders were given a month to leave the country, on condition -that they did not exercise their function during the interval. -Those guilty of murder, whether lay or cleric, were as usual -excluded, and a murderer was specially defined as one ‘who -had actually a hand in a particular murder or did command -the same, or was present when a particular murder was committed -by persons under his command by his order.’ It -was no murder to have killed a man in fight in the open field -at any time since the beginning of the war.<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Tories to be -starved -out.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Exhaustion -of -the -country.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The plague.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Famine.</div> - -<p>Mountjoy had long since proved that the way to subdue -Ireland was to destroy the means of subsistence. As one -of the Commissioners of Parliament, Colonel Jones was of -opinion that no lasting peace could be made ‘but by removing -all heads of septs and priests and men of knowledge in arms, -or otherwise in repute, out of this land, and breaking all -kinds of interest among them, and by laying waste all fast -countries in Ireland, and suffer no mankind to live there -but within garrisons,’ adding that declarations were about -to issue for laying waste all Kerry and Wicklow, and portions—in -some instances the greater part—of seventeen other -counties. This was written shortly before the surrender of -Cloughoughter, and after that the guerrilla warfare degenerated -into mere brigandage. We are not to suppose that the -whole ruthless programme was carried out; but no doubt -the facts were bad enough. Ludlow was Jones’s colleague, -and he speaks of the ‘poor wasted country of Ireland,’ adding -that the Irish had always exhausted the land by bad cultivation, -and of late worse than ever, ‘being in daily apprehensions -of being removed.’ Not long afterwards Petty found the -people living on potatoes, and the cultivation of that dangerous -root must have been stimulated by the confusion of the past -twelve years. It was then and for many years later the -practice to dig out the tubers just as they were wanted. -Such a crop could not well be carried away or destroyed, -and if the sowers escaped the sword they would find something -to eat for nine months out of the twelve; while corn -could be easily cut or burned, and cattle still more easily -driven off. The famine caused by war and by the destruction -of food in districts not under protection was accompanied -by the plague, which was rife in Galway and many other -places. ‘It fearfully broke out in Cashel,’ says Jones, ‘the -people being taken suddenly with madness, whereof they die -instantly; twenty died in that manner in three days in that -little town.’ Dublin did not escape. ‘About the years -1652 and 1653,’ says Colonel Lawrence, who had every opportunity -of judging, ‘the plague and famine had swept away -whole countries that a man might travel twenty or thirty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span> -miles and not see a living creature, either man, beast, or -bird, they being either all dead or had quit those desolate -places.’ He had himself seen starving wretches pick carrion -out of a ditch, and had heard of cases in which human flesh -was eaten. Wolves increased enormously, and rewards were -given for their heads.<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Treatment -of priests.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Galway.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Cloughoughter.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A Dominican’s -experience.</div> - -<p>While the war still raged, Roman Catholic priests were -for the most part either not mentioned in capitulations or -specially excluded from the benefit of them. At Limerick -some were excepted by name, and all were refused protection; -but later the terms were not quite so rigorous. At Galway -they were allowed six months to leave the country. At -Roscommon the chaplain was allowed to go out with the -garrison. When the Clare brigade surrendered to Waller, all -persons in Roman orders were excepted, but he covenanted -‘industriously to solicit the Commissioners of Parliament -that such of the clergy in orders, having no other act or crime -laid to their charge than officiating their functions as priests, -not being suffered to live in quarters or protection, shall have -passes and liberty to go beyond the seas.’ Reynolds did -much the same in Ulster. A large number of the clergy fled -to Innisbofin, and when it was surrendered they were all -given protection for life and goods, with leave to accompany -the garrison abroad. At Cloughoughter, which was the last -fortified place, they were given a month to go, provided they -did not officiate in the meanwhile. Out of a great many -extant letters from fugitive priests, that of a Dominican -friar named O’Conor may be singled out. The brethren of -his Order had, he says, continually roused Catholics by -preaching to the soldiers and inciting the nobles to take up -arms, living constantly among them in the woods and mountains, -and opposing every proposal for surrender or capitulation. -He himself had been prior of Kilkenny, where he -strenuously supported Rinuccini, and was therefore thrice -condemned to banishment by the Supreme Council, ‘having<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</a></span> -excited the anger of all heretics and bad Catholics.’ After -the fall of Kilkenny he became prior of Burrishoole, in Mayo, -where his convent was for three years the refuge of religious -persons. Two attacks were beaten off, but at last the place -was taken by storm. The soldiers were killed and some of -the friars; others fled to the mountains. Accompanied by -one boy, he took a skiff made out of a single log and went -six leagues into the open ocean, almost miraculously making -his way to Innisbofin. After a short time, seven Parliamentary -ships with twenty-two boats hove in sight, and it became -necessary to surrender the island. He was transported with -the rest, on pain of death if he revisited Ireland, where an -edict had been published exiling all ecclesiastics on the same -terms, with severe penalties against all who helped them.<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">An edict -against -Jesuits and -seminarists.</div> - -<p>The edict mentioned by Father O’Conor and by many -other clerical writers of the same time was an order, signed -by Fleetwood, Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, setting forth the -experience of many years, ‘that Jesuits, seminary priests, -and persons in Popish orders in Ireland, estrange the people -from due obedience to the English Commonwealth, and, -under pretence of religion, excite them to rebellion, which -gave rise to the barbarous murders of 1641 and the destructive -war which followed.’ They were all to leave Ireland within -twenty days, or incur the penalties of the English Act, -27 Elizabeth, which had never been the law of Ireland, and -which made the priests traitors and their abettors felons.<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -swordsmen -sent -abroad.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Great -numbers -take -foreign -service.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Their ill-treatment -in Spain.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Better -received -in France.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Clarendon’s -reflection.</div> - -<p>Chichester strove to get the swordsmen of Ulster into the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</a></span> -Swedish service, where they might help the Protestant cause -almost without knowing it. After the disbanding of Strafford’s -army the English Parliament had very naturally, but very -unwisely, prevented the men from going to Spain, thus -aggravating, if not actually causing, the outbreak in 1641. -Cromwell profited by experience, and saw that even in the -service of the Catholic king the survivors of the Irish war -would be much less dangerous than in their own country. -At the beginning of 1653 the Commissioners reported that -13,000 had already gone, but that there were still left ‘many -desperate rogues who know not how to live but by robbing -and stealing out of bogs and fastnesses.’ By July the number -had risen to 27,000. There were, says Petty, who was in -Ireland at the time and whose estimate is rather under that -of his friend Gookin, ‘transported of them into Spain, -Flanders, France, 34,000 soldiers; and of boys, women, -priests, &c., no less than 6000 more,’ of whom not half had -returned in 1672. The Spanish Government broke all their -promises and treated the Irish officers and soldiers very badly, -so that whole regiments passed over from time to time into -the service of France. In both services the dissensions -which had been so fatal in Ireland continued between Celts -and Anglo-Irish and between Ormondists and Nuncionists. -Hyde, who knew Spain and had suffered many things there, -excuses the desertions in Catalonia, which were stimulated by -Inchiquin, and the ill-conduct of the Irish at Bordeaux, -which caused the loss of that city, by the extreme ill-usage -which they had received from the Spanish authorities. There -were many needy Irish officers in London who were glad to -contract with Cardenas for the transport of men. Philip -found money enough to make this remunerative, but when -the Irish were once landed in his country no further trouble -was taken. ‘The soldiers, who were crowded more together -into one ship than was fit for so long voyages, had contracted -many diseases, and many were dead and thrown overboard. -As soon as they came upon the coast the officers made haste -to land, how far soever from the place at which they stood -bound to deliver their men; by which in those places which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</a></span> -could make resistance they were not suffered to land, and in -others no provision was made for their reception on march; -but very great numbers were starved or knocked in the head -by the country people.’ All this, Clarendon adds, ‘manifested -how loose the government was.’ Mazarin managed much -better. The passage to France was shorter, and he took care -that there should be no want of shipping and better accommodation -on landing, so that at least 20,000 Irishmen came -into the French service, though from old associations they -would have preferred that of Spain. And the historian notes -that Cromwell had been able to send abroad 40,000 men -who would have been enough to drive him out of England; -while the King’s Lieutenant, notwithstanding all the promises, -obligations, and contracts which the Confederate -Roman Catholics had made to and with him, could not draw -together a body of 5000 men.<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Arrival of -Fleetwood, -Sept. 1653.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A High -Court -established.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Trials at -Kilkenny, -Clonmel, -and Cork.</div> - -<p>On June 8 Fleetwood married Ireton’s widow, and on -July 10 his father-in-law made him commander-in-chief in -Ireland. In the following month he was appointed by -Parliament a commissioner for the civil government along -with the regicides Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, and John -Weaver, the member for Stamford. Fleetwood was in -Ireland by the beginning of September, but there was not -much left for a general to do except to superintend the -reduction of the army. The dregs of the war had to be dealt -with first, but the Commissioners were given great powers -in the domain of law and justice, and their first care was for -the punishment of those to whom murder could be brought -home. Doctor Jones had already received orders to collect -evidence. A High Court was erected in Dublin under Chief<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</a></span> -Justice Lowther, who issued commissions to find and examine -witnesses in the country. Local courts were also established, -the first of which, consisting of Justices Donnellan and Cook -and Commissary-General Reynolds, sat on October 4 at -Kilkenny in the room where the Supreme Council had been -used to meet. Notwithstanding the difficulty of getting -evidence eleven years after the first outbreak, sixteen -persons were found guilty at Kilkenny, six at Clonmel, and -thirty-two at Cork; and we are told that most of these were -very considerable men, heads of septs or otherwise important. -The High Court in Dublin did not sit until January.<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Uncertainty -as -to number -executed.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Sir Phelim -O’Neill.</div> - -<p>It was considered murder to kill persons not in arms or -who had been received to quarter, and this was the general -principle on which prosecutions were based. The record -is imperfect, but Cox estimated that not above two hundred -died by the hands of the common executioner, though many -murderers had perished by the sword or by disease. Hearsay -evidence was probably admitted to an extent which would -not be dreamed of in our days, but trials were carefully -conducted, and there were a great many acquittals. Of the -original insurgents surviving, by far the most important were -Sir Phelim O’Neill, who had lurked in Tyrone since the surrender -of Charlemont, where his wife remained. Early in -1653 he ventured, with a view of communicating with her, -to take up his abode in an old house on an island in Roghan -Lough, near Coalisland, accompanied by Tirlogh Groom -O’Quin and a score of soldiers. His messenger was a follower -named O’Hugh, who was under protection at Charlemont, -and Lord Caulfield’s attention was thus roused. The little -lake was surrounded and boats were launched upon it, and the -island, which was very near the shore, was quite indefensible -even against musketry. Sir Phelim surrendered, and was -taken to Carrickfergus, where he was very civilly treated by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</a></span> -Venables, who had found him a gallant enemy. He was sent -off to Dublin and tried there upon the last day of February, -his companions, with the exception of O’Quin, being released.<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Sir Phelim -is found -guilty.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The case -of Lord -Caulfield.</div> - -<p>O’Neill was sentenced to death for high treason and for -four murders proved against him, according to the judge’s -notes. That he had levied war against the King is obvious, -and the question is not worth discussing. He was not -accused of murdering any one with his own hand, but as an -accessory before the fact or by giving orders to the actual -assassins. In the case of Lord Caulfield the fragments of -evidence which we possess do not make the facts absolutely -clear. The original capture was treacherous in the highest -degree, and the murder was committed by Sir Phelim’s foster-brother. -The young lord had been over five months O’Neill’s -prisoner at or near Charlemont, and according to one witness -he directed the escort to take him to Cloughoughter, in Cavan. -Sir Phelim’s own house at Kinard was the first halting-place, -and there the deed was done, fifteen or sixteen of Caulfield’s -Scotch and English dependants being slaughtered at the -same time. O’Neill was not present, but he had used very -suspicious language shortly before, and the assassin was -allowed to escape in his gaoler’s company, and was not -caught. Of three warders, one who was an Irishman was -not punished, while the other two, being English and Scotch, -were duly hanged by Sir Phelim’s orders. The gaoler was -restored to his post at Armagh. In all the cases much of -the evidence is hearsay; but the murders charged, with -many others, were committed within a few miles of Charlemont, -and Sir Phelim, who commanded in chief, never -punished anybody. Michael Harrison swore that in December -1641 he heard O’Neill say, ‘with great ostentation, that he -would never leave off the work he had begun until mass<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</a></span> -should be sung or said in every church in Ireland, and that a -Protestant should not live in Ireland, be he of what nation -he would.’<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Execution -of Sir -Phelim -O’Neill.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The alleged -royal commission.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Sham commissions -were -shown.</div> - -<p>O’Neill was hanged, drawn, and quartered, one quarter -being impaled at Lisburn, which he had burned; another at -Dundalk, which he had taken; a third at Drogheda, which -he had vainly besieged; and a fourth, with the head, at -Dublin, which he had plotted to surprise. Tirlogh Groom -O’Quin, who was captured with him and who had been his -close associate in the early days of the rebellion, was executed -later, and his head set upon the west gate of Carrickfergus. -There has been much discussion as to the exact relation of -Sir Phelim and the other original conspirators to Charles I., -and the declaration of Dean Ker in 1681 was long accepted as -evidence. Attempts have been made to set aside Ker’s -statement, on the ground that he wanted to be a bishop, that -he spoke twenty-eight years after the fact, and that it was -impossible that things which happened in open court should -have remained doubtful for so long. It is certain that he -never became a bishop, and there is nothing to prove that he -wished to be one. By his own showing he had often mentioned -the matter to his friend or patron, Lord Lanesborough, -who at last persuaded him to write it down. There is never -anything extraordinary in London being ignorant of what -happens in Dublin; and after the Restoration no one had -any interest in recalling the proceedings of the Cromwellian -High Court there. The late King’s position as a saint and -martyr was then undisputed, and the Church of England -was not on her defence. A more important difficulty is that -the Dean says he heard Michael Harrison, who only saved -his life by acting as secretary to Sir Phelim, confess in open -court that he attached the Great Seal to a sham commission, -and that O’Neill, when pressed by the judges, answered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</a></span> -‘that no man could blame him to promote that cause he had -so far engaged in.’ In his sworn deposition Harrison says -Sir Phelim had often spoken of a commission from the King, -but he had never been able to get a sight of it, though it was -generally believed to exist. It seems certain that a sham -commission of some sort was shown not only in Ulster but in -Munster; and there is no difficulty about believing that -O’Neill should not have wished to die with a lie in his mouth, -or that hopes of mercy should have been held out to him if -he would implicate Charles. If the commission were forged, -it matters little whether the seal was that of England or -Scotland; either would do to exhibit at a distance. We -know from the judge’s notes that O’Neill was believed to -have altered a genuine document, and that a copy was produced -in court. It is not impossible that Harrison may -have been employed to affix a seal to some instrument which -he had not been allowed to read. The memory of Charles I. -has much to bear, but he could not have given a commission -authorising a general insurrection. He had been angling for -Roman Catholic help before the outbreak of the rebellion, -and many may have been persuaded that they were doing -his will by rising against the Lords Justices; but it is not at -all likely that any of the leaders were of this opinion.<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Lord -Muskerry -acquitted.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His speech -after trial.</div> - -<p>Lord Muskerry was not one of the first conspirators, -but he joined the movement soon after it had spread to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</a></span> -Munster. After the surrender of Ross Castle he went to -Spain, but he had been a determined opponent of Rinuccini, -and he found the clergy so hostile that his life was not safe. -At Lisbon his reception was little better, and he gave up his -plan of raising troops for the Peninsula, returned to Cork, -and threw himself upon the mercy of Parliament. This -was in February 1653, and he remained a prisoner in Dublin -until his trial in December. In the meantime Lady Ormonde -had arrived there, and naturally interested herself in his -behalf. If Carte was rightly informed, Lowther did what -he could by privately informing her of the line which the -prosecution would take, and so enabling the prisoner to be -prepared for his defence at all points. He was not tried for -treason, but as accessory to the murder of Mrs. Hussey and -others in 1642; and this resulted in an acquittal. There -was another charge for the murder of William Deane and -others, also in 1642, and it was held that the prosecutors had -proved the facts, but that the prisoner had no real share in -what was done, and was in any case protected by the Ross -articles. It was, moreover, shown that he often acted a -humane and merciful part. A separate count, for the murder -of Roger Skinner, also resulted in an acquittal. Muskerry -was not finally discharged for some months, and this delay -may have been caused by the discovery that a printed copy -of the Ross articles produced on the trial differed from the -original which had been retained by Ludlow. He was -charged in May 1654 with the murder of a man and woman -unknown, but there was a verdict of ‘Not Guilty.’ Muskerry’s -speech after his acquittal on the Hussey and Deane charges -has been preserved. He admitted that he had had a fair trial, -and that if there had been any leaning it was in his favour. -‘I met,’ he said, ‘many crosses in Spain and Portugal. -I could get no rest till I came hither, and the crosses I met -here are much affliction to me; but when I consider that in -this court I come clear out of that blackness of blood by -being so sifted, it is more to me than my estate. I can live -without my estate, but not without my credit.’ He raised<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</a></span> -men for the Venetian service, and went later to Poland, -and regained most of his property after the Restoration.<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Primate -O’Reilly -found -guilty.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">O’Reilly -pardoned.</div> - -<p>Another remarkable case was that of Edmund O’Reilly, -then or later vicar-general of Dublin and afterwards Primate, -for the murder of John Joyce and others at Wicklow in -December 1642. They appear to have been burned in Wicklow -Castle in cold blood. Most of the evidence was hearsay, -and does not perhaps amount to much more than that O’Reilly -made rather light of what had been done. Luke Byrne, -indeed, swore that in a conversation when Joyce was mentioned -O’Reilly had advised him to kill all the English about -him, and had afterwards excommunicated him for favouring -them. The prisoner answered that this Byrne was his enemy, -and that he had excommunicated him for living in adultery. -Perhaps the strongest point against O’Reilly was made by -Peter Wickham, who had been High Sheriff of Wicklow, and -who stated that Edward Byrne was put off the jury because -he, as foreman, was prepared to say that Joyce and the rest -were murdered. Edward Byrne himself corroborated this. -On the other hand, a witness bearing the English name of -Pemberton swore that O’Reilly had done many acts of -kindness and preserved many English lives, including those -of five Protestant clergymen. These cases were all a good -deal later than Joyce’s murder, and it is not improbable that, -while favouring the rebellion at first, he became afterwards -disgusted at the outrages that attended it. He was found -guilty, but received a pardon. Peter Walsh, who was bitterly -opposed to O’Reilly, speaks of him as rather a good-natured -and merciful man, but adds that he escaped owing to ‘his -former services to the Parliament, especially that of betraying -the royal camp at Rathmines to Jones.’ He was certainly -engaged in secret negotiations between Jones and Owen -Roe O’Neill in 1648, and it may well be that there was no -wish to deal hardly with him. Walsh says he was under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</a></span> -protection within the Parliament’s lines, and in that unsafe -position was rash enough to appear in Dublin as a witness -for the prosecution in a criminal trial. He was recognised -and named by a person in court, who called upon the judge -to arrest him as priest and vicar-general and chief author of -seizing and burning in cessation time the black castle of -Wicklow, and consequently too of murdering all those within -it. ‘Now whether this accusation was in itself true or false -I know not.’<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Trial of -Lord Mayo, -who is shot.</div> - -<p>Sir Theodore Bourke, third Viscount Mayo, submitted on -July 14, 1652, and was one of the seven who signed on behalf -of a large number. Those guilty of robbery or murder during -the first year of the war were excluded from any benefit -by the articles. Lord Mayo was tried at Galway as accessory -to the Shrule massacre by a commission consisting of Sir -Charles Coote and ten others. He was undoubtedly present -at the murders, and he rode away without fighting for the -victims, who were supposed to be under his protection; but -there was evidence to show that he did make some effort to -save them, and that he fled only to secure his own life. Four -of the commissioners were for an acquittal, but he was condemned -by a majority and shot.<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Cost of the -war.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The city of -London.</div> - -<p>War is a costly business. First there is the blood-tax, -withdrawing thousands of young men from remunerative -work. Then there is the expenditure on war materials, -and the destruction of property, which may take long to -replace. In modern times soldiers are paid punctually, -but some part of the waste has to be met by loans, and so -the expense of war goes on when its causes are half forgotten. -In the case of the Irish rebellion, it was seen at once that -the work could not be paid for out of revenue. Except for -a moment under Strafford, Ireland had never been self-supporting, -and Parliament, upon whom the King at once -cast the responsibility, as yet commanded no regular income<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</a></span> -and could not pledge the national credit. The city of London -was willing enough to give money, but security for repayment -was required, and 2500 acres of Irish land were -hypothecated for this purpose. It was assumed, judging -by the great area affected, and by the experience of former -rebellions, that a very much larger amount would be forfeited. -Those who subscribed would have something to sell as soon -as their money had done its work. In addition to this it -proved, just as in Elizabeth’s time, that there was never ready -cash enough to pay the soldiers in full, and their arrears -also were made a charge upon the Irish forfeitures. There -were also many miscellaneous creditors who expected to -be paid out of the same fund.<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles I. -a party to -the plan of -settlement.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Money -subscribed -for Ireland,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">but spent -in -England.</div> - -<p>It is unnecessary to set out in detail the negotiations -which led to the passing of the Act for the speedy reduction -of the rebels in Ireland, but it received the royal assent and -was therefore a legal statute forming the basis of what is -known as the Cromwellian settlement. Charles II. was -bound by it, for the original contract could not be denied. -Six hundred and twenty-five thousand acres were pledged in -each province, and the money advanced was to be repaid -with land distributed by lot at the rate of 1000 acres in -Ulster for every 200<i>l.</i>, in Connaught for every 300<i>l.</i>, in Munster -for every 450<i>l.</i>, and in Leinster for every 600<i>l.</i> Profitable -land only was counted, bogs, loughs, and barren mountains -with the woods growing on them, being thrown in without -measurement. A quit-rent was reserved to the Crown of -one penny per acre in Ulster, three halfpence in Connaught, -twopence farthing in Munster, and threepence in Leinster. -Patents and pardons before attainder since the fatal -October 23, 1641, were declared void, and so were assignments -made after March 1 in that year. A special cause -of forfeiture was entering after the said March 1 into ‘any -compact, bond, covenant, oath, promise, or agreement to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</a></span> -introduce or bring into the said realm of Ireland the authority -of the see of Rome in any case whatsoever or to maintain or -defend the same.’ The money subscribed was all to be paid -in London, and it was specially provided that no part of it -was to be devoted to any purpose except the reduction of the -Irish rebels until Parliament should declare that the thing -was done. But it very soon became evident that there -would be war nearer home and long before the time limited -for closing the collection. One hundred thousand pounds was -borrowed by the House of Commons for their own purposes -‘upon the public faith.’ Charles protested, as he had every -right to do, but he set up his standard at Nottingham only -nine days later, having already proclaimed Essex a traitor. -The Irish difficulty could not be effectively dealt with until -it was decided who was to be master in England.<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Further -financial -enactments.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -doubling -ordinance.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Superstitious -uses.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The settlement -suspended -by war.</div> - -<p>Three Acts to explain or extend the original one were -passed soon afterwards. By the first special arrangements -were made for admitting Scotch adventurers and Dutch -Protestants on or before May 10, 1642; by the second, subscribers -who paid all their money before July 20, 1642, were -to have Irish acres based upon a perch of twenty-one feet, -new contributors and those who were not so prompt, being -still confined to English measure, with a perch of sixteen and a -half feet, by the third corporations and companies were -admitted to contribute as well as individuals. A permanent -committee sat in London to watch the interests of the adventurers. -Ordinances affecting them were made from time to -time, of which one of the most important was that of July 14, -1643, doubling the amount of land to be given in Irish acres -for an additional one-fourth to the original subscription, and -encouraging merchants and manufacturers to advance money -on the security of the towns and neighbourhoods of Limerick, -Waterford, Galway, and Wexford. All chantry lands ‘given, -unto superstitious uses for maintenance of popish priests<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span> -and idolatrous masses’ were thrown in, and also all lands -‘given for maintenance of lazars and lazarous people and -concealed in possession and occupation of such who are now -or shall be rebels, and have been by their ancestors enjoyed by -many descents.’ Some months before this, at the beginning -of October 1642, the House of Commons sent a committee to -Ireland consisting of Robert Goodwin and Robert Reynolds, -adventurers and members of Parliament, and of Captain -William Tucker, who was associated with them by the City -of London. They disagreed among themselves, and effected -nothing for the adventurers, but their pretensions gave the -King an opportunity of interfering. Dublin was secured in -Ormonde’s hands, and so it remained until Charles was overthrown -in England. But civil government was in abeyance -long after that, and it was not until August 1652, when the -Irish war seemed to be nearly over, that Parliament was -able to declare how Irish land should be dealt with.<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> <i>Aphorismical Discovery</i>, iii. 143; John Jones to Major Scott, March 1, -1652-3, <i>ib.</i> 370; Articles for Arran, January 15, <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, iii. 364; -Articles for Innisbofin, February 14, <i>ib.</i> See also O’Flaherty’s <i>Western -Connaught</i>, pp. 78, 116.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> Letter from John Jones to Major Scott, March 1, 1652-3, and another -to Morgan Lloyd (without date, but later than May of the same year), -both in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> iii. 370-373; Articles with Ulster party, April 27, -1653, <i>ib.</i> 374.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> Two letters of John Jones, <i>ut sup.</i>; Richard Lawrence’s <i>Interest of -Ireland</i>, 1682, ii. 86. Many horrors are set forth in Prendergast’s <i>Cromwellian -Settlement</i>, 2nd ed. 307.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> Articles for Limerick, October 27, 1651; for Galway, April 5, 1652; -for Roscommon, April 3; for the Clare brigade, April 21; for the Ulster -Irish, September 21; for Innisbofin, February 14, 1652-3; for Cloughoughter, -April 27 to May 18, 1653. The above and many others are in vol. iii. of -<i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, except the articles for Galway, which are in Hardiman’s -<i>Hist. of Galway</i>, appx. p. xxix. Father O’Conor’s letter of May 17, 1653, -from Brussels, is in <i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, i. 398 (Latin). In another letter -from Brussels of May 3, signed by the Bishops of Raphoe and Clonfert, who -were also in Innisbofin, there is a curious mixture of Virgil and Vulgate: -‘hæc est hora hæreticorum et potestas tenebrarum. Dabit Deus his quoque -finem. Via prima salutis, quo minime remur, Anglo pandetur ab orbe [<i>sic</i>],’ -<i>ib.</i> 398.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> O’Daly’s <i>Geraldines</i> (Meehan’s version, 1847), chap. xi.; Collier’s -<i>Ecclesiastical History</i>, vii. 42. The order is dated January 2, 1652-3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> Clarendon’s <i>Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, xii. 148, 149; a letter from Sparke -(imprisoned at Madrid for Ascham’s murder), March 4, 1652-3, in Cal. -of <i>Clarendon MSS.</i>, mentions ‘drovers and sellers of the King’s poor -subjects, merchants that now find the miserable Irishman to be the best -commodity in trade ... one went lately hence with a vast sum of money -(pretium sanguinis) laden on mules.’ Hyde to Bellings, August 8, 1653, -<i>ib.</i>, and to Sir Benjamin Wright, September 13, <i>ib.</i>; letters in <i>Thurloe</i> from -June to September, i. 320, 337, 479, 504; Petty’s <i>Political Anatomy of -Ireland</i>, chap. 4. Gookin in his anti-transplantation pamphlet says -‘40,000 of the most active spirited men’ enlisted for foreign service.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> Cromwell’s warrant to Fleetwood in <i>Thurloe</i>, i. 212; instructions to the -Commissioners, in <i>Parliamentary Hist.</i> xx. 92. Nineteen superior officers -to Lenthall, May 5, 1652, in appx. to <i>Ludlow</i>; the Commissioners’ letters of -October 14 and January 15, <i>ib.</i>; Carlyle’s <i>Cromwell</i>, ed. Lomas, ii. 246. See -Gardiner’s <i>Commonwealth</i>, ii. 164, and <i>Cox</i>, ii. 70.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> The details as to O’Neill’s capture are from the British Officer’s <i>Warr of -Ireland</i>, p. 144. The writer says ‘twenty gentlemen of Ulster suffered for -matters at the beginning of the war, of which some suffered innocently, as -then it was said, where some of those who were judges were their enemy in -war time.’ Col. Jones to Scott, March 1, 1652-3, in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i>, iii. 372. -Sir Phelim’s third wife was Lady Strabane, a daughter of the 1st Marquis of -Huntly.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> Deposition of Michael Harrison, taken February 11, 1652-3, in -<i>Hickson</i>, i. 223-233; Notes of the trial with the President’s charge and -O’Neill’s own deposition or confession, <i>ib.</i> ii. 183-190; Note to Archdall’s -ed. of Lodge’s <i>Irish Peerage</i>, iii. 140.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> Dean Ker’s statement, dated February 28, 1681-2, was first published -by Nalson (ii. 528) in the following year. Nalson says he had the paper -from Ormonde, and probably Lord Lanesborough, who had been the Duke’s -secretary, procured it for that very purpose. It is reprinted in <i>Contemp. -Hist.</i>, iii. 368 and <i>Hickson</i>, ii. 370. The spurious commission in Rushworth, -iv. 400, dated October 1, 1641, was under the Great Seal of Scotland, which -could have no value in Ireland. By it Charles is made to authorise the -seizure of all strong places in Ireland ‘except the places, persons and -estates of our loving subjects the Scots; and also to arrest and seize the -goods, estates, and persons of all the English Protestants’ to his use. -Imagination refuses to conceive that he could have used such words. For -discussions on this subject see Gardiner’s <i>Hist. of England</i>, x. 7, 92; Burton’s -<i>Hist. of Scotland</i>, vi. 347, ed. 1876; <i>Hickson</i>, i. 117. The paper called -Antrim’s ‘Information,’ appx. 49 to <i>Cox</i>, really proves nothing, and he was -a notoriously loose talker.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> Trial in <i>Hickson</i>, ii. 192-204, 235; <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 341; Fleetwood to -Thurloe, February 16, 1653-4, in <i>Thurloe</i>, ii. 94. Notices in Cal. of -<i>Clarendon MSS.</i>, vol. ii. during 1653 and 1654; Carte’s <i>Life of Ormonde</i>, -ii. 161. Muskerry married Lady Eleanor Butler, Ormonde’s eldest sister.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> Notes of trial in <i>Hickson</i>, ii., where the murder is said to have been on -December 29, 1642, which was before the cessation, but there may have -been a local truce; <i>Bellings</i>, vii. 104; Walsh’s <i>Remonstrance</i>, p. 609.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> For the Shrule affair see above. Cox gives the names of the commissioners -and how they voted, with a fair summary of the case.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> A paper printed by Mr. Firth in <i>English Hist. Review</i>, xiv. 104, makes -the expense of war and settlement from July 6, 1649, to November 1, 1656, -amount to about three and a half millions, of which one and a half was -transmitted out of England, the remainder collected in Ireland.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> Act for the speedy and effectual reducing of the rebels in His Majesty’s -Kingdom of Ireland &c., <i>Scobell</i>, i. 26 (Royal Assent, March 19, 1641-2). -Resolution of the Commons to borrow 100,000<i>l.</i>, July 30, 1641, in <i>Rushworth</i>, -iv. 778, and the King’s message from York, August 13, <i>ib.</i> 775.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> Acts and ordinance in <i>Scobell</i>, i. 31-34, 45; <i>Rushworth</i>, v. 530; Tucker’s -Journal in <i>Confed. and War</i>, ii. 170.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXXVII" id="CHAPTER_XXXVII">CHAPTER XXXVII</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">PEACE, SETTLEMENT, AND TRANSPLANTATION, 1652-1654</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Settlement. -Magnitude -of the -problem.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Scheme of -two -Protestant -Pales.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Claim of -the Adventurers.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Meeting of -officers at -Kilkenny.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Effect of -the -evidence -about 1641.</div> - -<p>At the beginning of 1652 the Commissioners in Ireland could -see that the war was near its end, but there were still about -30,000 men in arms against them. Their first object was -to get these fighting men out of Ireland, in which they succeeded, -and after that to begin the scheme of colonisation -which had been contemplated from the first. They adhered -to the original idea of the Act of March 1642, by which -forfeited lands were to be assigned to the Adventurers in each -of the four provinces, the counties earmarked for the purpose -being Kilkenny, Wexford, Carlow, Westmeath, and Longford -in Leinster, Limerick and Kerry in Munster, Cavan, Monaghan, -Fermanagh, and Donegal in Ulster, Clare, Galway, Leitrim, -and Sligo in Connaught, as the divisions then ran, others -being held in reserve in case the above-named should be -insufficient. By this means the settlers would be near one -another, and afford mutual protection. It was also proposed -to make a permanent Pale between the Boyne and -the Barrow with a strong garrison in Wicklow, and another -between the Suir and the southern Blackwater. The territory -within those rivers could be easily and cheaply protected, -and would soon be well inhabited, and the soldiers who held -it were to be fixed in Roman fashion with reduced pay and -farms instead of arrears, ‘provided that such of them as -marry with Irish women shall lose their commands, forfeit -their arrears, and be made incapable to inhabit lands in -Ireland.’ After the receipt of the Commissioners’ despatch, -the Committee of Adventurers were called upon to make -proposals for a speedy plantation. They accordingly claimed -281,812<i>l.</i> for original advances, and 12,283<i>l.</i> under the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[Pg 316]</a></span> -ordinance of 1643, involving grants of 1,038,234 acres. -They objected to the suggested arrangements, and demanded -contiguous lands in Leinster and Munster, including the -city of Waterford. The war was not yet over, and Tories were -numerous, so that there would be no safety otherwise, and -English labourers were scarce on account of the disafforestations -at home. They therefore refused to be bound to time -or to pay taxes until the country was really settled, lest they -should be ruined while their highly paid servants grew rich, -as had happened in New England. Weaver was sent over -in April to represent the Irish Government, but the Adventurers -stood their ground. Three years from September 29, -1652, had been proposed as the limit of time to be occupied -in planting, but it would be impossible within it to provide -dwellings for 40,000 men and their families. Less than that -number would not do, nor could the work begin until the -counties assigned were ‘cleared of Tories or of other Irish -which by the propositions may not be admitted to be in the -plantation, though Protestants.’ They only waited till the -country was made safe, and till they knew more accurately -what lands they had to escheat, ‘and that all men’s estates -not forfeited should be cleared and known.’ Otherwise they -might be involved in hopeless litigation with Lord Cork -and many others, who were not at all implicated in the -rebellion. On April 17, one month before this answer was -given, the general and field officers in Ireland, including -Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, met at Kilkenny, where they -heard Dr. Jones’s abstract of the depositions taken concerning -murders committed during the rebellion. They were already -inclined to think that some of the capitulations had been -too lenient, and the reading of this terrible paper confirmed -them. To many the facts were new, others, who had been -in Ireland since 1641, had never known them in so concrete -a form, and they feared that men at a distance might be -moved through ignorance to lenity, ‘which we have found -no small temptation in ourselves ... and considering -that so many murders have been committed that few of the -former English were left undestroyed (especially men who had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</a></span> -any particular knowledge of the massacre, and of those the -greater part are since deceased) so that few of the rebels can -be particularly discriminated by any evidence now to be -produced, as the usual course of justice doth require, yet -those barbarous, cruel murders having been so generally -joined in and since justified by the whole nation, &c.’ And -they suggested to Parliament that ‘in duty towards God, -the great avenger of such villainies,’ they should not delay -to decide upon the ‘qualifications and exceptions’ desirable. -The abstract of evidence which had so greatly impressed the -officers accompanied their despatch, which was read in Parliament -on May 18, and we may well believe that its effect was -considerable in moulding legislation. In the interval between -May and August the idea of transplantation took shape, -and Connaught was left out of the area within which Adventurers -and soldiers might seek their reward.<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Classification -of -Irish delinquents.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Exceptions -by name.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">First -sketch of -transplantation.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Existing -agreements -to be -observed.</div> - -<p>The Act of Settlement upon which all subsequent proceedings -were founded declared that it was ‘not the intention -of the Parliament to extirpate that whole nation.’ Pardon -might be extended to the inferior sort of people on condition -of submission and peaceable behaviour. Those of higher -rank, ‘according to the respective demerits and considerations -under which they fell,’ were divided into ten classes or qualifications, -of which the first five were excepted from pardon for -life and estate. The first comprised all who before November -10, 1642, when the Kilkenny assembly first met, had anything -to say to the rebellion, murders, or massacre. The second -clause included all ecclesiastical persons in Roman orders -who had been so concerned, the penalty in their cases<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</a></span> -extending to ‘violences’ less than murder or open insurrection. -The third consisted of one hundred and four persons excepted -by name, including Ormonde, Castlehaven, Clanricarde, -Inchiquin, Muskerry, and seventeen other temporal peers. -Bishop Bramhall came next, and among the rest were Sir -Phelim O’Neill, General Preston, and Roger O’More. The -fourth qualification covered those who at any time after -October 1, 1641, had a hand in killing any one except soldiers, -and all Irishmen who, not being soldiers themselves, had -killed Englishmen who were. The fifth clause condemned -all who did not lay down their arms within twenty-eight days -of the Act being published by authority in Ireland. The -sixth clause provided for the banishment of all superior -military officers and for the forfeiture of two-thirds of their -estates, the value of the remaining third to be enjoyed by -their wives and children ‘in such places in Ireland as the Parliament, -in order to the more effectual settlement of the peace -of this nation, shall think fit to appoint for that purpose.’ -The seventh clause empowered the Commissioners to pardon -others who had fought and submitted, and they also were -deprived of two-thirds of their property, but might continue -in Ireland upon the equivalent of one-third wherever the -Parliament might assign it. The eighth applied to Papists -who had lived in Ireland since October 23, 1641, ‘and had not -manifested their constant good affection to the interest of the -Commonwealth of England’; they were to forfeit one-third, -and other persons who might have helped the Parliament -and failed to do so were deprived of only one-fifth. The -ninth clause granted pardon for life and estate to those who -had no land and not more than ten pounds personalty, provided -they laid down their arms within the prescribed time. -The tenth clause swept into the net all estates tail and trusts -created after March 25, 1639, but English Protestants who -purchased for value before the beginning of the rebellion were -protected. There was a final proviso granting to all the benefit -of any articles granted provided they had observed them on -their part, but the Commissioners had, nevertheless, power to -‘transplant’ them to any such place in Ireland as should be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</a></span> -‘judged most consistent with public safety,’ where they were -to have land equivalent to what they would have enjoyed -had they not been so removed.<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Lambert -named for -Deputy,</div> - -<div class="sidenote">but the -appointment -is not -made.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Fleetwood -at head of -Irish -Government, -July -1652.</div> - -<p>At the end of January 1652, a little more than two months -after Ireton’s death, Lambert was named by Parliament as -Deputy to Cromwell, who was still Lord Lieutenant; and he -made preparations for filling the place brilliantly. Mrs. -Hutchinson says he laid out five thousand pounds on his -outfit, and gave himself airs of superiority, ‘looking upon all -the Parliament men who had conferred this honour on him as -underlings, and scarcely worth the great man’s nod.’ Weaver’s -influence was cast against him, and before Cromwell’s commission -had actually expired the House resolved to abolish -the Lord Lieutenancy and to appoint no Deputy. Lambert -was told he might command the army as Ludlow had been -doing, sharing the civil power with the other commissioners; -but he refused this offer, and Cromwell, who became Captain-General, -appointed Fleetwood. Ludlow says this was a -deep-laid plot on the part of Cromwell, who was jealous of his -steadfast republicanism, and that he was thus able to secure -a useful servant in his son-in-law, and at the same time to -set such a dangerous rival as Lambert against the Parliament. -On the other hand there is evidence that Cromwell thought -him badly treated, and he requested that 2000<i>l.</i> of arrears due -to himself as Lord Lieutenant might be paid to Lambert. -Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones remained in Ireland as Fleetwood’s -colleagues, but Weaver, though reappointed, became -obnoxious to the military party, and never returned thither. -Fresh instructions were issued as soon as the Act of Settlement -had passed, and Fleetwood landed at Waterford in -September 1652. The Commissioners were ordered to publish -and circulate the Act, and to put it in force in Ireland, as well -as all ordinances affecting the estates of delinquents and -Papists and of the bishops and chapters. They were to raise -a revenue not exceeding 40,000<i>l.</i> a month upon lands and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</a></span> -goods in Ireland, and to watch the financial interests of the -State in every way, and they were given power ‘to send into -England or such other places as you shall think fit, any -persons whose residence in those parts from which they are -so to be removed, you shall judge dangerous to this Commonwealth.’<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Necessity -for further -legislation.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Long -Parliament -expelled, -April 20, -1653.</div> - -<p>The Act of Settlement only laid foundations, and further -legislation was required before the work of colonisation could -be actually undertaken. At the end of 1652, although the -war was not quite over, the Commissioners urged upon -Parliament the necessity of expedition. ‘The two great -businesses,’ they wrote a few weeks later, ‘which now lie -before us are how to lessen your charge and how to plant the -country, but neither of these can be done to any effect till -we do hear your pleasure about the Bill before you for giving -satisfaction to the Adventurers and also to satisfy the arrears -of the soldiers.’ The dilatoriness of the sovereign assembly -was at least one of the reasons why Cromwell turned it out -of doors. The Lord General and his new Council in their -declaration make no reference to Ireland except that it had -pleased God to reduce the country. It was published a week -later in Dublin, the Commissioners reminding all in positions -of trust that ‘notwithstanding the present alteration’ they -were bound to use great diligence, and that they would be -held to strict account. May 4 and 11 were fixed for ‘solemn -seeking the Grace of the Lord by all his people in Ireland.’<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Little -Parliament.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Irish -members.</div> - -<p>Oliver Cromwell was virtually dictator during the few -weeks that intervened between his dismissal of the much -purged House of Commons and the meeting of that curious -assembly sometimes called the Little and sometimes the -Nominated Parliament, but which will always be remembered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</a></span> -in connection with Praise-God Barebone. It was intended -to legislate for the British Islands, and representatives -of Scotland and Ireland were accordingly added. The 140 -members were named by the new Council of State without -any pretence of election, and summoned by Oliver as Lord -General. The English members were assigned to various -parts of the kingdom, but the Scotch and Irish, to their -respective countries at large. Five of the Irish members were -Colonels, Sir Robert King, who was born in Ireland, Hewson -the regicide, who became a Councillor of State, John Clarke, -Daniel Hutchinson, and Henry Cromwell. The only civilian -associated with them was Vincent Gookin, whose father had -fallen foul of Strafford’s Parliament. The Speaker chosen -by the assembly was Francis Rous, author of a metrical -version of the Psalms which still retains some reputation in -Scotland. The House, which had been partly composed -according to Harrison’s idea of a Sanhedrin, took care to -appoint no officer or servant, ‘but such as they were first well -satisfied of their real godliness.’ The new Council of State -was reappointed with some alterations, and included Cromwell -and Fleetwood. After these preliminaries were settled the -House spent a summer’s day until four o’clock ‘in seeking -the Lord in a special manner for counsel and a blessing on the -proceedings,’ some twelve members speaking and praying. -‘The Lord General was present, and it was a comfortable day.’ -His long speech at the opening contains no special reference -to Irish policy.<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Adventurers. -Grocers’ -Hall committee.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A lottery -for Ireland.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The ‘’49 -officers.’</div> - -<p>Cromwell handed over the supreme authority to the new -assembly, which by a majority voted itself a Parliament, -but he and his Council of State had already begun to take -action on the Act of Settlement. Methusaleh Turner, linen-draper -of London, and eight other persons were appointed -to meet at Grocers’ Hall, on June 20, at eight o’clock in the -morning, and there hold a lottery to decide upon the Adventurers’ -claims. No one lot was to exceed 10,000<i>l.</i>, Connaught -was excluded, and the total to be provided for in the other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</a></span> -three provinces was 360,000<i>l.</i> One penny in the pound was -to be deducted for expenses. Two days after the lottery -began a commission was given to Fleetwood, Ludlow, Corbet, -and Jones, declaring the war ended and empowering them -to administer the Acts and ordinances concerning the Adventurers, -and to make a survey for the purpose of all forfeited -lands in Ireland. They were instructed first to take in -hand ten counties, namely Limerick, Tipperary, and Waterford -in Munster, King’s and Queen’s Counties, Meath, and -Westmeath in Leinster, Down, Antrim and Armagh in Ulster, -‘and to divide all the forfeited lands, meadow, arable, and -profitable pasture with the woods and bogs and barren -mountains thereunto respectively belonging into two equal -moieties’ of which one was intended for the Adventurers -and the other for the soldiers’ arrears. Louth was then to -be surveyed separately. The counties of Dublin, Cork, -Kildare, and Carlow were specially reserved, and the Commissioners -were authorised to assign any five counties not -hitherto named to pay arrears accrued since June 5, 1649, -of soldiers to be disbanded. All grants made by ‘any Act, -ordinance, or order of Parliament’ since November 1, 1641, -were excluded from survey, and the manor of Blarney was -specially excepted. Blarney, which was part of Muskerry’s -great estate, fell to Broghill’s share, and we may infer that -his advice was much followed in all matters connected with -the settlement.<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Satisfaction -of the -army.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Orders to -transplant. -Penalties -for disobedience.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Exemption -for loyal -Protestants.</div> - -<p>When the commission and instructions reached Dublin, -the Commissioners there had begun to negotiate with the -officers as to who should be disbanded and how their arrears -should be satisfied ‘until the supreme authority of the -Commonwealth were convened.’ The army were not -pleased when they heard that their satisfaction was to be -limited to five counties and to those who had served since -June 1649. Those who had been longest in the Parliamentary -service seemed to have greater claims, and they had certainly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</a></span> -greater arrears due. It became necessary to issue further -instructions as to the transplantation contemplated by the -Act of Settlement. The Commissioners in Ireland were to -announce publicly that parts of Ireland would be planted -with English and Protestants for their security, and ‘to the -end that all persons who have right to articles or to any -favour and mercy held forth by any of the qualifications in -the said Act, may enjoy the benefit intended unto them, and -every of them respectively.’ These words at once excluded -all who were excepted from pardon for life and estate by the -first five clauses: their lives might for the most part not be -in much danger, but their property was gone. All who -had claims were ordered to transplant into Connaught and -Clare before May 1, 1654, there to receive such portions of -land as their qualifications entitled them to. All who were -found east of the Shannon after that day without licence -from the Government were to be ‘reputed spies and enemies, -and for the same offence suffer death,’ but a little later it -was ordered that the capital penalty should not be inflicted -without special order from the Lord Deputy and Council. -All who removed in time were to be pardoned for every -offence except murder; but they were not to possess arms -nor to reside in any town without licence, on penalty of death -by martial law. Ecclesiastical persons in Roman orders -were not to be ‘pardoned, tolerated, or admitted.’ The -obligation to transplant was not extended to Protestants -who did not adhere to or join the rebels before September 15, -1643, nor to any woman married to an English Protestant -before December 2, 1650, on condition of renouncing Popery -and professing Protestantism. Boys under fourteen and -girls under twelve were allowed to remain among the English -as servants, their masters undertaking to train them ‘in the -true Protestant religion.’ Protestants, whether English or -Irish, who had land in Connaught or Clare, and had ‘constantly -adhered to the English against the rebels,’ might on application -receive an equivalent in one of the English counties. All -transplantable persons were to be gone before May 1, 1654, -and within two months of receiving their allotments, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</a></span> -were only provisional pending a regular survey. On September -12, 1653, these instructions were transmitted by the -Commissioners to their officers in every part of Ireland, -with directions to make them public.<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Act of -Satisfaction, -Sept. 27, -1653.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Declaration -of the -Irish -Government, -Oct. 14, -1653.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The basis -of taxation -and compensation.</div> - -<p>From the Commissioners’ letter of April 22, 1653, quoted -above, it is evident that the Bill for satisfaction of Adventurers -and soldiers was before the Long Parliament for some -time. The changes consequent upon its expulsion caused -further delay, and it was not till just before Michaelmas that the -action of the Lord General and Council was legalised, so far as -any legal force could attach to the new Parliament’s sanction. -The Act confirmed what had been done, and further empowered -the Commissioners to shorten proceedings by transplanting -the Irish at once, ‘although their claims be not first determined -or their qualifications distinguished,’ and to give them -lands in occupation ‘proportionable to the estate by them -claimed or competent to such stock as each of the said -persons shall have.’ Adventurers and soldiers receiving lands -were relieved for five years from the payment of quit-rents -imposed by the Act of 1642, and taxation for the same period -was not to exceed one-fourth of the annual value. When the -Commissioners in Ireland received the Act with its final -directions they published a declaration for enforcing it. -All who took part in or abetted ‘the rebellions, murders, -or massacres’ during the first year, all who at any time were -in actual arms as rebels, and all who had any land entitling -them to compensation by the Act of Settlement, were to -remove across the Shannon by May 1, 1654. Protestants -who had not joined the rebels before the first cessation on -September 15, 1643, were excepted, and so was any woman -who married an English Protestant before December 2, 1650, -on condition of openly renouncing Popery. All persons -not excepted, or without special licence, found east of the -Shannon after the appointed day were to be treated as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</a></span> -hostile spies, ‘tried by martial law, and suffer death.’ All -transplantable persons were to report themselves to the -commissioners of revenue in the precinct where they lived, -giving the names of their families, particulars as to tenants -and others who would accompany them voluntarily, with -their ages, colour and height, and an account of the cattle and -tillage ‘for which they pay contribution in the places from -whence they remove.’ After satisfying themselves that -the information was true, the Commissioners were to issue -certificates, and regulations were made as to how these -documents might be converted into land in Connaught or -Clare.<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -transplantation. -Slow -progress.</div> - -<p>Whatever may be the exact meaning of this declaration, -or however it may be reconciled with the Acts of Settlement -and of Satisfaction, it soon became quite clear that the transplantation -could not be effected by May 1, 1654. As a matter -of fact the procedure was applied only to landowners and their -families, and to such tenants as might choose to go with -them. A few did go early in the day, but the vast majority -clung to their homes. Licences to remain were freely granted -to the aged and infirm and to those who could show that they -had befriended the English. Even in cases where the service -was too slight to deserve permanent exemption, Colonel -Lawrence assures us that indulgence was shown for considerable -periods, ‘that a cup of cold water might not go -unrequited.’ The time was extended generally, first to -December, so that seed time and harvest might be included, -and afterwards to March 1655, the doomed proprietors -remaining on their old property as tenants at will to the -State. When March arrived most of the work was still to be -done, for the officers and soldiers ‘and other faithful Protestants’ -of Leinster, petitioned the Irish Government to -execute the ‘further instructions’ of July 2, 1653, and to -transplant ‘all the Irish into Connaught excepting males -of fourteen years of age and females of twelve.’ The first<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</a></span> -reason was lest the settlers should become idolaters from -intermarriage with the natives, many who came over in -Queen Elizabeth’s time having thus fallen away and been -concerned in the late murders and massacres. Among many -Old Testament texts the petitioners gave precedence to the -verses of Ezra, where the Israelites were forbidden to take -Gentile wives, ‘that they might be strong and eat the good -of the land and leave it for an inheritance to their children -for ever.’ If this principle was neglected even the Parliamentary -soldiers might join with the natives to attack the -colonists, having first learned the vices that reigned in the -land, such as swearing, drunkenness, dissembling, and deceiving. -The second argument was ‘grounded on the law -of nature, which teacheth self-preservation.’ Experience -showed that the priests would go to any lengths to advance -their Church, and that the people would follow them, and -Edmund Campion the Jesuit is quoted as to the perfidiousness -of the Irish. The great thing was to get rid of the Tories -out of three provinces, and thus encourage honest men to -come from England and strengthen those who were already -committed to Ireland. As things actually stood the English -were confined to garrisons and forced to fold their cattle, -while the Irish occupied the best land, keeping their flocks -and herds in the fields by day and night. When it was a -question of paying taxes they hid their stock in the woods, -‘which the English cannot do, who by that means will be -liable to bear a greater proportion of contribution than the -Irish.’<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Protectorate -established.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Fleetwood -Deputy.</div> - -<p>Cromwell became Protector in December 1653, and Fleetwood -was one of the Council of State. Ludlow takes credit -to himself for delaying the assent of Ireland, but Oliver was -nevertheless proclaimed on January 30, the Secretary’s -name only appearing. The other Commissioners effaced their -signatures when Ludlow refused to add his, and they seem -to have disliked the change. Ludlow rested his case upon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</a></span> -the engagement of January 1650, which he and his colleagues -had taken to support ‘the Commonwealth of England as it -is now established without a King or House of Lords.’ Afterwards -he refused to have any share in the civil government, -while retaining his military command; and this was attributed -by Henry Cromwell and others to his love for pay and allowances. -There is nevertheless a real distinction between -acting as a minister and serving one’s country as a soldier, -even under a usurped government. The Anabaptist party, -who were hostile to the Protectorate, showed signs of adopting -the discontented general as their leader. Cromwell sent over -his son Henry to report, and he remained about a month in -Ireland, being received with as much honour as if he were -indeed a prince. He found Jones as well as Ludlow discontented, -but made rather light of their opposition, which -indeed came to nothing, William Kiffin and others advising -their Baptist friends to accept the new government. Henry -nevertheless suggested that Fleetwood was not a satisfactory -representative, and advised his father to replace him by -Desborough, at least for a time. We have no means of -knowing what passed between father and son after the -latter’s return, but the result was to soften the effect of the -transplantation policy. Vincent Gookin was in England, -and if he was consulted, as is at least probable, his influence -would have worked in that direction. Fleetwood became -Lord Deputy in August 1654, when the term of the Commissioners -came to an end. Ludlow and Jones were not -reappointed to the Irish Council, and the latter went to -England, but Corbet was retained, and others were sent over. -Among the latter were Colonel Robert Hammond of Isle of -Wight celebrity; Richard Pepys and William Steele, eminent -lawyers; Robert Goodwin, who had been over twelve years -before; and Colonel Matthew Tomlinson, who had been -appointed one of Charles I.’s judges, but had declined to -act.<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[Pg 328]</a></span></p> -<div class="sidenote">Cromwell’s -First Parliament.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Irish -members.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The dispensing -power.</div> - -<p>A perfectly regular statute provided that the Long Parliament -should not be dissolved without its own consent, and -the usurping House of Commons, which had killed the King -and abolished the monarchy and House of Lords, was thus -able to make some pretence of legality. In the Parliament -elected under the Instrument of Government thirty members -were assigned to Ireland, and Cromwell left it to those on the -spot to decide whether elections were possible in the state of -the country. Fleetwood, Jones, and Corbet replied that -several counties were waste and others very unsettled, and -that they did not see how the business was to be done. The -writs were, however, sent over, and Ludlow persuaded them -that even the shadow of representation would be better than -nothing. He says the influence of the clergy secured a few -results not pleasing to the Government; but all the chief -officers were chosen, Broghill being returned for the county -of Cork, and Gookin, whose interests also lay there, for -Bandon and Kinsale. Henry Cromwell was chosen for -Cambridge University, and Fleetwood both for Oxfordshire -and for Marlborough. The new Parliament met on Cromwell’s -lucky September 3, but before that day he had given Fleetwood -and his Council power to ‘dispense with the orders and -instructions made and given by the late Parliament or Council -of State for the transplantation of the Irish,’ and also with -the penalties upon those who neglected or refused to go. A -clause to the same effect had been rejected when the Act of -Satisfaction was passed twelve months before.<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Declaration -as to -transplantation, -Nov. 30, -1654.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Vincent -Gookin’s -pamphlet -against -transplantation.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Divisions -among -Protestants.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The earth-tillers -indispensable</div> - -<p>The dispensing power remained with the Irish Government, -who exercised it; but Fleetwood was not inclined to make -indulgence a matter of course, and the military party were -always pressing him in the direction of severity. On November -30, 1654, a declaration was issued repeating the order -in the Act of Settlement for the transplantation of landed -proprietors, of those in arms against the Commonwealth since -October 21, 1641, and of those who aided the rebellion during<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</a></span> -the first year of the war. They were ordered to be gone with -their wives and families by March 1 following, or to incur the -penalties already declared. How far Oliver was influenced -by Vincent Gookin must be a matter of conjecture, but he -certainly liked him, and the latter would scarcely have -appeared in print against the Protector’s known wishes. -At the very beginning of 1655 Gookin published a pamphlet -against general transplantation, and sent a copy to every -member of Parliament. He was impressed with the idea -that the Irish generally might be converted to Protestantism, -and that this was much more likely if they were left intermixed -with the English. The country had been conquered, -and there were garrisons everywhere, but no ministers, ‘as -if our business in Ireland was only to set up our own interest -and not Christ’s.’ Another difficulty lay in the divisions -among Protestants, who were so bitter against each other -that ‘the Papist sees not where to fix if he should come to us.’ -If the Irish remained among the English they would ‘enjoy -the labours of godly able ministers, the encouragement of -Protestant professors, and the catechisings of private Christians,’ -all which influences would be wanting if they were -crowded together beyond the Shannon. It is hardly worth -while to inquire what might have happened if there had been -no Restoration, but Gookin declares that the priests had -‘universally departed’ as well as the most dangerous of the -soldiers, and it is possible for people with a great deal of -imagination to argue that Ireland might have become Protestant -if they had all been kept out for ever. What really -prevented the transplantation from being fully carried out -was the impossibility of cultivating the land without the help -of the natives, who might be spared under the first clause -of the Act of Settlement. The Irish, says Gookin, lived -on the roots and fruits of their ‘gardens,’ that is mainly on -potatoes, and sold their corn to the English to pay the taxes. -The country, moreover, was not generally suited to corn, on -account of the uncertain climate and the amount of labour -required, and if the Irish all left no contribution could be -made out of lands east of the Shannon. The women, too,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[Pg 330]</a></span> -were for the most part able to spin and weave flax and wool, -and there were plenty of masons ‘more handy and ready in -building ordinary houses and much more prudent in supplying -the defects of instruments and materials than English artificers.’ -Gookin reckoned that a capital of 1500<i>l.</i> or 2000<i>l.</i> -would be required for each thousand Irish acres, and that it -would be impossible to bring over English labour in sufficient -quantity. The Irish might refuse to go into Connaught—indeed, -many had already done so, saying that their position -was hopeless and that they might as well face ruin where they -were as travel to look for it. And he adds, ‘there is one thing -more which wise men will consider, and that is, the impossibility -of this transplanting ... can it be imagined that a whole -nation will drive like geese at the wagging of a hat upon a -stick?’<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Definition -of a Tory.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Intolerable -taxation.</div> - -<p>Whatever may be the etymology of the name Tory, it was -officially applied in 1647 to masterless men living a life of -brigandage and preying upon all who had anything to lose. -No doubt it was in popular use before that date. Gookin says -the English dreaded the Tories ‘more than armies, and woods -and bogs than camps,’ and he believed that transplantation -would make matters worse. The Irish proprietors would be -unable to support their followers beyond Shannon, the river -would be no barrier, and they would become Tories against -their will. They had already been forced into such courses -by the intolerable taxation necessary to support the Parliament’s -army, and by the violence and oppression of some -soldiers which often went unpunished. Most of the really -active rebels were dead or exiled, and it was unwise as well -as unjust to assume universal guilt. The Irish nation, indeed, -‘were generally engaged in the rebellion, either through -ignorance of the design and apprehending they acted by the -King’s commission and for his and God’s service; or through<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</a></span> -infirmity, partly fearing their priests’ threats, partly their -landlords’ frowns, partly the violence of others, of the English -who at the beginning reckoned an Irishman and a rebel tantamount, -and on that score forced many into war (who desired -peace) with the Irish in arms, who accounted and declared -all enemies that joined not (at least seemingly) with them, -and proceeded with more severity against dissenting natives -than English.’</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Lawrence’s -answer to -Gookin.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Everything -English -had been -destroyed.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Only landowners -and -soldiers -transplanted.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Gookin’s -rejoinder.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The two -writers -agreed in -essentials.</div> - -<p>A month after its publication, Gookin’s pamphlet was -denounced by Fleetwood as a ‘very strange scandalous book,’ -and Colonel Lawrence, ‘at the request of several persons in -eminent place in Ireland,’ undertook to refute it. He was -able to show that former settlements had succeeded only -where the colonists were placed near one another, ‘as for -instance the barony of Ards, in the county of Down and -province of Ulster, which being entirely planted by British -people did preserve themselves by keeping guards upon -their frontiers when all the country besides was totally -ruined.’ He gives many horrible details of the rebellion, -‘wherein neither age nor sex were spared.... English -cattle and houses were destroyed for their being of an English -kind, and all this without the least provocation, yet this -bloody inhuman act with all its aggravations were espoused by -this people as a national quarrel and a war waged thereupon’; -but admits that some of the Irish gentry ‘(whose kindness -I hope either hath been or will be rewarded both by God and -man)’ did really help the English, so that a few escaped -like Job’s messengers to bring the bad news. Lawrence -points out that in all official declarations only landed proprietors -and men in arms were marked for transplantation, -and that nothing further was intended, but he maintains -that it was quite possible to extend it greatly without danger. -Gookin’s rejoinder is dedicated to Fleetwood, whom he -praises for his kindness to all, whereby the necessary hardships -were much diminished. He shows how very few exceptions -there would be among the Irish if the declaration of -October 14, 1653, were strictly acted upon, acknowledges the -authorship of the first pamphlet, and maintains his position.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</a></span> -‘Let no poor sufferer by the Irish betray his reason or religion -to his passion here, to think no evils can be too great to be -brought on the Irish. It was their being cruel makes us -hate them so much: to punish them do not run into their sin, -lest God punish thee. Do not think that he that writes this -and the Case of Transplantation pleads for them, but thy -cause; ‘tis safe and profitable for thee that some be removed, -not all. This Colonel Lawrence says shall be done and this I -desired might be done: where is my offence against authority -more than his, my love to the Irish more than his, or my -care of thee less than his?’ After all there is not much -difference between the two writers. That the English did not -think Gookin’s ideas hostile to the settlement may be inferred -from their electing him to Parliament, and proposing to pay -his expenses there, an offer which he refused.<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Effect of -the Waldensian -massacre.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Officers in -Ireland -protest -against -leniency.</div> - -<p>There can be little doubt that the sufferings of the Waldenses -reacted upon Ireland, the rather that many Irish -refugees were concerned in the massacres. At the end of 1653 -it was reported that Irish troops had passed the mountains -from Spain and appeared at Nîmes, where there was a strong -body of Protestants. The priests secured them a good -reception, though they boasted that they would ‘tear in -pieces and crucify quick’ any Protestants they found there. -Some of them were induced to settle and take wives ‘so that -they may in a manner in this town augment and renew the -race of that execrable and murdering nation.’ Two months -later another detachment were refused admission to Nîmes -because some of them boasted that they had massacred the -English in Ireland, and they went on to Piedmont. Later -on it was said that the Waldensian valleys were to be given<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</a></span> -up to the Irish. It is not therefore surprising that the officers -in Ireland, with Fleetwood at their head, should have expressed -their horror at the proceedings in Piedmont, and cautioned -the Protector against too great leniency in Ireland. ‘Let the -blood of Ireland be fresh in your view, and their treachery -cry aloud in your ears, that the frequent solicitations with -which you are encompassed may not slack your hand to an -unsafe pity of those whose principles in all ages carry them -forth to such brutish and inhuman practices, which consist -not with human society; and let not such be left untransplanted -here, or unminded in England, whose continuance -among us do palpably hazard the very being of Protestant -interest in these nations.’ And Cromwell himself told the -Dutch Ambassador that the example of Ireland was fresh in -his memory, where above 200,000 had been massacred. -So strong was the feeling in Ireland that the officers contributed -a fortnight’s pay and the soldiers a week’s pay for the -relief of the persecuted mountaineers. A large sum was -also subscribed privately.<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Transplantation -proceeds -slowly.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Loughrea -commissioners.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Athlone -commissioners.</div> - -<p>The process of transplantation went on slowly, and was -never carried to its extreme lengths, for very few would have -escaped if the Act of Settlement had been carried out to the -letter. But vast numbers did remove during the year 1654, -and it would probably be difficult to exaggerate the hardships -they underwent. In some cases at least whole districts -were depopulated, for it was officially reported that ‘no -inhabitant of the Irish nation that knows the country’ was -left in the barony of Eliogarty in Tipperary, which contains -the town of Thurles, and orders were given for the return of -four families, who might live near their old homes and assist -the surveyors. Those who crossed the Shannon were provided -with land in a temporary way, and two commissions -were appointed to consider claims with a view to more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</a></span> -permanent arrangements. In October 1653 the transplanted -were ordered to go to Galway and inform the commissioners -of revenue there as to their families and the nature of their -claims. Afterwards these commissioners sat at Loughrea, and -it became their duty to distribute land in accordance with the -findings of another commission at Athlone. The latter were -appointed on December 28, 1654, as the ‘Court of Claims -and Qualifications of the Irish,’ and were generally known -as the Athlone commissioners. Their business was to find -under which qualification or degree of guilt each Irish -claimant fell, and to give him lands proportionate to those -which he had enjoyed east of the Shannon. The Loughrea -commissioners used the maps and registers made for Strafford’s -intended plantation in Connaught and in the northern half of -Tipperary. For the rest of Ireland it was necessary to -make a new survey. Meanwhile transplantation proceeded -very slowly, and in March 1656 there were 1000 men under -restraint who had borne arms during the rebellion, but refused -to cross the Shannon.<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">A fresh -survey. -Benjamin -Worsley.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">William -Petty.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Petty’s -proposals -accepted.</div> - -<p>Benjamin Worsley, who had been a surgeon or apothecary -in Strafford’s army, came over again in 1652, and was appointed -Surveyor-General. He had been an unsuccessful projector -and according to Petty had tried his hand at universal -medicine, gold-making, saltpetre sowing, and other -‘mountain-bellied conceptions which ended only in abortive -mice,’ he and his friend Sankey being stigmatised as a ‘multiloquial -pair of monti-parturists.’ He began to make a -survey, at which he expected to be employed for many years, -but Petty soon began to criticise his proceedings and to suggest -that he could do the work a great deal better in as many -months. Despatch was of the essence of the business, for -both adventurers and soldiers were clamouring for possession -of the promised lands. Petty had come over at the same -time as Worsley, and the Irish Government very soon found -that he was a man of extraordinary ability and very likely -to carry anything he undertook to a successful issue. Ireton -made him Physician-General to the army, and he claimed to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</a></span> -have so reformed the drug department as to get rid of all -abuses and at the same time save the State 500<i>l.</i> a year. -Worsley’s plan was to survey the forfeited lands without any -regard to the established divisions into baronies, parishes, -and town lands, or to the physical features of the country. -He was to be paid only for the profitable lands, and thus -there was a constant tendency to include worthless tracts. -Moreover the subdivision would still have to be done either at -a great charge to the State or at the expense of the grantees. -In the latter case no authentic record would remain, and -there would be no unity of action. Nobody was satisfied at -the prospect, and Petty declared that Worsley’s great object -‘was so to frame committees of conceited, sciolous persons, -intermixing some of credit and bulk amongst them, as whereby -he might screen himself in case of miscarriage.’ He made -proposals of his own, and the rival schemes were submitted -to the judgment of a committee consisting of Sir Hardress -Waller, Colonels Lawrence and Hewson, and nine others, -including Petty and Worsley.<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Down -survey.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Surveying -dangerous -work.</div> - -<p>Petty’s plan was approved, though Worsley worked hard -against him, and had at first the help of Sir Charles Coote -and some other officers. Afterwards Coote and Reynolds -were added to the committee, and the final result was a -complete victory for Petty. Worsley remained Surveyor-General, -and it was with him that his rival contracted to do -the work. Petty engaged to make in thirteen months a -general map of twenty-two counties, ascertaining and defining -the bounds of baronies so that there should be no future -doubt. He undertook within the same counties accurately -to set out all forfeited lands as well as all Crown lands and -the property of bishops, deans, and chapters, ‘or any other -officer belonging to that hierarchy,’ showing their quality -and physical character, and all civil subdivisions. He was -to receive 7<i>l.</i> 2<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> for every thousand acres of forfeited<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</a></span> -profitable land that shall be admeasured and actually sent out -to ‘the soldiery by him,’ and 3<i>l.</i> for every thousand acres of -unprofitable land. One of the conditions made by Petty -was that those whom he employed in the survey should be -protected from Tories, and this was no superfluous precaution. -Eight surveyors were actually captured near Timolin in -Kildare, carried off to the Wicklow mountains, and there -murdered. In spite of such drawbacks the survey was completed, -or very nearly so, within the specified time, and the -distribution of land to the disbanded soldiers went on in the -meantime. Henry Cromwell visited Kilkenny, Waterford, -and Wexford in September and October 1655, and reported -that good progress had been made in the work.<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Progress -of the -survey.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The debentures.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">English -settlers -cannot be -had.</div> - -<p>Petty claimed to have made lineal measurements to the -extent of more than five times the earth’s circumference. The -forfeited lands were indicated to him by what was called the -Civil Survey, which was merely a register of forfeited lands -made independently by commissioners and for the most part -before the old proprietors had actually departed. This -made the measuring business dangerous as well as troublesome, -and Petty employed soldiers ‘such as were able to -endure travail, ill lodging and diet, as also heats and colds, -being also men of activity that could leap hedge and ditch, -and could also ruffle with the several rude persons in the -country, from whom they might expect often to be crossed -and opposed.’ He had no difficulty in finding men who, -‘having been bred to trades, could write and read sufficiently -for the purpose.’ The more delicate instruments were -obtained from the best London makers, and skilled artificers -were found to make the rest. The soldiers had received -debentures for their arrears, and the idea was to set them -down by regiments and companies alongside of the Adventurers. -But it soon became evident that the amount of forfeited land<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</a></span> -was insufficient to meet the liabilities of the State. Land -had to be distributed on account, and debentures, including -many fabricated ones, were bought and sold. Very few -old soldiers cared to settle down upon small farms, and there -were always speculative officers found to buy up the claims -of their men and so carve out estates for themselves, Irish -tenants and labourers being accepted because the hoped for -English immigration did not take place. The Act of Satisfaction -forbade officers to buy the privates’ debentures, but a -class of brokers sprang up and the traffic continued till the -Restoration. Great numbers were sold before any distribution -of land had been attempted. Petty himself tells us that -debentures were freely and openly sold at four or five shillings -in the pound, and that a pound so laid out purchased on an -average two acres of land. Later on there was a regulation -against selling at less than eight shillings in the pound, -but of course this was easily evaded. As a transfer of property -from Irish to English hands the Cromwellian settlement had -some measure of success, but as a scheme of colonisation it -totally failed.<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Insufficiency -of -lands -assigned to -soldiers.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Adventurers’ -lands.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Clarendon’s -account -of the -settlement.</div> - -<p>It was at first supposed that the ten counties originally -named in the Act of Satisfaction would provide for both -soldiers and adventurers, but this soon had to be altered, -and in the end distribution was made to the soldiers in twenty-four -counties out of thirty-two. Galway, Mayo, Roscommon, -and Clare were given to the transplanted Irish, and Louth -was set aside for the Adventurers. Dublin, Kildare, Carlow,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</a></span> -and Cork were retained by the Government, but about half -the latter was afterwards given up to disbanded soldiers. -Nevertheless all arrears were not paid in full, and some -never received more than about twelve shillings in the pound. -Petty’s detailed survey did not extend to the Adventurers’ -portions, and their committee at Grocers’ Hall made separate -arrangements which led to a good deal of confusion. Petty -was called in to disentangle the knot, and he and Worsley -were commissioned in September 1656 to measure the forfeited -lands hitherto omitted. The Adventurers, though numerous, -were far fewer than the soldiers, and they gave less trouble. -Most of them probably had no idea of settling in Ireland, -and only wanted something to sell or let on lease. Some -debentures were given out to soldiers or their representatives -as late as the summer of 1658, and perhaps later. Many no -doubt were thoroughly dissatisfied with what they got, but -working arrangements had been made and Clarendon’s testimony -is conclusive as to the general feeling of security among -the English inhabitants. ‘Ireland,’ he says, ‘was the great -capital out of which all debts were paid, all services rewarded, -and all acts of bounty performed.’ Buildings, enclosures, -and plantations were everywhere made, private purchases -concluded ‘at very valuable rates, and jointures made upon -marriages, and all other conveyances and settlements executed, -as in a kingdom at peace within itself, and where no doubt -could be made of the validity of titles. And yet in all this -quiet there were very few persons pleased or contented.’<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The land -will not go -round.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Security -of the -coast.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Case of -Galway.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A desolate -city.</div> - -<p>It was originally meant to give all the forfeited lands in -Connaught and Clare to the transplanted, reserving the towns -and garrisons with some space about them and a strip four -miles wide all along the coast. In the end Sligo and Leitrim -were withdrawn, and the coast reserve was narrowed to one -mile. The amount of land was insufficient, and there must -have been great hardship, for the Government had no -machinery for giving quiet possession if there was any opposi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</a></span>tion -from neighbouring proprietors or rival claimants. It was -a tradition of Irish government to apprehend a Spanish -invasion, and it was for that reason that a belt of English -settlers round the coast was contemplated, but nothing -seems to have come of it. Innisbofin was, however, strengthened -and garrisoned, and the Papist inhabitants ordered -to leave the town of Galway, where it was proposed to -plant a colony from Gloucester as a reward for its resistance -to Charles I., and from Liverpool to compensate it for losses -during the war. But the inhabitants of those towns were not -tempted any more than those of Bristol had been in the case -of Waterford. ‘Poor Galway,’ wrote a clergyman in 1657, -‘sitteth in the dust and no eye pitieth her. Her merchants -were princes and great among the nations, but now the city -which was full of people is solitary and very desolate.’ There -was talk, but only talk, of introducing a colony of Protestant -Dutch. The old citizens were to receive full value for their -property and the settlers to give ten years’ purchase. As -the latter did not come, probably the compensation was not -paid, and so the people lingered on or returned after a brief -absence. In November 1655 Henry Cromwell reported that -all the Irish had been cleared out of Galway, yet as late as -August 1659, after he had left Ireland, a fresh order was made -to expel ‘all the Irish Papists.’ The old trade with Spain, -which had been interrupted by the long war, did not return, -and Galway never recovered its old prosperity. In 1650 a -householder had welcomed Lady Fanshawe ‘to this desolate -city, where you now see the street grown over with grass, -once the finest little city in the world’; and so it remained -for years.<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Difficulties -with the -towns.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Workmen -allowed to -remain.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Character -of English -settlers.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The priests -not all -expelled.</div> - -<p>By the ordinance of July 14, 1643, with a view to encourage -merchants, Galway, with 10,000 acres of land round it, had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</a></span> -been offered for a price of 7500<i>l.</i> and a rent of 520<i>l.</i>, but the -town did not come into the power of Parliament for many -years, and nothing was done. Similar offers with the same -result were made in the cases of Limerick, Waterford, and -Wexford. As the towns were gradually won, frequent orders -were given for the expulsion of the old inhabitants who -adhered to Rome, and who came within the scope of the Act -of Settlement. But here, as in the country, it was found -impossible really to carry out the clearance effectually. -Artificers and workmen could not be done without, since none -came from England, and many of them remained, though no -doubt the houses of a better class were left empty. When -Inchiquin expelled the Roman Catholics from Cork in 1644, -three thousand houses were without tenants, and as many in -Youghal. The soldiers who were short of fuel warmed themselves -with everything that would burn, and Ormonde about -the same time had to forbid the practice in Dublin on pain -of death. In March 1657 it is clear that the work of depopulation -had not been done, for an order was then made ‘that all -Popish Recusants, as well proprietors as others, whose habitation -is in any port-towns, walled towns, or garrisons,’ who had -not professed Protestantism before the cessation of 1643 -and ever since, should remove with their families at least -two miles from any such place. In 1650 some ministers and -others in New England proposed to colonise, being tempted -by the offer of houses and land at Wexford at one-tenth of -their value before the war. Thousands were ready to come -if encouraged, being ‘exiles through the tyranny of episcopacy -for no other offence but professing that truth, which (through -mercy), is now acknowledged.’ This apparently came to -nothing. Those English who were attracted to Irish towns -by the prospect of getting houses rent-free, were often without -capital, and in no condition to establish a flourishing commerce. -But all the Protestant settlers were not of this class, for -Charles II.’s declaration in 1660 set forth that they had made -improvements at their own charge, ‘and brought trade and -manufacture into that our kingdom, and by their settlement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</a></span> -there do not a little contribute to the peace and settlement of -that country.’ In any case much of the work was probably -done by the old inhabitants, for if they had not remained in -considerable numbers, priests and friars would not daily -have risked their lives in Irish towns.<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Proposed -transplantation -of -Presbyterians.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The -scheme is -not carried -out.</div> - -<p>Besides the great transplantation of Roman Catholics to -Connaught, Fleetwood and the sectaries contemplated the -removal of Presbyterian Royalists from Down and Antrim, -whose proximity to the Scotch Highlands was thought -dangerous. Five commissioners, of whom Doctor Henry -Jones and Colonel Venables were two, were sent to Carrickfergus -to tender the Engagement of 1650, which bound men -to support a government without King or House of Lords. -There were then but seven Presbyterian ministers in the -district, one of them being Patrick Adair, whose narrative we -possess. The commissioners sent parties of soldiers, one of -which seized all Adair’s papers indiscriminately, ‘there being -none among sixteen soldiers and a sergeant who could read.’ -The most important papers were restored to Adair by a -maidservant, who stole them when the sergeant was asleep. -None of the seven clergymen would take the Engagement, -and they had much support among the people. The expulsion -of the Long Parliament delayed, but did not stop, the proceedings, -and the Commissioners issued a proclamation -against 260 persons, including Lord Clandeboye and Lord -Montgomery of Ards, whom they proposed to transplant to -Kilkenny, Tipperary, and the sea coast of Waterford. They -were to receive the full value of the estates which they lost, -with a liberal price for way-going crops, and their ministers -might accompany them and receive salaries, provided they -were peaceable-minded and not scandalous. Sir Robert Adair -and other leading Presbyterians were sent to Tipperary, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</a></span> -the whole scheme came to nothing, ‘for Oliver, coming to the -supreme order of affairs, used other methods and took other -measures than the rabble Rump Parliament. He did not -force any engagement or promise upon people contrary to -their conscience; knowing that forced obligations of that -kind will bind no man.’ Orders for this transplantation were -given, but nothing was actually done.<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> Irish Commissioners to Council of State, January 8, 1651-2, <i>Portland -Papers</i>, i. 622, and <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 497. In the former the river ‘which goes to -Youghal’ is called the More, <i>i.e.</i> the Avonmore or Blackwater, not the -Nore, as printed in the latter. Statements by Adventurers’ Committee -in <i>Portland Papers</i>, i. 639, April 5, 1652, and <i>ib.</i> 649, May 14; Irish officers -to Parliament, May 5, signed by Ludlow and eighteen others. See <i>Prendergast</i>, -pp. 83 <i>sqq.</i> Dr. Jones had a vested interest in the 1641 depositions, -Parliament having given him the sole right to print and reprint his abstract -up to March 21, 1641-2, <i>Somers Tracts</i>, v. 573. He had a fresh commission -to take evidence after that date, and doubtless the document which caused -such horror at Kilkenny in 1652 contained much additional matter.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> Act for the settling of Ireland, August 12, 1652, in <i>Scobell</i>, ii. 197, -reprinted in <i>Contemp. Hist.</i> iii. 341, and (with date misprinted and omission -of names in clause 3) in Gardiner’s <i>Constitutional Documents</i>, 2nd. ed. p. 394.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> <i>Life of Colonel Hutchinson</i>; <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 318; Cromwell’s commission -to Fleetwood as commander-in-chief, July 10, 1652, in <i>Thurloe</i>, i. 212; -instructions to Commissioners, August 24, in <i>Parliamentary History</i>, xx. 92; -Representation of officers in Ireland against Mr. Weaver, February 18, -1652-3, in <i>Portland Papers</i>, i. 671.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> Declaration of April 22, 1653, in <i>Parliamentary History</i>, xx.; Commissioners -in Ireland to Lenthall, December 3, 1652, January 15, 1652-3, and to -the new Speaker, July 20, and their proclamation of April 29, all printed in -appx. to <i>Ludlow</i>, vol. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> <i>Parliamentary History</i>, xx. 152-183; Cromwell’s opening speech on -July 4, 1653, is the first in <i>Carlyle</i>; <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 358.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> Order of Council of State, June 1, Commission and Instructions ‘from -the keepers of the liberty of England by authority of Parliament,’ June 22, -in <i>Scobell</i>, 1653, chap. 12.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> Further instructions of July 2, 1653, in <i>Scobell</i>, chap. 12. The letter -of the Commissioners dated July 22, was written before the receipt of this, -<i>Ludlow</i>, i. 539. Lawrence’s <i>Answer to Gookin</i>, p. 6. Order in Council, -March 19, 1654-5, <i>Irish R.O.</i>, A/26.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> Declaration dated Dublin, October 14, 1653, signed by Fleetwood, -Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, reprinted in <i>English Historical Review</i>, xiv. -710, from what is believed to be a unique copy at Kilkenny.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> Petition presented March 1655, <i>ib.</i> The allusion is to chap. 6 of -Campion’s <i>History of Ireland</i>, first printed in 1587, and republished by Sir -James Ware in 1633, with a dedication to Strafford.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, March 8, 1653-4, in <i>Thurloe</i>, ii. 149; -Jenkin Lloyd to Thurloe, March 13, <i>ib.</i> 162; Fleetwood to Thurloe, April 8, <i>ib.</i> -224; appendix to <i>Fourteenth Report</i> of Deputy-keeper of Public Records, -Ireland, p. 28; <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 377, 542.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> The names and constituencies of the Irish members of Parliament -are in <i>Parl. Hist.</i>, xx. 307; <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 388. Instructions of August 17, 1654, -in <i>Thurloe</i>, ii. 508.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> <i>The Great Case of Transplantation</i> &c., London, printed for J. C. -1655, to which Thomasson gives the date January 3. A potato-field is still -called a ‘garden’ in Ireland. The ‘handy-man’ who builds with bad -tools out of bad materials, is even now not extinct. The declaration of -November 30, 1654, is not extant, but is recited in a later one, see <i>Eng. -Hist. Review</i>, xiv. 722.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> Fleetwood to Thurloe, February 7, 1654-5, <i>Thurloe</i>, iii. 139. <i>The -Interest of England in the Irish Transplantation stated</i>, &c., by a faithful -servant of the Commonwealth, Richard Lawrence, London, 1655, dated -March 9. <i>The Author and Case of Transplanting, &c., vindicated against -the Unjust Aspersions of Colonel Richard Lawrence</i>, by Vincent Gookin, -Esquire, London, 1655, published May 12. Petty had a hand in Gookin’s -first pamphlet, see his <i>Life</i>, by Lord Fitzmaurice. Lawrence was a brother -of the English President of Council; he came to Ireland with Cromwell and -was governor of Waterford.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> Letters of November 25, 1653, in <i>Thurloe</i>, i. 587; of January 25 1653-4. -<i>ib.</i> ii. 27; of April 27, 1655, <i>ib.</i> iii. 384; Fleetwood and forty-four other -officers to the Protector, <i>ib.</i> iii. 466; Nieuport to the States General, <i>ib.</i> iii. -477; Morland’s <i>Hist. of the Evangelical Churches</i>, book iii. chap. 3, art. 1.; -<i>Hist. of Down Survey</i>, p. 66; Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, January 30, -1655-6, <i>Thurloe</i>, iv. 484.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> H. Cromwell to Thurloe, March 12, 1655-6, <i>Thurloe</i>, iv. 606.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> Petty’s <i>Reflections</i> on some persons and things in Ireland, ed. 1790, -pp. 54, 106; <i>Hist. of the Down Survey</i>, chaps. 1 and 2. The name ‘Down’, -comes simply from the particulars being laid down in map form and not -merely described.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> Dr. Petty’s proposals at p. 9 of <i>Hist. of Down Survey</i>; Articles with -Worsley ratified by the Lord Deputy and Council, December 25, 1654, <i>ib.</i> -29; H. Cromwell to Thurloe, October 9, 1655, in <i>Thurloe</i>, iv. 73; Prendergast, -<i>Cromwellian Settlement</i>, p. 206. In consequence of the delays interposed by -Worsley and others, the thirteen months were made to run from February 1 -1654-5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> Brief account of the Survey in <i>Hist. of Down Survey</i>, xiii.; Petty’s -<i>Political Anatomy of Ireland</i>, chap. iv.; Fitzmaurice’s <i>Life of Petty</i>, chap. ii.; -<i>Prendergast</i>, 2nd. edition, 221, where there are many details as to the sale -of debentures to officers, and a facsimile of one by way of frontispiece. -On August 29, 1655, Henry Cromwell wrote to Thurloe: ‘I believe we reduce -near 5000 men, and as good soldiers as are in the three nations. I am -afraid few of them will betake themselves to planting; if you could find -out some employment for them abroad, it would be of good service to the -public,’ <i>Thurloe</i>, iii. 744. State Papers, <i>Domestic</i>, December 28, 1654. As -late as November 6, 1657, Broghill wrote to Montagu ‘if all things move -at the rate our settlement of Ireland has done, I shall think the body politic -has got the gout,’ <i>Thurloe</i>, vi. 600.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> <i>Hist. of Down Survey</i>, 53, 198; Clarendon’s <i>Life</i>, Con. 116; Fitzmaurice’s -<i>Life of Petty</i>, chap. 2. A list printed by Prendergast, p. 403, -gives the names of 1,360 adventurers.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> <i>Prendergast</i>, p. 305; Hardiman’s <i>Hist. of Galway</i>, p. 137; Lady Fanshawe’s -<i>Memoirs</i>. On January 30, 1655-6, Henry Cromwell told Thurloe that -there were not six families in Galway, and that the houses decayed daily; he -thought it would pay to encourage London merchants to make a settlement, -even if they had the houses rent-free, <i>Thurloe</i>, iv. 198, 483; Rev. R. -Easthorp to H. Cromwell, July 17, 1657, <i>Lansdowne MSS.</i>, 822.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> <i>Scobell</i>, p. 47. Thirty priests were ordered to be shipped to the Continent -from Galway on June 15, 1665, Irish R.O., A/60. One secular priest, one -Jesuit, and several friars remained in Dublin during the whole Cromwellian -period, <i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, ii. 208. Many details as to Irish towns are -given by Prendergast, chap. vi. 272-307. Letter to Cromwell from New -England, October 31, 1650, <i>Milton State Papers</i>, p. 44.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> Patrick Adair’s <i>True Narrative</i>, ed. Killen, 197, 201. The proclamation -for the transplantation dated May 23, 1653, is printed in Reid’s <i>Presbyterian -Church</i>, chap 16, and the 260 names in the appendix. See Gardiner’s -<i>Commonwealth</i>, iii. 305.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXXVIII" id="CHAPTER_XXXVIII">CHAPTER XXXVIII</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">HENRY CROMWELL, 1655-1659</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Appearance -of -Henry -Cromwell.</div> - -<p>Though the Protector had not adopted his son’s advice by -at once recalling Fleetwood, it soon became evident that he -wished for a stronger man. Before the end of 1654 the Lord -Deputy gently complained that he was kept in the dark -about matters of policy, and doubted whether this was for his -Highness’s service. A few days later Henry Cromwell was -appointed to the Council in Ireland, having already for some -months held a commission as Major-General of the forces -there; but he did not come over until July 1655. Fleetwood -returned to England some weeks later, but retained the office -of Deputy, and continued to give advice, while Henry became -virtual head of the Irish Government. Fleetwood had come -very much under the influence of the Anabaptist officers, and -his supersession marks the decline of their reputation with -the now all-powerful Protector.<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Fleetwood -leaves -Ireland, -Sept. 1655.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Action of -Ludlow.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Cromwell -and -Ludlow.</div> - -<p>When Fleetwood left Ireland, Henry Cromwell became -President of the Council. The other members were William -Steele, Recorder of London, who did not come over till the -next year, Richard Pepys, who became Chief Justice, Corbet, -Goodwin, and Tomlinson. Hammond had died in 1654, -and, five being a quorum, it was necessary that all should -be present. To avoid this William Bury, of Grantham, was -added in August 1656. The Anabaptist party were very -sorry to lose Fleetwood, and rejoiced in a rumour of his -probable return, but many superior officers, including Sir -Theophilus Jones, Sir Hardress Waller, and Commissary-General -Reynolds, circulated a petition to the Protector,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[Pg 344]</a></span> -suggesting that his son should be Lord Lieutenant. Ludlow -had given all the trouble he could, refusing to surrender his -commission to any but the Parliament who gave it, and -circulating pamphlets against the Protectorate, much to the -disgust of Fleetwood. He, however, allowed his commission -to be taken from him in an informal way, giving his parole to -do nothing against the Government until he came into the -Protector’s presence. He then proposed to go to England -on urgent private affairs, and gave a second engagement to -remain quiet until he had surrendered to the Protector or -the Lord Deputy. On this undertaking Fleetwood gave him -leave to go, and it was one of his last acts in Ireland. When -the Deputy was gone Henry Cromwell opposed Ludlow’s -departure, while declining to restrain him forcibly; but -he took steps to have him intercepted at Beaumaris until the -Protector’s wishes were known, and he was under arrest -there for six weeks. Cromwell saw him after his arrival in -London, and there was much not altogether unfriendly -argument, but Ludlow stoutly refused to acknowledge the -Government or to give any security. As a matter of fact -he remained quiet while the protectorate lasted, and he was -not molested.<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Irish girls -for -Jamaica.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">They are -not sent.</div> - -<p>The infant settlement in Jamaica suffered much from -a scarcity of women, and the English Government suggested -that Irish girls might be sent out. ‘Concerning the young -women,’ wrote Henry Cromwell in reply, ‘though we must -use force in taking them up, yet it being so much for their -own good, and likely to be of so great advantage to the -public, it is not in the least doubted that you may have such -numbers of them as you think fit.’ The Committee of Council -in England voted that a thousand girls and as many boys -should be sent, but there is no evidence that anything was -actually done, and the probabilities are the other way. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[Pg 345]</a></span> -difficulties in Jamaica were great, and perhaps Cromwell -thought that the time for importing settlers had not yet -come.<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Deportation -to the -West -Indies.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Deportation -not -confined to -the Irish.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Condition -of the -Irish at -Barbadoes.</div> - -<p>Considerable numbers were, however, sent from Ireland -to the West Indies. They were not slaves, but were forced -to work for wages, and could not leave the islands, to which -they were sent in the character of masterless men, vagrants, -rogues, and vagabonds. This system began in 1653, and continued -until the Restoration or later. It was not confined -to Ireland, many seditious persons in England having been -treated in the same way. James II. continued the practice -after Sedgemoor. For white men the climate alone was a -terrible punishment. A large number of prisoners were thus -treated after Penruddock’s rising. After Dunbar and Worcester -English and Scotch captives were sent to New England, -and others were ordered to Bermuda. At the beginning of -1655 the governor of Waterford was ordered to ship Morrice -Cleere ‘by the first vessel bound for the Barbadoes, there to -work for his living.’ About the same time it was ordered that -‘when a peaceable person was murdered’ by any Tory or ‘other -Irish in rebellion,’ three or four of the chief Irish neighbours -were to be shipped to Barbadoes, ‘and other American -plantations,’ unless they could show that they had done -their best to apprehend the guilty parties. An Irish priest -who visited the West Indies in 1669 enlarges on the state -of the Irish sent by Cromwell ‘and other fierce enemies of -the Catholic Church and faith.’ They had been forced to -work in the fields and ‘treated cruelly and miserably in -temporal, and much more in spiritual things,’ being entirely -precluded from Catholic worship, and from the ministration -of their priests. There were 8000 in Barbadoes, and about -4000 in other settlements. In the French island of Guadeloupe -there were 800, who were even worse off than in the -English possessions, for they lived in the worst parts of it, -and ‘though the island was Catholic they had little advantage<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[Pg 346]</a></span> -by that, on account of the distance, difficult access, and -scarcity of priests.’<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Henry -Cromwell -and Dublin -University.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Anabaptists.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Henry -Cromwell’s -moderation.</div> - -<p>Oliver Cromwell became Chancellor of Oxford, and it -was natural that the University of Dublin should confer a -like honour upon his son, Ormonde being outlawed by the -Act of 1652. Almost immediately after his landing Henry -was received in state and entertained at dinner by the vice-chancellor, -provost, and others, ‘who, with many doctors, -were all robed in scarlet.’ The vice-chancellor was Dr. Henry -Jones, who kept his bishopric of Clogher in the background, -his services as scoutmaster-general of the Parliamentary -army having secured him in his place. The provost was -Dr. Samuel Winter, who ranked as an Independent, but was -inclined to maintain friendly relations with Episcopalians -and Presbyterians. Very probably his influence was great -in determining Henry Cromwell’s tolerant policy towards -Protestants of all sorts; but this did not secure general -good-will, for the Anabaptists were ‘much offended with -him for coming every Lord’s Day to parochial and public -congregations and with his chaplains for preaching against -dipping.’ Winter himself preached and wrote in favour of -infant baptism, and for adhering to him ‘a godly man’ was -solemnly excommunicated by the Dublin Anabaptists, and -had no alternative but to join the Independents. Henry -Cromwell’s letters are full of complaints about the Anabaptists, -and their opposition in the Government and army -was formidable, for they could count twelve governors of -cities or towns, twenty-four field officers, many captains, -two salaried preachers, and twenty-three officials in civil -pay. A clergyman at Galway complained of oppression by -Colonel Sadler, the governor of Galway, his offence being -that he had baptised children, and prevented ‘dipping’ in -his church. He recalled the tyranny of John of Leyden and -Knipperdoling, and lamented that so notable a town should<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[Pg 347]</a></span> -be abandoned to a ‘few mechanic barbers and tailors.’ -Fleetwood had encouraged the sectaries more from weakness -than from actual sympathy. Military adventurers, who had -enjoyed despotic power during the war, were disgusted at -having to share it with moderate men, and especially at the -re-establishment of regular courts of law. Henry Cromwell -was all for promoting ‘the ancient Protestant inhabitants,’ -who had been dispersed and were now trying to return to -their old occupations. Vincent Gookin and his friend Petty -were thoroughly in favour of this moderate policy. Of the -discontented people not one in a hundred had any property -before the war, the rest having gained possession of what -they could in payment for service or by buying out Adventurers -and soldiers. ‘And the confiscation of land in Ireland,’ -adds Gookin prophetically, ‘is so general, the settlers and -sellers so many, the buyers and takers so few, except them, -that it is certain within a year or two, all these men will -have too great interests in forfeited lands to give them up -to Charles Stuart, or any from him.’<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Reduction -of the -army, -Sept. 1655.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A mutiny -quelled.</div> - -<p>The reduction of the army in Ireland was a gradual and -difficult operation. In 1652 its total strength was about -34,000 men, which were reduced to about 24,000 in the -following year. In 1655, about 5000 more were disbanded -without any disorder, and Fleetwood estimated that this -would reduce the monthly cost to 28,000<i>l.</i>, a saving of -some 17,000<i>l.</i> As much haste as possible was made to -provide the disbanded men with land, but they showed no -disposition to settle upon it. Cavalier plots and military -discontents induced the Protector to seek reinforcements -in Ireland, and both Fleetwood and Henry Cromwell -feared lest their garrisons might be unduly weakened, for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[Pg 348]</a></span> -disturbances in Great Britain always had their echo beyond -the channel. In January 1655, 2300 men were sent to Liverpool, -but they embarked very unwillingly, saying that they -had been engaged to fight Irish rebels, whereas in England -they might be employed against their best friends. One -company was cashiered by a court-martial, and one man -was hanged at the masthead. Later on troops were sent -from Ireland to Jamaica.<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Oliver -Cromwell -and his son.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Anabaptists -and -Quakers -in the -army.</div> - -<p>It may be doubted whether Oliver Cromwell really had -any dream of founding a dynasty. We have his own statement -that he wished his sons to live privately in the country, -and that he was only induced to promote Henry by the -earnest persuasion of others. Having placed him in authority -in Ireland he supported him steadily, but in a tentative way -and without doing anything to estrange others. He was -civil to Hewson and others who were inclined to give trouble, -and refused to believe that Fleetwood was in any way disloyal. -‘Take care,’ he wrote to his son, ‘of making it a -business to be too hard for the men who contest with you. -Being over-concerned may train you into a snare. I have -to do with these men, and am not without my exercise. I -know they are weak because they are so peremptory in -judging others.’ The Anabaptists were chiefly in his mind, -but Henry had troubles with the Quakers also, and here, -too, the Protector might sympathise. The danger always -was that the army would become ill-affected. One of the -most troublesome officers was Hewson, who took the lead in -petitioning the Protector to send back ‘our present precious -Lord Deputy,’ whose appointment had been ‘a refreshment -to all the godly in this nation.’ Oliver answered civilly, but -without granting the request, cautioning his son against -believing anything discreditable to Fleetwood. Henry Cromwell -also objected to having John Jones sent back to Ireland -as likely to be ‘dangerous and prejudicial to the public,’ by -nourishing factions, but drew back rather penitently when -he found that Jones was to become his uncle by marrying -the Protector’s sister. Hewson was not really dangerous:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[Pg 349]</a></span> -he made terms for himself, was knighted by Oliver, and -accepted a seat in his House of Lords. But Axtell, Vernon, -Barrow, and Allen laid down their commissions because the -Anabaptists ceased to be the ruling sect, Thurloe attributing -their action merely to disappointed greed or ambition. -The army, nevertheless, remained faithful, and Henry Cromwell -did his best to get the soldiers regularly paid.<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Oliver’s -second -Parliament.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Irish -members.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Intolerance -of -this Parliament.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Oath of -abjuration.</div> - -<p>In the summer of 1656 Henry Cromwell had become so -weary of calumny and so disheartened for want of effectual -support that he wished to retire; but Thurloe assured him -that the tale-bearers were not believed in England, and that -he might go on with his work. It was at this time that the -Protector resolved to try a second Parliament, and writs -for the Irish elections were sent over. The major-generals -and the decimation tax were very unpopular in England, but -in Ireland the army was so completely master that there -was not much difficulty about getting thirty suitable members. -Broghill, who as President of the Council in Scotland managed -the elections there, was returned in his absence for the county -of Cork, Sir Charles Coote for Galway and Mayo, and Vincent -Gookin for Cork and Kinsale. Broghill voted for the title of -king, but Henry Cromwell was against it, thinking little of -the constitutional argument which had such weight with -men like Whitelock, and esteeming it ‘a gaudy feather in -the hat of authority.’ The Protector refused the crown, and -it would have been well for his fame if he had also insisted -on altering the eleventh article of the Petition and Advice -which secured religious liberty, provided ‘it should not be -extended to Popery or Prelacy.’ This having been admitted -as a principle of government, the logical consequence was -to pass an Act which obliged all suspected persons over<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[Pg 350]</a></span> -sixteen to take an oath abjuring the distinctive doctrines -of the Roman communion, on pain of having two-thirds of -their property—real and personal—sequestered. Those who -afterwards became Protestants might be restored upon taking -the oath, but not unless they have given frequent attendance -for the previous six months at some authorised place of -worship, being subject to renewed sequestration if they -relapsed. The same penalties applied to any Protestant who -married a Popish Recusant. ‘The oath of abjuration,’ Henry -Cromwell wrote, ‘begets much disturbance here; for the -Irish, upon apprehension thereof, sell off their cattle to buy -horses, to put themselves into a shifting condition either -for force or flight.... I wish his Highness were made -sensible hereof in time.’ Dr. Jones said the same thing, -adding that the oath ‘was the great engine by which -the Popish clergy stir up the people, and whereby they move -foreign states to their assistance.’ Cromwell allowed this -oppressive law to pass, though it was a retrograde measure, -and one which he cannot really have approved. The unfortunate -people affected by it in Ireland were in no condition -to give serious trouble, but it must have led to the multiplication -of Tories.<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Royalist -plots.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Weakness -of Spain.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Loss of a -transport.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Dishonest -contractors.</div> - -<p>The Cavaliers abroad were constantly plotting against -the English Government and the Protector’s life, but these -intrigues had scarcely any direct effect on Ireland. Richard -and Peter Talbot were among the most active conspirators, -and the landing of Irish troops was always regarded as part of -the scheme. The exiles were discussing Sexby’s plans at the -beginning of 1656, and the Protector, who was always well -informed, thought it possible that some attempt might be -made in Ireland. He directed his son, and the order was -promptly obeyed, to reduce garrisons as much as possible, -and to keep a field army in two or three divisions ready for -any alarm. John Davies, who had been elected for Carrickfergus -and Belfast, was known to be an underhand Royalist<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[Pg 351]</a></span> -worker, and he was not allowed to go to England. It was -in the north that trouble was expected, but nothing happened. -Five thousand foot and nearly half as many horse were held -in readiness, and Henry Cromwell was after this averse to -a reduction of the army, at least until an efficient Protestant -militia could be provided. Helpless and decadent Spain -was the enemy whose still remaining force was overrated -by Cromwell. Nevertheless, he failed in Hispaniola, and -dared not attempt Gibraltar, so that his naval strength was -mainly useful to hold Jamaica by occupying the Spaniards -near home. The end of 1656 was marked by Stayner’s capture -of the galleons, but also by a disaster on the Irish coast. A -fleet carrying reinforcements for Jamaica was dispersed by -a gale, and one ship, the <i>Two Brothers</i>, having sprung a leak, -drifted towards a lee shore to the westward of the Old Head -of Kinsale. Four men were detached on a raft ‘with a letter -in a pitch box,’ and they reached land too much bruised to -move further. The letter was taken to the governor of -Kinsale, but the ship’s cable parted in the meantime and she -was driven upon a rock. There were saved only about forty -soldiers out of some 250, and sixteen seamen out of twenty-nine. -The Rev. Edward Worth, whose parsonage was at -Ringrone, not far off, thanked God that the wreck was in -the barony of Courcies, ‘for the greater part inhabited by -English and such Irish as were never in rebellion; divers of -the English and many more of the Irish attended all that -evening on the coast, not to get the plunder, but to preserve -the men whom it should please God to bring to shore.’ It -was ebb tide, and as each poor wretch was thrown up by the -sea, the hardy natives ran down and helped him to escape -before the next wave. Worth and his neighbours provided -shelter, and the people of Kinsale vied with each other in -providing for the castaways; for the natural sentiments of -humanity had survived the war, and were extended to the -soldiers of the Commonwealth. Another transport, the -<i>Sapphire</i>, from Carrickfergus, was driven into Cork harbour -in an almost sinking state, and 260 soldiers, forming her -cargo, were quartered in the Great Island, where they could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[Pg 352]</a></span> -be prevented from deserting. Both these ships were the -property of contractors, and supposed to be in good trim. -When the paint was off they proved to be ‘very unsound -and rotten, and I think,’ says Henry Cromwell, ‘that those -who were employed to contract for those ships are deeply -guilty of the loss of those poor men.’<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Henry -Cromwell -Lord -Deputy, -Nov. 17, -1657.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Financial -difficulties.</div> - -<p>After some hesitation and confusion, Henry Cromwell -was appointed Deputy in November 1657, with a new council -of five, of whom Chancellor Steele was the chief. Sindercome -had already put an end to himself, and Sexby was safe in -the Tower, where he died mad a few weeks later. Royalist -plots with Spanish support had ceased to be formidable, -and some reduction of the army in Ireland was possible, if -only money could be had to pay off the soldiers, who were -eight months in arrear before the end of 1657. The Deputy -maintained that nothing like an equilibrium could be established -unless 180,000<i>l.</i> were transmitted from England. The -regular revenue of Ireland was only about 72,000<i>l.</i>, which -was absorbed by the ordinary charges of government, and -the extraordinary taxation for the army weighed upon the -country. Broghill reported that some who had been returned -to Parliament could not possibly attend the second session, -being impoverished by the expenses of the first, and by heavy -taxes. The usual remittances from England were slow in -coming, and there was also ‘extreme trouble and confusion -about Spanish and bad coins which made the soldiers apt to -grow licentious in abusing the country when they levied their -contribution.’ They naturally decided questions of exchange -in their own favour, ‘partly of necessity, and partly presuming -’twill seem unreasonable to punish severely, and pay -negligently.’ Twenty thousand pounds were assessed upon -Ireland for war purposes during the three months ending -June 24, 1657, and 9000<i>l.</i> a month for the three years then -beginning. The monthly contribution from England and Wales<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[Pg 353]</a></span> -was 35,000<i>l.</i>, and 6000<i>l.</i> from Scotland, and many thought -Ireland disproportionately burdened. Indeed, Henry Cromwell -says in one letter that she paid six times, and in another -ten times too much. The difficulty about money continued -to the end of the Protectorate, for Oliver had not time to -summon a third Parliament, and Richard’s was short-lived. -Without parliamentary authority it was impossible to make -the State self-supporting on either side of St. George’s -Channel.<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The army -supports -the -Protector.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">An Anabaptist -on -the constitution.</div> - -<p>It was almost customary for a viceroy to be on ill terms -with a Lord Chancellor, and Henry Cromwell thought that -Steele was plotting to make a separate interest among the -Independents. Henry was by many years the younger man, -and he allowed his senior to lecture him, ‘supposing that -if I got nothing else I should get his measure.’ But Thurloe -did not believe his suspicions well founded, and Steele, who -had only accidentally missed being a regicide, had really -no course open to him but to support the Protector. After -Oliver dissolved his second Parliament, calling upon God -to judge between him and them, most of the officers in -England and Scotland agreed to an address of confidence -in him. The same course was taken in Ireland, but Major -Low, an Anabaptist, refused to express a wish that ‘government -should be settled on such a basis as should be most -suitable to the constitution of these nations,’ saying that -it implied a return to kingship. Sankey and others of the -same sect said that if kingship were really the most suitable -they would desire it: the Deputy must have seen the writing -on the wall. Ormonde’s courageous visit to London, in -January, and the abortive gathering at Ostend caused some -momentary alarm, but there was no disturbance, and a little -later the capture of Dunkirk raised Cromwell to his highest -pinnacle of fame. The army remained faithful, and as long<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[Pg 354]</a></span> -as life lasted it was evident to all that his power would last -also.<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Death of -Cromwell, -Sept. 3, -1658.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Henry -Cromwell, -Lord Lieutenant.</div> - -<p>Oliver Cromwell died, and Richard succeeded as quietly -as if he had been the legitimate king. The news reached -Dublin on October 10, and on the same day the new Protector -was proclaimed. Having been signed by the Lord Deputy -and such Privy Councillors, judges, and chief officers as were -on the spot, the proclamation was printed and dispersed over -the country next day. There was no opposition, Broghill -among others announcing his adhesion. A despatch was sent -to Monck promising him the unanimous support of the Irish -army in any difficulty. The machinery of government went -on as usual, but on October 6 Richard made his brother -Lord Lieutenant, and Petty carried the commission over to -Ireland. Lord Harry, as he was called, was not anxious -for the higher title; but having been appointed he kept -the same state as Strafford had done, which caused some -amusement. An address from the army in Ireland to the -new Protector was agreed to, the officers being quite or very -nearly unanimous. But Henry was almost afraid to write, -knowing that his letter would be opened, and Fauconberg -kept him informed of the plots against his brother. He dared -not leave his post, though much in want of a holiday. ‘I am -afraid,’ he wrote to Richard as early as October 20, ‘to come -to your Highness lest I should be kept there, and so your -Highness lose this army, which, for ought I know, is the only -stay you have ... the flood is so strong, you can neither -stem it nor come to an anchor, but must be content to go -adrift and expect the ebb.’<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Lord -Lieutenant’s -difficulties.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Elections -for -Richard’s -Parliament.</div> - -<p>Henry Cromwell was ill and despondent during the -months following his father’s death. He knew in his heart -that the system could not long outlive the man, and Thurloe, -whose judgment was not warped by fanaticism, could give<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[Pg 355]</a></span> -him little comfort. ‘The funeral,’ he wrote, ‘of his late -Highness was solemnised this day with very great honour; -but alas! it was his funeral.’ When the Lord Lieutenant’s -commission came over it was found to contain no clause -authorising him to leave Ireland or to appoint a Deputy, and -as if he felt Restoration in the air he looked to Charles I. -for a precedent, and sent over his letter to Strafford as a -model. He had, he wrote, been sentenced by his enemies -to an honourable banishment. Thurloe professed that the -omission was a mere oversight, but Fauconberg said bluntly -that his brother-in-law’s presence in London was desired by -no one. ‘They that hate you fear you too, and, therefore, -oppose it, they that love you have apprehensions neither -Ireland nor Henry Cromwell are secure if separated.’ And -Richard was of the same opinion. Moreover, he could hardly -be spared until the elections were over, and writs for the -new Parliament arrived about the middle of December. It -had been decided that thirty members should be sent from -Ireland and the same from Scotland by constituencies grouped -upon Oliver’s plan. The English members were to be returned -by the old counties and boroughs, giving up the late Protector’s -attempt at parliamentary reform, but the Upper -House was left as he had devised it, and separate writs for -it were sent to the Lord Lieutenant, to Lord Chancellor -Steele, and to Lord Broghill. Petty was returned for West -Loo, Coote for Galway and Mayo, and Vincent Gookin for -Bandon and Kinsale. Broghill thought a Parliament necessary, -but was not sanguine, and foresaw opposition from the -army.<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Parliament -of -1659.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Opinions -of Irish -members.</div> - -<p>The notice for the elections was so short that many or -most of the Irish members could not reach London in time -for the opening of Parliament; but this made little difference, -for the House of Commons was occupied at first in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[Pg 356]</a></span> -discussion of the Protector’s title, the constitution of the ‘other -House,’ and the status of the Scotch members. Parliament -met on January 27, and it was not till March 23 that it was -debated whether the members for Ireland should continue -to serve. In the meantime they were allowed to speak and, -apparently, to vote. Major Ashton, who represented Meath -and Louth, preferred a separate legislature, partly on the -ground that Ireland should have no share in governing -England. Arthur Annesley, who sat for the city of Dublin, -was of the same opinion—mainly, because Ireland would be -overtaxed by an assembly where she was always in a minority. -At the moment, he said, Ireland very unfairly paid 9000<i>l.</i> -a month while Scotland paid only 6000<i>l.</i>, and his prayer -was ‘that they might have some to hear their grievances in -their own nation, seeing they cannot have them heard here.’ -Sir Thomas Stanley, member for Tipperary and Waterford, -said he spoke not for Ireland, but for the English in Ireland. -‘Language, habit, laws, interest being in every respect the -same in kind,’ he was in favour of the Union, for free-born -Englishmen beyond the channel had a natural right to -representation in the sovereign Parliament. A hundred and -fifty-six voted for the retention of the Irish members, and a -hundred and six against, Thurloe being one of the tellers for -the majority. After this the Parliament had but one short -month of life, during which Irish affairs seem to have been -but little discussed, except in the matter of Petty and his -proceedings.<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Petty and -Sankey.</div> - -<p>Petty’s great enemy was Sir Hierome Sankey, who had -had a varied career. At Cambridge, where he was a candidate -for Holy Orders, he was more noted for proficiency in athletic -games than for study, and soon rose in the army when he -took the Parliamentary side at the beginning of the Civil War. -He became in turns a Presbyterian, an Independent, and at -last an Anabaptist. He migrated to Oxford, where he became -Fellow of All Souls, and was one of the proctors when -Fairfax and Cromwell were made Doctors of Civil Law in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[Pg 357]</a></span> -1649. He sat in the Parliament of 1654 for Tipperary and -Waterford, and in that of 1656 for Marlborough. Henry -Cromwell knighted him, and in Richard’s Parliament he -represented Woodstock. On March 24 he charged Petty with -various kinds of corruption, but without giving particulars, -and in the accused man’s absence. Maynard, who was himself -an Adventurer in Ireland and who touched on his own -experience in the Strafford trial, fixed upon this want of -particulars, and he was not without support. The most that -Sankey could do was to sign six articles, all of the most -general character; and these were sent to Petty in Ireland, -with orders to attend in his place that day month. The -summons did not reach him until April 3, so that he had only -seventeen days to make his preparations and travel from -Dublin to London. He had some reason to complain of the -short time allowed him.<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Petty’s -defence.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">His -revenge.</div> - -<p>On April 21 Petty attended as directed, and spoke at -length in answer to the articles. His speech was dignified -and moderate, and made a very good impression on the -House. The first charge was that he had received great -bribes. To this he answered that as clerk of the Council he -had never taken anything but the bare salary, and that as -secretary to Henry Cromwell he had been a pecuniary loser, -not exacting even the customary fees, ‘merely upon the -account of preserving his Excellency’s honour clear, and -myself clear from the least appearance of this evil.’ The -burden of proof evidently lay upon the accuser. The second -charge was that he had been a wholesale purchaser of debentures, -contrary to the Act of Satisfaction, forcing people to -sell as a condition for having their lands set out to them. -To this Petty replied that he had many colleagues and was -well watched, so that he could not use coercion if he had -wished; that the debentures bought by him were under -7000<i>l.</i> in value, and that he had got them from brokers, -who profited by the transaction. The third article charged -him with the fraudulent acquisition of much money and land,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[Pg 358]</a></span> -to which he answered that the only public payment to him -was by contract; that the 17,000<i>l.</i> which the survey cost was -well and hardly earned; and that the soldiers had paid half -of it themselves. As to land, he had no more than a fair -consideration for what was owed him. The fourth charge -was a general one of foul and unwarrantable practices, on -which he was content to challenge the production of a single -instance. The fifth and sixth articles accused Petty and his -colleagues of malversation generally, and was scarcely worth -answering, since they did not fall particularly on him. He -abstained from recrimination in debate, but took ample -revenge by publishing a report of Sankey’s reply, which -begins thus: ‘Mr. Speaker, you have heard here a long, -starched, studied speech; I say a starched, studied piece. -Mr. Speaker, there has been a great deal of rhetoric; I say a -great deal of rhetoric. But I will prove my charge; I will -make it good, Mr. Speaker, from the front to the rear—front, -flank, and rear; Mr. Speaker, that I will,’ and so forth. No -real evidence of any kind was adduced, or even mentioned, -and the business was referred to the Lord Lieutenant and -Council of Ireland. Richard’s Parliament was dissolved the -next day, and we are justified in believing his brother’s oft-repeated -assertion that Dr. Petty was a very honest man.<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Dissolution -of -Parliament, -April 22.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Rump -restored.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Henry -Cromwell -recalled.</div> - -<p>Richard Cromwell probably knew quite well that the -dissolution of Parliament was virtually an abdication, and -he resisted to the utmost. But the officers were determined -to depose him, and he had no hold upon soldiers whom he -had never led to victory. His brother in Ireland could only -wait upon events, rejoicing ‘that our dear father went off in -that glory which was due to his actings.’ He sent over Bury, -Lawrence, and Dr. Henry Jones to confer with Fleetwood as -to what was to be done. The Rump was restored in less than<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[Pg 359]</a></span> -three weeks, but so attenuated was that once formidable -assembly that a quorum of forty was with difficulty got -together. Ninety-one members in all were admitted to sit, -several of whom had been elected in an unconstitutional -manner, and the number meeting at any one time never -reached sixty. Lenthall, notwithstanding his new-fangled -peerage, was induced to take the chair. Immediately after -the late dissolution Coote had hurried to Ireland with the -news, and Broghill went over about the same time. On -June 7 the House resolved that Henry Cromwell, whose -opposition they feared, should come over to give an account -of the state of Ireland, and that on the same day the government -should be handed over to five commissioners. Steele, -Jones, and Goodwin were named at once, Corbet and -Tomlinson being added two days later. Ludlow’s name -was rejected by twenty-six votes against twenty-two, but a -month later he was appointed to command the army, and he -reached Dublin about the end of July.<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The -Royalists -endeavour -to gain -Henry.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">He prefers -private life.</div> - -<p>The rumour of his recall reached Henry Cromwell before -he had any official notice, and he decided to resign without -waiting for it. Great offers had been made to him on the part -of the exiled King, and he seems to have wavered for a moment, -though finally he thanked God for having been enabled to -resist temptation. The Royalists had relied on Fauconberg’s -powers of persuasion, and Charles expected Broghill’s help, -though he prudently avoided making any direct advance to -that astute politician. In his letter of resignation to the -Speaker he complained that he had had ‘the unhappiness of -late to receive intelligence only from common fame and very -private hands, and to be forced rather to guess what to do -upon all emergencies than to be intrusted with the clear -commands of superiors.’ He had secured the fidelity of the -army to the English Government so that that ‘dangerous, -numerous, and exasperated people, the Irish natives and -Papists,’ might be no cause for anxiety. He warned the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[Pg 360]</a></span> -Parliament that as they had been turned out of doors in -1653, so they might well be again and by the same people. -He was himself a lover of peace and of orderly civil government, -but ‘I cannot,’ he said, ‘promote anything which -infers the diminution of my late father’s honour and merit.’ -The Royalists, having failed to gain him over, were afraid -of his heading a separate interest; and Clarendon, who had -been concerned in the abortive negotiations, says that ‘by -the jolliness of his humour and a general civility towards all, -he had rendered himself gracious and popular to all sorts of -people.’ He left Ireland soon after his resignation, told his -story to the Council of State on July 6, and retired to Cambridgeshire.<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Public -character -of Henry -Cromwell.</div> - -<p>It is probable that materials do not exist for a full account -of Henry Cromwell. His public career ended at the age of -thirty-one, and he had no opportunity of showing much -originality. The confiscation of Irish land to pay the expenses -of conquering the country was decided upon when he was -quite a boy, and he had no voice in the subsequent legislation. -So far as Protestants were concerned, he leaned towards -comprehension, and allowed no sect or party to dominate -over the rest. As to the Roman Catholics, there was little -scope for any movement in the direction of toleration, but he -disliked the oath of abjuration. ‘I wish,’ he said, ‘this -extreme course had not been so suddenly taken, coming like -a thunder-clap upon them. I wish the oath for the present -had provided (though in severest manner) for their renouncing -all foreign jurisdiction; and as for other doctrinal matters, -that some means had been first used to have informed their -judgments with such ordinary smaller penalties as former -experience has found effectual. I wish his Highness were -made sensible thereof in time.’ He was fain to dispense -with the oath, but Thurloe thought this could not be done<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[Pg 361]</a></span> -without an Act of Parliament, though it might be modified -in practice by those on the spot; and this was just what -Henry Cromwell did. In other political matters he showed -good judgment, questioning the real value of Dunkirk, objecting -to penal taxation of the Cavaliers, and showing how -impossible it was to bind a nation by oaths or any other -contrivance. ‘To what,’ he asked, ‘shall men swear? Have -you any settlement? Does not your peace depend upon -his Highness’s life, and upon his peculiar skill and faculty -and personal interest in the army as now modelled and -commanded?’ He was always loyal to his father, but he had -been in love with Dorothy Osborne, and he had no objection -to Royalists as such. It seems that he might have made a -party for himself at the cost of much bloodshed, and he -deserves nothing but praise for preferring to retire quietly. -Oliver had warned him against the temptation to build up a -great estate, and though he did not refuse to take grants of -land like everyone else, he had at the end of his government -scarcely money enough to carry him back to England.<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> Fleetwood to Thurloe, December 15, 1654, <i>Thurloe</i>, iii. 23.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> Taylor to Harrison, December 17, 1655 (wrongly placed among papers -of 1654) in <i>Thurloe</i>, iii. 29; <i>ib.</i> iv. 260, 327; <i>Clarke Papers</i>, iii. 60; <i>Ludlow</i>, -i. 406 <i>sqq.</i>, with Mr. Firth’s notes for Ludlow’s proceedings. Fleetwood -writes on January 3, 1654-5, ‘Here hath been some papers called mementoes -spread up and down the army by that gentleman, who, I had hoped, my -friendship would have prevented any such attempt,’ <i>Thurloe</i>, iii. 70.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> Correspondence between H. Cromwell and Thurloe from September 11, -1655, till January 22 following, in <i>Thurloe</i>, iv. 23, 40, 75, 198, 443. See -Gardiner’s <i>Commonwealth</i>, iii. 452.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> Minutes of Irish Council, January 22, 1654-5 and March 27, Irish R.O. -A/60. Rev. John Grace’s report, July 5, 1669, in <i>Spicilegium Ossoriense</i>, i. -484 (Latin). See Gardiner’s <i>Commonwealth</i>, chaps. 40 and 44. A shipload -was sent to St. Christophers from Kinsale, Robert Southwell to H. Cromwell, -March 6, 1656-7, <i>Lansdowne MSS.</i>, 821.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> <i>Clarke Papers</i>, iii. 49, 52; Rev. Thomas Harrison (Independent) to -Thurloe, October 17, 1655, <i>Thurloe</i>, iv. 90; Vincent Gookin to the Protector -(written in London), <i>ib.</i> November 22, 1656; Stubbs, <i>Hist. of the -University of Dublin</i>, p. 90. Winter with two elders and forty-one other -parishioners signed a letter to the Protector praising Henry warmly for his -charity and justice and his countenance ‘to all that fear God though of -different judgments,’ <i>Milton State Papers</i>, p. 137, June 3, 1656; Rev. R. -Easthorp to H. Cromwell, June 11, 1657, <i>Lansdowne MSS.</i>, p. 822.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> <i>Ludlow</i>, i. 360, 402, 415; <i>Thurloe</i>, iii. 70, 136, 710, 715, 744; iv. 73.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> Oliver Cromwell to Fleetwood, June 22, 1655, <i>Carlyle</i>, ii. 451; to -Henry Cromwell, November 21, <i>ib.</i> 479; Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, -September 19, 1655 (as to ‘Colonel Hewson with his three Anabaptist sons’), -<i>Thurloe</i>, iv. 327; December 26, <i>ib.</i> 348; February 6 and April 2, 1655-6 -(as to military Quakers), <i>ib.</i> 508, 672; and H. Ingoldsby’s letter from -Limerick, March 29, 1657, <i>Lansdowne MSS.</i>, p. 822; Thurloe to Henry Cromwell, -January 1, <i>ib.</i> 573; Henry Cromwell to Thurloe (as to John Jones), -March 12 and April 2, 1655-6, <i>ib.</i> 606, 672; same to same (for the field -officers who resigned), December 3, 1666, <i>ib.</i> 670.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> The Act for convicting Popish Recusants, reciting the form of oath, in -<i>Scobell</i>, ii. 443; Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, September 23, 1657, <i>Thurloe</i>, -vi. 527; Dr. Henry Jones to same, September 30, <i>ib.</i> 539.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> Dr. Worth’s letter, October 31, 1656, <i>Clarke Papers</i>, iii. 77; H. Cromwell’s -letters of November 5 and November 17, <i>Thurloe</i>, v. 558, 570, and -Col. Moore’s to him, November 2, <i>ib.</i> 571. For the Royalist plots referred -to, <i>ib.</i> 348, 422, 443.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> <i>Scobell</i>, ii. 424, 491; Henry Cromwell’s letters in vols. vi. and vii. of -<i>Thurloe</i>, particularly that to the Protector of December 2, 1657, vi. 649; -to Fleetwood, April 14, 1658, vii. 71; and to Thurloe, May 5, <i>ib.</i> 144. -Broghill to Thurloe, December 11, 1657, <i>ib.</i> vi. 670. On April 27, 1658, -Fleetwood wrote, ‘If we can get you 30,000<i>l.</i> by borrowing, it will be the -most,’ <i>ib.</i> vii. 100.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, March 24 and 31, 1658, and May 26 and -June 23; Thurloe’s answer, July 13, <i>Thurloe</i>, vii. 21, 39, 145, 198, 269.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> Henry Cromwell’s letter (with the proclamation), in <i>Thurloe</i>, vii. 384, -425, 453; Steele, <i>ib.</i> 388; Broghill (from Mallow), <i>ib.</i> 399; Fauconberg, <i>ib.</i> -406, 413, 437, 450; Colonel T. Cooper, <i>ib.</i> 425; <i>Liber Munerum Publicorum</i>, -vol. i. part ii. 8; <i>Clarke Papers</i>, iii. 166.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> Thurloe to H. Cromwell, November 23, 1658, <i>Thurloe</i>, vii. 528; three -letters of Broghill’s, December 18 to January 24, <i>ib.</i> 573, 597, 600; Fauconberg’s -letter, <i>ib.</i> 528; List of members in <i>Parliamentary Hist.</i> xxi. 262. -It does not appear that Petty was returned for any place in Ireland, as -stated in his <i>Life</i>, p. 79. Gookin’s opposition to Broghill was unsuccessful, -Neal’s <i>Hist. of the Puritans</i>, iv. 182.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> Burton’s <i>Diary</i>, iv. 237-242; Broghill to Thurloe, January 24, 1658-9, -in <i>Thurloe</i>, and Neal’s <i>History of the Puritans</i>, iv. 183.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> Wood’s <i>Fasti Oxonienses</i>, vol. iv. in Bliss’s edition, 119, 148, 156; -Burton’s <i>Diary</i>, iv. 244 <i>sqq.</i>; <i>Hist. of Down Survey</i>, p. 292.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> Burton’s <i>Diary</i>, iv. 244, 470; <i>Hist. of Down Survey</i>, 290-300, where -Petty gives Sankey’s speech ‘as near as the memory of such as were present -can recollect.’ H. Cromwell to Thurloe, April 11, 1659, ‘he has curiously -deluded me these four years if he be a knave,’ and another letter to Fleetwood -in June, <i>Thurloe</i>, vii. 651, 684. Sankey’s speech with some amusing -comments may be also read in Petty’s <i>Reflections</i> on some persons and -things in Ireland.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> Henry Cromwell to Richard, May 23, 1659, and to Fleetwood next day, -<i>Thurloe</i>, vii. 674; Broghill to Thurloe, April 29, <i>ib.</i> 665; <i>Old Parliamentary -Hist.</i>, xxi. 372 <i>sqq.</i>; <i>Ludlow</i>, ii. 177 <i>sqq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> H. Cromwell to the Speaker, June 15, 1659, <i>Thurloe</i>, vii. 683, and to -Fleetwood, <i>ib.</i> 685; <i>Clarendon State Papers</i>, iii. 500; Clarendon’s <i>Hist. of -the Rebellion</i>, xvi. 16; <i>Ludlow</i>, ii. Clarendon states in a letter that Henry -Cromwell had at one time actually determined to declare for the King, ‘but -that wretched fellow had no courage,’ to Ormonde, October 25, 1659, in -Carte’s <i>Original Letters</i>, ii. 242.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> H. Cromwell to Thurloe, September 23, 1657, <i>Thurloe</i>, vi. 527; March -27, 1657-8, <i>ib.</i> 39; June 30, <i>ib.</i> 218; to Fleetwood, June 1659, <i>ib.</i> 684. -Writing both to Thurloe and Broghill on April 7, 1658, he mentions that -Inchiquin’s son came to him without any pass after three weeks’ stay among -his father’s friends in Munster: ‘I will be as civil as I may be to him, and -to all men else,’ <i>ib.</i> vii. 55, 57.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[Pg 362]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XXXIX" id="CHAPTER_XXXIX">CHAPTER XXXIX</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE RESTORATION</span></h2> - -<div class="sidenote">Provisional -Government, -1659.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Position -of Ludlow.</div> - -<p>The Commissioners appointed by Parliament carried on the -civil government for about six months after Henry Cromwell’s -resignation, but the really important thing was the attitude -of the army. Ludlow and John Jones went over together in -July, and on their way to Holyhead heard rumours of a coming -rising under Sir George Booth. Soon after their arrival in -Ireland one hundred men were sent to reinforce Beaumaris -and the neighbouring garrisons. On landing at Ringsend, -‘the guard that had formerly attended Cromwell’ was -waiting under Sir Theophilus Jones, and escorted the new -commander-in-chief into Dublin. The Commissioners arranged -to preside for a month in turn, Ludlow sitting next the chairman -when present, and having precedence at other times; -in official documents he was styled ‘Excellency.’ He had -brought with him a letter of credit for 30,000<i>l.</i>, which added -weight to his promise of regular pay for the soldiers. As -soon as the insurrection broke out in Cheshire he was ordered -to send over a thousand foot and five hundred horse; and -they were despatched within ten days, under Sankey’s command, -two months’ pay having been advanced to them. -During the disorderly period which followed they became -known as the Irish Brigade.<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ludlow -purges -the army.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">John Jones -in command -of -the army.</div> - -<p>Ludlow was determined not to be again kept in Ireland -as a kind of exile, and took the precaution of having a clause -in his commission allowing him to return when he chose, and -to appoint a substitute in his absence. Before taking advantage -of this he devoted himself to a reform of the army, for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[Pg 363]</a></span> -he found ‘divers of the officers guilty of habitual immoralities, -many of them accustomed to detain the pay of the private -soldiers, and most of them debauched in their principles by -the late usurpation of the Cromwells.’ Many of them, -especially in Connaught and Clare, had married Irish Papists, -and some who professed Protestantism might ‘justly be -suspected to continue Papists.’ Many were dismissed, and -their places filled as far as possible by men who had been -cashiered for adhering to the Parliament as against the -Protectorate. In the meantime the Irish Brigade at Derby -supported Lambert and those who proposed to make him -Major-General. Copies of their petition were sent to Ireland -by Sankey, and officers there were invited to concur; but -Ludlow assembled as many as he could and persuaded them -that England would never submit to be governed by the -sword. He then prepared to go to England, and wished to -leave the military as well as the civil authority in the hands -of the Commissioners; but this they refused to accept. -He then appointed Jones, who was one of them, to be his -substitute, for he regarded Waller as a time-server, and -Sankey had made himself impossible. As a member of -Parliament and one of the late King’s judges, Jones might -at all events be trusted not to favour Charles Stuart. On -reaching Beaumaris Ludlow heard that the Parliament had -once more, as Henry Cromwell had foreshadowed, been -turned out of doors by the soldiers. Lambert, who was in -command, had narrowly escaped the Tower, and was actually -deprived of his commission along with Desborough and others. -The Act constituting Fleetwood commander-in-chief in Great -Britain was repealed, and he became one of a commission of -seven along with Ludlow, Monck, and others. Among them -was Haselrig, whom Lambert believed to be thirsting for -his blood, and he professed to be acting in self-defence.<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Monck -and Jones, -Oct. 1659.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Last acts -of the -Irish Commissioners.</div> - -<p>As soon as Monck heard of what had happened in London<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[Pg 364]</a></span> -he wrote to Ludlow as his fellow-commissioner for the government -of the army, declaring that the forces under his immediate -command were unanimous for Parliament, and declaring his -intention to ‘prosecute this business against ambition and -tyranny to the last drops of my blood till they be restored.’ -The letter reached Jones in Ireland, and an answer was sent -by him. Cornet Henry Monck, the general’s nephew, was in -Dublin, and thought the army neutral, until fourteen field-officers -signed an address to the army in England, by which -he observed that all who inclined to Anabaptism were against -the Parliament. The answer sent to Monck was signed by -Jones himself and Sir Hardress Waller, Colonel Cooper, -governor of Carrickfergus, Colonel Lawrence, governor of -Waterford, Colonel Phaire, governor of Cork, Colonel -Nicholas Kempson, Ludlow’s brother-in-law, and Dr. Henry -Jones. These officers declared that any division of action or -opinion in the army would be ‘found in the issue to be nothing -else but the opening of a door for the common enemy to come -in,’ and the event showed that they were not far wrong. -At the same time Monck was informed by his nephew that -he would have the support of Sir Charles Coote, Sir Theophilus -Jones, and most of the other officers. Sankey, who commanded -the Irish Brigade in England, sided with Lambert; -but Colonel Redman, who served under him, was already in -communication with Charles II. While the action of the -army remained uncertain, the Commissioners carried on the -civil government, and there were no serious disturbances. -Large numbers of the transplanted still refused to stir, and -the Tories were troublesome in many places. An order went -forth in September to disarm all Irish Papists in Wicklow -and to seize their arms and ammunition. There was a particularly -active gang of marauders about Castledermot. -Some weeks later a seizure was made at the custom-house of -Quaker books which denounced the Government as anti-Christian -and the ministers established by them as ‘priests, -hirelings, and dumb dogs.’ The very last order of Jones and -his colleagues appears to have been one for the suppression -of the Christmas holidays, as giving rise to debauchery and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[Pg 365]</a></span> -only calculated to ‘uphold idolatry and superstition derived -from the Church of Rome.’<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Revolt of -the Irish -army.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Commissioners -imprisoned</div> - -<p>The order against Christmas was made on December 9, -and four days later the whole face of affairs was changed. -Sir Theophilus Jones and some other officers determined, -after Lambert had dismissed the Parliament, to free themselves -from subjection to the Wallingford House party. -They began by petitioning John Jones as commander-in-chief -to call a general council of officers to consider the situation, -Sir Hardress Waller as the next in rank undertaking to take -the lead in the matter. Jones dared not refuse such a request -altogether, but the malcontents intercepted a letter from -Fleetwood from which they understood that the opportunity -would be taken to arrest them. There were but five companies -of foot and three troops of horse in Dublin whose -fidelity Jones had little reason to doubt. But Captain Bond -persuaded his own company to seize the Castle gates and -make prisoners of Jones, Corbet, and Tomlinson. A declaration -in favour of the Parliament was cried through the streets -next morning and generally approved of. The officers who -had laid the plot were thus in the possession of the only -magazine, which had just been replenished with five hundred -barrels of powder, and no resistance could be attempted. -The other garrisons were quickly mastered, Coote securing -Galway, while Broghill held Youghal, Bandon and Kinsale. -The garrisons of Cork, Limerick, Waterford, and Athlone -took the same course; and the submission of Londonderry -settled the question in Ulster. Colonel Cooper, the governor -of Carrickfergus, who might have given trouble in the northern -province, died in his chair within a week. The officers in -Dublin at once informed Monck of what had been done; the -news was also sent to London and Portsmouth, while Coote -and Broghill were urged to come to Dublin. Sir Hardress -Waller acquiesced, though he had signed the answer to -Monck, and became for the moment commander-in-chief.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[Pg 366]</a></span> -The Irish Brigade in England declared for the Parliament -on December 21, and Sankey was arrested by Monck, who -was welcomed by Redman at the head of the troops when he -came to Leicester.<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Monck -gains over -Coote and -Broghill.</div> - -<p>Sir Theophilus Jones had six troops of horse ready to go -to Monck’s assistance, but Lambert’s star waned so fast that -they were not wanted. Whitelock saw that a restoration -was inevitable, and nearly persuaded Fleetwood to seize the -Tower, communicate with the King, and get credit for what -he could not prevent. But Desborough and others reminded -him that he was bound to Lambert, who was at Newcastle, -and he refused to stir without consulting him. ‘Then,’ said -Whitelock, ‘you will ruin yourself and your friends.’ ‘I cannot -help it,’ was the answer; and that exactly represents -Fleetwood’s attitude. On December 26 the Rump without -his aid retook possession of their House amidst the acclamations -of the very soldiers who had kept them out of it. The -news reached Monck at Coldstream four or five days later, -and on January 1 he crossed the Tweed, Lambert being -deserted by his army. From Durham he sent Sir Joseph -Douglas to gain over Coote, and he was also in communication -with Broghill; but by this time both were in Dublin, and -fully committed to the cause of the Parliament.<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ludlow -goes to -Ireland, -December.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">But is not -allowed -to land.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ludlow -at Duncannon, -January.</div> - -<p>Ludlow was a genuine Republican, and his great object -was to prevent a restoration of the monarchy. ‘It was,’ he -says, ‘my judgment, that if either the Parliament or the -army should entirely prevail one against the other in this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[Pg 367]</a></span> -juncture, it would hazard the ruin of both.’ The Parliament -alone could provide regular sustenance for the army which -was necessary for its own protection, and it was by establishing -a balance that Charles Stuart might be kept out. With -these ideas, and with some hopes of furthering them through -his position at the head of the Irish army, he set out for -Dublin as soon as the restoration of the Parliament was -practically arranged. He could not but agree with the -decision of the officers in Ireland to co-operate for that -purpose with the generals at Portsmouth, with Monck, and -with Vice-Admiral Lawson, but he distrusted Sir Theophilus -Jones, Colonel Bridges, and others who had supported the -protectorate; and Coote’s attitude was evidently suspicious. -Ludlow embarked upon the <i>Oxford</i> frigate, and anchored off -his own house at Monkstown on the last of December, but -did not venture to land until he knew what was going on. -Before he appeared upon the coast, Coote and the others -had resolved not to admit him as commander-in-chief without -fresh orders from Parliament. Ludlow sent a letter to -Waller and his colleagues, offering to help in the good work, -but they answered that his appearance was very unacceptable, -that they did not believe he was true to the Parliament, -and that they would not resign their power without -direct orders from that body. They also hinted very plainly -that they were quite ready to arrest Ludlow if so directed. -Captain Lucas, who brought the letter, suggested that he -should go to the council of officers and adjust all differences -by personal intercourse; but he answered that he knew -their principles much too well to trust himself in their hands, -adding that their attachment to the Parliament was feigned, -and their real design ‘to destroy both them and their friends, -and to bring in the son of the late King.’ Cavalry were sent -to prevent him from landing, and he was not allowed to get -water or provisions. Seeing that nothing could be done, -Ludlow sent letters to London by the ordinary packet, along -with some which he had intercepted, and after three days’ -waiting, sailed to Duncannon, Corbet having taken refuge -in his ship. They were received with joy by Captain Skinner,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[Pg 368]</a></span> -whom Ludlow had appointed governor; but Waterford was -as hostile as Dublin had been, and he was not allowed even -to ship provisions which he had paid for. Attempts were -also made to alienate the garrison of the fort by representing -him as a deserter from the Parliament, and cattle intended -for their relief were driven off by cavalry under Colonel -Edmund Temple. A few days later Duncannon was blockaded -by a sufficient force under Colonel Thomas Scot, the regicide’s -son; but some provisions were introduced in the meantime.<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"> -Impeachment -of -Ludlow -and the -Commissioners.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Ludlow -leaves -Ireland.</div> - -<p>As he endeavoured to keep terms with the Wallingford -House party, it was possible to represent Ludlow as an enemy -or lukewarm friend to the Parliament. Why, it was asked, -had he left London two days before its restoration? His -commission, to be of any value under the circumstances, -should be dated after that event, whereas he depended on -what had been done before the late interval of military violence. -In a letter written during that enforced recess he had addressed -John Jones as ‘Dear friend,’ and expressed a fear that the -Long Parliament would be ‘very high, in case they should -be brought in without conditions.’ Two or three days after -Ludlow’s arrival at Duncannon, the victorious party in -Dublin sent over articles of impeachment against him, Jones, -Corbet, and Tomlinson, which were read in the House on -January 19. The powers of the accused were at once suspended, -and they were summoned to attend, Ludlow being -specially ordered to surrender Duncannon to Coote and Jones. -The fort was beset in the meantime, and before the decision -of Parliament was known Captain Skinner complained that -the soldiers outside insulted the garrison with expressions -in use only among the worst kind of Cavaliers, such as ‘God -damn them!’ and ‘Go to your prayers!’ Some called for -the Parliament of 1641, some for that of 1647, and some -complained that it was reduced to a ‘rump, fag-end, or limb.’ -There had been earlier orders for Ludlow and the three Commissioners -to go over and give an account of the state of -Ireland, and Monck, whose suggestions at the moment had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[Pg 369]</a></span> -almost the weight of commands, pressed for their recall and -for the appointment of Coote, Broghill, and three others. -Ludlow sailed from Duncannon in obedience to the first -summons, heard of the impeachment on his way to London, -and took his seat in Parliament along with Corbet on -January 30. Tomlinson was a prisoner in Dublin Castle, -and John Jones at Athlone.<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">A new Provisional -Government, -January -1659-60.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">A general -convention.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Coote and -Broghill -approach -Charles II.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Declaration -of -Munster -officers, -February.</div> - -<p>Broghill, Coote, and Major William Bury were appointed -Commissioners for the government of Ireland in January, -and by the end of the month the officers in Dublin had a -pretty good understanding with Monck; but they probably -forced his hand by summoning a convention to meet on -February 7. The places represented were as in Strafford’s -time, but no doubt care was taken that the assembly should -be entirely Protestant. Sir James Barry, afterwards Lord -Santry, was chosen Speaker, and William Temple sat for the -county of Carlow. The Council of State ordered the convention -to dissolve, but this they refused, while repudiating any -idea of separation from England. Sir Hardress Waller had -hitherto gone with the rest; but it became evident that -Royalism was winning, and he had sat regularly as one of the -late King’s judges, and signed his death-warrant. He made -himself master of the Castle, and it was believed that he -intended to seize Coote and other leaders who had declared in -print for a free Parliament and the readmission of all the -secluded members. The convention had the power of the -purse, and the soldiers in the Castle, who were probably tired -of barrack-revolutions and deferred pay, surrendered Waller -and the few officers who supported him. Coote sent Sir -Arthur Forbes, a noted Royalist who had been with Montrose, -to Brussels with an offer of his services, and Charles gladly -accepted them, offering an earldom and other benefits, and -proposing to join him, ‘except it be more necessary that I go<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[Pg 370]</a></span> -for England.’ Broghill sent his brother Francis, afterwards -Lord Shannon, about the same time; and, if we are to believe -his not very trustworthy biographer, Charles was on the -point of starting for Ireland by way of Calais when he heard -that things were going so well in England as to make the -journey unnecessary. What is more certain is that Broghill -was at Cork three days after Waller’s attempt, and there, at -the head of the Munster officers, signed a declaration in favour -of a full and free Parliament, and of readmitting the members -ousted by Pride’s Purge. All men, they said, were tired of -anarchy and of authorities constantly changing, and for the -moment there was no safety but in restoring the Long Parliament -to its unpurged condition. ‘If the excluded members -be readmitted, they must be either the greater or the lesser -number in the House; if the lesser, where is the danger of -their admission? If the greater, where is the justice of -their exclusion? For then it will appear that the minor -number keeps out the major.’ Whatever may have been -Broghill’s secret negotiations, he kept up a correspondence -with Thurloe long after Monck had come to Whitehall, and -repudiated the idea of bringing in the King as late as April 24. -Even on May 8, when Charles was proclaimed in London, he -still talked of preserving ‘the just rights we contended for so -successfully in the war,’ very truly observing that if no -conditions were made before the then inevitable restoration, -it would be next to impossible to make any afterwards.<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Charles II. -proclaimed -in Dublin, -May 14.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Coote and -Broghill -Lords -Justices.</div> - -<p>According to his biographer and chaplain, Broghill was -the moving spirit, and Coote acted under his influence; but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[Pg 371]</a></span> -this is extremely doubtful. Broghill loved tortuous ways, -and was perhaps anxious to leave himself a loophole in any -case. Foreseeing the importance of the Convention Parliament -in England, he was most anxious to be in it, and, having -married a Howard, he found a seat at Arundel. Coote and -his friends were ready to declare themselves before decisive -steps were taken in London, but it was felt that the restored -King might be embarrassed by premature action, and means -were taken to delay proceedings. Charles II. was not proclaimed -in Dublin till May 14, and on the 25th Broghill was -sent with Coote and others to attend the King. Whatever -those in all the secrets may have thought, Coote was at first -much better received by the Royalists generally, who looked -upon his colleague and rival as a trimmer. Three days later -the Irish Convention adjourned till November. Monck was -appointed Lord Lieutenant and Lord Roberts Deputy; but -neither of them came over, and at the end of the year Sir -Maurice Eustace, who had been made Lord Chancellor, was -appointed Lord Justice, with Coote and Broghill as colleagues. -The two soldiers were treated as of equal importance, the one -being made Earl of Orrery on September 5, and the other -Earl of Mountrath on the following day.<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> <i>Ludlow</i>, ii. 104-111.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> The Commission was appointed on October 12, and Lambert suppressed -the Parliament next day. <i>Ludlow</i>, ii. 119-137, 143; <i>Old Parliamentary -Hist.</i>, xxi. 453-479; Lord Mordaunt to the King, October 27, in Carte’s -<i>Original Letters</i>, ii. 244.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> Monck’s letter of October 20, 1659, in <i>Ludlow</i>, ii. 449; Henry Monck’s -letter of November 3 in <i>Clarke Papers</i>, iv. 95, with the notes; Commonwealth -Papers in <i>Irish R.O.</i> A/17.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> A <i>Letter sent from Ireland</i> to Lenthall, dated December 15, and read in -Parliament January 5, 1659. <i>A Perfect Narrative</i> of the grounds and reasons -moving some officers of the army in Ireland to the securing of the Castle -of Dublin for the Parliament on December 13, last, London, 1660. <i>Ludlow</i>, -ii. 184. Sir Theophilus Jones and the rest to the army at Portsmouth, -December 24, 1659, <i>Portland Papers</i>, i. 688. Robert Wood was commissioned -to offer 3000 or 4000 men from Ireland to the Parliament, <i>ib.</i> 690. -Hoyle and others to Lenthall, December 31, <i>ib.</i> 691; Waller to Monck, -December 16, 1659, <i>Clarke Papers</i>, iv. 202; Price’s Life of Monck, p. 748 in -<i>Select Tracts</i>, ii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> Monck to Waller, December 28, and January 1, <i>Clarke Papers</i>, ii. 226, -237; Coote, Broghill, &c. to Lenthall, January 11, <i>ib.</i> 241; <i>Whitelock</i>, -p. 691, December 22; Price’s Life of Monck in <i>Select Tracts</i>, ii. 751.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> <i>Ludlow</i>, ii. 190-196, 471, 475. Ludlow came to Duncannon on -January 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> Letter from Waller, Broghill, Coote, and twenty-six others to Ludlow, -January 10, 1659-60, with his answer, <i>Ludlow</i>, 453; Monck to Lenthall, -January 16, <i>ib.</i> 453; Captain Skinner’s Remonstrance, January, in Cal. -State Papers, <i>Ireland</i>, p. 717. <i>A Perfect Narrative</i>, p. 13; <i>Old Parliamentary -Hist.</i>, xxii. 55. There are several letters to and from Ludlow during -January in Cal. State Papers, <i>Ireland</i>, pp. 704-716.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> Sir Theophilus Jones to Monck, February 1 and 19, 1659-60, in -<i>Leyborne-Popham Papers</i>, 141, 155; Sir Charles Coote and the Council of -Officers to Monck, February 16, <i>ib.</i> 152; Declaration of Broghill and the -Munster officers, February 18, in <i>Thurloe</i>, vii. 817; Broghill to Thurloe, -<i>ib.</i> 859, 908, 912; the King to Coote, Breda, March 6/16, in Carte’s <i>Original -Letters</i>, ii. 314; Orrery’s <i>State Letters</i>, i. 59, for the Rev. Mr. Morrice’s -account of Broghill’s proceedings, <i>Liber Munerum Publicorum</i>, vol. i. part ii. -p. 8. The declaration of Coote and the other officers, dated February 16, -and sent with the letter to Monck of that day, gave the tone to all subsequent -proceedings. It was printed in Dublin and reprinted in London with -fifty-five signatures, including those of Coote himself, Caulfield, Theophilus -Jones, Henry Ingoldsby, John King, Thomas Scot, and W. Purefoy.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> Orrery’s <i>State Letters</i>, i. 59; <i>Liber Munerum Publicorum</i>, vol. i. part i. -p. 8; Carte’s <i>Life of Ormonde</i>, ii. 203; Lord Aungier to Ormonde, May 11/21, -1660, in Carte’s <i>Orig. Letters</i>, ii. 345.</p></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[Pg 372]</a><br /><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[Pg 373]</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="gap4"><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX">INDEX</a><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller"><span class="smaller">TO</span><br /> -<br /> -THE SECOND VOLUME</span></h2> - -<p class="indfirst">Aberdeen, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Acton church, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Acton, near Bristol, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Adair, Patrick, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Robert, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Adamstown, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Adare, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Adrian’s bull, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Adventurers, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Aghada, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Aghenure, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Agher, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Algiers, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Allen, Adjutant-General, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— hill of, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Amboyna, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Annagh, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Anne of Austria, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Annesley, Arthur, afterwards Earl of Anglesey, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Antonio, Captain, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Antrim, Randal MacDonnell, 1st Marquis of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">nominal Lieutenant-General, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">sends men to Montrose, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>-<a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">President of Supreme Council, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">at Paris, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">tries to thwart Ormonde, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— town and county, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Arcamoni, Giuseppe, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ardee, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ardfinane, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ardtully, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Argyle, Archibald, 1st Marquis of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Arkin, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Arklow, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Armagh, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Armstrong, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Arran islands, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Arras, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Artois, Duchess of, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Arundel, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ashley, Captain, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ashton, Major and M.P., <a href="#Page_356">356</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Askeaton, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Aston, Captain, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Arthur, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>-<a href="#Page_195">195</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Athboy, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Athenry, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— (Bermingham), Lord, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Athlone, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Castle taken, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">court of claims, <a href="#Page_334">334</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Augher, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Augustinians, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Axtell, Daniel, regicide, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Baal, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bagenal, Walter, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Baggotrath, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bagni, Monsignor dei, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Baillie, Robert, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Baker, Abraham, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Thomas, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Balbriggan, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bale, John, Bishop of Ossory, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballagh, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballaghdereen, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballimore, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballina, in Kildare, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballinacargy, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballinafeeg, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballinakill, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballinalack, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></p> - -<p class="indmain"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[Pg 374]</a></span>Ballinasloe, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballincollig, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballingarry, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballinrobe, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballintober, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballyallia, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballycarra, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballycastle, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballygarth, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballyhooly, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballymore, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballyquin, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballyragget, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ballyshannon, in Donegal, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— or Ballisonan, in Kildare, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>-<a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Baltimore, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Banagher, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Banbridge, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bandon, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bane, John, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bann river, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Barbadoes, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Barebone’s Parliament, Irish members in, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Barham, Thomas, Dean of Ross, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Barnesmore, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Barnewall, Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Baron or Barron, Bonaventure, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— — Geoffrey, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>-<a href="#Page_276">276</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Barrington’s Bridge, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Barrow river, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Colonel, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Barry, Colonel Garret, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— — John, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir James, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Captain William, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Robert, titular Bishop of Cork, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Barrymore, David, 1st Earl of, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Lady, (Lady Alice Boyle), <a href="#Page_93">93</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bate, George, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Battleford Bridge, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bavaria, Irish mission to, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Beaumaris, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Beaupuis, an ‘Important,’ <a href="#Page_99">99</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Beeston, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Belfast, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">seized by Monro, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">surprised by Monck, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">‘a small town in Ulster,’ <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Belgium, Irish envoy to, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bellings, Richard, Secretary of the Irish Confederacy, historian, and opponent of Rinuccini, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his foreign mission, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>-<a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>-<a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>-<a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">leaves Ireland, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Belturbet, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Belvelly, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Benburb, O’Neill’s victory at, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>-<a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bennet’s Bridge, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bentivoglio, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Beresford, Colonel, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bermuda, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bertie, Captain, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bingham, Sir Henry, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Birr, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Biscay, Irish mission to, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Blackwater river, in Ulster, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— river, in Munster, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Blair Athol, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Blake, Admiral Robert, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Valentine, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Blaney, Lord, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Lady, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Blarney, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bodley, Sir Josiah, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bolton, Sir Richard, Lord Chancellor, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bond, Captain, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Borlase, Sir John, Lord Justice, chaps. xxi.-xxiii. <i>passim</i></p> - -<p class="indmain">Borrisoleigh, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Borris, or Burris, in Carlow, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— in Ossory, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bourke, Miles and Theobald: <i>see</i> Mayo</p> - -<p class="indmain">— or de Burgo, Archbishop of Tuam: <i>see</i> Burgo</p> - -<p class="indmain">— Colonel John, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Hugh, Franciscan, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir John, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Boyle, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— family, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub"><i>see</i> Cork, Broghill, Dungarvan, and Kinalmeaky</p> - -<p class="indmain">— Francis, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Richard, Archbishop of Tuam, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Michael, afterwards Primate, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Boyne river, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bradshaw, John, the regicide, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Braintree woods, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bray, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></p> - -<p class="indmain"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[Pg 375]</a></span>Brentford, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Brereton, Sir William, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bridges, Colonel, <a href="#Page_367">367</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bright, Captain, <a href="#Page_81">81</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bristol, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Lord, (Digby), <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Briver, Francis, Mayor of Waterford, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Brockett, Colonel, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Broghill, Roger Boyle Lord, afterwards Earl of Orrery, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>-<a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">relieves Youghal, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">victory at Macroom, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>-<a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">victory near Kanturk, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>-<a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">helps the Restoration and becomes Earl of Orrery, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>-<a href="#Page_371">371</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Brooke, Captain, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Brosna river, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Brown, Geoffrey, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Brownlow, Sir William, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Brussels, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Buchanan, Mr., <a href="#Page_6">6</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Buckingham, Duchess of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bullingdon Green, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Bunratty, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>-<a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Burgo, de, or Bourke, John, Bishop of Clonfert, afterwards titular Archbishop of Tuam, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Burke, Edmund, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Thomas, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— William, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Walter, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Burren, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Burris: <i>see</i> Borris</p> - -<p class="indmain">Bury, William, of Grantham, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Butler: <i>see</i> Ormonde, Mountgarret, Dunboyne, Cahir, Ikerrin</p> - -<p class="indmain">— Edmund, Mountgarret’s son, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— John, Mountgarret’s brother, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Richard, Ormonde’s brother, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Walter, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Count Walter, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Byrne, Edward and Luke, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Byron, John, 1st Lord, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Robert, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Colonel, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Caen, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cahir, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Lord (Butler), <a href="#Page_2">2</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cahore, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Caledon, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub"><i>see</i> Kinard</p> - -<p class="indmain">Callan, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cambridge, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Campbell, Sir Duncan, of Auchinbreck, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— clan, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Canice, Saint, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cannes, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cantire, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cantwell Castle, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cappagh, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cappoquin, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Capron, Major Ralph, <a href="#Page_81">81</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cardenas, Don Alonzo de, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Carlingford, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Carlisle, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Carlow, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Carmelites, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Carrickfergus (Knockfergus), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>-<a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">surprised by Monck, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Carrick in Donegal, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— on Shannon (Carrigdrumrusk), <a href="#Page_96">96</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— on Suir, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>-<a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Carrickmacross, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Carrigadrohid, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Carrigaholt, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Carrowreagh, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Carte, Thomas, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cashel, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Castlebar, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Castleblayney, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Castle Connell, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Castle Coote, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Castledermot, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Castle Grace, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Castle Hacket, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Castlehaven, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— James Touchet, 3rd Earl of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his expedition to Ulster, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his campaign in Munster, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>-<a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">commands in Leinster, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">at Killaloe, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">leaves Ireland, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his memoirs, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Castlejordan, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Castlelyons, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Castlemaine, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Castlemartin, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></p> - -<p class="indmain"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[Pg 376]</a></span>Castlemartyr, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Catalonia, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cathcart, Captain, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Caulfield, Lord, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Lady, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cavan, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Chaplin, Andrew, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Charlemont, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">taken by Coote, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Charles II. repudiates the Irish, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Charles IV., Duke of Lorraine, his schemes concerning Ireland, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>-<a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>-<a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cheshire, <a href="#Page_362">362</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Chester, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Chevreuse, Duchess of, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Chichester, Colonel Arthur, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Arthur (<i>temp.</i> James I.), <a href="#Page_302">302</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Christ Church, Oxford, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Chudleigh, Captain Thomas, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cistercians, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clandeboye, James Hamilton, 2nd Viscount, afterwards Earl of Clanbrassil, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clanricarde, Ulick de Burgh, 5th Earl and afterwards Marquis of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>-<a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his unique position, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-<a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Deputy for Ormonde, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>-<a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">rejects the Lorraine proposals, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>-<a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">submits and goes to England, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>-<a href="#Page_290">290</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clare, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>-<a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Castle, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>-<a href="#Page_278">278</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Island, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Claregalway, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clarendon, Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clares, Poor, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clark, Captain, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clarke, Colonel, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Claverhouse, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cleere, Morrice, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cliffe, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clifford, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clogheen, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clogher, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cloghleagh, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clogrennan, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clohamon, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clonakilty, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clonbrock, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clonee, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clones, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clonfert, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clonmacnoise, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clonmel, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Supreme Council there, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">besieged by Cromwell, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>-<a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clonroad, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Clotworthy, Sir John, afterwards Viscount Massereene, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cloughoughter, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cloyne, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Coalisland, <a href="#Page_305">305</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cole, Sir William, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Colepepper, John, Lord, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Coleraine, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Colkitto, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Colooney (Coote), Lord, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Comber, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Comerford, Patrick, titular Bishop of Waterford, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Condé, Henry, Prince of, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Louis, Prince of, the Great, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cong, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Conna, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Connall, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Conway, Edward, 2nd Viscount, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Colonel, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cook, John, regicide and judge, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cooke, Colonel, Governor of Wexford, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cooper, Colonel Thomas, Governor of Carrickfergus, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Coote, Sir Charles, the elder, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>-<a href="#Page_19">19</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Coote, Sir Charles, the younger, afterwards Earl of Mountrath, President of Connaught from 1645, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>-<a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>-<a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">helps the Restoration, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">created an Earl, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Coppinger, Robert, Mayor of Cork, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Corbet, John, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Miles, regicide, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a></p> - -<p class="indmain"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[Pg 377]</a></span>Cork, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cork, county, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— harbour, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cornwall, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Corofin, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Costello (Dillon), Viscount, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Coura Lake, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Courcies, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Courtenay, Captain George, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Courthope, Captain, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Courtmacsherry, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Courtney, Colonel, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Courtstown, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Covenant, Solemn League and, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>-<a href="#Page_57">57</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cox, Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Crawford, Colonel Lawrence, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Creagh, John, Mayor of Limerick, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Credan Head, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Creichton, George, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Crelly, Cistercian abbot, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Crete, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Crispe, Sir Nicholas, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cromwell, Oliver, chaps. xxxi. and xxxii. <i>passim</i>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Henry, chap. xxxviii. <i>passim</i>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">an Irish member of Barebones Parliament, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Commander of the forces, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Lord Deputy, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Lord Lieutenant, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">character, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Crookhaven, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Crosby, Colonel, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Crowther, Admiral, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cuffe, Joseph and Maurice, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Culham, Colonel, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cullen, Colonel, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Culme, Arthur, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Culmore, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Curlew mountains, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Cusack, Colonel George, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Dalgetty, Dugald, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dalzell, General Thomas, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Daniell, Colonel, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Darcy, Oliver, titular Bishop of Dromore, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Patrick, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Davis, Sir Paul, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Deane, Admiral Richard, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— William, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dease, Thomas, titular Bishop of Meath, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dee river, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Delgany, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dempsy, Edmond, titular Bishop of Leighlin, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Denny, Sir Edward, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Derby, Irish Brigade at, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Desborough, Major-General John, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Desmond forfeitures, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dieppe, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Digby, George, Lord, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>-<a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Kenelm, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>-<a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dillon, Thomas, Viscount of Costello, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— George, Franciscan, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— John, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Lucas, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dingle, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dodder river, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Doe Castle, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dominicans, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Donegal, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Doneraile, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Donnellan, James, Judge of Common Pleas, <a href="#Page_305">305</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Douai, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dover treaty, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Down, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Drishane, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Drogheda, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">taken by Inchiquin, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">taken by Cromwell, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>-<a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dromagh, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dromana, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dromore, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Drumflugh, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dumoulin, French agent, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dunbar battle, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dunboyne, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— (Butler), Lord, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Duncannon Fort, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">taken by Preston, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>-<a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">relieved by Castlehaven, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">surrenders to the Parliament, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Ludlow’s last footing, <a href="#Page_367">367</a></p> - -<p class="indmain"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[Pg 378]</a></span>Dundalk, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dundrum in Tipperary, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dunfermline, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>-<a href="#Page_241">241</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dungan Hill, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dungannon, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dungarvan, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— (Boyle), Lord, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dungiven, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dunkirk, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dunmore, in Waterford, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— in Kilkenny, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Durham, <a href="#Page_366">366</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Dyas, Captain, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Earnley, Sir Michael, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Edenderry, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Edgehill, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Egan, Boetius, titular Bishop of Ross, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Eliogarty, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Elizabeth, Princess, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Elsing, Major, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ennis, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Enniscorthy, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Enniskillen, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ennislaughlin, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ennisnag, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Erne, Lough, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Esmond, Lawrence, Lord, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>-<a href="#Page_83">83</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Essex, Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— — — 3rd Earl of, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Eustace, Sir Maurice, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Lord Chancellor, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Everard, Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Fairfax, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fanning, Dominic, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fanshawe, Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Lady, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fauconberg, Lord, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fennell, Major and Colonel, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Dr. Gerald, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fenton, Sir William, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fenwick, Colonel, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ferbane, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ferdinand II., Grand Duke of Tuscany, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fergus river, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fermo, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fermoy, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fern, Captain, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ferns, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ferrall, General, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fethard, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Finglas, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Finnea, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fisher, Lieutenant, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fitzgerald, Sir Luke and Lady, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Edmond, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Piers MacThomas: <i>see</i> MacThomas</p> - -<p class="indmain">Fitzpatrick, John, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Flanders, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fleetwood, General Charles, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">made Deputy, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">leaves Ireland, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fleming, Thomas, titular Archbishop of Dublin, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Florence, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Flower, Colonel, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Foisset, a Spanish agent, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Foliot, Lieutenant, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Forbes, Alexander Lord, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>-<a href="#Page_43">43</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Arthur, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Forgie, Robert, Dean of Killala, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Foyle, Lough, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Fox, Captain, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Charles James, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Franciscans, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Freke, Captain, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">French service, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">French, Nicholas, titular Bishop of Ferns, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Galbally, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Galway, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>-<a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-<a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">the fort surrendered, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>-<a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">capitulates to Coote, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">its desolation, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Garristown, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Gaultier, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Genappe, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Genoa, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Geohegan, Anthony, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>-<a href="#Page_290">290</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Gibbs, Captain, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Glamorgan, Edward Somerset, called Earl of, after Marquis of Worcester, his mission to Ireland, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>-<a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">under arrest, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">repudiated by Charles I., <a href="#Page_106">106</a>-<a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">swears fealty to Rinuccini, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">appointed General, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">at Paris, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Glascarrig, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Glaslough, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></p> - -<p class="indmain"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[Pg 379]</a></span>Glenaheiry, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Glengariffe, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Glengarry, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Glen Imale, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Gleninagh, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Glin, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Gloucester, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Golden, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Goldsmith, John, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Goodwin, Robert, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Gookin, Vincent, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">in Oliver’s Parliament, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">writes against transplantation, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>-<a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Gordon, Patrick, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Gormanston (Preston), Viscount, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Gort, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Gowran, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Grace, Colonel Richard, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Graiguenemanagh, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Granard, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Grangebeg, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Greencastle, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Grenville, Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>-<a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Grimaldi, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Groves, Captain, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Guadeloupe, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Guernsey, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Hague, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Hale, Sir Matthew, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Hamilton, Sir Francis, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Frederick, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir George, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— a minister, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Hamilton’s Bawn, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Hammond, Colonel, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Colonel Robert, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Hampden, John, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Hampton Court, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Harman, Major, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Haro, Don Luis de, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Harrison, Michael, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>-<a href="#Page_308">308</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Thomas, regicide, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Harristown, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Haselrig, Sir Arthur, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Hastings, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Havre, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Hawarden, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Helvoetsluys, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Henin, Abbot Stephen de, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Henrietta Maria, Queen, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">on Irish Protestants, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>-<a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">distrusted at Rome, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>-<a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">her religious opinions, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>-<a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Henry II., <a href="#Page_215">215</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— VIII., <a href="#Page_20">20</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Hewson, John, regicide, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>-<a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Higgins, Dr., <a href="#Page_274">274</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Hill, Colonel, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Holycross, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Holyhead, <a href="#Page_362">362</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Hook Tower, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Howard, Lady Margaret, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Hull, Sir William, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Hussey, Mrs., <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Hyde, Sir Edward: <i>see</i> Clarendon</p> - -<p class="indfirst">Ikerrin (Butler), Lord, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Imokilly, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Inchecronan, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Inchiquin, Murrough O’Brien, 6th Baron, afterwards 1st Earl of, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Vice-president of Munster, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">victor at Liscarrol, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">at Oxford, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">joins the Parliament, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>-<a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>-<a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">sacks Cashel, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">victor at Knocknanuss, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">deserts the Parliament, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>-<a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">leaves Ireland, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ingoldsby, Colonel Henry, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Inishowen, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Inistioge, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Innisbofin, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Innisfallen, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Innisturk, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Innocent III., <a href="#Page_255">255</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— X. (Pamphili), <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>-<a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">rebukes Rinuccini, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ireton, Henry, regicide, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Oliver’s Deputy, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>-<a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">death and character, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Bridget, afterwards Fleetwood, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Italians, Ireland for the, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Iveagh (Magennis), Lord, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Jamaica, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Jamestown, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Jeffries, Colonel, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Jermyn, Henry, afterwards Earl of St. Albans, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Jersey, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></p> - -<p class="indmain"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[Pg 380]</a></span>Jesuits, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>-<a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Jigginstown: <i>see</i> Sigginstown</p> - -<p class="indmain">John, King of Portugal, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Johnson, Thomas, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Jones, Henry, Bishop of Clogher and Scoutmaster-General, afterwards Bishop of Meath, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>-<a href="#Page_365">365</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— John, regicide, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>-<a href="#Page_365">365</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Lewis, Bishop of Killaloe, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Michael, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">victorious at Dungan Hill, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Theophilus, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Ensign, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Joyce, Cornet, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— John, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Julianstown, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Kanturk, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kavanagh, Brian, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kells, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kelly, Charles, Dean of Tuam, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kempson, Colonel Nicholas, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kenmare, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kentish insurrection, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ker, John, Dean of Ardagh, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kerry, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kiffin, William, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilbenny, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilbolane, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilbride, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilcock, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilcolgan, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilcrea, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilcruig, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilcullen, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kildare, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— county, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Curragh of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Elizabeth Countess of, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— George Fitzgerald, 16th Earl of, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kildogan, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kildorrery, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilkea, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilkenny, Catholic Confederation at, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Rinuccini’s reception at, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>-<a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>-<a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">threatened by Owen O’Neill, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>-<a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>-<a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">siege and capture by Cromwell, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>-<a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">submission of Leinster by articles, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>-<a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilkenny, county, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— in Westmeath, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kill, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Killagh, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Killala, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Killaloe, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Killarney, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Killultagh, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilmacthomas, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilmallock, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilmeague, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilrush, in Kildare, battle of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilrush, in Clare, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kiltinan, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilwarlin, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kilworth, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kinale, Lough, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kinalmeaky (Boyle), Lord, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kinard, or Caledon, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">King, Paul, Franciscan, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Robert, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— John, Dean of Tuam, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— — 1st Lord Kingston, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Kinsale, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Rupert blockaded by Blake, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">surrenders to Broghill, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Knipperdoling, the anabaptist, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Knockbrack battle, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Knockmone, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Knocknacloy lake, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Knocknanuss, Inchiquin’s victory at, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Knocktopher, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Knot, John, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Lag, Robert Grierson, laird of, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Laggan forces, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Laggan river, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lalue, French engineer, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lambert, General John, named for Deputy, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>-<a href="#Page_366">366</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lancashire, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lane, Sir George, afterwards Viscount Lanesborough, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Larcan, Lawrence, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>-<a href="#Page_83">83</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Larne, Lough, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Laune river, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lawrence, Colonel Richard, governor of Waterford and author, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lea Castle, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></p> - -<p class="indmain"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[Pg 381]</a></span>Leamanegh, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Leane, Lough, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ledred, Bishop of Ossory, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lee river, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Leghorn, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Leicester, Irish Brigade at, <a href="#Page_366">366</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Leicester, Robert Sidney, 2nd Earl of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Leighlin Bridge, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Leitrim, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Leix, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Leixlip, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lenthall, William, Mr. Speaker, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Leslie, Alexander, Lord Leven, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Henry, Bishop of Down, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— John, Bishop of Raphoe and Clogher successively, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Leyburn, George (Mr. Winter Grant), <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>-<a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Leyden, John of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lifford, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Limavady, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Limerick, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">siege and capture by Ireton, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>-<a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Limerick county, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Linlithgow, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lisbon, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lisburn (Lisnegarvey), <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Liscarrol, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lisle, Philip Sidney, Lord, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>-<a href="#Page_33">33</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir George, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lismore, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lisnaskea, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lisnesreane, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Liverpool, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lochaline, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Loftus, Lord Chancellor, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Loftus, Sir Adam, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">London, City of, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Londonderry, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">succoured by Owen O’Neill, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Longford, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lorraine: <i>see</i> Charles IV.</p> - -<p class="indmain">Lot, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Loughanlea, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Loughbrickland, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Loughgall, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lough Gur, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Loughmoe, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Loughrea, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Louis XIII., <a href="#Page_249">249</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Louis XIV., <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Louvain, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lowther, Sir Gerald, Chief Justice, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lucan, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lucas, Sir Charles, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Captain, <a href="#Page_367">367</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ludlow, Edmund, regicide, general and historian, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">a commissioner for government, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his service under Ireton, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>-<a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>-<a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his siege of Ross Castle, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>-<a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his last military service, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>-<a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>-<a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his struggles to avert Restoration, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lynch, John, historian, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Stephen, prior of Strade, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Walter, titular Bishop of Clonfert, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Lynch’s Knock, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub"><i>see</i> Dungan</p> - -<p class="indfirst">Mabel, Saint, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">MacAdam, Captain, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">MacArt: <i>see</i> O’Neill, Owen Roe</p> - -<p class="indmain">Macartan, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">MacCarthy, Reagh, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">—: <i>see</i> Muskerry</p> - -<p class="indmain">MacDonnell, Alaster or Alexander, with Montrose, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>-<a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">killed at Knocknanuss, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>-<a href="#Page_158">158</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Colonel Alexander (Lord Antrim’s brother), <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Florence, called Captain Sougane, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">MacEgan, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">MacGeohegan, Abbé, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mackenzies, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Macmahon or MacMahon, Ever, Heber or Emer, titular Bishop of Clogher, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">chosen general, defeated, and hanged, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>-<a href="#Page_231">231</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Macnamaras, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Macroom, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Macthomas, Fitzgerald, Piers, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Maddenstown, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Magdeburg, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mageney, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> - -<p class="indmain"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[Pg 382]</a></span>Magennis, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Maguire, Major Luke, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Maguire, Rory, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Maguires, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mahony, Cornelius, Jesuit, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mallow, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Malone, William, Jesuit, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Marlborough, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Marseilles, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Marston Bigot, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Moor, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Martin, Richard, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Maryborough, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Massari, Dean of Fermo, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Matthews, a Franciscan, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Maxwell, John, Bishop of Killala, then Archbishop of Tuam, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Maynard, Sir John, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Maynooth, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mayo, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Miles Bourke, Viscount, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>-<a href="#Page_8">8</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Theobald Bourke, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mazarin, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>-<a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>-<a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Meagh, Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Meath, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Meelick, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Melo or Mello, Don Francisco de, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Meredith, Sir R., <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mervyn, Colonel Audley, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Middleburgh, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Milford, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Millstreet, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Milltown, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Milton, John, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Minehead, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mingarry, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mirabeau, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mitchelstown, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mogeely, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mohill, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Moira, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Monaghan, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Monasterevan, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Monck, George, afterwards Duke of Albemarle, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">advises Charles I., <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">surprises Belfast and Carrickfergus, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">makes terms with Owen O’Neill, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>-<a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>-<a href="#Page_368">368</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Moneymore, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Monkstown, <a href="#Page_367">367</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Monnerie, a French agent, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Monro, Daniel, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Monro, Sir George, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— General Robert, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>-<a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>-<a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">overthrown at Benburb, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>-<a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">surprised and taken by Monck, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Montgomery, Hugh, Viscount, afterwards Earl of Mount Alexander, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Montpensier, Mademoiselle de, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Montreuil, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Montrose, James, Marquis of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Moore, Charles, Viscount, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Henry, 1st Earl of Drogheda, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Morrice, Thomas, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Morris, a veteran, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mostyn, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mothel, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mountgarret, Richard Butler, 3rd Viscount, President of the Supreme Council, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mountjoy Fort, in Ulster, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mountjoy, Lord, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mountnorris, Lord, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mountrath, Earl of: <i>see</i> Coote</p> - -<p class="indmain">Mourne Mountains, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mulkear river, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mullingar, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Murphy, victim of assassination, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Muschamp, Major, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Muskerry, Donogh MacCarthy, Viscount, brother-in-law to Ormonde and opponent of the nuncio, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">with the King at Oxford, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>-<a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">imprisoned by Rinuccini, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">ousts Glamorgan from his command, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>-<a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">routed by Broghill near Kanturk, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>-<a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">defends Ross Castle, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>-<a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">tried and acquitted, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>-<a href="#Page_310">310</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Mutton Island, <a href="#Page_285">285</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Naas, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Nanny river, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Nantes, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Nantwich, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>-<a href="#Page_55">55</a></p> - -<p class="indmain"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[Pg 383]</a></span>Naseby battle, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Navan, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Neagh, Lough, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Neale, The, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Nelson, Lord, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Nenagh, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Netherlands, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Netterville, Lord, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Newbury, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Newcastle-on-Tyne, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Newmarket, Charles I. at, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— co. Cork, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Newport, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">New Ross: <i>see</i> Ross</p> - -<p class="indmain">Newry, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Newtown, near Charleville, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Newtownards, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Newtown Stewart, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Nicholas, Sir Edward, Secretary of State, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Nîmes, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Nore river, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Northwich, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Norwich, George Goring, Earl of, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Nottingham, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Nugent, Anthony, Capuchin, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Robert, Jesuit, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">O’Brien: <i>see</i> Thomond and Inchiquin</p> - -<p class="indmain">— Connor, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Daniel, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Colonel Dermot, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Colonel Henry (Inchiquin’s brother), <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— — Murtagh, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Terence Albert, titular Bishop of Emly, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Tirlagh, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Lady Margaret, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— — Honora, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Briens, various, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Brien’s Bridge, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Byrne, Brian MacPhelim, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Hugh MacPhelim, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Philip MacPhelim, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Byrnes, various, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Connolly, Owen, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Connor, Teige, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Roe, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Conor or O’Connor, Felix, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Donovan, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Driscol, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Driscols, various, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Dwyer, Edmund, titular Bishop of Limerick, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Dwyer, Colonel Edmund, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Flaherty, Donogh, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Flaherty clan, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ogarney river, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Grady, Captain Henry, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Hagan, Shane, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Hartegan, Matthew, Jesuit, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Mellan, Friar, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Omodei, Cardinal Luigi, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’More, Roger or Rory, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Neill, Art MacBaron, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Daniel, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Henry, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Hugh Boy, ‘an old surly Spanish soldier,’ defends Clonmel, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>-<a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">defends Limerick, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">tried and acquitted, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— John, titular Earl of Tyrone, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Owen Roe MacArt, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">routs Monro at Benburb, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>-<a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">at Kilkenny, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>-<a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>-<a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">ravages the Pale, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">supports the nuncio, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>-<a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">negotiates with Ormonde, Jones, and Coote, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">succours Londonderry, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his treaty with Ormonde, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">death and character, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Phelim, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">trial and execution, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>-<a href="#Page_308">308</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Shane, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Neills, various, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Oona brook, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Queely: <i>see</i> Queely</p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Quin, Tirlogh Groom, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>-<a href="#Page_307">307</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Orange, Frederick Henry, Prince of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Oranmore, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Orleans, Gaston, Duke of, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Reilly, Edmund, Vicar-General, afterwards titular Primate, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Philip MacHugh, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ormonde, Thomas Butler, 10th Earl of, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— James Butler, 12th Earl of, afterwards Marquis and Duke, Lord-Lieutenant for the King from 1643 onwards, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">victorious at Kilrush, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>-<a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[Pg 384]</a></span>victorious at Ross, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>-<a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">ordered to negotiate, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">arranges a cessation of arms, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>-<a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>-<a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">dealings with Glamorgan, chap. xxv. <i>passim</i>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his peace with the Confederates, chap. xxvii. <i>passim</i>,</p> -<p class="indsub">surrenders Dublin to the Parliament, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">leaves Ireland, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">returns to Ireland, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>-<a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">proclaims Charles II., <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>-<a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">totally defeated at Rathmines, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>-<a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>-<a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>-<a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his struggles with the bishops, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>-<a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">leaves Ireland, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Marchioness of, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ormsby, Major Robert, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Rourke, Connor, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Orrery: <i>see</i> Broghill</p> - -<p class="indmain">Osborne, Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Dorothy, afterwards Lady Temple, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Shaughnessy, Sir Roger, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ostend, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Sullivan, Bere, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Roe, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Francis, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">O’Sullivans, various, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Oughter, Lough, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Oughterard, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Oxford, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">negotiations with the King, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>-<a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Pale, a new one proposed, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Pamphili, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Paris, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Lord Taaffe’s experiences, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Parliaments, Irish members in Cromwell’s, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>-<a href="#Page_358">358</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Parsons, Fenton, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir William, Lord Justice, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">dismissed, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Passage, Waterford, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>-<a href="#Page_207">207</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Patrick’s Purgatory, Saint, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Patterson, Major, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Paulet (an officer), <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Pemberton, a witness, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Penn, Sir William, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Penruddock’s insurrection, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Pepys, Sir Richard, Chief Justice, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Percival, Sir Philip, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Perkins, Major, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Perros Guirec, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Peters, Captain Benjamin, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Hugh, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>-<a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Petty, Sir William, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>-<a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>-<a href="#Page_358">358</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Phaire, Colonel Robert, regicide, Governor of Cork, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Philip, Saint, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— IV., <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Philiphaugh, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Phillips, Sir Thomas, and his successor, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Piccolomini, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Piedmont, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Pigott, Colonel, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Plattin, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Plunket, Sir Nicholas, prolocutor at Kilkenny, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">with the King at Oxford, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">gives Preston bad advice, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">envoy to Rome, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">at Galway, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">makes a treaty with Lorraine, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">prefers the Parliament to Ormonde, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Colonel Thomas, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— a sea-rover, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Poland, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Pole, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Popham, Admiral Edward, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Pore, Sir William, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Portadown, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Porter, Endymion, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Portland, Weston, 2nd Earl of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Portlester, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Portnahinch, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Portugal, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Portumna, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Poulakerry, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Poulmonty, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Power, Major, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Lord, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Poynings’s law, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Poyntz, Sir Robert, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Preston, General Thomas, afterwards Viscount Tarah, his rivalry with Owen O’Neill, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>-<a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">commands in Leinster, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his brush with Monck, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">beaten at Ross, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>-<a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">takes Duncannon, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>-<a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>-<a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his officers ‘not excommunication proof,’ <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">routed at Dungan Hill, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>-<a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[Pg 385]</a></span>defends Waterford, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>-<a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">defends Galway, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">abroad, and excepted from pardon, <a href="#Page_318">318</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Preston, Sir James, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Purcell, Major-General Patrick, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">executed, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Theobald, titular baron of Loughmoe, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Putney, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Pym, John, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Quakers in the army, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Queely, Malachi, titular Archbishop of Tuam, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">killed at Sligo, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Queen’s County, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Queenstown, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Radcliffe, Sir George, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Radford, Ann, Duchess of Albemarle, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rainsborough, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ranelagh, Roger Jones, Viscount, President of Connaught, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-<a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rathbarry, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rathfarnham, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rathmelton, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rathmines battle, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>-<a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ratoath, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rawdon, Captain, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Reading, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rebane, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Redman, Colonel, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Redshard, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ree, Lough, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rehill, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Renvyle, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Retz, Cardinal de, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Reynolds, Commissary-General John, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">at Drogheda, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>-<a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rhé, Isle of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Richelieu, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ridgeway, Sir Thomas, created Earl of Londonderry, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Captain and Colonel, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ringrone, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ringsend, <a href="#Page_362">362</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rinuccini, Bishop of Fermo, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">sent nuncio to Ireland, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>-<a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">steadily opposes Ormonde, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>-<a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>-<a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his relations with Leyburn, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>-<a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">driven out of Leinster, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">without money or friends, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>-<a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>-<a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his excommunications grow cheap, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>-<a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">driven from Ireland, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">rebuked by the Pope, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Robartes or Roberts, Lord, afterwards Earl of Radnor, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Roche, Lord, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— David, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Captain Thomas, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rochelle, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rochfordstown, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rochfort, Patrick, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Roe or Rowe, John, Carmelite, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Roghan, Lough, <a href="#Page_305">305</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rome, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub"><i>Te Deum</i> for Benburb, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">no help for Ireland, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rosbercon, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Roscommon, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Lord (Dillon), <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Roscrea, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ross, New, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>-<a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">taken by Cromwell, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>-<a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">his bridge there, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Old, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Castle, Kerry, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>-<a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rosscarbery, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rosslare, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rossmanagher, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rostellan, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Roth or Rothe, David, titular Bishop of Ossory, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rouen, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rous, Francis, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Rupert, Prince, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">at Kinsale, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Sadleir, Adjutant-General, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Saffron Walden, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">St. Arnaud, Marshal, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">St. Germains, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">St. Leger, Sir William, President of Munster, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>-<a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">St. Malo, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Sambach, Sir William, Solicitor-General, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Sandford’s Court, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></p> - -<p class="indmain"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[Pg 386]</a></span>Sankey, Sir Hierome, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>-<a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>-<a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Scarampi, Pier-Francesco, oratorian, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Scariffhollis battle, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Scarva, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Scilly, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Scot, Colonel Thomas, <a href="#Page_368">368</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Sedgemoor, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Settlement, Exceptions in Act of, <a href="#Page_318">318</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Sexby, Edward, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Seymour, Henry, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Sforza, Francesco, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Shannon river, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">passage of, by Ireton, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Lord, Francis Boyle, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Shea, Mr., <a href="#Page_166">166</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Shee, Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Robert, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Sheelin, Lough, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Sheephaven, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Sherlock, Sir John, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Shrule massacre, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Sigginstown, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Silvermines, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Silyard, Mr., <a href="#Page_33">33</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Sindercombe, Miles, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Sixmilebridge, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Skinner, Roger, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Captain, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>-<a href="#Page_369">369</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Skippon, General Philip, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Skipton, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Skreen, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Slane, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Sligo, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">taken by Coote, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Smithwick, Captain, <a href="#Page_81">81</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Smyth, Vice-Admiral, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Sodom, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Somerhill, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Somerset, Plantagenet, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Sougane, Captain: <i>see</i> MacDonnell, Florence</p> - -<p class="indmain">Spa, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Spain, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Irish soldiers ill-treated in, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Spalding, John, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Spinola, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Spotswoode, Robert, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Stafford, Captain, <a href="#Page_200">200</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Stanley, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Stayner, Admiral Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Steele, William, Lord Chancellor, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Sterling, Sir Robert, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Stewart, Sir Robert, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Stewart, Sir William, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Stirling, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Strafford, Thomas Wentworth, 1st Earl of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Strancally, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Stretch, Thomas, Mayor of Limerick, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Suckling, Sir John, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Suir river, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Summerhill, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Swanley, Richard, commodore, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Swedish service, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Swilly, Lough and River, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Swiney, Eugene, titular Bishop of Kilmore, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Synge, Edward, late Bishop of Cloyne, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Synnott, Colonel David, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— — Oliver, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Taaffe, Theobald, Viscount, afterwards 1st Earl of Carlingford, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">defeated at Knocknanuss, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>-<a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">nearly starved at Paris, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>-<a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Lucas, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Talbot, James, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Peter, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Richard, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub"><i>see</i> Tyrconnel</p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Robert, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Thomas, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Talbotstown, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tallon, French agent, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tanderagee, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tara, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tarbert, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Taylor, Captain, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tecroghan, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Temple, Colonel Edmund, <a href="#Page_368">368</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir John, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— William, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Templemichael, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Templeoge, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Thomastown, in Kilkenny, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— in Tipperary, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Thomond, Henry and Barnabas O’Brien, 5th and 6th Earl of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></p> - -<p class="indmain"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[Pg 387]</a></span>Thornton, Robert, Mayor of Londonderry, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Thurles, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Thurloe, John, Secretary of State, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tichborne, Sir Henry, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tickle, Captain, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Timahoe, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Timoleague, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Timolin, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tipper, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tipperary, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>-<a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tippermuir, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tirellan, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Togher, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tomlinson, Colonel Matthew, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tonbridge, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Toome, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tories, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tothill, Colonel, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tours, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tralee, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Transplantation, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, chap, xxxvii. <i>passim</i></p> - -<p class="indmain">Trent, Council of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Trevor, Colonel Mark, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Trim, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Trimleston, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Trinity College, Dublin, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tucker, Captain William, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>-<a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tullamore, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tullow, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tulsk, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Turner, Sir James, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Methusaleh, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tuscany, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tyrconnel, Richard Talbot, afterwards Duke of, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tyrone, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Earl of, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tyrrell, Irish agent at Paris, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Tyrrell’s Pass, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Underwood, Richard, <a href="#Page_81">81</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Urban VIII. (Barberini), <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ussher, James, Primate, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Uxbridge, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Vane, Sir Henry, the younger, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Vaughan, Sir William, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Vavasour, Sir Charles, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Venables, Colonel Roberts, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Venice, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Ventadour, Duke of, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Vernon, Colonel, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Voltaire, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Wadding, Luke, Franciscan, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Waldenses, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Walker, Major, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Sir Edward, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Wall, Michael, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Wallenstein, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Waller, Sir Hardress, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>-<a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Walsh, Thomas, Archbishop of Cashel, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Peter, Franciscan, opponent of Rinuccini, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— priest and captain, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Walsingham, Sir Francis, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Edward, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Walter, Lucy, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Wareham, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Warren, Colonel, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Waterford, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">siege of, abandoned by Cromwell, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">taken by Ireton, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>-<a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Watson, a minister, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Weaver, John, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Weir, a minister, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Westmeath, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Richard Nugent, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>nd Earl of, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Wexford, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">taken by Cromwell, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>-<a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">White, Sir Nicholas, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— John, Mayor of Clonmel, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Whitelock, Bulstrode, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Wickham, Peter, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Wicklow, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">William III., <a href="#Page_295">295</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Willoughby, Sir Francis, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— Anthony, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Wogan, Edward, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Wolfe, James, Dominican, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></p> - -<p class="indmain"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[Pg 388]</a></span>Wood, Anthony, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Wood, Thomas, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Worcester, the 1st Marquis of, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">— the 2nd Marquis of: <i>see</i> Glamorgan</p> - -<p class="indmain">— battle, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Worsley, Benjamin, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Worth, Edward, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></p> - -<p class="indfirst">Yarner, Captain, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>-<a href="#Page_19">19</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">York, James, Duke of, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></p> - -<p class="indmain">Youghal, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">defended by Cork, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>-<a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">Castlehaven fails to take, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>-<a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</p> -<p class="indsub">admits Cromwell joyfully, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a></p> - -<p class="center gap4">END OF THE SECOND VOLUME</p> - -<p class="center small gap4"> -PRINTED BY<br /> -SPOTTISWOODE AND CO. LTD., LONDON<br /> -COLCHESTER AND ETON</p> - -<div class="bbox gap4"><h2>TRANSCRIBERS' NOTES</h2> -<p class="hangindent">Page 18, 26: Inconsistent hyphenation of bare(-)headed as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 23, 380: Inconsistent spelling of Kilbolane/Kilbolaine as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 40, 383: Inconsistent spelling of Tirlagh/Tirlogh O'Brien as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 46, 67, 69, 87, 112, 181, 384: Inconsistent spelling of Poynings'/Poynings's as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 64, 374: Inconsistent spelling of Blaney/Blayney as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 67: collleagues corrected to colleagues</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 91, 92, 268, 375: Inconsistent spelling of Castle Lyons/Castlelyons as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 91, 225: Inconsistent hyphenation of half(-)way as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 96, 376: Inconsistent spelling of Colooney/Coloony as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 113 (footnote): Febuary corrected to February</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 122: atributed corrected to attributed</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 137: neighbourhoood corrected to neighbourhood</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 150, 161: Inconsistent hyphenation of bare(-)footed as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 150, 259: Inconsistent hyphenation of sea(-)port as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 150, 272: Inconsistent hyphenation of red(-)coats as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 186 (footnote): Aphorisimical corrected to Aphorismical</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 209, 377: Inconsistent spelling of Dalzell/Dalziel as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 210, 379: Inconsistency of Holycross/Holy Cross as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 215 (footnote): Cromwall corrected to Cromwell</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 229 (sidenote): divide corrected to divides</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 231, 234 (footnotes), 245, 273 (footnote), 295, 298: Aphorismical Discoverer standardised to Discovery</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 239: Dumfermline corrected to Dunfermline</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 252 (footnote): pres corrected to près; refugiés corrected to réfugiés</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 258: Commisisioners corrected to Commissioners</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 263, 378: Inconsistent spelling of Ferbane/Ferboe as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 266, 379: Inconsistent spelling of Inchecronan/Inch Cronan as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 267, 380: Inconsistent spelling of Leamanegh/Leamaneh as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 283: Rinucccini's corrected to Rinuccini's</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 291: accompaned corrected to accompanied</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 292 (footnote): alterwards corrected to afterwards</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 296, 375: Inconsistency of Castle Blayney/Castleblayney as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 299, 383: Inconsistent spelling of O'Driscols/O'Driscolls as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 323: If corrected to It before became necessary</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 346, 385: Inconsistent spelling of Sadler/Sadleir as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 352, 386: Inconsistent spelling of Sindercombe/Sindercome as in the original</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 374: Bennettsbridge standardised to Bennet's Bridge</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 377: Page for Coura Lake corrected from 293 to 295</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 378: Page for Ferbane corrected from 243 to 248; page for Glaslough corrected from 128 to 118</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 382: Page for Melo or Mello corrected from 97 to 77</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 383: Page for Ogarney river corrected from 116 to 115</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 384: Pugatory corrected to Purgatory; page for Piccolomini corrected from 76 to 78</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 385: Page for Robartes corrected from 370 to 371; page for St. Leger corrected from 73 to 37; entry for Rouen as in the original but no reference to it on that page</p> -<p class="hangindent">Page 387: Entry for Trimleston as in the original but no reference to it on that page</p> -</div> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Ireland under the Stuarts and during -the Interregnum, Vol. II (of 3), 1642-1660, by Richard Bagwell - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS, VOL 2 *** - -***** This file should be named 53916-h.htm or 53916-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/9/1/53916/ - -Produced by Brownfox and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from -images generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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