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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..64dbb4b --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #53725 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/53725) diff --git a/old/53725-0.txt b/old/53725-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 2122c6d..0000000 --- a/old/53725-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,5275 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, From Palmerston to Disraeli (1856-1876), by -Various, Edited by Ewing Harding - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: From Palmerston to Disraeli (1856-1876) - - -Author: Various - -Editor: Ewing Harding - -Release Date: December 12, 2016 [eBook #53725] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FROM PALMERSTON TO DISRAELI -(1856-1876)*** - - -E-text prepared by Charlie Howard and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by -Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/cu31924028050833 - - -Transcriber’s note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). - - - - - -BELL’S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS - -General Editors: S. E. Winbolt, M.A., and Kenneth Bell, M.A. - - -FROM PALMERSTON TO DISRAELI - - - * * * * * * - -BELL’S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS. - - -_Volumes now Ready. 1s. net each._ - - =449–1066. The Welding of the Race.= Edited by the Rev. JOHN - WALLIS, M.A. - - =1066–1154. The Normans in England.= Edited by A. E. BLAND, - M.A. [_In preparation_ - - =1154–1216. The Angevins and the Charter.= Edited by S. M. TOYNE, - M.A. - - =1216–1307. The Struggle for the Charter.= Edited by W. D. - ROBIESON, M.A. [_In preparation_ - - =1307–1399. War and Misrule.= Edited by A. A. LOCKE. - - =1399–1485. The Last of Feudalism.= Edited by W. GARMON JONES, M.A. - - =1485–1547. The Reformation and the Renaissance.= Edited by F. W. - BEWSHER, B.A. - - =1547–1603. The Age of Elizabeth.= Edited by ARUNDELL ESDAILE, M.A. - - =1603–1660. Puritanism and Liberty.= Edited by KENNETH BELL, M.A. - - =1660–1714. A Constitution in Making.= Edited by G. B. PERRETT, M.A. - - =1714–1760. Walpole and Chatham.= Edited by K. A. ESDAILE. - - =1760–1801. American Independence and the French Revolution.= - Edited by S. E. WINBOLT, M.A. - - =1801–1815. England and Napoleon.= Edited by S. E. WINBOLT, M.A. - - =1815–1837. Peace and Reform.= Edited by A. C. W. EDWARDS, M.A., - Christ’s Hospital. - - =1856–1876. Palmerston to Disraeli.= Edited by EWING HARDING, B.A. - - =1876–1887. Imperialism and Mr. Gladstone.= Edited by R. H. - GRETTON, M.A. - - =1563–1913. Canada.= Edited by JAMES MUNRO, Lecturer at Edinburgh - University. - - _Other volumes, covering the whole range of English History from - Roman Britain, are in active preparation, and will be issued at - short intervals._ - -LONDON: G. BELL AND SONS, LTD. - - * * * * * * - - - -FROM PALMERSTON TO DISRAELI - -(1856–1876) - -Compiled by - -EWING HARDING, B.A. (Lond.) - -Senior Master of the Modern School, Southport - - - - - - - -[Illustration] - -London -G. Bell and Sons, Ltd. -1913 - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with -any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively -shown that such apparatus is a valuable--nay, an indispensable--adjunct -to the history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by -way of lively illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of -inference-drawing, before the textbook is read, at the beginning of -the lesson. The kind of problems and exercises that may be based on -the documents are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a _History -of England for Schools_, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377–381. -However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the manner in -which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to provide him and his -pupils with materials hitherto not readily accessible for school -purposes. The very moderate price of the books in this series should -bring them within the reach of every secondary school. Source books -enable the pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the -history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we -leave to teacher and taught. - -Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades -of historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys -in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What -differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not -so much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can -read into or extract from it. - -In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the -natural demand for certain “stock” documents of vital importance, we -hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention -that the majority of the extracts should be lively in style--that is, -personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan--and -should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for -inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under -contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates, -and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life -generally, and local history, are represented in these pages. - -The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being -numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is -modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties -in reading. - -We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us -suggestions for improvement. - - S. E. WINBOLT. - KENNETH BELL. - - -NOTE TO THIS VOLUME. - -In dealing with a period of comparatively recent date, I have been -dependent in several instances upon the courtesy of the proprietors -of the copyright. I acknowledge with many thanks the kind permission -of Mr. Henry Gladstone to quote the extracts from Lord Morley’s _Life -of Gladstone_ on pp. 75, 78, 83. I also acknowledge with thanks the -kindness of Messrs. Macmillan and Co. for granting permission to -reprint the extracts from the _Life of Professor Huxley_ on p. 87, -and from Ashley’s _Life of Lord Palmerston_ on pp. 33, 50; of Messrs. -Smith, Elder and Co. for the extract from the _Diary of Henry Greville_ -on p. 32; of Mr. Edward Arnold for the extract from Leader’s _Life of -Roebuck_ on p. 65; of Messrs. Chapman and Hall for the extracts from -Reid’s _Life of Forster_ on pp. 81, 89. I acknowledge also with thanks -the kind permission of the proprietors of _Punch_ for the extracts -on pp. 37, 103; and of the proprietors of _The Times_, _Illustrated -London News_, and _Brighton Herald_ for the various extracts from those -journals. - -I am also indebted to Messrs. Longmans, Green and Co. for permission to -reprint the extracts on pp. 12, 25 from the _Greville Memoirs_; also to -Mr. John Murray for similar permission to reprint the extracts from the -_Letters of Queen Victoria_ on pp. 17, 30, and the _Life of the Duke of -Argyll_ on p. 41. - - E. H. - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS - - - PAGE - INTRODUCTION v - DATE - 1856. NEUTRALITY OF THE BLACK SEA 1 - 1856. AN UP-TO-DATE MAIL STEAMER 2 - 1857. RUBINSTEIN IN LONDON 3 - 1857. FIRST DISTRIBUTION OF THE VICTORIA CROSS 4 - 1857. REINFORCEMENTS FOR INDIA 5 - 1857. SIEGE AND RELIEF OF LUCKNOW 9 - 1858. “CONSPIRACY TO MURDER” BILL 12 - 1858. FORCING OF THE PEIHO RIVER 13 - 1858. ADMISSION OF JEWS TO PARLIAMENT 16 - 1858. AN INADEQUATE NAVY 17 - 1859. VOLUNTEER RIFLE CORPS 18 - 1859. NAPOLEON III. AND ENGLAND 20 - 1859. PROGRESS OF VOLUNTEER MOVEMENT 22 - 1860. COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH FRANCE 25 - 1860. ANTI-RITUAL RIOTS 27 - 1860. CHINESE WAR: CAPTURE OF PEKIN 29 - 1860. THE FIRST BRITISH IRONCLAD 29 - 1861. GARIBALDI AND THE GOVERNMENT 30 - 1861. THE BUDGET: ABOLITION OF THE PAPER DUTY 31 - 1861. BRITAIN AND ITALIAN UNITY 32 - 1861. LOSS OF THE COTTON-SUPPLY 33 - 1861. THE CASE OF THE “TRENT” 34 - 1861. THE AFFAIR OF THE “TRENT” 37 - 1862. THE PEABODY TRUST FORMED 38 - 1862. THE “ALABAMA” CRUISER 40 - 1863. WAR BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH 41 - 1863. THE BUDGET: EATING THE LEEK 42 - 1863. DISTRESS IN THE COTTON MANUFACTURING DISTRICTS 44 - 1863. BRITAIN AND THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA (I.) 46 - 1863. BRITAIN AND THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA (II.) 47 - 1864. A POLICY OF MEDDLE AND MUDDLE 48 - 1864. ENGLAND AND THE ATTACK ON DENMARK 50 - 1865. THE ATLANTIC CABLE: SCENE IN IRELAND 52 - 1865. THE FENIAN CONSPIRACY (I.) 55 - 1865. THE FENIAN CONSPIRACY (II.) 57 - 1865. DEATH OF LORD PALMERSTON 57 - 1866. THE CAVE OF ADULLAM 58 - 1866. SUCCESSFUL LAYING OF THE ATLANTIC CABLE 60 - 1866. REFORM DEMONSTRATION AT MANCHESTER 61 - 1867. ATTEMPTED FENIAN RAID AT CHESTER 62 - 1867. REFORM BILL: THREE CORNERED CONSTITUENCIES 65 - 1867. ABYSSINIAN CAPTIVES 67 - 1868. DISRAELI’S “MAUNDY THURSDAY” LETTER 69 - 1868. ABYSSINIAN WAR: CAPTURE OF MAGDALA 71 - 1868. DISESTABLISHMENT OF THE IRISH CHURCH 73 - 1869. IRISH CHURCH BILL: CRITICAL DAYS 75 - 1870. THE IRISH LAND BILL 78 - 1870. EDUCATION BILL: THE COWPER-TEMPLE CLAUSE 81 - 1870. THE GOVERNMENT AND THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR 83 - 1871. MR. LOWE’S BUDGET: THE MATCH-TAX (I.) 84 - 1871. MR. LOWE’S BUDGET: THE MATCH-TAX (II.) 84 - 1871. PURCHASE IN THE ARMY ABOLISHED BY ROYAL WARRANT 85 - 1871. FIRST AUGUST BANK HOLIDAY 86 - 1871. BIBLE READING IN SCHOOLS 87 - 1872. THE GENEVA ARBITRATION: THE INDIRECT CLAIMS 89 - 1872. AN EARLY ELECTION UNDER THE BALLOT ACT 90 - 1872. THE “ALABAMA” ARBITRATION AWARD 93 - 1873. REFUSAL OF DISRAELI TO TAKE OFFICE WITHOUT A MAJORITY 94 - 1873. FIRST LONDON HOSPITAL SUNDAY 98 - 1874. THE ASHANTEE WAR: FALL OF COOMASSIE 99 - 1874. FUNERAL OF DR. LIVINGSTONE 103 - 1874. DISRAELI ON PARTIES IN THE CHURCH 104 - 1875. THE ARCTIC EXPEDITION 106 - 1875. PURCHASE OF SUEZ CANAL SHARES (AN OPPOSITION VIEW) 110 - 1876. DISRAELI’S AIMS IN POLITICS 114 - 1876. A SPIRITED SPEECH BY DISRAELI 114 - 1876. THE EASTERN QUESTION: SOME FIERY SPEECHES 115 - - - - -FROM PALMERSTON TO DISRAELI - -(1856–1876) - - - - -NEUTRALITY OF THE BLACK SEA (1856). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1856, vol. 98; _State Papers_, pp. -310–312. - - -TREATY OF PARIS. - -ARTICLE XI.--The Black Sea is neutralised; its waters and its ports -thrown open to the mercantile marine of every nation, are formally and -in perpetuity interdicted to the flag of war, either of the Powers -possessing its coasts, or of any other Power, with the exceptions -mentioned in Articles XIV. and XIX. of the present Treaty. - -ARTICLE XII.--Free from any impediment, the commerce in the ports -and waters of the Black Sea shall be subject only to the regulations -of health, customs, and police, framed in a spirit favourable to the -development of commercial transactions. - -In order to afford to the commercial and maritime interests of every -nation the security which is desired, Russia and the Sublime Porte will -admit Consuls into their ports situated upon the coast of the Black -Sea, in conformity with the principles of international law. - -ARTICLE XIII.--The Black Sea being neutralised according to the terms -of Article XI., the maintenance or establishment upon its coast of -military-maritime arsenals becomes alike unnecessary and purposeless; -in consequence, His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias and His -Imperial Majesty the Sultan engage not to establish or maintain upon -that coast any military-maritime arsenal. - -ARTICLE XIV.--Their Majesties the Emperor of all the Russias and the -Sultan having concluded a convention for the purpose of settling -the force and the number of light vessels necessary for the service -of their coasts which they reserve to themselves to maintain in the -Black Sea, that convention is annexed to the present Treaty, and shall -have the same force and validity as if it had formed an integral part -thereof. It cannot be either annulled or modified without the assent of -the Powers signing the present Treaty. - -ARTICLE XIX.--In order to insure the execution of the regulations which -shall have been established by common agreement, in conformity with the -principles declared above, each of the contracting Powers shall have -the right to station, at all times, two light vessels at the mouth of -the Danube. - - * * * * * - -Convention between the Emperor of Russia and the Sultan limiting their -naval force in the Black Sea. - -ARTICLE I.--The High Contracting Parties mutually engage not to have in -the Black Sea any other vessels of war than those of which the number, -the force, and the dimensions are hereinafter stipulated. - -ARTICLE II.--The High Contracting Parties reserve to themselves each to -maintain in that sea 6 steamships of 50 metres in length at the time of -flotation, of a tonnage of 800 tons at the maximum, and 4 light steam -or sailing vessels of a tonnage which shall not exceed 200 tons each. - - - - -AN UP-TO-DATE MAIL STEAMER (1856). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1856, vol. 98; _Chronicle_, p. 1. - - -A magnificent iron paddle-wheel steamship the _Persia_, built by Napier -and Sons, of Glasgow, for the Cunard Company, has made her trial trip. -This ship will be the largest steamship afloat in the world, until -another shall have been built which shall surpass her. Such have been -the advances made in our ideas of ships, and especially of steamships -of late years, that the giant of to-day is the pigmy of to-morrow; -and the chief use of these records is to show what was a magnificent -ship at the commencement of 1856. The _Persia_ is built of iron; her -dimensions are: Length from figurehead to taffrail, 390 feet; length in -the water, 360 feet; breadth of the hull, 45 feet; breadth over all, 71 -feet; depth, 32 feet; burden, 3,600 tons; diameter of paddle-wheels, 40 -feet. - -By the Government rule of measure, her steam-power would be equal to -900 horses; according to Watt’s mode of reckoning it would be equal to -4,000 horses at least. The ship is of beautiful model, and combined so -as to secure the greatest mechanical strength. Her keel-plates are of -sheet-iron, 11/16 of an inch thick; the bottom plates 15/16; up to the -water-line, 11/16. She is divided into seven water-tight compartments, -besides which she has, in effect, a double bottom. She has two engines -and eight boilers. She will afford separate and roomy accommodation -for 260 passengers, and will carry a crew of 150 men. Besides splendid -saloons and all other requisite apartments for her passengers, she has -a bakery, butcher’s shambles, scullery, cow-house, carpenter’s shop, -doctor’s shop, ice-houses, bath-rooms, and twenty water-closets. The -builders’ calculations as to her speed were not disappointed, for on -her voyage round from Glasgow to Liverpool she made an average of more -than 16 knots, or 19 miles an hour. - - - - -RUBINSTEIN IN LONDON: FIRST APPEARANCE AT A PHILHARMONIC CONCERT (1857). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, May 19, 1857. - - -Of Herr Rubinstein, his compositions, and his performances, we would -rather not speak, but just now that there is so much charlatanism -abroad, to the detriment of genuine art, silence is not permitted. We -never listened before to such music--if music it may be called--at -the Philharmonic Concerts, and fervently trust we may never again. So -strange and chaotic a jumble as the Concerto in G defies analysis. -Not a single subject fit to be designated “phrase” or “melody” can -be traced throughout the whole dreary length of the composition; -while, to atone for the absence of every musical attribute, we look -in vain even for what abounds in the pianoforte writings of Liszt -and others of the same school--viz., the materials for displaying -mechanical facility to advantage.... As a player, Herr Rubinstein -(who, when a mere boy, paid London a visit in 1843–4) may lay claim to -the possession of extraordinary manual dexterity. His execution (more -particularly when he has passages in octaves to perform) is prodigious, -and the difficulties he surmounts with apparent ease are manifold and -astonishing. But his mechanism is by no means invariably pure; nor is -his manner of attacking the notes at all favourable to the production -of legitimate tone. A pianist should treat his instrument rather as -a friend than as an enemy, caress rather than bully it; but Herr -Rubinstein seats himself at the piano with a seeming determination to -_punish_ it, and his endeavours to extort the power of an orchestra -from that which is, after all, but an unpretending row of keys, -hammers, and strings, result in an exaggeration of style entirely -antagonistic to real musical expression. - - - - -FIRST DISTRIBUTION OF THE VICTORIA CROSS (1857). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, June 27, 1857. - - -A new epoch in our military history was yesterday inaugurated in Hyde -Park. The old and much abused campaign medal may now be looked upon as -a reward, but it will cease to be sought after as a distinction for a -new order is instituted--an order for merit and valour, open without -regard to rank or title, to all whose conduct in the field has rendered -them prominent for courage even in the British Army. A path is left -open to the ambition of the humblest soldier--a road is open to honour -which thousands have toiled, and pined, and died in the endeavour to -attain; and private soldiers may now look forward to wearing a real -distinction which kings might be proud to have earned the right to bear. - -The display of yesterday in point of numbers was a great metropolitan -gathering--it was a concourse such as only London could send forth.... -A very large space--at least half a mile broad by three-quarters of -a mile long--was enclosed on the northern side of the park for the -evolution of the troops. On the side of this, nearest to Grosvenor -Gate, galleries were erected for the accommodation of 7,000 persons. -The station for the Queen was in the centre of the galleries, which -formed a huge deal semicircle, enclosing at least one-third of the -space in which the troops were formed.... It was evident, from the -arrangements made, that it was expected Her Majesty would dismount -and distribute the crosses at the table. The Queen, however, did not -dismount, but with her charger a little in advance of the suite, with -the Prince of Prussia on her right hand, and the Prince Consort on her -left, awarded the crosses from her seat on horseback. The form observed -was simple in the extreme. The order was handed to Her Majesty, and -the name and corps to which each recipient belonged mentioned as he -presented himself. The officers and men passed before the Queen in -single file, advancing close while she affixed to the breast of each -in turn the plain bronze cross, with a red riband for the army, and -a blue one for the navy. So quietly and expeditiously was this done -in every case that the whole ceremony scarcely occupied ten minutes. -There were 61 in all, of whom 12 belonged to the Royal Navy, 2 to the -Marines, 4 to the Cavalry, 5 to the Artillery, 4 to the Engineers, -and the remainder to various regiments of Infantry. Of all, 25 were -commissioned officers, 15 were warrant and non-commissioned officers, -and the others privates and common seamen. - - - - -REINFORCEMENTS FOR INDIA (1857). - -=Source.=--Sir Theodore Martin’s _Life of the Prince Consort_, 4th -edit., vol. iv., pp. 78–80. (London: Smith, Elder and Co.) - - -LETTER FROM QUEEN VICTORIA TO LORD PALMERSTON. - - OSBORNE, - _July 19, 1857_. - -The Queen is anxious to impress in the most earnest manner upon her -Government the necessity of our taking a comprehensive view of our -military position at the present momentous crisis, instead of going on -without a plan, living from hand to mouth, and taking small isolated -measures without reference to each other. Contrary to the Queen’s -hopes and expectations, immediately after the late war the army was -cut down to a state even _below_ the Peace Establishment recognised -by the Government and Parliament in their own estimates, to meet the -Parliamentary pressure for economy, and this in spite of the fearful -lesson just taught by the late war, and with two wars on hand--one with -Persia, and the other with China! Out of this miserably reduced Peace -Establishment, already drawn upon for the service in China, we are now -to meet the exigencies of the Indian crisis, and the Government, as it -always has done on such occasions, has up to this time contented itself -with sending out the few regiments left at home, putting off the day -for reorganising its forces. When the regiments ordered out shall have -gone, we shall be left with 18 battalions out of 105, of which the army -is composed, to meet all home duty, to protect our own shores, to act -as the reserves and reliefs for the regiments abroad, and to meet all -possible emergencies! The regiments in India are allowed one company, -raised by the last decision of the Cabinet, to 100 men as their depot -and reserve! - -A serious contemplation of such a state of things must strike everybody -with the conviction, that some _comprehensive_ and _immediate_ measure -must be taken by the Government--its _principle_ settled by the -Cabinet, and its details left to the _unfettered_ execution of the -military authorities, instead of which the Cabinet have as yet agreed -only upon recruiting certain battalions up to a certain strength, -to get back some of the men recently discharged and have measured -the extent of their plans by a probable estimate of the amount of -recruits to be obtained in a given time, declaring at the same time -to Parliament that the militia will not be called out, which would -probably have given the force required. - -The Commander-in-Chief has laid a plan before the Government which the -Queen thinks upon the whole very moderate, inexpensive, and efficient. -The principle which the Queen thinks ought to be adopted is this: That -the force which has been absorbed by the Indian demand be replaced to -its full extent and in the same kind, not whole battalions by a mere -handful of recruits added to the remaining ones. This will not only -cost the Government nothing because the East India Company will pay the -battalions transferred, and the money voted for them by Parliament will -be applicable to the new ones, but it will give a considerable saving, -as all the officers reduced from the War Establishment and receiving -half-pay will be thus absorbed and no longer be a burden upon the -Exchequer. Keeping these new battalions on a low establishment, which -will naturally be the case at first, the depots and reserves should -be raised in men, the Indian depots keeping at least two companies of -one hundred men each. [The Crimean battalions of eight companies had -eight others in reserve, which, with the aid of the militiamen, could -not keep up the strength of the Service companies. In India there are -_eleven_ to be kept up by _one_ in reserve!] - -No possible objection can be urged against this plan except two: - -1. That we shall not get the men. This is an hypothesis and not an -argument. Try and you will see. If you do not succeed and the measure -is necessary, you will have to adopt means to make it succeed. If you -conjure up the difficulties yourself, you cannot of course succeed. - -2. That the East India Company will demur to keeping permanently -so large an addition to the Queen’s army in India. The Company is -empowered, it is true, to refuse to take any Queen’s troops whom it -has not asked for, and to send back any it may no longer want. But the -Company _has_ asked for the troops now sent at great inconvenience to -the Home Government, and the commonest foresight will show that for -at least three years to come this force cannot possibly be dispensed -with--if at all. Should the time, however, arrive, the Government will -simply have to reduce the additional battalions, and the officers will -return to the half-pay list from which they were taken, the country -having had the advantage of the saving in the meantime. But the Queen -thinks it next to impossible that the European force could again be -decreased in India. After the present fearful experience, the Company -could only send back Queen’s regiments, in order to raise new European -ones of their own. This they cannot do without the Queen’s sanction, -and she must at once make her most solemn protest against such a -measure. It would be dangerous and unconstitutional to allow private -individuals to raise an army of Queen’s subjects larger than her own -in any part of the British dominions. The force would be inferior to -one continually renewed from the Mother Country, and would form no -link in the general military system of England all over the globe of -which the largest force will always be in India. The raising of new -troops for the Company in England would most materially interfere with -the recruiting of the Queen’s army, which meets already with such -great difficulties. The Company could not complain that it was put to -expense by the Home Government in having to keep so many more Queen’s -regiments; for as it cannot be so insane as to wish to reform the old -Bengal army of Sepoys, for every two of these regiments now disbanded -and one of the Queen’s substituted it would save £4,000 (a regiment -of Sepoys costing £27,000, and a Queen’s regiment £50,000). The ten -battalions to be transferred to the Company for twenty Sepoy regiments -disbanded would therefore save £40,000, instead of costing anything; -but in reality the saving to the Company would be greater, because the -half-pay and superannuation of the officers, and therefore the whole -dead weight, would fall upon the Mother Country. The only motive, -therefore, which could actuate the Company would be a palpable love of -power and patronage to which the most sacred interests of the country -ought not to be sacrificed. The present position of the Queen’s army -is a pitiable one. The Queen has just seen, in the camp at Aldershot, -regiments, which, after eighteen years’ foreign service in most trying -climates, had come back to England to be sent out after seven months to -the Crimea. Having passed through this destructive campaign, they have -not been home for a year before they are to go to India for perhaps -twenty years! This is most cruel and unfair to the gallant men who -devote their services to the country, and the Government is in duty and -humanity bound to alleviate their position. - -“The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to communicate this memorandum to the -Cabinet.” - - - - -SIEGE AND RELIEF OF LUCKNOW (1857). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, vol. 99; _Public Documents_, pp. 455, 456. - - -DESPATCH FROM BRIGADIER-GENERAL HAVELOCK TO THE CHIEF OF THE STAFF TO -THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. - - RESIDENCY, - LUCKNOW, - _September 30, 1857_. - - SIR, - -Major-General Sir James Outram having, with characteristic generosity -of feeling, declared that the command of the force should remain in my -hands, and that he would accompany it as Civil Commissioner only, until -a junction could be effected with the gallant and enduring garrison -of this place, I have to request that you will inform His Excellency -the Commander-in-Chief that this purpose was effected on the evening -of the 25th instant. But before detailing the circumstances, I must -refer to antecedent events. I crossed the Sye on the 22nd instant, the -bridge at Bunnee not having been broken. On the 23rd I found myself in -the presence of the enemy, who had taken a strong position, his left -resting on the enclosure of the Alum Bagh and his centre and right -drawn up behind a chain of hillocks. The head of my column at first -suffered from the fire of his guns as it was compelled to pass along -the trunk road between morasses; but as soon as my regiments could be -deployed along his front and his right enveloped by my left, victory -declared for us, and we captured five guns. Sir James Outram, with his -accustomed gallantry, passed on in advance close down to the canal. -But as the enemy fed his artillery with guns from the city, it was -not possible to maintain this, or a less advanced position for a time -taken up; but it became necessary to throw our right on the Alum Bagh, -and re-form our left, and even then we were incessantly cannonaded -throughout the 24th, and the enemy’s cavalry, 1,500 strong, crept round -through lofty cultivation, and made a sudden irruption upon the baggage -massed in our rear. The soldiers of the 90th forming the baggage-guard -received them with great gallantry, but lost some brave officers and -men, shooting down, however, twenty-five of the troopers, and putting -the whole body to flight. They were finally driven to a distance by two -guns of Captain Olpherts’ battery. - -The troops had been marching for three days under a perfect deluge of -rain, irregularly fed, and badly housed in villages. It was thought -necessary to pitch tents and permit them to halt on the 24th. The -assault on the city was deferred until the 25th. That morning our -baggage and tents were deposited in the Alum Bagh under an escort, -and we advanced. The 1st Brigade, under Sir James Outram’s personal -leading, drove the enemy from a succession of gardens and walled -enclosures, supported by the 2nd Brigade, which I accompanied. Both -brigades were established on the canal at the bridge of Char Bagh. - -From this point the direct road to the Residency was something less -than two miles; but it was known to have been cut by trenches, and -crossed by palisades at short intervals, the houses also being -loop-holed. Progress in this direction was impossible; so the united -columns pushed on, detouring along the narrow road which skirts the -left bank of the canal. Its advance was not seriously interrupted -until it had come opposite the King’s Palace, or the Kaiser Bagh, -where two guns and a body of mercenary troops were entrenched. From -this entrenchment a fire of grape and musketry was opened under -which nothing could live. The artillery and troops had to pass a -bridge partially under its influence; but were then shrouded by the -buildings adjacent to the Fureed Buksh. Darkness was coming on, and -Sir James Outram at first proposed to halt within the Courts of the -Mehal for the night; but I esteemed it to be of such importance to -let the beleaguered garrison know that succour was at hand, that, -with his ultimate sanction, I directed the main, both of the 78th -Highlanders and regiment of Ferozepore, to advance. This column rushed -on with desperate gallantry, led by Sir James Outram and myself, -and Lieutenants Hudson and Hargood, of my staff, through streets of -flat-roofed, loop-holed houses, from which a perpetual fire was being -kept up, and, overcoming every obstacle, established itself within -the enclosures of the Residency. The joy of the garrison may be more -easily conceived than described; but it was not till the next evening -that the whole of my troops, guns, tumbrils, and sick and wounded, -continually exposed to the attacks of the enemy, could be brought step -by step within this “enceinte” and the adjacent palace of the Fureed -Buksh. To form an adequate idea of the obstacles overcome, reference -must be made to the events that are known to have occurred at Buenos -Ayres and Saragossa. Our advance was through streets of houses which -I have described, and thus each forming a separate fortress. I am -filled with surprise at the success of the operation which demanded the -efforts of 10,000 good troops. The advantage gained has cost us dear. -The killed, wounded, and missing, the latter being wounded soldiers, -who, I much fear--some or all--have fallen into the hands of a -merciless foe, amounted, up to the evening of the 26th, to 535 officers -and men. Brigadier-General Neill, commanding 1st Brigade; Major -Cooper, Brigadier, commanding Artillery; Lieutenant-Colonel Bazely, -a volunteer with the force, are killed. Colonel Campbell, commanding -90th Light Infantry, Lieutenant-Colonel Tytler, my Deputy Assistant -Quartermaster-General; and Lieutenant Havelock, my Deputy Assistant -Adjutant-General, are severely, but not dangerously, wounded. Sir James -Outram received a flesh-wound in the arm in the early part of the -action near Char Bagh, but nothing could subdue his spirit; and, though -faint from loss of blood, he continued to the end of the action to sit -on his horse, which he only dismounted at the gate of the Residency. -As he has now assumed the command, I leave to him the narrative of all -events subsequent to the 26th. - - I have, etc., - H. HAVELOCK, - _Brigadier-General_, - _Commanding Oude Field Force_. - -Total casualties appended: - - 119 officers and men killed. - 339 officers and men wounded. - 77 men missing. - - - - -CONSPIRACY TO MURDER BILL (1858). - -=Source.=--_The Greville Memoirs_, edited by Henry Reeve, C.B., D.C.L., -vol. viii., p. 164. (Longmans, Green and Co., 1888.) - - -_February 14 [1858]._--Last week saw the debates in the House of -Commons about the Conspiracy Bill, and the first act of the India Bill. -The first is very unpopular, but it will be carried nevertheless. -John Russell has taken it up with extraordinary vehemence and anger. -His opposition to it is furious on high constitutional grounds, which -appear to me absurd and uncalled for. If I were in Parliament I should -be puzzled how to vote, for there is much to be said against the Bill, -and much against voting against it, particularly against leave to -bring it in. Almost all the Tories voted with the Government, and John -Russell carried very few with him, and neither of his own nephews. -He is more than ever exasperated against Palmerston for bringing it -in. The apology tended by the Emperor, which was read to the House, -reconciled a great many to the Bill, but I have no notion that it will -do any good, or that the French Government will be satisfied with it. -After such a Bill, which will certainly be carried, the British lion -must put his tail between his legs, and, “Civis Romanus,” give up -swaggering so loftily. If Aberdeen had attempted such a measure when -Louis Philippe was King and Guizot minister, what would Palmerston have -said? and what would not have been the indignant outcry throughout the -country? - -[NOTE.--On February 19 the Government were defeated on the Conspiracy -Bill in the House of Commons by a majority of 234 to 215. The majority -consisted of 146 Conservatives and 84 Liberals. Mr. Gladstone, Lord -John Russell, Sir James Graham, and Mr. Sidney Herbert voted against -the Bill. Lord Palmerston immediately resigned.] - - - - -FORCING OF THE PEIHO RIVER (1858). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1858, vol. 100; _Public Documents_, pp. -248–250. - - - EXTRACT FROM A DESPATCH RECEIVED BY THE ADMIRALTY FROM REAR-ADMIRAL - SIR MICHAEL SEYMOUR, K.C.B., COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF ON THE EAST - INDIAN STATION, DATED MAY 21, 1858: - -From the arrival of the ambassadors on the 14th April, the Chinese -have used every exertion to strengthen the forts at the entrance of -the Peiho; earthworks, sandbag batteries, and parapets for the heavy -gingalls have been erected on both sides for a distance of nearly a -mile in length, upon which 87 guns in position were visible, and the -whole shore had been piled to oppose a landing. As the channel is only -about 200 yards wide, and runs within 400 yards of the shore, these -defences presented a formidable appearance. Two strong mud batteries, -mounting respectively 33 and 16 guns, had also been constructed about -1,000 yards up the river, in a position to command our advance. In -the rear several entrenched camps were visible, defended by flanking -bastions, and it was known that large bodies of troops had arrived -from Pekin. All the forts and the camps were covered with the -various-coloured flags under which the “troops of the eight banners,” -as the Tartar soldiers are styled, range themselves. - -At 8 a.m. yesterday the notification to the Imperial Commissioner -Tan, and the summons to deliver up the forts within two hours, were -delivered by Captain Hall, my flag-captain, and Capitaine Reynaud, -flag-captain of the French Admiral. - -No answer having been returned by 10 o’clock to the summons, the -signal agreed upon was made, and the gunboats advanced in the -prescribed order, led by the _Cormorant_. The Chinese opened fire -immediately, and the signal to engage was made a few minutes afterwards -from the _Slaney_. By the time all the vessels had anchored in their -respective stations, the effects of our well-directed fire had become -very apparent. The first fort was entirely dismantled and abandoned, -and the second partially so, while those on the north side had been -completely subdued by the _Cormorant_ and two French gunboats. At the -short range within which we engaged every shot told, and many of the -massive embrasures of mud were levelled by shells. At the end of an -hour and a quarter the enemy’s fire ceased. Landing parties were then -pushed on shore. - -Owing to the destructive fire from the gunboats, but little opposition -was made to our landing, and the Chinese troops were observed moving -off in masses, whilst our people were in the boats. The flags of the -Allied Powers soon replaced those of the Chinese. On the south side -200 large gingalls were found in position near the landing-place on an -embankment. Having obtained possession, the dismantling of the works -was commenced, and field-pieces landed for the protection of the forces -against the possible attacks of the Chinese. Shortly after the landing -our gallant allies sustained a melancholy and heavy loss of men, killed -and wounded, by the accidental explosion of a magazine. - -When all the vessels had taken up their positions, a bold attempt was -made to send down upon them a long array of junks, filled with straw in -flames, and drawn across the river; but they fortunately grounded, and -though the people, guiding them down the river with ropes, made great -efforts to get them off, a few shells from the _Bustard_ drove them -away, and the vessels burnt out without doing any damage. - -Much skill and labour had been expended in the construction of these -forts. The guns were much better cast than, and not so unwieldy as, -those in the Canton River, and were better equipped in every respect. -They had good canister shot, and the hollow 8-inch shot appeared -imitations from our own. There were several English guns in the -batteries. Directions were now sent to Captain Sir F. Nicholson and -Capitaine Leveque to advance and capture the two forts up the river, -which had kept up a smart fire. This movement was successfully executed -under the supporting fire from the _Bustard_, _Staunch_, and _Opossum_. - -Several entrenched camps were also destroyed. - -The Chinese stood well to their guns, notwithstanding shot, shell, and -rockets were flying thickly around them. Most of the gunboats were -hulled, some several times, whilst boats, spars, and rigging were cut -by roundshot, grape, and gingall balls. This signal success, after the -Chinese had ample time to fortify their position, and were confident of -their strength, may probably have a greater moral effect on the Chinese -Government than if we had attacked them in the first instance, when -they were less prepared. - -The necessary arrangements at the entrance of the river having been -completed, a further advance was made to the village of Takoo, where -we found a barrier of junks filled with combustible matter, moored by -chains right across the river, whilst seven similar obstructions to -our progress were observed within a mile higher up. Captain Hall and -a party of men landed and took possession of eighteen field-pieces -in front of an abandoned encampment at Takoo. Whilst on shore, the -residence of the High Commissioner, Tan, was visited and found -deserted, though a significant proof of his recent presence was found -in a beheaded Chinaman near his gate. It was ascertained here that the -main body of the Chinese troops had retired with Tan to a position -about eight miles up the river. The barrier at Takoo, offering good -security to our vessels below, was made our advanced position for the -night, in charge of Sir F. Nicolson and Capitaine Thoyon. - -Arrangements are making for a further advance up the river towards -Tientsin. - - M. SEYMOUR, - _Rear-Admiral and Commander-in-Chief_. - - - - -ADMISSION OF JEWS TO PARLIAMENT (1858). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, July 27, 1858. - - -Baron Rothschild presented himself at the bar where he was met by Lord -John Russell and Mr. Abel Smith, who, amid considerable cheering from -the Opposition benches, led him to the table. - -The clerk offered to Baron Rothschild a copy of the new oath required -to be taken by members. - -BARON ROTHSCHILD: I beg to state, sir, that I have conscientious -objection to take the oath in the form in which it is now tendered to -me. - -LORD JOHN RUSSELL (after Baron Rothschild had retired) rose and said: -My object in rising, sir, is to move a resolution in conformity with an -Act recently passed. It is as follows: - -“That it appears to this House that Baron Lionel de Rothschild, a -person professing the Jewish religion, being otherwise entitled to sit -and vote in this House, is prevented from so sitting and voting by his -conscientious objection to take the oath which, by an Act passed in the -present session of Parliament, has been substituted for the oaths of -allegiance, supremacy, and abjuration, in the form therein required.” - -The resolution was agreed to. - -LORD J. RUSSELL: I now rise, sir, to move a resolution in pursuance -of the Act which received the assent of Her Majesty in the 23rd -instant; and which is entitled “An Act to Provide for the Relief of Her -Majesty’s Subjects Professing the Jewish Religion.” In order that the -House may be fully in possession of the words of that Act I shall now -read them. By the first clause it is enacted that: - -“Where it shall appear to either House of Parliament that a person -professing the Jewish religion, otherwise entitled to sit and vote in -such House, is prevented from so sitting and voting by conscientious -objection to take the oath, ... such House, if it think fit, may -resolve that thenceforth any person professing the Jewish religion, in -taking the said oath to entitle him to sit and vote as aforesaid, may -omit the words, ‘and I make this declaration upon the true faith of a -Christian.’” - -LORD J. RUSSELL then moved a resolution embodying the above. - -After some debate the House divided-- - - For the Resolution 69 - Against 37 - -- - Majority 32 - -Baron Rothschild then advanced to the table, conducted as before by -Lord J. Russell and Mr. Smith, and as he walked up the floor of the -House was greeted with loud cheering from the Opposition benches. He -desired to be sworn upon the Old Testament, and his request being -at once complied with by the Speaker, he took the new form of oath, -omitting the words, “and I make this declaration upon the true faith of -a Christian.” The hon. gentleman then signed the roll of Parliament, -and during the course of the subsequent proceedings he exercised the -most important function of a legislator by voting twice upon the -Corrupt Practices’ Prevention Act Continuance Bill. - - - - -AN INADEQUATE NAVY (1858). - -=Source.=--_Letters of Queen Victoria_, edited by A. C. Benson, M.A., -and Viscount Esher, vol. iii., pp. 378, 379. (John Murray, 1907.) - - -QUEEN VICTORIA TO THE EARL OF DERBY. - - OSBORNE, - _August 2, 1858_. - -The Queen feels it her duty to address a few lines to Lord Derby on the -subject of the reports made to Sir John Pakington on the subject of the -French naval preparations, to which she has already verbally adverted -when she saw Lord Derby last. These reports reveal a state of things of -the greatest moment to this country. It will be the first time in her -history that she will find herself in an absolute minority of ships on -the sea! and this inferiority will be much greater in reality than even -apparent, as our fleet will have to defend possessions and commerce -all over the world, and has even in Europe a strategical line to hold, -extending from Malta to Heligoland, whilst France keeps her fleet -together and occupies the centre of that line in Europe. - -The Queen thinks it irreconcilable with the duty which the Government -owes to the country to be aware of this state of things without -straining every nerve to remedy it. With regard to men in whom we -are also totally deficient in case of an emergency, a Commission of -Enquiry is sitting to devise a remedy; but with regard to our ships and -dockyards we require action and immediate action. The plan proposed by -the Surveyor to the Navy appears to the Queen excessively moderate and -judicious, and she trusts that the Cabinet will not hesitate to empower -its execution, bearing in mind that £200,000 spent now will probably -do more work during the six or nine months for working before us than -£2,000,000 would if voted in next year’s estimate, letting our arrears -in the dockyards, already admitted to be very great, accumulate in the -interval. Time is most precious under these circumstances! - -It is true that this sum of money would be in excess of the estimates -of last Session, but the Queen feels sure that on the faith of the -reports made by the Admiralty the Government would find no difficulty -in convincing Parliament that they have been good stewards of the -public money in taking courageously the responsibility upon themselves -to spend judiciously what is necessary, and that the country will be -deeply grateful for the honesty with which they have served her. - -The Queen wishes Lord Derby to communicate this letter to the Cabinet. - - - - -VOLUNTEER RIFLE CORPS (1859). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, vol. 101; _Public Documents_, pp. 262–264. - - -LETTER FROM THE WAR OFFICE TO THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT. - - WAR OFFICE, - PALL MALL, - _May 12, 1859_. - -Her Majesty’s Government having had under consideration the propriety -of permitting the formation of volunteer rifle corps, under the -provisions of the Act of 44 George III., cap. 54, as well as of -artillery corps and companies in maritime towns in which there may be -forts and batteries, I have the honour to inform you that I shall be -prepared to receive through you, and consider any proposal with that -object, which may emanate from the county under your charge. - -The principal and most important provisions of the Act are: - -That the corps be formed under officers bearing the commission of the -lieutenant of the county. - -That its members must take the oath of allegiance before a -deputy-lieutenant or justice of the peace, or a commissioned officer of -the corps. - -That it be liable to be called out in case of actual invasion, or -appearance of an enemy in force on the coast, or in case of rebellion -arising out of either of those emergencies. - -That while thus under arms its members are subject to military law -and entitled to be billeted and to receive pay in like manner as the -regular army. - -That all commissioned officers disabled in actual service are entitled -to half pay, and non-commissioned officers and privates to the benefit -of Chelsea Hospital, and widows of commissioned officers, killed in -service, to such pensions for life as are given to widows of officers -of Her Majesty’s regular forces. - -That members cannot quit the corps when on actual service, but may do -at any other time by giving fourteen days’ notice. - -That members who have attended eight days in each four months, or a -total of twenty-four days’ drill and exercise in the year, are entitled -to be returned as effectives. - -That members so returned are exempt from militia ballot, or from being -called upon to serve in any other levy. - -That all property of the corps is legally vested in the commanding -officer, and subscriptions and fines under the rules and regulations -are recoverable by him before a magistrate. - -The conditions on which Her Majesty’s Government will recommend to Her -Majesty the acceptance of any proposal are: - -That the formation of the corps be recommended by the lord-lieutenant -of the county. - -That the corps be subject to the provisions of the Act already quoted. - -That its members undertake to provide their own arms and equipments, -and to defray all expenses attending the corps, except in the event of -its being assembled for actual service. - -That the rules and regulations which may be thought necessary be -submitted to me, in accordance with the fifty-sixth section of the Act. - -The uniform and equipments of the corps may be settled by the members, -subject to your approval, but the arms, though provided at the expense -of the members, must be furnished under the superintendence and -according to the regulations of this department, in order to secure a -perfect uniformity of gauge. - -The establishment of officers and non-commissioned officers will be -fixed by me, and recorded in the books of this office, and in order -that I may be enabled to determine the proportion, you will be pleased -to specify the precise number of private men which you will recommend, -and into how many companies you propose to divide them. - -I have only to add that I shall look to you, as Her Majesty’s -lieutenant, for the nomination of proper persons to be appointed -officers, subject to the Queen’s approval. - - I have the honour to be, etc., - Your most obedient servant, - J. PEEL. - - TO HER MAJESTY’S LIEUTENANT FOR - THE COUNTY OF ----. - - - - -NAPOLEON III. AND ENGLAND (1859). - -=Source.=--Sir Theodore Martin’s _Life of the Prince Consort_, vol. -iv., pp. 471, 472. - - -LETTER FROM LORD COWLEY (ENGLISH AMBASSADOR AT PARIS) TO LORD J. -RUSSELL. - - _August 7, 1859._ - -More than once, in the course of the evening, His Majesty [Napoleon -III.] referred to the state of public opinion in England with regard -to himself. He asked whether there was any change for the better, -observing that he could not comprehend the suspicions entertained of -him--that he had done nothing to provoke them, and that they were most -unjust. The idea of his invading England was, he said, so preposterous -that he could laugh at it, were it not evident to him that there were -people in England who seriously believed it. - -I replied, that an agent must never shrink from telling the truth, -however disagreeable, and I must admit, therefore, the existence -in some minds of the suspicions to which his Majesty had referred! -nor could I say that I saw much diminution of them as yet. There -were many causes that had given rise to them: His Majesty’s sudden -intimacy with Russia after the Crimean War; his sudden quarrel with -Austria; the equally sudden termination of the war which made people -suppose that he might wish to carry it elsewhere; the name he bore -with its antecedents; the extraordinary rapidity with which the late -armaments had been made; the attention devoted to the Imperial Navy; -its increase; the report of the Naval Commission of 1848, which showed -plainly that the augmentation of the navy was directed against England. -All these matters had made people look about them, and their eyes -had been suddenly opened to the fact that within easy reach of the -British shores were 500,000 men, with a steam fleet as powerful, or -more powerful than any that could be brought against them. This state -of things had created a great deal of alarm; more perhaps than was -necessary. But a great nation could not leave her fate to the chapter -of accidents, and we were in fact merely resuming that place by sea -which we had before the invention of steam. “In fact, Sire,” I said, -“the whole question lies in a very narrow compass. England and France -are the two most powerful nations of the world. Neither can, nor will -submit to the supremacy of the other. France is a military Power. -England, as compared with France, is not. England is a naval Power. So -is France. If the balance of power between them is to be preserved, -England must be the stronger by sea, as France is by land, otherwise -England would be at the mercy of France.” - -The Emperor somewhat disputed the justice of these remarks, observing -that his 500,000 men were required to hold his position upon the -Continent, and that I had not taken into account the insular position -of Great Britain, which made her, as it were, a large fortress. But -upon my observing that an insular position was of little value unless -there was a fleet to keep off marauders, His Majesty said he would not -dispute the point any longer; but all he hoped was that our Press would -not pervert facts, and say that the extra armaments of England were -called for by the armaments of France, _for it was not true that France -had armed_. - -I did not pursue this delicate matter further, but I said I was -convinced that it was in His Majesty’s power, if he desired it, to -recover the confidence of England. Let him appeal to the common sense -of the English people by facts rather than by words, and he would soon -see common sense get the better of suspicions. The Emperor replied -that he desired no more, and that, if he had spoken on the subject, -it was because he was afraid that the feelings of the British people -would arouse the corresponding sentiments in France, and this was not -desirable. - -“I defy anyone to listen to the Emperor,” Lord Cowley adds, “when he -is speaking of the English Alliance, without attaining the conviction -that the preservation of it is that which he has most at heart. I feel -equally certain that he does not dream of a war with England, and that -his _amour propre_ is wounded by our suspicions of his intentions; but, -as I observed to him, no man can tell what unforeseen circumstances may -produce, and that it is not so much with the events of the day, as with -the possible contingencies of the future, that we have to deal.” - - - - -PROGRESS OF THE VOLUNTEER MOVEMENT (1859). - -=Source.=--_The Brighton Herald_, November 19, 1859. - - -The Volunteer movement goes on with increased vigour in all directions. -In our own county, Chichester, the centre of a large agricultural -district, which ought to furnish a large number of first-rate shots, -has at length moved. The Mayor has called a meeting for Tuesday next. -The Brighton Rifle and Artillery Corps commence drill next week. The -Cinque Ports, Hastings, Rye, and Dover, have been in the field some -time as clubs, and are now about to be enrolled as corps under their -Warden. - -Our neighbouring and equally exposed county, Kent, has at length grown -ashamed of its apathy, and various corps--among them the Weald of -Kent Corps--are in course of formation. But the North of Britain is -at present ahead of the South. Glasgow numbers its 2,000 volunteers, -and the West of Scotland alone boasts that it could turn out 30,000 to -meet an invader. We hear upon good authority that 20,000 volunteers -are actually under drill within 20 miles of London, but for the heart -of the Empire this number should be quintupled. But Manchester is now -“up.” Captain Denman, an old Parliamentary candidate, has desired that -£400 subscribed for a memorial to him may be applied to the purposes -of a Rifle Corps; other contributions on the same scale have been -made, and Manchester is soon likely to possess its little army of home -defenders. The present state of feeling in France towards England tends -not a little to promote this defensive movement. - -That the French Army was ripe two years ago for a dash at England we -know through the Colonels’ addresses; and the French Army is not a bad -index of the feelings of the population with which it mixes so freely, -and of which it forms so large a proportion. But we know--and it has -been known for some time by all who have relations with France--that -this feeling--the belief in the inevitability of an invasion of England -by France, and a perfect confidence in the result--is not confined to -the army. It pervades the mass of Frenchmen; it has taken possession -of the host of officials who overrun France, and who are the great -engine of Government influence; it extends even to Frenchmen living in -England, and who, whilst inimical to Louis Napoleon’s Government, are -not indisposed to accept him as a champion of French grievances against -England. Of the unfounded nature of these it is useless to argue to -Frenchmen. They may go back to the days of Joan of Arc, or they may -date from Waterloo, but at whatever point they commence there is no -doubt that they rankle in the breasts of Frenchmen much more than we -have been in the habit of supposing; that it is easy to irritate these -old wounds, and that process has been going on for some time, side by -side with an assumption of friendship on the part of the Government. -It may not be intended to put the match to this magazine of national -passion, but we, who would be the victims of the explosion, cannot -ignore its existence. We cannot shut our eyes and ears to the daily -accumulating evidence of a growing belief in the minds of all Frenchmen -that the day must come when all old scores of France against England -will be wiped off; that they now possess the ability to execute this -work of retribution, as they regard it, and that the man who, above -all others, is most interested in accomplishing it, and so working -out his destiny, is at the head of the Government with unbounded -power--with enormous resources--and, above all, that this man takes -no pains to check the growing feeling of hostility in the breasts of -his subjects, but contents himself to-day with taking credit with us -for not gratifying it, as, to-morrow, he may take credit with his own -subjects for giving way to it. In such a state of things it is not -to be wondered at that men hitherto the most pacific in this country -are thinking how they can best defend their homes, wives, children, -and property, and that, at no small inconvenience, thousands are -volunteering their service as a home militia. We are glad to see the -movement so well afoot, and hope it may spread until the English soil -is so covered with armed men that a Frenchman would as little dare to -come here on a warlike errand as he would to thrust his ungloved hand -into a hornets’ nest. - - - - -THE COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH FRANCE (1860). - -=Source.=--_The Greville Memoirs_, edited by Henry Reeve, C.B., vol. -viii., pp. 290–292, 293, 294. (Longmans, Green and Co., 1888.) - - -_January 24._--Clarendon called on me yesterday and told me various -things more or less interesting about passing events, about Cobden and -the Commercial Treaty. Cobden went over to Paris with letters from -Palmerston to Cowley, begging Cowley would give him all the aid he -could in carrying out his object of persuading the leading people there -to adopt Free Trade principles, saying he went without any mission and -as “a free lance.” Cowley did what he could for him, and he went about -his object with great zeal, meanwhile putting himself in correspondence -with Gladstone, who eagerly backed him up, but all this time nothing -was said to the Cabinet on the subject. At length one day Walewski sent -for Cowley, and asked him whether he was to understand that Cobden was -an agent of the British Government, and authorised by it to say all he -was saying in various quarters. Cowley denied all knowledge of Cobden’s -proceedings, but wrote a despatch to John Russell stating what had -occurred, and at the same time a private letter, saying he did not know -whether he would wish such a despatch to be recorded, and therefore to -number it and place it in the Foreign Office, or put it in the fire as -he thought fit. John Russell accepted the despatch, and at the same -time told him he might endorse whatever Cobden did in the matter of -commercial engagements. - -Clarendon said that when he was at Paris four years ago for the -Congress, the Emperor one day said to him: “I know you are a great Free -Trader, and I suppose you mean to take this opportunity of advancing -Free Trade principles here as far as you can.” Clarendon said certainly -such was his intention, when the Emperor said he was happy to be able -to take the initiative with him on this subject, and that he would tell -him that it had just been settled in the Council of State that a great -change in their commercial and prohibitive system should be proposed -to the Chambers, which it was his intention to carry out as soon as -possible. But not long after the Emperor renewed the subject, and told -him he found the Opposition so strong to his contemplated measures, and -the difficulties so great, that he had been obliged to abandon them for -the present, and as there is no reason to doubt that the elements of -opposition will be found as strong now as they were then, it is by no -means certain that His Majesty will be able now to do all he wishes and -has announced. - -_January 27._--There is apparently a strong feeling of doubt and -quasi-hostility getting up against the Commercial Treaty, and it -looks as if both the English and French Governments would have great -difficulties in the matter. Public opinion here remains suspended till -the Treaty is produced, and till we are informed what the immediate -sacrifices may be that we shall have to make for it, and what are the -prospective advantages we obtain in return. The French Protectionists -are more impatient, and have begun to pour out their complaints and -indignation without waiting to see the obnoxious Convention. Thiers -is said to be furious. So far from any Commercial Treaty like this -cementing the alliance, and rendering war between the two countries -more difficult, it is much more likely to inflame the popular antipathy -in France, to make the alliance itself odious, and render the chances -of war between the two countries more probable. In maturing his scheme -Louis Napoleon has given it all the appearance of a conspiracy, which -is in accordance with his character and his tastes. The whole thing was -carried on with the most profound secrecy, and the secret was confined -to a very few people, viz. the Emperor himself, Fould, Rouher (Minister -of Commerce), Michel Chevalier, and Cobden. All the documents were -copied by Madame Rouher, and Rouher was so afraid that some guesses -might be made if he was known to be consulting books and returns that -were preserved in the Library of the Council of State, that he never -would look at any of them, and made Chevalier borrow all that he had -occasion to refer to. Now the Emperor springs this Treaty upon his -reluctant Chambers and the indignant Protectionist interest. His -manner of doing the thing, which he thinks is the only way by which -it can be done at all, naturally adds to the resentment the measure -excites. They feel themselves in a measure taken in. The objections -here are of a different kind and on other grounds, but Gladstone kept -his design nearly as close as the Emperor did, never having imparted -it to the Cabinet till the last moment before Parliament met. I do not -know how the Cabinet looked at it, only that they were not unanimous. - - - - -ANTI-RITUAL RIOTS (1860). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, Monday, January 30, 1860. - - -Yesterday evening there was a frightful riot, resulting in the -destruction of much of the church property in the parish church of St. -George’s-in-the-East. Unhappily, notorious as this parish has become -in consequence of the religious differences which prevail, and serious -as have been the disturbances which have taken place, everything which -has previously occurred sinks into insignificance when compared with -the terrible scene which was witnessed there last night. The morning -service ... was comparatively tranquil, but at the evening service -there was a scene as it would be impossible for any language adequately -to describe. The conduct of the congregation, to use the only phrase at -all applicable to it, was “devilish.” - -Evening service commenced at seven o’clock, and at quarter of an hour -before that time the church was densely packed, there being at least -3,000 persons present, of whom 1,000 were boys, who took possession -of the galleries.... There was cat-calling, cock-crowing, yelling, -howling, hissing, shouting of the most violent kind, snatches of -popular songs were sung, loud cries of “Bravo” and “Order” came from -every part of the church, caps, hats and bonnets were thrown from the -galleries into the body of the church and back again, while pew-doors -were slammed, lucifer-matches struck, and attempts were more than once -made to put out the gas.... - -At seven o’clock a procession of priests and choristers entered the -church and advanced to their accustomed place in front of the altar. -It was headed by the Rev. Bryan King, the Rector, who was followed by -the Rev. C. F. Lowder and ten or twelve choristers, habited in their -white robes. Their appearance in the church caused intense excitement. -People jumped on to their seats, pew-doors were violently slammed, and -loud shouts of execration proceeded from every part of the church. -Mr. Lowder said the first portion of the prayers, Mr. King the last. -Scarcely a word was audible. Hitherto the congregation had contented -themselves with “saying” the responses, in opposition to the choristers -who sang them, but last night they indulged in responses which are -not in the Prayer-Book, and which were nothing short of blasphemous -mockery. At the close of the prayers Mr. Lowder ascended the pulpit, -and was hissed and yelled at by the people with tremendous energy.... -After the sermon, Mr. King, Mr. Lowder and the choristers made their -way to the vestry room with great difficulty, being more than once -subjected to personal violence. - -At this moment a cry was raised for the demolition of the altar, which -was elaborately decorated, and the threat would have been carried -out had not the altar-gate been gallantly defended by Mr. Stutfield, -one of the choristers. Over the apse, or quasi-altar, is a beautiful -candelabrum, and this at once became an object of attack. Hassocks were -collected from the pews and hurled at it. Many of them struck it, and -every moment it was expected that it would come down. As it was, it was -seriously damaged. Another object of attack was the large cross over -the altar, at which hassocks and cushions were thrown from the gallery. -All this time there was fighting, shouting, and singing in all parts of -the church, with no one in authority to repress it. The scene at this -time was perfectly frightful, and would, in all probability, have ended -in bloodshed, had not Inspector Alison, upon his own authority, entered -the church with a dozen policemen and ordered it to be cleared. Turned -out of the church, the rioters suggested an attack on Mr. King’s house, -and many persons who went there were very roughly handled. In the -course of an hour Inspector Alison had got the whole of the disorderly -mob into the street. A considerable amount of church furniture has -been destroyed, the cushions in the galleries were torn up, and thrown -into the body of the church, Bibles and Prayer-Books flew about in all -directions, and many of the altar decorations were injured. - - - - -CHINESE WAR: CAPTURE OF PEKIN (1860). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, December, 1860. - - -REUTER’S TELEGRAMS. - - PEKIN, - _October 13_. - -Pekin surrendered to the Allies this day, yielding to all demands. -Thirteen soldiers have also been released. - -The Emperor and the Tartar army have fled, and none of the enemy are to -be seen at Pekin. - -The Emperor’s Summer Palace was taken and looted on the 6th of October. -The quantity of spoil was enormous. - -The Pekin gates have been given up to the troops, who are all healthy -and encamped on the wall. - -The Allied Army will winter in the North. - -Lord Elgin and Baron Gros are at Pekin. - -Indemnity ready when demanded. - - - - -THE FIRST BRITISH IRONCLAD FRIGATE (1860). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, December 29, 1860. - - -From the yard of the Thames Iron Shipbuilding Company will this day -be launched the first armour-plated steam frigate in the possession -of Britain. The dimensions of the _Warrior_ are, extreme length over -all, 420 feet; ditto breadth, 58 feet; depth from spar deck to keel, -41 feet 6 inches. Her tonnage is no less than 6,177 tons builders’ -measurement. The engines have just been completed by Messrs. Penn and -Sons. They are of 1,250 nominal horse-power, and are probably the -most magnificent specimens of machinery that ever left even Mr. Penn’s -celebrated works. Their total weight with boilers will be 950 tons, -and for these the _Warrior_ is only able to stow 950 tons of coal, or -little more than enough for six days’ steaming. The armament, reckoning -her as a 50-gun frigate, will weigh from 1,200 to 1,500 tons, or about -the weight of the hull of the _Great Eastern_ when launched. With the -fine lines, great length, and immense horse-power of the _Warrior_, a -speed of not less than 14 knots is counted upon as certain. One row of -the armour-plates with which the greater part of the broadside will -hereafter be covered is already in its place, covering a space of 5 -feet deep by 213 feet long on either side. Only the lowest row has been -thus bolted, and more than this it would be unwise to place, as the -immense weight might strain the ship during the launch. The others will -be bolted in her piece by piece while in the Victoria Dock. - - -=Source.=--_The Times_, Monday, December 31, 1860. - -This formidable ironclad frigate (the _Warrior_), the largest -man-of-war ever built, was safely launched into the river on Saturday. - - - - -GARIBALDI AND THE GOVERNMENT (1861). - -=Source.=--_Letters of Queen Victoria_, edited by A. C. Benson, M.A., -and Viscount Esher, vol. iii., p. 550. (John Murray, 1907.) - - -QUEEN VICTORIA TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL. - - _February 10, 1861._ - -The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s letter enclosing the -draft of one to General Garibaldi, which she now returns. She had -much doubt about its being altogether safe for the Government to -get into correspondence, however unofficial, with the General, and -thinks that it would be better for Lord John _not_ to write to him. -Lord Palmerston, who was here this afternoon on other business, has -undertaken to explain the reasons in detail to Lord John--in which he -fully concurs. - - - - -THE BUDGET: ABOLITION OF THE PAPER DUTY (1861). - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated London News_, April 20, 1861. - - -MR. GLADSTONE’S SPEECH ON THE BUDGET. - -The estimate of revenue for the year he took as follows: In the customs -the duty on chicory would be doubled, bringing in £15,000; and the -estimate of the customs was £23,585,000; excise, £19,463,000; stamps, -£8,460,000. It was proposed to reduce the hawker’s licence duty for the -year from £4 to £2; and to allow half-yearly licences. There was to be -a change in the licensing of wine and refreshment houses, which would -produce about £20,000. There was to be an alteration in the mode of -licensing for the selling of spirits: that is, the wholesale dealers, -by paying a duty of £3 3s. would be allowed to sell spirits retail, -which would bring in about £5,000. Stamps on agreements for furnished -houses for a part of the year would be only five shillings instead -of _ad valorem_, as now; and house agents would have to take out a -£2 licence. Stamps on foreign bills of exchange would be levied in a -different manner. The revenue from taxes would be £3,050,000; income -tax, £11,200,000, Post Office £3,500,000, Crown Lands £295,000, and -miscellaneous £1,400,000; and the indemnity from China received in the -financial year £750,000, making a total revenue of £71,823,000, being a -surplus of £1,923,000, over an estimated expenditure of £69,900,000. - -The Government had come to the conclusion that it would not be -justified in keeping so large a balance in hand and it was proposed to -apply it to the diminution of taxation. There were four articles which -would at once present themselves to notice--viz., the tea and sugar -duties, the tenth penny of the income tax, and the paper duty. It was -proposed to remit the penny on the income tax which was imposed last -year. This remission would cause a loss in the present financial year -of £850,000. The rate would be 9d. in the pound on incomes above £150 a -year, and 6d. in the pound on those above £100. - -It was next proposed to repeal the duty on paper on October 1, making -a loss of revenue in the year of about £665,000. The surplus for the -year would be £408,000.... - -Referring to what were called the minor charges on commercial -operations, he stated that the charges were about £320,000, and the -Exchequer could not surrender that sum. - -As to the portions of the reduced income tax and the duty on paper, the -loss of which would fall on the year 1862–3, to the extent of about -£800,000, that would probably be provided for by the sum payable for -indemnity from China, and reductions in military estimates. It was only -proposed to re-enact the income tax and tea and sugar duties for one -year. - - - - -BRITAIN AND ITALIAN UNITY (1861). - -=Source.=--_Leaves from the Diary of Henry Greville_, Third Series, pp. -369, 370. (Smith, Elder and Co., 15, Waterloo Place.) - - -_Saturday, April 20, 1861._--There was an interesting debate last -night in the House of Lords, brought on by Lord Ellenborough, on the -Roman question, in which Clarendon and Lord Derby also took part. He -asked whether our Government was engaged in any correspondence with -the object of reconciling the spiritual independence of the See of -Rome with the exercise of temporal sovereignty by the King of Italy -within the Roman territory. He thought Rome was the fitting capital -of a united Italy, and that the occupation by the French of that city -precluded that unity. - -He then discussed the Venetian question, and though he admitted the -right of Austria to maintain herself in Italy, by virtue of the -Congress of Vienna, he considered the time was come when she should -reconcile herself with the Italian people. Holding these views, -however, he deprecated the interference of the Italians in Hungary. -Lord Wodehouse replied that we were not in any correspondence on the -Roman question, and that H.M.’s Government considered it was neither -becoming nor desirable for a Protestant country to take the initiative -in the matter. The whole question depended upon the withdrawal of -the French troops from Rome, and H.M.’s Government had not disguised -their opinion that it was desirable those troops should be withdrawn. -Clarendon thought Rome the proper capital, and believed the Emperor -Napoleon to be sincerely desirous of withdrawing his troops whenever -it would be safe for him to do so, both as regarded the Pope and his -own position in France, where popular opinion was in favour of their -remaining. Derby said much the same thing, but expressed his opinion -that it would have been far better to establish a Northern and Southern -Kingdom of Italy, in which case Rome would have lain between the two -countries and the solution of the difficulty would have been easy. -As, however, there was only one kingdom, the desire to have Rome for -their capital was quite natural; but it was a desire that created the -greatest embarrassment. - - - - -LOSS OF THE COTTON SUPPLY (1861). - -=Source.=--Ashley’s _Life of Viscount Palmerston_, vol. ii., pp. 210, -211. (Richard Bentley and Son, 1874.) - - -LETTER FROM LORD PALMERSTON TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF TRADE. - - _June 7, 1861._ - - MY DEAR MILNER GIBSON. - -It is wise when the weather is fine to put one’s house in wind and -watertight condition against the time when foul weather may come on. -The reports from our manufacturing districts are at present good; the -mills are all working, and the people are in full employment. But we -must expect a change towards the end of next autumn, and during the -winter and the spring of next year. The civil war in America must -infallibly diminish to a great degree our supply of cotton, unless, -indeed, England and France should, as suggested by M. Mercier, the -French Minister at Washington, compel the Northern States to let -the cotton come to Europe from the South; but this would almost be -tantamount to a war with the North, although not perhaps a very -formidable thing for England and France combined. But even then this -year’s crop must be less plentiful than that of last year. Well, then, -has the Board of Trade, or has any other department of the Government, -any means of procuring or of helping to procure anywhere in the wide -world a subsidiary supply of cotton? As to our manufacturers themselves -they will do nothing unless directed and pushed on. They are some of -the most helpless and shortsighted of men. They are like the people -who held out their dishes and prayed that it might rain plum-puddings. -They think it is enough to open their mill-gates, and that cotton will -come of its own accord. They say they have for years been looking to -India as a source of supply; but their looks seem to have only the -first effect of the eyes of the rattlesnake, viz., to paralyse the -objects looked at, and as yet it has shown no signs of falling into -their jaws. The western coast of Africa, the eastern coast of Africa, -India, Australia, the Fiji Islands, Syria, and Egypt, all grow great -quantities of cotton, not to mention China, and probably Japan. If -active measures were taken in time to draw from these places such -quantities of cotton as might be procured, some portion at least of -the probable falling off of this next year might be made good, and our -demand this year would make a better supply spring up for future years. -I do not know whether you can do anything in this matter; but it is an -important one, and deserves early attention. - - Yours sincerely, - PALMERSTON. - - - - -THE CASE OF THE “TRENT” (1861). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, vol. 103; _Public Documents_, pp. 288, -289. - - -LETTER FROM COMMANDER WILLIAMS TO CAPTAIN PATEY. - - “TRENT,” - AT SEA, - _November 9, 1861_. - - SIR, - -There devolves on me the painful duty of reporting to you a wanton act -of aggression on this ship by the United States war screw-steamer _San -Jacinto_, carrying a broadside of seven guns, and a shell pivot-gun of -heavy calibre on the forecastle, which took place on the 8th instant, -in the Bahama Channel, abreast of the Paredon lighthouse. The _Trent_ -left Havana at 8 a.m. on the 7th instant, with Her Majesty’s mails for -England, having on board a large freight of specie, as well as numerous -passengers, amongst whom were Messrs. Mason and Slidell, the former -accredited with a special mission from the Confederate States to the -Government of Great Britain, and the latter to the French Government, -with their respective secretaries, Messrs. McFarland and Eustis. - -Shortly after noon, on the 8th, a steamer, having the appearance of a -man-of-war, but not showing colours, was observed ahead, hove to; we -immediately hoisted our ensign at the peak, but it was not responded to -until, on nearing her, at 1.15 p.m., she fired a round shot from her -pivot-gun across our bows, and showed American colours. Our engines -were immediately slowed, and we were still approaching her, when she -discharged a shell from her pivot-gun immediately across our bows, -exploding half a cable’s length ahead of us. We then stopped, when an -officer with an armed guard of marines boarded us and demanded a list -of passengers, which demand being refused, the officer said that he had -orders to arrest Messrs. Mason, Slidell, McFarland, and Eustis, and -that he had sure information of their being passengers in the _Trent_. -Declining to satisfy him whether such persons were on board or not, -Mr. Slidell stepped forward, and announced that the four persons he -had named were then standing before him, under British protection, and -that if they were taken on board the _San Jacinto_, they must be taken -_vi et armis_; the commander of the _Trent_ and myself at the same time -protesting against this illegal act, this act of piracy, carried out by -brute force, as we had no means of resisting the aggression, the _San -Jacinto_ being at the time on our port beam, about 200 yards off, her -ship’s company at quarters, ports open, and tompions out. Sufficient -time being given for such necessaries as they might require being sent -to them, these gentlemen were forcibly taken out of the ship, and then -a further demand was made that the commander of the _Trent_ should go -on board the _San Jacinto_, but as he expressed his determination not -to go, unless forcibly compelled likewise, this latter demand was not -carried into execution. - -At 3.40 we parted company, and proceeded on our way to St. Thomas, on -our arrival at which place I shall deliver to the Consul duplicates of -this letter to Lord Lyons, Sir Alexander Milne, Commodore Dunlop, and -the Consul-General at Havana. - - I have, etc., - (Signed) RICHARD WILLIAMS, - _Commander, R.N._ - -Memorandum made by Commander Williams at the Admiralty on November 27, -1861, relative to the forcible seizure of Messrs. Slidell and Mason and -their secretaries from on board the _Trent_. - -On Mr. Slidell’s announcing that the four persons inquired for were -then standing before Lieutenant Fairfax under British protection, and -that if taken on board the _San Jacinto_ they must be taken _vi et -armis_, I addressed that officer in the following terms: “In this ship -I am the Representative of Her Britannic Majesty’s Government, and, in -the name of that Government I protest against this illegal act--this -violation of international law--this act of piracy, which you would -not dare to attempt on a ship capable of resisting such aggression.” -It was then that Lieutenant Fairfax waved his hand towards the _San -Jacinto_, and additional force was sent. The marines were drawn up -at the entry-port--bayonets fixed; and on Miss Slidell’s uttering an -hysterical scream on being separated from her father--that is, on -his breaking the window of his cabin, and thrusting his body through -to escape from the distressing scene of forcible separation from his -family, they rushed into the passage at the charge. There were upwards -of sixty armed men in all, and the aforesaid gentlemen were then taken -out of the ship, an armed guard on either side of each seizing them -by the collar of the coat. Every inducement was held out, so far as -importunate persuasion would go, to prevail on Mrs. Slidell and Mrs. -Eustis to accompany their husbands, but as they did not wish their -wives to be subjected to imprisonment (Lieutenant Fairfax having -replied to Mrs. Slidell’s inquiry as to their disposal, if they did -accompany them, that they would be sent to Washington), they remained -on board the _Trent_, and came on to England in _La Plata_. - -The ships getting somewhat farther apart than when the affair -commenced, a boat came from the _San Jacinto_ to request us to approach -nearer; to which I replied that they had the same power as ourselves, -and if they wished to be nearer to us they had their own remedy. - - - - -THE AFFAIR OF THE “TRENT” (1861). - -=Source.=--_Punch_, December 14, 1861. (Reprinted by special permission -of the proprietors of _Punch_.) - - -WAITING FOR AN ANSWER. - - 1. - - Britannia waits an answer, sad and stern, - Her weapons ready, but unsheathed they lie; - In her deep eye, suppressed, the lightnings burn, - Still the war-signal waits her word to fly. - - 2. - - Wrong has been done that flag whose stainless folds - Have carried freedom wheresoe’er they flew: - She knows sharp words fit slaves and shrewish scolds, - She but bids those who can, that wrong undo. - - 3. - - She has been patient; will be patient still. - Who more than she knows war, its curse and woe? - Harsh words, scant courtesy, loud-mouthed ill-will, - She meets as rocks meet ocean’s fretful flow. - - 4. - - All war she knows drags horrors in its train, - Whate’er the foes, the cause for which they stand; - But worst of all the war that leaves the stain, - Of brother’s blood upon a brother’s hand. - - 5. - - The war that brings two mighty powers in shock-- - Powers ’tween whom fair commerce shared her crown - By kinship knit, and interest’s golden lock, - One blood, one speech, one past, of old renown. - - 6. - - All this she feels, and therefore, sad of cheer, - She waits an answer from across the sea: - Yet hath her sadness no alloy of fear, - No thought to count the cost what it may be. - - 7. - - Dishonour has no equipoise in gold, - No equipoise in blood, in loss, in pain; - Till they whom force has ta’en from ’neath the fold - Of her proud flag, stand ’neath its fold again. - - 8. - - She waits in arms; and in her cause is safe. - Not fearing war, yet hoping peace the end. - Nor heeding those her mood who’d check or chafe: - The Right she seeks, the Right God will defend. - - - - -THE PEABODY TRUST FORMED (1862). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, vol. 104; _Chronicle_, p. 41. - -This great merchant (Mr. George Peabody), mindful of his reception in -this city of his long sojourn, has made to its citizens the splendid -gift of £150,000, with the one only condition, the exclusion from -its management of all sectarianism in regard to religion, and of all -exclusion in regard to politics. The following is the letter which -conveyed this noble gift: - - LONDON, - _March 12, 1862_. - - GENTLEMEN, - -In reference to the intention which it is the object of this letter -to communicate, I am desirous to explain that, from a comparatively -early period of my commercial life, I had resolved in my own mind that, -should my labours be blessed with success, I would devote a portion -of the property thus acquired to promote the intellectual, moral, -and physical welfare and comfort of my fellow-men, wherever, from -circumstances or location, their claims upon me would be the strongest. - -... It is now twenty-five years since I commenced my residence and -business in London as a stranger, but I did not long feel myself a -“stranger” or in a “strange land,” for in all my commercial and social -intercourse with my British friends during that long period, I have -constantly received courtesy, kindness, and confidence.... My object -being to ameliorate the condition of the poor and needy of this great -metropolis, and to promote their comfort and happiness, I take pleasure -in apprising you that I have determined to transfer to you the sum of -£150,000 which now stands available for this purpose on the books of -Messrs. George Peabody and Co. - -... I have few instructions to give or conditions to impose, but there -are some fundamental principles from which it is my solemn injunction -that those entrusted with its application shall never, under any -circumstances, depart. - -First and foremost among them is the limitation of its uses absolutely -and exclusively to such purposes as may be calculated directly to -ameliorate the condition and augment the comforts of the poor, who, -either by birth or established residence, form a recognised portion of -the population of London. - -Secondly, it is my intention that now and for all time there shall be -a rigid exclusion from the management of this fund of any influences -calculated to impart to it a character either sectarian as regards -religion, or exclusive in relation to local or party politics. - -Thirdly, in conformity with the foregoing conditions it is my wish -and intention that the sole qualifications for a participation in the -benefits of this fund shall be an ascertained and continued condition -of life such as brings the individual within the description (in -the ordinary sense of the word) of “the poor” of London, combined -with moral character and good conduct as a member of society. It -must therefore be held to be a violation of my intentions if any -duly-qualified and deserving claimant were to be excluded either on the -ground of religious belief or of political bias. - - - - -THE “ALABAMA” CRUISER (1862). - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated London News_, November 15, 1862. - - -The Confederate screw-steamer _Alabama_, Captain Semmes, is the -notorious vessel whose doings on the Newfoundland banks have -frightened northern merchants out of their propriety, and occasioned a -remonstrance from the New York Chamber of Commerce addressed to British -merchants. - -The _Alabama_, formerly the 290, was built in Mr. Laird’s yard -at Birkenhead. She is a wooden vessel of 1,200 tons burden, -copper-bottomed, 210 feet long, rather narrow, painted black outside, -carries three long 32-pounders on a side, has a 100-pounder rifled -pivot-gun forward of the bridge, and a 68-pounder on the main-deck. -These are of the Blakely pattern, made by Wesley and Preston of -Liverpool. She is barque-rigged, and is represented to go thirteen -knots under sail and fifteen under steam. She sailed from the Mersey -in August. Her officers are Americans, but her present crew are -Englishmen. Captain Semmes was the dashing commander of the Confederate -steamer _Sumter_. The _Alabama_ is, we believe, the only vessel which -the Confederate States now have on the high seas.... - -The ship _Tonowanda_, which recently arrived at Liverpool from -Philadelphia, reports that she was captured by the _Alabama_ (290) on -the 9th of October at 4 p.m., in lat. 41, long. 55. - -Captain Julius was taken on board, and found there Captain Harmon and -crew of the late barque _Wave Crest_ from New York for Cardiff, and -Captain Johnson and crew of the late brig _Dunkirk_ from New York to -Lisbon, all prisoners and in irons on deck, their vessels having been -burnt two days previous. The next day the prisoners were transferred -to the _Tonowanda_, and Captain Julius alone remained on board the -_Alabama_ as hostage. On the 11th of October they captured and burnt -the ship _Manchester_ from New York for Liverpool. Her captain and crew -were also put on board the _Tonowanda_. No more prizes were taken till -the evening of the 13th, and, there being every appearance of thick -weather, Captain Julius was put on board the _Tonowanda_ and allowed to -proceed after having given a ransom bond. All the captains, officers -and crews are “paroled” prisoners of war. - - - - -THE WAR BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH (1863). - -=Source.=--_The Duke of Argyll’s Autobiography and Memoirs_, vol. ii., -pp. 196, 197. (John Murray, 1906.) - - -SPEECH BY THE DUKE OF ARGYLL AT A BANQUET TO LORD PALMERSTON IN -EDINBURGH, APRIL 1ST, 1863. - -As my noble friend at the head of the Government told the meeting -he addressed last night at Glasgow, we may all have our individual -opinions as to the merits of the contest in America. - -I, for one, have never concealed my own. As a Government and a people, -we must be what we have already been--absolutely neutral. We must -take no part whatever in that contest; only, let me remind you, the -peace and good will we are all desirous should be maintained between -these two great countries does not depend only--nay, does not depend -principally--upon the conduct of the Government. My noble friend [Lord -Palmerston] has spoken of the miseries of civil war, as well he may; -but no word has ever fallen from his lips which implies that anyone was -entitled to cast censure on the American Government for the contest in -which they are engaged. - -Who are we that we should speak of civil war as in no circumstance -possible or permissible? Do we not remember that our own liberties -have been secured through every form and variety of civil war? How -much blood has been shed in the streets of this ancient capital of -Edinburgh! How many gory heads have been nailed up in its streets! -How many victims of civil war crowd our churchyards in every portion -of the country! How many lie upon our mountains with nothing to mark -them but the heath or the cairn! What do we say of these men? Do we -consider their course to have been an evil one? Do we not rather turn -back to those pages of history with the loving chisel of Old Mortality, -to refresh in our minds the recollection of their immortal names? -Yes, gentlemen, if it be true--and it is true--that the blood of the -martyrs has been the seed of the Church, it is equally true that the -blood of the patriots has been the foundation of the liberties of our -country. Let us extend, then, to our brethren in America the liberal -interpretation which we seek to be given to our own former annals. I, -for one, have not learned to be ashamed of that ancient combination of -the Bible and the sword. Let it be enough for us to pray and hope that -the contest whenever it may be brought to an end, shall bring with it -that great blessing to the white race which shall consist in the final -freedom of the black. - - - - -THE BUDGET: EATING THE LEEK (1863). - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated London News_, May 9, 1863. - - -SKETCHES IN PARLIAMENT. - -When a tremendous House expressed in various ways its approbation of -the Budget a fortnight ago, few, if any, persons imagined that an -equally great House would assemble to behold Mr. Gladstone go through -the humiliating operation of eating a financial leek. Everybody knows -the story of the tax on charities, which created such a monster -opposition that a Chancellor of the Exchequer could not get into his -own room to meet a deputation, because it was so blocked up with Royal -Dukes, Archbishops, Peers, M.P.’s, and vested interests personified -in every shape. Most people knew on Monday last that this part of the -Budget had been “mobbed” out of the Chancellor of the Exchequer’s -hands; and no one could have been surprised at the deadly pallor of -his cheek, the sternness of his brow, his ghastly attempts at smiles, -and his palpable efforts to appear cool and unconcerned. When Lord -Palmerston came in he sat himself next to Mr. Gladstone and entered -into earnest but apparently airy conversation with him; and one could -not help fancying that in his humorous way the Prime Minister was -asking whether Mr. Gladstone really objected to the flavour of leeks, -and assuring him that when he became as accustomed to them as he, the -Premier was, from eating them two or three times a week this Session, -their pungency and disagreeable flavour would be found more fanciful -than real.... At length the eventful moment came, and Mr. Gladstone, -with the light of battle in his eye, as Mr. Kinglake would say, -rose, and with unnatural calmness proceeded to deliver, all things -considered, one of the greatest speeches that were ever uttered in -Parliament. Conceive a Chancellor of the Exchequer honestly impressed -with the belief that he had lighted on an accumulation of abuse ... and -erroneously, as we think, supposing that he was striking at the abuse -by taxing it, stopped short by an impassable barrier of public opinion, -and having to come down to the House to give up the most darling part -of his financial scheme, and oh, worst of all, with it just half of -that surplus which he had announced his determination to defend against -all comers. He did not part with it, however, without such a crushing -denunciation of the abuse as will prove to be its knell; and as for -ingenuity in illustration and power of language in holding up to scorn -and derision the subject-matter of that denunciation, none but himself -could have been his parallel. As to giving up his scheme, he did -nothing of the kind; he hurled it at his opponents with the fierceness -and scathing force of a thunderbolt.... - -... Later on in the debate Mr. Gladstone, in a low voice, and with a -resigned expression of countenance, announced the withdrawal of his -proposition. Mr. Disraeli, who has long ceased to contend on financial -matters with Mr. Gladstone, and who had been, as usual, quiescent -and nearly motionless all the evening, merely paying Sir Stafford -Northcote the high compliment of turning slightly towards him when he -was speaking, instantly rose with the leap of a tiger, and every one -expected a burst of the old philippic style which made him what he is. -But nothing of the sort came. - -The first sentence was well enough, but the rest was all the first -sentence over again, and diluted and weakened by repetition; and -perhaps the only real consolation Mr. Gladstone received that night was -from the poverty of that attempt at giving a kick when he was down. - - - - -DISTRESS IN THE COTTON MANUFACTURING DISTRICTS (1863). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1863; _English History_, pp. 140, 141. - - -The maximum pressure of the distress occasioned by the stoppage, -partial or total, of the cotton mills of Lancashire and Cheshire had -been attained a short time prior to Christmas, 1862. In the month of -December the number of persons receiving regular relief was supposed -to be little short of 500,000. The weekly loss of wages at the same -time was estimated at about £168,000. In the last two or three weeks -of the year a partial improvement took place, and in January, 1863, -according to the statement officially made to the Manchester Relief -Committee, the number of persons receiving aid from the rates and from -the contributions of the public together was 456,786. From this time a -progressive decrease took place, the numbers relieved during the five -months following being as follows: - - In February 440,529 - ” March 426,411 - ” April 364,419 - ” May 294,281 - ” June 256,230 - -It thus appears that the number of persons dependent on parochial -rates and on voluntary contributions became reduced at the end of the -first half of 1863, as compared with the maximum amount in December, -1862, by almost one-half. This favourable result was due partly to the -resumption of work in some of the factories, owing to an increased -supply of the raw material, and partly to the absorption which had -taken place to some extent of the surplus hands in other employments, -and to the removal and emigration of some part of the population. This -decrease in the number of unemployed operatives continued with little -variation during the summer. In July the number relieved had fallen -to 214,155; in August to 205,261; and in September to 184,625. The -list of persons relieved at that time exhibited a steady decrease of -1,500 per week. In that month it was computed that out of the 530,000 -operatives of all ages whose industry depended upon cotton, there -were 362,000 in employ, of whom nearly 250,000 were at full work, and -120,251 working short time, while 171,535 were entirely out of employ. -It was apprehended that, as winter approached, a reaction would take -place, and that the relief lists would again begin to show a serious -augmentation. But this expectation was only to a small extent realised. -The number relieved in the month of October was 168,170. In November -it increased in a trifling degree, being 170,859; and in December it -showed an addition of about 10,000, the total being 180,900. Still, -upon a comparison of the number of persons in receipt of relief in -the first and last months of the year respectively, the improvement -was very marked, the last week of December, as compared with January, -showing the very large decrease of 275,877. The average percentage of -pauperism on the population of twenty-seven unions in the last week -of December, 1863, was 6·8; whereas in the corresponding week of 1862 -it had been 13·2. It was further shown by a report of the Special -Commissioners of the Poor Law Board on the 4th of January, 1864, -that at that date, as compared with the last week in March, 1863, a -reduction had taken place of 33,963 in the actual number of operatives -in the cotton districts, the surplus having been transferred to other -fields of employment--viz., 18,244 having emigrated to the Colonies or -to the United States, and 15,725 having found other occupations within -the districts. - - - - -BRITAIN AND THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA (1863). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1863, pp. 128, 129. - - -MR. ROEBUCK’S SPEECH ON MOTION IN FAVOUR OF RECOGNISING THE SOUTHERN -STATES AS A GOVERNMENT. - -_June._--Mr. Roebuck repudiated with scorn the argument that the cause -of the North was the cause of the slave. We are met by the assertion: -“Oh, England cannot acknowledge a State in which slavery exists.” -Indeed, I ask, is that really the case, and is any man so weak as to -believe it? Have we not acknowledged Brazil? Are we not in constant -communication with Russia? And is there not slavery in both those -countries? Moreover, does anybody believe that the black slave would be -at all improved in his condition by being placed in the same position -as the free black in the North? I ask whether the North, hating -slavery, if you will, does not hate the slave still more? (“No, no!”) I -pity the ignorance of the gentleman who says “No.” The blacks are not -permitted to take an equal station in the North. They are not permitted -to enter the same carriage, to pray to God in the same part of the -church, or to sit down at the same table as the whites. They are like -the hunted dog whom everybody may kick. But in the South the feeling -is very different. There black children and white children are brought -up together. In the South there is not that hatred, that contempt, of -the black man which exists in the North. There is a kindly feeling in -the minds of the Southern planters towards those whom England fixed -there in a position of servitude. England forced slavery upon the -Southern States of America. It was not their doing. They prayed and -entreated England not to establish slavery in their dominions, but -we did it because it suited our interests, and the gentlemen who now -talk philanthropy talked the other way. Every man who has studied -the question will distinctly understand the difference between the -feeling of the Northern gentleman and that of the Southern planter -towards the black. There is a sort of horror--a sort of shivering in -the Northerner when he comes across a black. He feels as if he were -contaminated by the very fact of a black man being on an equality with -him. That is not the case in the South. I am not now speaking in favour -of slavery. Slavery is to me as distasteful as it is to anyone; but I -have learnt to bear with other men’s infirmities, and I do not think -every man a rogue or a fool who differs from me in opinion. But though -I hate slavery I cannot help seeing the great distinction between the -condition of the black in the North and his condition in the South. I -believe that if to-morrow you could make all the blacks in the South -like the free negroes in the North, you would do them a great injury. -The cry of the North in favour of the black is a hypocritical cry, and -to-morrow the North would join with the South, and fasten slavery on -the necks of the blacks, if the South would only re-enter the Union. -But the South will never come into the Union, and, what is more, I hope -it never may. I will tell you why I say so. America, while she was one, -ran a race of prosperity unparalleled in the world. In eighty years, -not America, but Europe, made the Republic such a Power that, if she -had continued as she was a few years ago, she would have been the great -bully of the world. Why, sir, she-- - - “... bestrode the narrow world, - Like a Colossus; and we petty men - Walked under her huge legs, and peeped about - To find ourselves dishonourable graves.” - -As far as my influence goes, I am determined to do all I can to prevent -the reconstruction of the Union, and I hope that the balance of power -on the American Continent will in future prevent any one State from -tyrannising over the world as the Republic did. - -[For opposing view see next extract.] - - - - -OPPOSITION TO MR. ROEBUCK’S MOTION (1863). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1863; _English History_, pp. 130, 131. - - -Mr. Bright animadverted severely upon the speech of Mr. Roebuck.... - -Mr. Roebuck, he said, would help to break up a friendly nation, and -create an everlasting breach between the two nations, because he deemed -it for the interest of England. The whole case rested upon either a -miserable jealousy or a base fear. He looked upon the interest of -England from a different point of view. He believed the war was more -likely than anything else to abolish slavery. The supply of cotton -under slavery must always be insecure. It was the interest of England -that the supply of cotton should be by free labour rather than by -that of slaves. As to the political aspect of the question, the more -he considered this war, the more improbable he thought it that the -United States would be broken into separate Republics. The conclusion -to which he had come was that if there should be a separation, the -interests, the sympathies and the necessities, perhaps the ambition, -of the whole Continent were such that it would be reunited under a -Central Government. And this Government might be in the hands of the -South. Having dwelt at considerable length upon the hideous features -of Southern slavery, and eulogised the Northern institutions, it was -against such a Government, he observed, in such a contest with such -a foe, that Mr. Roebuck asked the House to throw into the scale the -weight of the hostility of England. - - - - -A POLICY OF MEDDLE AND MUDDLE (1864). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, vol. 106; _English History_, p. 7. - - -ATTACK ON EARL RUSSELL’S FOREIGN POLICY BY LORD DERBY (FEBRUARY 4). - -He then called the attention of the House to the portion of the -Queen’s speech relating to foreign affairs. Her Majesty’s Government -had for two or three years past mainly rested their claim to public -confidence on their foreign policy. They had abandoned the question -of Parliamentary Reform the moment it had served the purpose of -putting them in office. The fulfilment of the promises they had made -was defeated by Lord Russell, and when he was transferred to the more -serene atmosphere of the House of Lords, he pronounced the funeral -oration of Reform. He had told them ... “to rest and be thankful,” -and from that time their foreign policy had been the groundwork of -the claim of Her Majesty’s Government to public confidence. I think, -proceeded Lord Derby, that at the commencement the foreign policy -of the noble Earl opposite might be summed up in the affirmation of -the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other -countries, the extension of Liberal principles by the exercise of our -moral interference, and, above all, the maintenance of uninterrupted -and cordial relations with the Emperor of the French. We were told more -than once that the present Government was the only one to maintain -a good understanding with the Emperor of the French, or, at least, -that its predecessor could not possibly have done so, and that, if -the country desired to preserve cordial relations between itself and -France, Her Majesty’s present advisers, and especially the noble Earl -opposite, were the only persons qualified to secure that most desirable -object. - -Now, my lords, as to non-intervention in the internal affairs of other -countries, when I look around me I fail to see what country there is, -in the internal affairs of which the noble Earl has not interfered. - -“_Nihil intactum reliquit, nihil tetigit quod_”--I cannot say, “_non -ornavit_,” but “_non conturbavit_.” The foreign policy of the noble -Earl, as far as the principle of non-intervention is concerned, may be -summed up in two homely but expressive words--“meddle” and “muddle.” -During the whole course of his diplomatic correspondence, wherever -he has interfered--and he has interfered everywhere--he has been -lecturing, scolding, blustering, and retreating. Seriously--for though -there may be something ludicrous about it, the matter is of too great -importance to be treated only in a light and jocular manner--I cannot -but feel as an Englishman that I am lowered and humiliated in my own -estimation, and in that of other nations, by the result of the noble -Earl’s administration of foreign affairs. Thanks to the noble Earl -and the present Government, we have at this moment not one single -friend in Europe, and, more than that, this country, the chief fault -of which was that it went too direct and straightforward at what it -aimed, which never gave a promise without the intention of performing, -which never threatened without a full determination of striking, which -never made a demand without being prepared to enforce it, this country -is now in such a position, that its menaces are disregarded, its -magniloquent language is ridiculed, and its remonstrances are treated -with contemptuous indifference by the small as well as by the great -Powers of the Continent. With regard to the policy of keeping up a good -understanding with France, there is hardly a single question in which -Her Majesty’s Ministers have not thwarted the policy of the Emperor. -From the Mexican expedition it had withdrawn, and it had not supported -the Emperor’s policy in relation to the Confederate States of America. -It had also declined the Emperor’s proposition of a Congress. - - - - -ATTITUDE OF ENGLAND TOWARDS THE AUSTRO-PRUSSIAN ATTACK ON DENMARK -(1864). - -=Source.=--_Ashley’s Life of Viscount Palmerston_, vol. ii., pp. -249–251. (Richard Bentley and Son.) - - -LETTER FROM LORD PALMERSTON TO LORD J. RUSSELL. - - 94, PICCADILLY, - _May 1, 1864_. - - MY DEAR RUSSELL, - -I felt so little satisfied with the decision of the Cabinet on -Saturday, that I determined to make a notch off my own bat, and -accordingly I wrote this morning to Apponyi, asking him to come here -and give me half an hour’s conversation. He came accordingly. I said I -wished to have some friendly and unreserved conversation with him, not -as between an English Minister, and the Austrian Ambassador, but as -between Palmerston and Apponyi, that what I was going to say related to -serious matters; but I begged that nothing I might say should be looked -upon as a threat, but only as a frank explanation between friends on -matters which might lead to disagreements, and with regard to which, -unless timely explanation were given as to possible consequences -of certain things, a reproach might afterwards be made that timely -explanation might have averted disagreeable results. I said that we -have from the beginning taken a deep interest in favour of Denmark--not -from family ties, which have little influence on English policy, and -sometimes act unfavourably--but, first, that we have thought from the -beginning that Denmark has been harshly and unjustly treated; and, -secondly, we deem the integrity and independence of the State, which -commands the entrance to the Baltic, objects of interest to England. -That we abstained from taking the field in defence of Denmark for many -reasons--from the season of the year; from the smallness of our army, -and the great risk of failure in a struggle with all Germany by land. -That with regard to operations by sea, the positions would be reversed: -we are strong, Germany is weak; and the German ports in the Baltic, -North Sea, and Adriatic would be greatly at our command. Speaking for -myself personally, and for nobody else, I must frankly tell him that, -if an Austrian squadron were to pass along our coasts and ports, and -go into the Baltic to help in any way the German operations against -Denmark, I should look upon it as an affront and insult to England. -That I could not, and would not stand such a thing; and that, unless -in such case a superior British squadron were to follow, with such -orders for acting as the case might require, I would not continue -to hold my present position; and such a case would probably lead to -collision--that is, war; and in my opinion Germany, and especially -Austria, would be the sufferer in such a war. I should deeply regret -such a result, because it is the wish of England to be well with -Austria; but I am confident that I should be borne out by public -opinion. I again begged that he would not consider this communication -as a threat, but simply as a friendly reminder of consequences which -might follow a possible course of action. - -Apponyi having listened with great attention to what I said, replied -that the considerations which I had pointed out were not new to his -mind; that they had been forcibly dwelt upon, among other persons, by -the King of the Belgians. That he was quite aware that, if the Austrian -ships entered the Baltic, an English squadron would follow them; that -in all probability one of two things would happen--either that the -Austrian squadron would be destroyed, or that it would be compelled by -orders from the English Admiral, to leave the Baltic. Thus they would -run the risk of a catastrophe or a humiliation, and they did not wish -for either. That, therefore, whatever may have been said by Rechberg in -his note, we might be sure that the Austrian squadron will not enter -the Baltic. This is satisfactory as far as Apponyi may be considered -the organ of the Austrian Government; but I think we ought to have -something more positive in writing than we have got. - -I shall state to the Cabinet to-morrow the substance of my conversation -with Apponyi. - - Yours sincerely, - PALMERSTON. - - - - -LAYING OF THE ATLANTIC CABLE: SCENE IN IRELAND (1865). - -=Source.=--_The Brighton Herald_, July 29, 1865. - - -The _Great Eastern_ left Valentia on Sunday afternoon on her voyage -across the Atlantic. - -On the Saturday the operation of laying the shore-end of the cable -was successfully performed, though not without considerable risk. Not -only had the cable to be landed, but quite a mile in excess was to -be hauled on the shore from the _Caroline_, a tender of the _Great -Eastern_, to pass up the cliff and across a couple of fields which led -to the Telegraph House, and gave communication through the land lines -to London. But no sooner was the first end of the cable seen near -the shore than a wild “Hooroo” arose from those on land who saw it -coming. With a contagion, characteristic of the people, the enthusiasm -passed rapidly downwards from those on the cliffs to the groups on -the winding path, and thence, like a current of electricity, into the -cable-boats themselves, the crews of which joined in the shouting, and -seeing the end so near the land, and concluding their work well done, -at once proceeded to heave the massive rope into the sea. From boat to -boat the first bad example was followed by all until, to the dismay of -the cablemen, who could not gain a hearing amid the continued cheers, -every fathom up to the stern of the _Caroline_ was thrown overboard. - -The result of this touching enthusiasm was that every foot had to be -underrun preparatory to the whole operation beginning _de novo_. It -took some time to effect this, during which, it is but fair to say, -the Irish were silent and dispirited enough, and in reply to the -admonitions of the Knight of Kerry, promised to refrain from cheering -till at least all was done--a promise which they kept faithfully. When -the cable had been underrun, hauled into the boats again, and the -shore end really began to come on land and was stowed away in gigantic -circles at the foot of the cliff, the scene was one of real animation. -Numbers of men were in the water up to their waists or shoulders, -easing the cable over the rocks, while along the steep path up the -cliffs was a close row of figures, men and boys, of every rank, from -the well-to-do farmer down to the poorest cottier, all pulling at the -cable with a will, and as if in atonement for their first fault of -enthusiasm, obeying with silent and almost childlike docility every -signal made by Mr. Glass or Mr. Canning as to when they were to haul or -to slack away. Above them and dangerously near the edges of the heights -was a fringe of eager lookers-on, while the slopes beyond were dotted -with bright groups of the county gentry who had ridden or driven in -to see the “landing.” By 12 o’clock the cable was well up the groove, -which had been cut in the face of the cliff for its reception, and from -this point the work of carrying the massive coils across the meadows -to the Receiving House beyond was soon accomplished, and at a little -before one o’clock, the end taken over roads, hedges, and ditches was -safely housed in the _sanctum sanctorum_--the testing-room. Here -the batteries were at once applied and showed both conductivity and -insulation to the last fathom in the hold of the _Caroline_ absolutely -perfect. - -On Sunday the delicate task of splicing the end of the deep sea cable -on board the _Great Eastern_ to the shore end, laid the day before by -the _Caroline_, was performed on board the latter vessel. The joint -was then immersed in cold water for testing, and the signals proving -perfect, the last protection of hemp and outside wire was added and the -joint sunk again into the sea that its perfectness as to conductivity -and insulation might be ascertained from the extreme end of the whole -length of the cable on board the _Great Eastern_. It was past four -o’clock when the last of these tests was concluded. By that time the -_Great Eastern_, which had always kept moving her paddles at intervals, -had forged ahead of the _Caroline_ some two or three miles, paying out -the cable slowly as she went on, and leaving the latter vessel the -only float by which one portion of the wire was kept above water. The -instant, however, the flags went down, the last fastenings which held -it to the _Caroline_ were cast adrift, and with a great splash the -final joint of the Atlantic Telegraph and the first thirty miles or -so of its length went slowly down into the blue water and were out of -sight. - -The _Great Eastern_ fired two guns from her bows at 5.30 to mark the -commencement of her journey, and Sir Robert Peel, mounting to the -little quarter-deck of the _Hawk_, marked time, while three small -but earnest cheers were given by the select company on board to the -success of the great enterprise. In return came back a swelling hearty -roar from all on the cable ship, as with the last salute of waving -hats and caps and handkerchiefs, the tender dropped astern leaving -the _Great Eastern_ dipping slowly but steadily ahead at the rate of -about six knots an hour. As long as signs could be made, or hats waved, -the vessel was anxiously watched; but she soon hid herself in her own -smoke, and when the _Hawk_ neared the Irish coast a mere brown cloud in -the horizon was all that showed where the greatest ship in the world -was steaming away to endeavour to accomplish the realisation of an idea -even more important than that which she herself embodies. May she be -successful! Several telegrams of a satisfactory character have been -received. We give the latest. - - “_Thursday morning._ - - The _Great Eastern_ telegraphs that 300 miles were paid out at - 5.30 a.m. to-day, and that 300 miles were run at 9.50 a.m. - - All is going well. - - The signals are perfect.” - - - - -THE FENIAN CONSPIRACY (1865). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1865; _English History_, pp. 172–174. - - -The new conspiracy, commonly known by the name of “Fenian,” was only -another development of that deep-seated disaffection and alienation -from England which had been in past times the source of so many crimes -and outrages, so many secret societies and smouldering insurrections, -which had made coercive laws and a standing garrison the indispensable -instruments of government in Ireland. The conspiracy which was this -year brought to light, but was happily checked before it arrived at any -outbreak, was larger in extent, more daring in its objects and, in some -respects, more formidable in nature than any similar movement of late -years. Of the name by which it was distinguished, various explanations -have been given, but the most probable is that it was derived from -Fionn, a celebrated chieftain who lived before the conversion of -Ireland to Christianity, and who is the same as the hero of Macpherson, -Fingal. By the modern Irish this individual is styled Finn Mac Cool. -The Fenians were the men or people of Finn. They formed in the period -above mentioned a sort of standing militia or warlike caste, whose -office it was to protect the country from aggression, and support -the power of the kings, in return for which service they received a -certain allotment of land and other privileges. The leaders of the -present movement, no doubt, saw an advantage in connecting their party -with the historical and traditionary glories of Ireland. But whatever -may have been the origin of the name, the thing itself was simply a -scheme of rebellion against the English Government, organised in the -United States, having its centre of rule and administration there, -and intended to combine the numerous Irish settlers in that country, -men for the most part bitterly hostile to English rule, with the -disaffected in various parts in Ireland, in a great effort to throw off -by force the yoke of the British Crown, and to take the whole power and -property of the island into their own hands.... - -The Fenian Society had its chiefs, its officers, both civil and -military, its common funds and financial agencies, its secret oaths, -passwords, and emblems, its laws and penalties, its stores of concealed -arms and weapons, its nightly drills and trainings of men, its -correspondents and agents in various quarters, its accredited journals, -and even its popular songs and ballads, all designed to extend its -influence and to gain adherents from various quarters, not excepting -the soldiers in the British army, and the warders in the gaols.... By -their vain parade, their boastful language, and the unseemly squabbles -among their rival factions, the Fenian leaders in America exposed -their association to no little ridicule and contempt.... There was one -feature in this form of disaffection which distinguished it in a marked -manner from preceding combinations. Most of the plots and fraternities -which have for some time back menaced the peace of Ireland have had -more or less of a theological character. They have been animated by a -fierce hostility to the Protestant Church and its partisans, while they -have professed submission and respect to the Roman Catholic faith and -priesthood. But the Fenian movement made no such profession. It did -not seek any countenance from the spiritual authorities of the popular -creed, nor any aid from religious zeal and fanaticism. On the contrary -its members openly proclaimed their enmity to the Romish hierarchy and -priesthood, including them as well as all holders of political power, -and all owners of property, of whatever creed in their denunciations, -as the enemies of the nation, who were to be swept away and destroyed. - - - - -THE FENIAN CONSPIRACY: GENERAL PLEDGE OF THE FENIAN BROTHERHOOD (1865). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1865; _English History_, p. 183. - - -“I, ... solemnly pledge my sacred word of honour, as a truthful and -honest man, that I will labour with earnest zeal for the liberation of -Ireland from the yoke of England, and for the establishment of a free -and independent Government on the Irish soil; that I will implicitly -obey the commands of my superior officers in the Fenian Brotherhood; -that I will faithfully discharge my duties of membership as laid down -in the constitution and by-laws thereof; that I will do my utmost to -promote feelings of love, harmony, and kindly forbearance among all -Irishmen; and that I will foster, defend, and propagate the aforesaid -Fenian Brotherhood, to the utmost of my power.” - - - - -DEATH OF LORD PALMERSTON (1865). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, October 19, 1865, p. 8. - - -One of the most popular statesmen, one of the kindliest gentlemen, and -one of the truest Englishmen that ever filled the office of Premier is -to-day lost to the country. The news of Lord Palmerston’s death will -be received in every home throughout these islands, from the palace to -the cottage, with a feeling like that of personal bereavement. There is -not a province in our vast colonial empire, and there are few civilised -nations in the world, which will hear without an emotion of regret that -Lord Palmerston no longer guides the policy of England. Never again -will that familiar voice be heard in the councils of Europe, or in the -British Senate, of which he almost seemed a part, never again will that -native gaiety of spirits enliven the social circle in which he loved to -move. The death of no other subject could have left such a void in the -hearts of his countrymen, for no other has been identified so long or -so closely with our national life.... - -His name will not be remembered in connection with the triumph of a -grand cause, nor was his life devoted to the development of a single -idea, and yet he was a great man unless that title be confined by an -arbitrary limitation to a prescribed class of moral and intellectual -virtues.... In familiarity with the labyrinthine complications of -modern European diplomacy he excelled all living politicians, both at -home and abroad. In the art of distinguishing the prevailing current -of public opinion, in readiness of tact, in versatility of mind and -humour, in the masterly ease with which he handled the reins of -Government, and in the general felicity of his political temperament, -he had no rival in his own generation. To these gifts, however, he -added an unwearied application to duty, which would itself have earned -him a high position in the State. - -The secret and source of his great popularity was his boundless -sympathy with all classes of his countrymen. He was a truly -large-hearted man, and moved among men and women of every rank as one -of themselves. - - - - -THE CAVE OF ADULLAM: SPEECH OF MR. BRIGHT ON THE FIRST READING OF THE -REFORM BILL OF 1866. - -=Source.=--_The Times_, March 14, 1866. - - -Why, Sir, the right hon. gentleman below me (Mr. Horsman) who said a -little against the Government, and a little against this Bill, last -night made an attack upon so humble an individual as I am. He is -the first member of this new party who expressed by his actions his -great grief. He retired into what may be called his political Cave of -Adullam, to which he invited everyone who was in distress, and everyone -who was discontented. He has long been anxious to found a party in this -House, and there is scarcely a member at this end of the House who is -able to address us with effect, or to take much part in our debates -whom he has not tried to bring over to his party and his cabal. At last -he has succeeded in hooking the right hon. gentleman, the member for -Calne (Mr. Lowe). I know it was the opinion many years ago of a member -of the Cabinet that two men could make a party; and a party formed of -two men so amiable, so genial as both of those right hon. gentlemen, -we may hope to see for the first time in Parliament a party perfectly -harmonious and distinguished by a mutual and an unbroken trust. But -there is one great difficulty in the way. It is very much like the case -of the Scotch terrier which was so covered with hair that you could not -tell which was head and which was tail. Sir, the right hon. gentleman, -the member for Calne, told us that he had had some peculiar election -experiences.... - -Now, the constituency which the right hon. gentleman represents -nominally consists of 174 members, seven of whom are working men, but -his real constituency is a member of the other House of Parliament who -could have sent here his butler or his groom. Sir, I think that in one -sense, looking on the right hon. gentleman as an intellectual gladiator -in this House, we are much indebted to the Marquis of Lansdowne that he -did not do that. I have said that I wanted to explain the particulars -of this Bill, and to appeal to the good sense and the patriotism of the -gentlemen opposite not lightly to reject it. I ask them not to take the -disparaging description of their countrymen which has been offered to -the House by the member for Calne, and the hon. member for Salisbury, -who, I presume, from their association at the Antipodes, seem to take -only a Botany Bay view of this subject, and of the character of the -great bulk of their fellow-countrymen. Why, the right hon. gentleman -said on one night, when I was not here, that I, even in the matter -of the cattle plague, set class against class. I ask any man in this -House: Is it possible to do a thing that is more perilous than that -which is done by the right hon. gentleman and his Australian colleague, -the member for Salisbury, viz., to make it appear that there is a gulf -which shall not be passed by legislation, between the highest, the most -powerful and the most numerous portion of the middle class, and the -great body of the working people who are really the very heart of this -great country? Now, is it not inconceivably better to show trust in -the people, for of all the follies, all the crimes which individuals -commit, that of constant distrust of their fellow-subjects, of all the -citizens of their country, is about the wildest and the most foolish. - - - - -SUCCESSFUL LAYING OF THE ATLANTIC TELEGRAPH CABLE (1866). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1866; _Chronicle_, pp. 102, 103. - - -_July 27._--This evening at about 5 o’clock English time, the cable was -completed between Europe and America. Conversations had been carried on -throughout the day, until word was sent to Valentia to cease signalling -as they were about to make the splice with the shore end at Trinity -Bay. This was effected soon after dusk. One of the earliest messages -transmitted by the cable was the following: - - FROM THE QUEEN, OSBORNE, TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, - WASHINGTON. - - “The Queen congratulates the President on the successful - completion of an undertaking which she hopes may serve as an - additional bond of union between the United States and England.” - -The President replied as follows: - - FROM ANDREW JOHNSON, THE EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, TO HER - MAJESTY THE QUEEN OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND - IRELAND. - - _July 30, 11.30 a.m._ - - “The President of the United States acknowledges with profound - gratification the receipt of Her Majesty’s despatch, and - cordially reciprocates the hope that the cable that now unites - the eastern and western hemispheres may serve to strengthen and - perpetuate peace and amity between the Government of England and - the Republic of the United States.” - -President Johnson’s reply to the Queen occupied only one hour and nine -minutes in its transit from Newfoundland to Osborne. - - THE FOLLOWING MESSAGE WAS SENT BY THE EARL OF CARNARVON TO - VISCOUNT MONK, OTTAWA, CANADA. - - “I am commanded by the Queen to convey to the Governor-General - of her North-American Provinces Her Majesty’s congratulations on - the completion of the Atlantic telegraph and the strengthening - thereby of the unity of the British Empire. - - Her Majesty includes her ancient colony of Newfoundland in these - congratulations to all her faithful subjects.” - - CARNARVON. - - _July 28, 1866._ - - - - -GREAT REFORM DEMONSTRATION AT MANCHESTER (1866). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1866; _Chronicle_, p. 137. - - -This afternoon a meeting, supposed to be larger than any hitherto -assembled in England, was held at Manchester. During the morning -many local divisions marched into the town from the various populous -districts around, carrying flags inscribed with the words “Nation -Reform Union,” and proceeded to the square called Campfield, a -centre surrounded by ten acres, in which six platforms were erected. -Notwithstanding the torrents of rain which continued throughout the -day, the numbers assembled were estimated by the reporters both of the -local and of the London Press at between 100,000 and 200,000 persons. -At each of the above sections three resolutions were carried, namely: - -1. That this meeting protests against the perpetuation of class -government to the exclusion of the great majority of the people from -the franchise; refuses to allow itself to be made an instrument to -further the means of contending parties or the selfish interests -of any class; and pledges itself to adopt all means of organising -and agitating for the only just basis of representation--registered -residential manhood suffrage and the ballot. - -2. That this meeting rejoices in the formation of the northern -department of the Reform League, and pledges its support to the -executive council in the organisation of branches throughout the North -of England, and hereby declares its confidence in Mr. Edmund Beales, -and the executive of the Reform League in London. - -3. That this meeting tenders its warmest and most grateful thanks to -Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, John Bright, Esq., John Stuart Mill, Esq., -and all friends of Reform, who, throughout the late discussions in -Parliament, vindicated the character and protected the rights of the -people; and further, expresses confidence in the honesty and ability of -Mr. John Bright to champion the people’s cause in Parliament during the -coming Parliamentary struggle. - -At the evening meeting in the Free Trade Hall, the following resolution -was carried by acclamation: - -“That this meeting, while recording its indignation at the insults -offered in Parliament and by the Press to the working classes and their -advocates, calls on the people of this country to allow themselves no -longer to be trifled with by an oligarchic few, and to rally round -those men who have upheld their cause.” - - - - -ATTEMPTED FENIAN RAID AT CHESTER (1867). - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated Times_, February 16, 1867. - - -Much alarm has been caused this week by an apprehended raid of Fenians -upon the ancient city. The following summary is obtained from Mr. -Fenwick, the chief constable of Chester. - -The Fenians have recently organised in New York a band of fifty, whose -special mission it is to proceed to England and Ireland and endeavour -to resuscitate the dying brotherhood. These men are understood to have -arrived in England. Fifteen of them are stationed in the metropolis, -and there form a Directory. Eight of them are ex-officers of the -American army.... A meeting was called for Sunday at Liverpool, and it -was then resolved to attack Chester Castle the following day, seize the -arms deposited there, cut the telegraph wires, tear up the rails, and -make good their escape by rail to Holyhead, and trust to fortune to -get across to Ireland. It was also understood that they would attack -the banks and jewellers’ shops. It was also given out freely at the -meeting why Chester Castle was selected. Up to midnight on Sunday -Chester was not protected by more than half a dozen soldiers on guard -at the Castle, and twice as many unarmed policemen in the city. Under -their protection were no less than 9,000 stand of arms, 4,000 swords, -and 900,000 rounds of ammunition, in addition to powder in bulk. There -were also stored in another part of the Castle 900 stand of arms -belonging to the militia; and in a small building in the city were 200 -stand of arms belonging to the volunteers. It was stated that the whole -force stationed at the Castle was one company of the 54th Regiment, and -that they were disaffected. The first intimation received in Chester of -the intended raid was at 12.30 a.m. by Mr. Fenwick from Superintendent -Ryde of Liverpool, and was to the effect that an ex-officer of the -American army, who produced his commission as an officer in the Fenian -service, had revealed the whole plot to them. Prompt measures were -taken and the commandant telegraphed to Manchester for reinforcements. -Mr. Fenwick next went to the station and gave instructions for the -trains to be watched as they arrived. At 2.30 a batch of thirty fellows -arrived from Liverpool, and were evidently under the command of an -officer. They marched up and down the platform by twos and threes, and -at length took possession of the first-class refreshment room. They -were soon followed by further detachments of from thirty to sixty from -Liverpool, and some from Manchester, all of similar appearance. These -dispersed quietly into the town. Early in the morning the volunteers -were called out. They were sworn in as special constables. By the -assistance of the police at Liverpool and Manchester, the Chester -police were kept apprised of the different departures of suspected -bodies of men. At three o’clock it was ascertained that over five -hundred of these men had arrived, and that a number of their officers -had been in Chester over night. Early in the afternoon the strangers -became much bolder and assembled in threatening bodies. Fortunately -at this time a company of the 54th Regiment arrived from Manchester, -and the police are strongly inclined to think that this fact saved the -Castle from an attack early in the evening. Affairs went very quietly -up to four o’clock, when a train from Manchester and Stalybridge -brought a reinforcement of four hundred in one batch. Later on forty -men arrived from Halifax and seventy from Leeds. Shortly after five it -was ascertained that the Fenians numbered from 1,400 to 1,500. A number -of men who were supposed to be their leaders collected at a house where -the police had been informed they would meet for orders. - -Spies and scouts had been sent out among the Fenians early in the day, -but found them extremely reticent, and could get no clue from them. At -6 p.m. these scouts brought information that the men were forming in -column on the Liverpool and other principal roads. - -Captain Smith, the county chief constable, had drafted a body of the -county constabulary into the Castle to assist the military. A copy -of the following anonymous letter sent to the chief of the Liverpool -police was received by Major Fenwick in the evening, and coincided -singularly with the information already in his possession: - - DEAR SIR, - - You could do your country much service, as at present there are - 600 men in Chester, to be increased by night to 700, to take - the arms and ammunition of the garrison; and as the garrison is - disaffected, it is supposed they will do it with little loss. - They are to leave Birkenhead by every train from the first in the - morning. All to be there by seven at the latest. They leave in - numbers of from thirty to sixty in every train. - -At night the Mayor convened a public meeting, which was most earnest; -and over 500 citizens were sworn in as special constables, and paraded -the town in large bodies throughout the night. It was deemed desirable -to call out the yeomanry, and for that purpose the permission of Earl -Grosvenor and Lord de Tabley was telegraphed for. Earl Grosvenor -replied that he would come down by the night mail, and accordingly -he and Lord Richard Grosvenor arrived in Chester at 12.48 on Tuesday -morning and remained with the magistrates through the night. - -Before leaving London, Earl Grosvenor communicated with the -Commander-in-Chief, who at once telegraphed that he had ordered a -battalion of Guards by special train to Chester. During the night the -Fenians evidently came to the conclusion that the preparations were too -much for them, and as the night advanced, parties of tens and twenties -were seen leaving, on foot, for Warrington and other neighbouring towns. - -Although all danger of any serious attempt had died away after the -town’s meeting, the police were kept on duty, as many suspicious -characters were still to be seen in the streets. About nine o’clock on -Tuesday morning two haversacks with green bands and a quantity of ball -cartridges of private make were discovered on a piece of vacant land -close to the railway-station. - - - - -REFORM BILL: THREE-CORNERED CONSTITUENCIES (1867). - -=Source.=--Leader’s _Life of the Right Hon. J. A. Roebuck, M.P._, pp. -313–315. (By permission.) (London: Edward Arnold, 1897.) - - -After the Bill, turned inside out by Liberal effort, and presenting -as an Act scarcely any possible resemblance to its original shape, -had established household suffrage, Mr. Roebuck at Sheffield further -explained and justified his course by saying: - -“I made a resolution with myself that, having got Lord Derby into -power, we would, if it were possible, screw out of him a real reform of -Parliament. It always appeared to me that the Whigs never could carry -a second Reform Bill. I stated so in 1859. I was hooted and yelled at -in this very town because I so stated. Then came Lord Derby again, and -then I recollected my old determination. ‘If ever a Reform Bill is -carried,’ I said to myself, ‘it will be by those men, and so sure as -they bring it in, I will support them.’ I steadily supported that Bill, -and what has been the result? We have got a more Liberal Bill than -ever Whig proposed. We have got a Bill that has frightened, I believe, -the very persons who proposed it. It has not frightened me. I believe -we shall now find what the people of England really mean. I have great -confidence in the right-heartedness of my own countrymen. I have no -dread of the future.... We have got a great deal more good out of the -Tory administration than out of anybody else. This Reform Bill is -before us. We have now to work it.... I am sure there can be no harm to -England while we have a free Press, a free people; but with that Press -and constant inter-communication of thought, it will render the passing -of the Reform Bill one of the greatest boons ever conferred upon the -people of this country.” - -On the question of the three-cornered constituencies, Mr. Roebuck -subsequently explained his course in the following letter: - - TO A CONSTITUENT. - - 19, ASHLEY PLACE, S.W. - - The story of the three members’ constituencies is a simple one - and can soon be told. Many attempts to stop and destroy the - Reform Bill were made under the guise of liberality. The project - respecting the three members was one of them. It was thought - that Mr. Disraeli had got to the length of his tether, that - his party would go no further, and that if at this time they - could be induced to recalcitrate, the Liberals who had hitherto - supported the Government must vote with the real enemies of the - Bill, that the Government would be put into a minority, must - go out, and that the Bill would then be defeated. Mr. Disraeli - said in the debate that the Government could not accede to the - proposal, and that the defeat of the Government in the motion - would seriously endanger the Bill. We knew what this meant--viz., - that his party could not be induced to go further in the way of - concession. Seeing this we said: “We will not throw away the - good we have attained for the purpose of adding six members to - large constituencies, and taking away six from small ones. This - benefit, if it should be desired, can easily be obtained from the - new Parliament when it meets. In the meantime we will insure the - Bill.” We voted for the Government, put them into a majority, - and saved the Bill. But Mr. Disraeli, upon consulting his party - again, found that they deemed the trouble of the contest a - greater evil than yielding the point, and they yielded so far as - four members were concerned. I complained of this, and strove for - Sheffield; but I was told that the party of Mr. Disraeli would - go no further than four members, and so, according to my own - expression, Sheffield was left out in the cold. This is the plain - history of the case. It is a story that could be told of many - other similar attempts to defeat the Bill, which attempts were - defeated by our steady determination to carry the Bill, spite of - calumny, spite of threats, spite of abuse. The Bill is now law, - and is law because a number of Liberals were more far-sighted, - ay, and more disinterested, than those who called themselves - leaders of the Liberal party. - - - - -ABYSSINIAN CAPTIVES (1867). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, July 9, 1867. - - -LETTER RECEIVED BY MRS. STERN FROM HER HUSBAND, ONE OF THE CAPTIVES IN -ABYSSINIA. - - MAGDALA, - _May 1, 1867_. - -Another month has passed since I wrote to you, a month like all the -rest in this miserable prison life, full of anxious care and wearisome -inactivity. Sometimes I squat down and try to beguile the tedious -hours by writing sketches of sermons, and by diffusing on closely -written pages the varied incidents of our painful captivity.... In our -immediate neighbourhood matters have not mended much since my last. The -King is still pursuing his work of devastation in the provinces that -are subject to his doubtful sway. The rebels, too, with the disaffected -peasantry for their allies, are doing their utmost to resent the -cruelties of their lately owned ruler and acknowledged chief. The -ruthless ferocity of the King has exhausted the patience of the most -timid and servile, and all appear now to be animated by one deep and -ardent passion--viz., the overthrow of the tyrant. The army he once had -at his behest is scattered in bands of rebels all over the country; -and as he can never recruit again his incredibly diminished hordes, -he will be forced to make this Amba his last asylum and tomb, or, -followed by a few faithful adherents and the most valuable captives, -seek a home in the marshy jungles and entangled feverish villages of -the lowlands. Whatever the issue of the contest may be, our prospects, -humanly speaking, are anything but bright. We have friends near and -around us, but in this land cupidity and avarice dissolve every bond, -even the most tender and sacred; and after all that has transpired, -the pettiest and most contemptible chieftain, if he gets us into his -power, may think that by retaining in his clutches a few defenceless -Europeans he will make his fortune.... About a fortnight ago all the -European employés, with the exception of two old men, were, together -with their wives and children and their property, with Mrs. Rosenthal -and Mrs. Flad, seized. The motives which prompted His Majesty to adopt -such measures of severity towards individuals who have always been most -subservient and obsequious to his whims is still a mystery. The King -brought various trumpery charges against them, which they repelled -with energy. Their property has been partially restored to them, but -they are confined in Debra Tabir, where they are guarded, but not -chained. It is said that the report of Mr. Flad’s returning without the -artisans, etc., furnished the ostensible cause for their imprisonment. -This outburst of unprovoked resentment augurs nothing auspicious for -us, and probably our position, as the majority of us expected, will -not be enhanced by Mr. Flad’s return. Negotiations and delays might -have averted the storm, but now as it seems looming nearer and nearer, -we say, “Thy will be done.” You and all interested in our liberation, -notwithstanding all that has been written from hence, must have been -grievously deceived about the character of the King. Presents with -another man might have effected our deliverance, but King Theodorus, -though not loath to accept the one, wants the hostages as well--a -security, as he imagines, for ever-increasing concessions. - - - _May 2._ - -I just add a line to my letter of yesterday, as it is doubtful whether -the opportunity for writing will not before many days have elapsed -become exceedingly difficult, if not utterly impossible. The return of -Mr. Flad, the disappointment of the King in not obtaining the requested -accession to his white victims, and the consciousness that neither -intrigue nor cunning will avail him to extort fresh concessions from -the British Government, or the generosity of the British Christians, -all, I believe, combine to bring before long our melancholy and doleful -history to a crisis. Every day, nay, every hour, we expect to be -transferred to the common prison, and to get hand-chains again. Only -a week ago upwards of 200 prisoners, among whom are many persons of -high rank, were ordered to be executed. This indiscriminate massacre, -which has probably been prompted by the want of guards to protect them, -indicates no improvement in the tyrant’s temper. We fear that wilful, -wicked misrepresentations, and cruel, unpardonable selfishness united -in concealing the true state of our position and the well-known designs -of the King.... - - HENRY A. STERN. - - - - -DISRAELI’S “MAUNDY THURSDAY” LETTER (1868). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, April 14, 1868. - - -_The following letter, addressed to the Rev. Arthur Baker, was sent to -the “Times” for publication_: - - HUGHENDEN MANOR, - _Maundy Thursday, 1868_. - - REVEREND SIR, - -I have just received your letter, in which, as one of my constituents, -you justify your right to ask for some explanation of my alleged -assertion that the High Church Ritualists had been long in secret -combination, and were now in open confederacy with Irish Romanists for -the destruction of the union between Church and State.... - -You are under a misapprehension if you suppose that I intended to cast -any slur upon the High Church party. I have the highest respect for the -High Church party; I believe there is no body of men in this country to -which we have been more indebted, from the days of Queen Anne to the -days of Queen Victoria, for the maintenance of the orthodox faith, the -rights of the Crown, and the liberties of the people. - -In saying this I have no wish to intimate that the obligations of -the country to the other great party in the Church are not equally -significant. I have never looked upon the existence of parties in -the Church as a calamity; I look upon them as a necessity, and as a -beneficent necessity. They are the natural and inevitable consequences -of the mild and liberal principles of our ecclesiastical polity, and of -the varying and opposite elements of the human mind and character. - -When I spoke, I referred to an extreme faction in the Church, of -very modern date, that does not conceal its ambition to destroy the -connection between Church and State, and which I have reason to believe -has been for some time in secret combination, and is now in open -confederacy, with the Irish Romanists for the purpose. - -The Liberation Society, with its shallow and short-sighted fanaticism, -is a mere instrument in the hands of this confederacy, and will -probably be the first victim of the spiritual despotism the Liberation -Society is now blindly working to establish. - -As I hold that the dissolution of the union between Church and State -will cause permanently a greater revolution in this country than -foreign conquest, I shall use my utmost energies to defeat these fatal -machinations. - -Believe me, Rev. Sir, your faithful member and servant, - - B. DISRAELI. - - THE REV. ARTHUR BAKER, A.M., - RECTOR OF ADDINGTON. - - - - -ABYSSINIAN WAR: CAPTURE OF MAGDALA (1868). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, April 28, 1868. - - -DESPATCHES FROM THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF (SIR ROBERT NAPIER). - - _Without date._ - -1. An Engagement took place before Magdala on Good Friday between our -troops and the army of Theodore, in which the latter was defeated with -heavy loss. - -Casualties on our side--Captain Roberts, fourth Foot, wounded in the -arm, and fifteen rank and file wounded. - -No one killed. - -On the two following days Theodore sent into our camp every European -that he had in his power, both captives and employés. - -Theodore has not yet surrendered himself, according to my demand. He -has been given twenty-four hours to decide. The King’s troops are -completely demoralised. - - ROBERT NAPIER. - - - _April 14._ - -2. Theodore’s army much disheartened by the severe losses of the 10th -instant. - -A portion of the chiefs surrendered the most formidable position of -Shilasse(?), and many thousand fighting men laid down their arms. - -Theodore retired to Magdala with all who remained faithful. - -Magdala taken by assault on the 13th under cover of Armstrong steel -guns, eight-inch mortars, and rocket battery. - -Ascent to gates most formidable. Theodore killed, defending to the -last; our loss small. - -Army will return immediately. About--guns and mortars taken. - - ROBERT NAPIER. - - -DESPATCHES FROM “TIMES” SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT. - - _April 12._ - -King Theodore attacked the First Brigade near Magdala on Good Friday, -but was repulsed with heavy loss--about 500 men being killed.... -Darkness stopped the pursuit. - -The enemy left their wounded on the field. On Saturday King Theodore -sent in a flag of truce and offered to treat for unconditional -surrender of the English prisoners. The captives have joined the camp. - -It is believed the remaining Europeans will be surrendered. - -The Abyssinian troops are utterly disheartened. - -Theodore has attempted suicide. - - _April 14._ - -Magdala was stormed yesterday. Theodore was deserted by nearly all his -army, but made a desperate resistance with a few devoted followers. - -Theodore killed himself with his pistol as the British troops -approached him. - -The British loss was about ten men wounded.... - - -DESPATCH FROM SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT OF “NEW YORK HERALD.” - - MAGDALA, - _April 13_. - -The truce ended this morning. King Theodore had not surrendered. -Fallas Fellasse(?) Islange had surrendered at once without fighting. -Theodore had retreated to Magdala. He planted five guns at the base of -the ascent. When General Napier came in sight, the King opened fire. -The English replied with ten-pounder Armstrong guns, and seven-pounder -rockets. The King left his guns, barricaded the sally-ports, and opened -with musketry. He gave no signs of surrendering. The bombardment -lasted three hours. An assault was then ordered. The fortress was -carried after vigorous resistance. The Abyssinian loss, is 68 killed -and 200 wounded. The English loss is 15 wounded, rank and file. King -Theodore was found dead, shot in the head. His body was recognized by -the Europeans who had been released. Some say he was killed in battle, -and others that he committed suicide. His two sons have been taken -prisoners. The fortress presents many evidences of barbaric splendour. -Among the trophies taken are 4 gold crowns, 20,000 dollars, 1,000 -silver plates, many jewels and other articles, 5,000 stands of arms, -28 pieces of artillery, 10,000 shields and 10,000 spears. The European -prisoners [numbering 60 men, women, and children] will depart for the -sea-coast to-morrow. The army will depart immediately. - - - - -DISESTABLISHMENT OF THE IRISH CHURCH (1868). - -=Source.=--_Speeches of John Bright_, edited by J. E. Thorold Rogers, -pp. 219, 220. (Macmillan and Co., 1869.) - - -SPEECH ON MR. GLADSTONE’S RESOLUTIONS FOR DISESTABLISHING THE IRISH -CHURCH. - -Now I challenge any hon. gentleman on the other side to deny this: -that out of half a million Episcopalians in Ireland there are -many--there are some in the Irish nobility, some landed proprietors, -some magistrates, even some of the clergy, a great many Irishmen--who -believe at this moment that it is of the very first importance that -the proposition of the right hon. gentleman, the Member for South -Lancashire, should be carried. I am not going to overstate my case. I -do not say that all of them are of that opinion. Of that half-million -say that one-fourth--I will state no number--but of this I am quite -certain, that there is an influential, a considerable, and, as I -believe, a wise minority, who are in favour of distinct and decided -action on the part of Parliament with regard to this question. But if -you ask the whole Roman Catholic population of Ireland, be they nobles, -or landed proprietors, or merchants, or farmers, or labourers--the -whole number of the Catholic population in Ireland being, I suppose, -eight or nine times the number of Episcopalians--these are probably, -without exception, of opinion that it would be greatly advantageous -and just to their country if the proposition submitted on this side -of the House should receive the sanction of Parliament. Now, if some -Protestants and all Catholics are agreed that we should remove this -Church, what would happen if Ireland were 1,000 miles away and we were -discussing it as we might discuss the same state of affairs in Canada? -If we were to have in Canada and in Australia all this disloyalty among -the Roman Catholic population owing to the existence of a State Church -there, the House would be unanimous that the State Church in those -Colonies should be abolished, and that perfect freedom in religion -should be given. - -But there is a fear in the mind of the right hon. gentleman the Home -Secretary that the malady which would exist in Ireland might cross -the Channel and appear in England; that, in fact, the disorder of -Voluntaryism, as he deems it, in Ireland, like any other contagious -disorder, might cross the Channel by force of the west wind, lodging -first in Scotland, and then crossing the Tweed and coming south to -England. I think the right hon. gentleman went so far as to say that -he was so much in favour of religious equality that if you went so -far as to disestablish the Church in Ireland, he would recommend the -same policy for England. Now, with regard to that, I will give you -an anecdote which has reference to Scotland. Some years ago I had -the pleasure of spending some days in Scotland at the house of the -late Earl of Aberdeen after he had ceased to be Prime Minister. He -was talking of the disruption of the Church of Scotland, and he said -that nothing in the course of his public life had given him so much -pain as the disruption and the establishment of the Free Church in -that country; but he said he had lived long enough to discover that -it was one of the greatest blessings that had ever come to Scotland. -He said that they had a vast increase in the number of churches, a -corresponding increase in the number of manses or ministers’ houses, -and that schools had increased, also, to an extraordinary extent; -that there had been imparted to the Established Church a vitality and -energy which it had not known for a long period; and that education, -morality, and religion had received a great advancement in Scotland in -consequence of that change. Therefore, after all, it is not the most -dreadful thing in the world--not so bad as a great earthquake--or as -many other things that have happened. I am not quite sure that the -Scottish people themselves may not some day ask you--if you do not -yourselves introduce and pass it without their asking--to allow their -State Church to be disestablished. - -I met only the other day a most intelligent gentleman from the north of -Scotland, and he told me that the minister of the church he frequented -had £250 a year from the Establishment Funds, which he thought very -much too little, and he felt certain that if the Establishment were -abolished and the Church made into a Free Church, the salary of the -minister would be immediately advanced to at least £500 a year. That is -a very good argument for the ministers, and we shall see, by-and-by, if -the conversion of Scotland proceeds much further, that you may be asked -to disestablish their Church. - - - - -THE IRISH CHURCH BILL: CRITICAL DAYS (1869). - -=Source.=--Morley’s _Life of Gladstone_, vol. ii., pp. 273–276. -(Macmillan and Co.) - - -On July 16, the Bill, restored substantially to its first shape, was -again back on the table of the Lords, and shipwreck seemed for five -days to be inevitable. On July 20, at eleven o’clock, by a majority of -175 to 93, the Lords once more excluded from the preamble the words -that the Commons had placed and replaced there, in order to declare -the policy of Parliament on matters ecclesiastical in Ireland. This -involved a meaning which Mr. Gladstone declared that no power on earth -could induce the Commons to accept. The crisis was of unsurpassed -anxiety for the Prime Minister. He has left his own record of its -phases: - -_Saturday, July 17._--By desire of the Cabinet I went to Windsor in -the afternoon and represented to H. M. what it was in our power to -do--namely, although we had done all we could do upon the merits, yet, -for the sake of peace and of the House of Lords, [we were willing] -(_a_) to make some one further pecuniary concession to the Church -of sensible though not very large amount; (_b_) to make a further -concession as to curates, slight in itself; (_c_) to amend the residue -clause so as to give to Parliament the future control, and to be -content with simply declaring the principle on which the property -should be distributed.... - -The further pecuniary concession we were prepared to recommend would be -some £170,000 or £180,000. - -_Sunday, July 18._--In the afternoon Lord Granville called on me and -brought me a confidential memorandum, containing an overture which Mr. -Disraeli had placed in the hands of Lord Bessborough for communication -to us.... While the contention as to the residue was abandoned, and -pecuniary concessions alone were sought, the demand amounted, according -to our computation, to between £900,000 and £1,000,000. This it was -evident was utterly inadmissible. I saw no possibility of approach to -it, and considered that a further quarter of a million or thereabouts -was all that the House of Commons could be expected or asked further to -concede. - -_Monday, July 19._--Those members of the Government who had acted as a -sort of Committee in the Irish Church question met in the afternoon. -We were all agreed in opinion that the Disraeli overture must be -rejected, though without closing the door, and a reply was prepared in -this sense, which Lord Granville undertook to send. [Draft in the above -sense that no sum approaching £1,000,000 could be entertained]. - -_Tuesday, July 20._--The Archbishop (Dr. Tait), who had communicated -with Lord Cairns in the interval, came to me early to-day and brought -a memorandum as a basis of agreement, which, to my surprise, demanded -higher terms than those of Mr. Disraeli. I told the Archbishop the -terms in which we had already expressed ourselves to Mr. Disraeli. -Meanwhile an answer had come from Mr. Disraeli stating that he could -not do more. Then followed the meeting of the opposition peers at the -Duke of Marlborough’s. - -_Wednesday, July 21._--The Cabinet met at eleven, and I went to it -in the mind of last night. [Not to abandon the Bill absolutely, but -only to suspend the Government’s responsibility for it, leaving the -Opposition to work their own will, and with the intention, when this -had been done, of considering the matter further]. We discussed, -however, at great lengths all possible methods of proceeding that -occurred to us. The course adopted was to go through the endowment -amendments, and if they were carried adversely, then to drop their -responsibility. - -_Thursday, July 22._--I was laid up to-day and the transactions were -carried on by Lord Granville, in communication with me from time to -time at my house. - -The proceedings of this critical day are narrated by Lord Granville in -a memorandum to Mr. Gladstone dated August 4. - -“After seeing you, I met Lord Cairns at the Colonial Office. He offered -me terms.... I asked him whether, in his opinion, he, the Archbishop, -and I could carry anything we agreed upon. He said, ‘Yes, certainly.’ -After seeing you, I met Lord Cairns a second time in his room in the -House of Lords. I asked, as a preliminary to giving any opinion on his -amendments, how he proposed to deal with the preamble. He said, ‘To -leave it as amended by the Lords.’ I then proposed the words which were -afterwards adopted in the 68th clause. He was at first taken aback, -but admitted that he had personally no objection to them.... We agreed -upon the commutation clause if the 7 and the 5 per cent. were lumped -together. On the curates’ clause we could come to no agreement. He -proposed to see Lord Salisbury and the Archbishop, and to meet again -at four at the Colonial Office. He spoke with fairness as to the -difficulty of his position, and the risk he ran with his own party. -I again saw you, and asked the Irish Attorney-General to be present -at the last interview. I stated to him in Lord Cairns’ presence how -far we agreed, and expressed my regret that on the last point--the -curates--our difference was irreconcilable. Lord Cairns said he hoped -not, and proceeded to argue strongly in favour of his proposal. He at -last, however, at 4.30, compromised the matter by accepting five years -instead of one. I shook his hand, which was trembling with nervousness. -We discussed the form of announcing the arrangement to the House. We -at once agreed it was better to tell the whole truth, and soon settled -that it would be better for its success that he should announce the -details. I was afterwards apprehensive that this latter arrangement -might be disadvantageous to us, but nothing could be better or fairer -than his statement.” - -“The news was brought to me on my sofa,” Mr. Gladstone says, “and -between five and six o’clock I was enabled to telegraph to the Queen. -My telegram was followed up by a letter at 7 p.m., which announced that -the arrangement had been accepted by the House of Lords, and that a -general satisfaction prevailed.” - -To the Queen he wrote (July 22): - -“Mr. Gladstone is at a loss to account for the great change in the tone -and views of the Opposition since Sunday and Monday and even Tuesday -last, but on this topic it is needless to enter. As to the principal -matters, the basis of the arrangement on the side of the Government -is much the same as was intended when Mr. Gladstone had the honour -of an audience at Windsor on Saturday; but various minor concessions -have been added. Mr. Gladstone does not doubt that, if the majority -of the House of Lords should accede to the advice of Lord Cairns, the -Government will be able to induce the House of Commons to agree on the -conditions proposed. Mr. Gladstone would in vain strive to express to -your Majesty the relief, thankfulness, and satisfaction with which he -contemplates not only the probable passing of what many believe to be a -beneficent and necessary measure, but the undoubted and signal blessing -of an escape from a formidable constitutional conflict.” - - - - -THE IRISH LAND BILL (1870). - -=Source.=--Morley’s _Life of Gladstone_, vol. ii., pp. 293, 294. -(Macmillan and Co.) - - -Public opinion was ripening. The _Times_ made a contribution of the -first importance to the discussion, in a series of letters from a -correspondent, that almost for the first time brought the facts of -Irish land before the general public. A pamphlet from Mill, then at -the height of his influence, upon both writers and readers, startled -them by the daring proposition, that the only plan was to buy out the -landlords. The whole host of Whig economists and lawyers fell heavily -upon him in consequence. The new voters showed that they were not -afraid of new ideas. It was not until January 25 that peril was at an -end inside the Government. - -_January 25, 1870._--Cabinet. The great difficulties of the Irish Land -Bill THERE are now over. Thank God! - -_February 7._--With the Prince of Wales 3¼–4¼ explaining to him the -Land Bill and other matters. He has certainly much natural intelligence. - -_February 15._--Introduced the Irish Land Bill in a speech of 3¼ hours. -Well received by the House at large. - -The policy of the Bill as tersely explained by Mr. Gladstone in a -letter to Manning was “to prevent the landlord from using the terrible -weapon of undue and unjust eviction by so framing the handle that it -shall cut his hands with the sharp edge of pecuniary damages. The man -evicted without any fault, and suffering the usual loss by it, will -receive whatever the custom of the country gives, and where there is -no custom, according to a scale, besides whatever he can claim for -permanent buildings or reclamation of land. Wanton eviction will, -as I hope, be extinguished by provisions like these. And if they -extinguish wanton eviction, they will also extinguish those demands -for _unjust_ augmentations of rent, which are only formidable to -the occupier, because the power of wanton or arbitrary eviction is -behind them.” What seems so simple, and what was so necessary, marked -in truth a vast revolutionary stride. It transferred to the tenant -a portion of the absolute ownership, and gave him something like an -estate in his holding. The statute contained a whole code of minor -provisions, including the extension of Mr. Bright’s clauses for peasant -proprietorship in the Church Act; but this transfer was what gave the -Act its place in solid legal form. The second reading was carried -by 442 to 11, the minority being composed of eight Irish members of -advanced type and three English Tories. The Bill was at no point fought -high by the Opposition. Mr. Disraeli moved an amendment, limiting -compensation to unexhausted improvements. The Government majority fell -to 76, “a result to be expected,” Mr. Gladstone reports, “considering -the natural leanings of English and Scotch members to discount in -Ireland what they would not apply in Great Britain. They are not very -familiar with land tenures.” One fact of much significance he notes in -these historic proceedings. “Disraeli,” he writes to the Duke of Argyll -(April 21, 1870), “has not spoken one word against valuation of rents -or perpetuity of tenure.” It was from the House of his friends that -danger came. - -_April 4._--H. of C. Spoke on Disraeli’s amendment. A majority of 76, -but the navigation is at present extremely critical. - -_April 7._--H. of C. A most ominous day from end to end. Early in the -evening I gave a review of the state of the Bill, and later another -menace of overturn if the motion of Mr. W. Fowler [a Liberal banker] -should be carried. We had a majority of only 32. - -To Lord Russell he writes (April 12): - -“I am in the hurry-scurry of preparation for a run into the country, -but I must not omit to thank you for your kind and welcome letter. We -have had a most anxious time in regard to the Irish Land Bill. The fear -that our Land Bill may cross the water creates a sensitive state of -mind among all Tories, many Whigs, and a few Radicals.” - -Phillimore records a visit in these critical days: - -_April 8._--Gladstone looked worn and fagged. Very affectionate and -confidential, Gladstone feels keenly the want of support in debate. -Bright ill. Lowe no moral weight. “I feel when I have spoken, that I -have not a shot in my locker.” - -As a very accomplished journalist of the day wrote, there was -something almost painful in the strange phenomenon of a Prime Minister -fighting as it were all but single-handed the details of his own -great measure through the ambuscades and charges of a numerous and -restless enemy--and of an enemy determined apparently to fritter away -the principle of the measure under the pretence of modifying its -details. “No Prime Minister has ever attempted any task like it--a -task involving the most elaborate departmental readiness, in addition -to the general duties and fatigues of a Prime Minister, and that too -in a session when questions are showered like hail upon the Treasury -bench.”[A] Then the Government put on pressure and the majority sprang -up to eighty. - -The debate in the Commons lasted over three and a half months; or about -a fortnight longer than had been taken by the Church Bill. The third -reading was carried without a division. In the Lords the Bill was read -a second time without a division. Few persons clearly foresaw that it -was the first step of a vast transfer of property, and that in a few -years it would become customary for Ministers of the Crown to base all -their legislation on the doctrine that Irish land is not an undivided -ownership, but a simple partnership.[B] - - [A] _Spectator._ - - [B] Lecky, _Democracy and Liberty_, vol. i., p. 165. - - - - -EDUCATION BILL: THE COWPER-TEMPLE CLAUSE (1870). - -=Source.=--_Life of the Right Hon. W. E. Forster, M.P._, by T. Wemyss -Reid, vol. i., pp. 501–503. (Chapman and Hall, 1888.) - - -The fate of the Bill was still in suspense. No one could be quite -sure that Mr. Gladstone intended to press forward with it during that -session. Mr. Gladstone himself held strongly to the Bill in the shape -in which it had first been introduced; but he had been startled and -alarmed by the rising of the Liberal party against it, and he did not -appear to share the robust self-confidence with which Mr. Forster -faced the formidable flank attacks that were being delivered upon the -Government from the benches below the gangway. On June 12 Mr. Forster -submitted to Mr. Gladstone a Memorandum on the subject of the measure -and the rival amendments which had been proposed by the representatives -of the different sections of their own party. - -“The first question which suggests itself,” said Mr. Forster in this -Memorandum, “is, Why listen to either of their amendments? Why -not stick to our Bill as it stands? Our proposal that the majority -should have what religious teaching it pleases, while the minority is -protected, is logical and impartial in theory, and would work well -in practice. Can we not, then, carry it? Yes, with the help of the -Opposition; but I fear a majority of our side of the House would vote -against it. All the Radicals--not merely men like Fawcett, but earnest -supporters of the Bill like Mundella--all the Dissenters from Baines -to Richards, would find themselves forced to oppose us, and they would -be followed, or rather led, into the lobby by the Whigs, by Sir George -Grey and Whitbread; and all our best friends, like Brand, would beg us -to prevent a division which would break up the party.” - -Clearly Mr. Forster, when he penned this Memorandum, had no liking -for the idea of carrying the Bill by means of the votes of the -Opposition and against those of his party. After discussing the various -amendments, he declared himself in favour of one proposed by Mr. -Cowper-Temple, which was virtually identical with his own suggestion to -Lord Ripon in the letter of May 18. By this amendment it was ordered -that no catechism or religious formulary distinctive of any particular -denomination should be taught in the public schools. - -“It may be said,” continued Mr. Forster in his Memorandum, “that this -plan is unjust inasmuch as it does not give the majority which prefers -catechisms the same chance as the majority which does not, and it is -insufficient because it still leaves the Boards free to quarrel as to -whether they will have the Scriptural teaching or purely secular, or -the quasi-secular schools suggested by Richards. To the last objection -the sole reply, and to my mind the sufficient reply, is that this plan -will be acceptable to a large majority in the House and in the country, -because by excluding the Catechism it silences the rallying-cries of -controversy and limits the range for dispute; and because it binds, by -Act of Parliament, to have none of the theoretical character teaching -which would naturally be given by the schoolmaster to young children -in a common school, but to which the local bodies wish to be guided by -Parliament. - -“With regard to the majorities which decidedly prefer catechisms, -especially the Catholics, I think we can and should meet their case. -I confess I cannot but think this would have been easier to do if we -had framed the Bill in accordance with my original Memorandum, and, -prescribing Bible lessons as a rule, had then made allowance for -exceptional localities, desiring either purely secular or distinctive -schools.” - -On June 16 the debate on the Bill was at last resumed, and Mr. -Gladstone then made a statement which in substance was merely an -amplification of Mr. Forster’s suggestion. - - - - -THE GOVERNMENT AND THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR (1870). - -=Source.=--Morley’s _Life of Gladstone_, vol. ii., p. 341. (Macmillan -and Co., 1903.) - - -LETTER FROM MR. GLADSTONE TO JOHN BRIGHT (AUGUST 1, 1870). - -Although some members of the Cabinet were inclined on the outbreak -of this most miserable war to make military preparations, others, -Lord Granville and I among them, by no means shared that disposition, -nor I think was the feeling of Parliament that way inclined. But the -publication of the Treaty has altered all this, and has thrown upon -us the necessity either of doing something fresh to secure Belgium, -or else of saying that under no circumstances would we take any step -to secure her from absorption. This publication [text of a projected -agreement between the French and Prussian Governments] has wholly -altered the feeling of the House of Commons, and no Government could -at this moment venture to give utterance to such an intention about -Belgium. But neither do we think it would be right, even if it were -safe, to announce that we would in any case stand by with folded arms -and see actions done which would amount to a total extinction of public -right in Europe. - - - - -MR. LOWE’S BUDGET: THE MATCH-TAX (1871). - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated London News_, April 22, 1871. - - -On Thursday the Chancellor of the Exchequer made his usual financial -statement. It appeared that the deficiency this year amounted to -£2,800,000, and the right hon. gentleman proposes to meet it by -increasing the probate and legacy duty; in the first degree from 1 to -2 per cent.; in the second degree from 3 to 3½ per cent., and in the -third degree from 3½ to 5 per cent., estimating the gain to the revenue -of about £1,000,000. He also proposed to equalise the duties payable -on testate and intestate property, making it in all 2 per cent. He -next proposed to put a halfpenny stamp on each box of lucifer matches -containing not more than one hundred, and a penny on each box of vesta -matches containing not more than one hundred. By the former he expected -to gain £550,000, and £300,000 by the latter. This, he estimated, would -reduce his deficit to £1,950,000, and that he proposed to make up by -increasing the income-tax from £1 13s. 4d. to £2 4s. per cent., which -he calculated would make up the remaining deficit. - - - - -OPPOSITION TO THE MATCH-TAX. - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated London News_, April 29, 1871. - - -A numerous gathering of persons employed in the manufacture of matches -was held on Sunday afternoon in Victoria Park, at which a resolution -was unanimously passed condemning Mr. Lowe’s proposed impost in strong -terms. According to one of the speakers, the daily bread of 15,000 -persons in the east of London depends upon the trade in matches. -Several thousand persons engaged in the match trade on Monday assembled -in the Bow Road, and having formed a procession, set out to march -to the House of Commons, there to present a petition against the -threatened duty on matches. At a short distance from its starting-point -the procession was broken up by the police, but the people managed in -some degree to re-form their ranks, and, after many difficulties (more -especially in their progress along the Thames Embankment), they arrived -at the Houses of Parliament. This, however, was not accomplished -without another collision with the police, in which one or two arrests -were made. One party of the processionists even succeeded in making -their way into Westminster Hall, but they were speedily removed. - - - - -PURCHASE IN THE ARMY ABOLISHED BY ROYAL WARRANT (1871). - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated London News_, July 22, 1871. - - -On Thursday (July 20) Sir George Grey asked the Government whether -that House, having sanctioned their proposal for the indemnification -of officers on the abolition of purchase in the Army, they intend to -take measures to prevent the future violation of the law involved -in the continued payment of over-regulation prices for commissions. -Mr. Gladstone made a long reply, in the course of which he stated -that, after consideration, the Government had resolved to advise Her -Majesty to take the decisive step of cancelling the warrant under which -purchase was legal. That advice had been accepted and acted upon by Her -Majesty, and a new warrant had now been framed in terms conformable -to the law, so that it was his duty to announce, on the part of the -Government, that at present purchase in the Army no longer existed. -(Loud and continued cheers.) - -When he said that purchase no longer existed, he was reminded by his -right hon. friend (Mr. Cardwell) to explain that it did not mean -that it was extinguished from the present moment, but a day had been -named--November 1 of the present year--from and after which there could -be no purchase or sale of commissions in the British Army. Although -the amendment of the Duke of Richmond had been carried in the House of -Lords [155 for the amendment, which was against the second reading, -130 against], he was advised that that would not prevent the Bill -from being proceeded with; and it would now remain to be seen how the -House of Lords would act under the circumstances which he had stated, -and whether, purchase being abolished, they would go on with the other -portions of the Bill. - -In conclusion, he begged to say that, come what might, under all -circumstances the Government would use the best means in their power, -mindful of the honourable pledges they had given, to secure at the -hands of Parliament just and liberal terms for the officers. - -Mr. Disraeli entered his protest against the course the Prime Minister -had taken, and said that Minister was most unwise, who, being baffled -in passing an important measure through one House of the Legislature, -took upon himself the responsibility and danger of advising the Queen -to exercise her prerogative and set the opinion of that House at -defiance. - - - - -THE FIRST AUGUST BANK HOLIDAY (1871). - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated London News_, August 19, 1871. - - -The first statute holiday of the first Monday in August, under the -Bank Holidays Act, was very generally observed on the 7th; and another -year this holiday will probably be still more general. The name of -Sir John Lubbock and the first Monday in August will henceforth be -associated with pleasant recollections in the minds of the clerks -of the bankers, brokers, merchants, and traders of the city. At all -events, the principal employers of labour in the City, many in the east -and a few in the west, took advantage of the provision contained in the -new Act, and closed their establishments. The Government offices in -the City remained open, but all the warehouses and offices of public -companies, the Royal Exchange and Lloyd’s, and nearly all the retail -shops in Cannon Street, the Poultry, and Cornhill, were closed. The -holiday having been wisely fixed for Monday, a large number of those -for whose benefit the measure was more especially passed were able to -leave town on Saturday afternoon, and thus to secure two clear days in -the country. But still many thousands thronged to the railway stations -in the morning. Notwithstanding this exodus of pleasure-seekers, the -principal exhibitions and places of amusement had fully the average -number of visitors.... - -In the east end of the town many of the manufactories were closed, and -several of the great capitalists, who give their workmen an annual -“treat,” engaged fields in which the workmen, with their wives and -families, were entertained and amused with outdoor sports. By rail -and by river more than 10,000 Oddfellows of the North London District -of the Manchester Unity went down to the North Woolwich Gardens to -take part in a fête held for the benefit of the widows and orphans of -deceased members. On Monday night the great thoroughfares in the City -leading from the railways--especially at Ludgate Hill, the Bank, and -Gracechurch Street--were filled with holiday folks “homeward bound.” -Several schools gave a whole holiday to the pupils, and children of all -ages formed part of most of the groups. Not a tipsy or ill-conducted -person could be seen. The day had been glorious, and the sum of -happiness and social and domestic enjoyment evidently conferred by this -first Bank Holiday in August testifies to the wisdom of the Legislature. - - - - -BIBLE READING IN SCHOOLS (1871). - -=Source.=--_Life of Thomas Henry Huxley_, by his Son, vol. ii., pp. -342, 343. (Macmillan and Co., 1900.) - - -At the first meeting of the Education Committee of the London School -Board, Mr. W. H. Smith, M.P., proposed, and Mr. Samuel Morley, M.P., -seconded a resolution in favour of religious teaching. “That in the -schools provided by the Board, the Bible shall be read, and there -shall be given therefrom such explanations and such instruction in the -principles of religion and morality as are suited to the capacities -of children,” with certain provisos. Several antagonistic amendments -were proposed; but Professor Huxley gave his support to Mr. Smith’s -resolutions, which, however, he thought might “be trimmed and amended -in a way that the Rev. Dr. Angus had suggested. His speech, defining -his own position, was a very remarkable one. He said it was assumed -in the public mind that this question of religious instruction was a -little family quarrel between the different sects of Protestantism -on the one hand, and the old Catholic Church on the other. Side by -side with this much shivered and splintered Protestantism of theirs, -and with the united fabric of the Catholic Church (not so strong -temporally as she used to be, otherwise he might not have been -addressing them at that moment), there was a third party growing -up into very considerable and daily increasing significance, which -had nothing to do with either of those great parties, and which was -pushing its own way independent of them, having its own religion and -morality, which rested in no way whatever on the foundations of the -other two.” He thought that “the action of the Board should be guided -and influenced very much by the consideration of this third great -aspect of things,” which he called the scientific aspect, for want of a -better name. “It had been very justly said that they had a great mass -of low, half-instructed population which owed what little redemption -from ignorance and barbarism it possessed mainly to the efforts of -the clergy of the different denominations. Any system of gaining the -attention of these people to these matters must be a system connected -with, or not too rudely divorced from, their own system of belief. He -wanted regulations, not in accordance with what he himself thought was -right, but in the direction in which thought was moving.” He wanted an -elastic system that did not oppose any obstacle to the free play of the -public mind. Huxley voted against all the proposed amendments, and in -favour of Mr. Smith’s motion. There were only three who voted against -it; while the three Roman Catholic members refrained from voting. This -basis of religious instruction, practically unaltered, has remained the -law of the Board ever since. - -There was a controversy in the papers between Professor Huxley and -the Rev. W. H. Freemantle as to the nature of the explanation of the -Bible lessons. Huxley maintained that it should be purely grammatical, -geographical, and historical in its nature; Freemantle that it should -include some species of distinct religious teaching, but not of a -denominational character. - - - - -GENEVA ARBITRATION: THE INDIRECT CLAIMS (1872). - -=Source.=--_Life of the Right Hon. W. E. Forster, M.P._, by T. Wemyss -Reid, vol. ii., pp. 22, 23. (Chapman and Hall, 1888.) - - -But when everything seemed to be settled, and there was at last -good hope of the final removal of the long-standing obstacle to the -friendship of the two peoples, a new difficulty made its appearance in -a very unexpected quarter. This was the claim for indirect damages, -which were set forth in the “case” of America, as it was presented -to the Court of Arbitration at Geneva. Great was the indignation in -England when, at the close of January, 1872, it first became known -that the American Government was prepared to prefer this demand. The -Cabinet was at once summoned to consider the question, and some of -the members were for forthwith withdrawing from the arbitration. Mr. -Forster was in favour of a more moderate and prudent course, but at the -same time he felt strongly as to the unfairness of the demand made by -America. “Clearly,” he writes in his diary (January 30, 1872), “this -claim is sharp practice by the Americans, as the protocols prove that -they had waived the indirect claims. Our Press is very indignant and -exigeant, the _Daily News_ leading. A cool head and a cool temper -wanted. I asked Tenterden to dinner to talk the matter over with him. -He is strong against diplomatic negotiations, and recommends a protest -and refusal to submit the indirect claims to the arbitration to be -delivered through our agent to the tribunal to the United States agent, -both being appointed by Article 2 of the Treaty. Thereby diplomatic -wrangling would be avoided, and the Yankees would not be forced to -immediate reply while the Presidential caucus is at its height. I -never felt any matter so serious. (January 31.) Drew up a memorandum -urging communication through the agents rather than by despatch, on -the ‘Alabama’ hitch. Took it to Granville; then sent it to Gladstone, -asking him whether he would object to its circulation. Found a note -from G---- assenting to circulation, so sent F---- off with the box. -(February 2.) My box returned. All the Ministers’ minutes against me, -except Gladstone, Granville, Ripon, and Chancellor.” - -The question was discussed in the Cabinet, but the opinion was not -favourable to Mr. Forster’s proposal, who had to give way. - -(P. 26.) In February General Schenck [the leader of the American House -of Representatives, who was in England] unofficially proposed four -possible plans by way of settling the difficulty: (1) A lump sum paid -by England; (2) a maximum sum paid by England to cover all claims, -direct or indirect, supposing the arbitrators found against us; (3) -proceeding with our arbitration under our protest that we did not -consider the indirect claims within the Treaty, and could not abide by -any decision against us as respected them, or pay in respect of them -any gross sum or portion thereof; (4) an exchange of Vancouver’s Island -for the indirect claims, upon the principle that both treaties were -open to two interpretations.... - -Eventually ministers agreed to fall in with the American suggestion of -a supplemental treaty, or, rather, of a supplemental article to the -existing treaty. - -[NOTE.--On June 19 the arbitrators rejected altogether the indirect -claims.] - - - - -AN EARLY ELECTION UNDER THE BALLOT ACT (1872). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, September 14, 1872. - - -Usually an election day here has been a day of great political tumult -and uproar. But to-day the general aspect of things was changed. When -the poll opened the principal streets of the town were almost as -quiet as usual. At the polling-booths, thirty-seven in number, there -was very little crowding, and generally the town seemed to have got -up no earlier than usual this morning, though in an extreme state of -mystification. At each polling-booth there was erected, under contract -with the Corporation, the compartments prescribed by the Act to secure -privacy to the voter while marking his ballot paper. These compartments -consisted of an open movable box, with four stalls or recesses, each -supplied with a small ledge to serve as a desk, and placed back to -back, so that four voters might be engaged in marking their papers at -one and the same time. The size of the partition prevents a voter from -overlooking his neighbour either at his side or in front of him. Each -of these compartments was supplied with a pencil, secured by a string, -like those in the telegraphic departments at the post-office. - -The Conservatives appeared to be infinitely more active with their -agents at the various polling-booths than the Liberals, and both tried -to get an insight into the way affairs were going by means of tickets. -Each elector had sent to him previously--the Conservatives ostensibly -began this and the Liberals followed them--a ticket with a request that -he would vote for Holker or German, as the case might be, and that -after voting he would, if a Conservative, hand it over to the agent -who would be at the door, and if a Liberal, would give it up at the -nearest committee-room. The Conservative agents had blue cards fastened -in front of their hats, and upon each card there was printed the words -“Conservative agent.” As a rule two of them stood close to the door of -egress at each polling-booth. In one instance a couple of them managed -to get into a booth, but being detected by a Liberal, were ordered out. -In other instances the Conservative agents were upon the premises of -the polling-booth, and at one of the booths a couple were seen in the -back-yard within a foot of the door leading out of it, their object -being to ask for the tickets of the voters as they left the room. The -Liberals did not push themselves so keenly within the precincts of -the booths, but seemed to be anxious to get as near as they could. -In the end the ticket system got thoroughly confused--Liberals, in -mistake, gave their tickets to the Conservative agents; Conservatives -gave them to those on the Liberal side, so that it became impossible -accurately to test what was being done by the plan. The voting went -on rather slowly; four voters were admitted at a time to each booth, -and after receiving their papers proceeded to the “stalls” behind -the officials, marked their papers, and then returned, putting them -into a large sealed tin box, with a narrow slit at the top, as they -passed out. The general business was very quietly transacted; there -was even a dead calm about it at times. Some of the working men, of -the ordinary labouring class, seemed to have no proper idea at all of -the Ballot; odd ones of them would, on entering the booth, ask the -constable at the door where they had to tell the name of the candidate -they wanted to vote for, and others were very stupid in their folding -up of the voting-papers. They crumpled them up occasionally or doubled -them in such a way as to hide the stamp on the back, This bungling was -chiefly the work of the more illiterate classes. One or two cases of -personations were early reported, but the guilty parties made a clear -escape. There has been more of novelty than of difficulty in working -the Ballot here; and excepting the cases of stupidity mentioned, no -awkwardness or hitch has occurred. As the morning advanced the booths -became thronged, and at noon the work of vote-recording was at its -greatest pitch of activity; but the increase in it then in no way -deranged the general mechanism adopted. From about eleven o’clock -in the forenoon till five this afternoon the streets have been very -crowded, the bulk of the people being of the working-class order. Even -the most sapient and experienced could not tell which way the wind -was blowing--could not tell whether German or Holker was ahead. There -was, however, a very general impression among Conservatives that their -candidate was first, and a very strong apprehension on the part of -the Liberals that this really was the case. Bills, etc., professing -to show the state of the poll were occasionally put out, but only the -most stupid placed any reliance upon them. Cheers and counter-cheers -have been heard in the streets as the respective candidates and -their friends have been noticed passing along them. There have been -no displays of colours, no bands of music, and even in St. John’s -ward an astonishing degree of order and sobriety has been observable. -The Ballot, whatever it may not effect, has clearly from to-day’s -experience conduced in a striking degree to the general sobriety and -good order of the people. There is much talk about bribery and some -about personation. At 8.30 the result of the election was announced -by a card at the Town Hall. The figures were--Holker, 4,542; German, -3,824; showing, as there are 10,214 eligible voters on the register, -that 1,848 had not recorded their votes. - - - - -“ALABAMA” ARBITRATION AWARD (1872). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, September 16, 1872. - - -SUMMARY OF THE AWARD. - -The Arbitrators at Geneva have given their Award. They unanimously -find Great Britain liable for the acts committed by the _Alabama_; -by a majority of the Italian, Swiss, Brazilian, and United States -Arbitrators against the Arbitrator appointed by Great Britain, they -find Great Britain liable for the acts committed by the _Florida_; and -by a majority of the Italian, Swiss, and United States Arbitrators -against the Arbitrators appointed by Great Britain and Brazil, they -find Great Britain liable for the acts committed by the _Shenandoah_ -after leaving Melbourne. They unanimously decided that, in the cases -in which Great Britain was held responsible, the acts of the tenders -should be considered to follow the judgment given in regard to the -cruisers to which they were attached. They decided that Great Britain -was not responsible for the acts committed by the _Georgia_ or by any -other of the Confederate cruisers except the three above named. - -They rejected altogether the claim of the United States Government for -the expenditure incurred in pursuit and capture of the cruisers. - -They decided that interest should be allowed, and have awarded a -gross sum of 15,500,000 dollars in gold (about £3,229,166 13s. 4d.) in -satisfaction and final settlement of all claims, including interest. - -The amount of the claims preferred before the Tribunal, as appears from -the Revised Statement of Claims presented on the part of the United -States in April last, was 19,732,095 dollars in gold, to which was -added a claim for expenses of pursuit and capture to the amount of -7,080,478 dollars, with interest at 7 per cent. on the whole amount -for about ten years, or in all, 45,500,000 dollars in gold (or about -£9,479,166 13s. 4d.). - - - - -REFUSAL OF MR. DISRAELI TO TAKE OFFICE WITHOUT A MAJORITY (1873). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register, 1873_; _English History_, pp. 35–37. - - -SPEECH OF MR. DISRAELI IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS (MARCH 20, 1873). - -Mr. Disraeli, who was warmly cheered by his supporters, next gave his -account of what had passed between him and the Queen after receiving -the letter which first summoned him to Buckingham Palace. In his -audience, in reply to an inquiry from the Queen, he informed Her -Majesty that he should be ready to form a Government which would carry -on the affairs of the country efficiently and in a manner entitled to -her confidence, but that he would not undertake it with the present -House of Commons. In giving his reasons for this decision, Mr. Disraeli -said he had represented to the Queen that, though recent elections -had been favourable to the Conservative party, Mr. Gladstone had -still a majority of close upon ninety, and that the division which -overthrew the Government offered no elements which could lead to -an expectation that this numerical position would be modified. He -pointed out, also, that the majority against the Government the other -night was created by a considerable section of the Liberal party--the -Irish Roman Catholic members--with whom he had no bond of union. If -he had appealed to them for support, they would have repeated their -demands for a Roman Catholic University--a demand which he believed -was decisively condemned at the last election, and by the subsequent -disendowment of the Irish Church. Of office under such circumstances -Mr. Disraeli said he had some personal experience, and it had convinced -him that such an experiment weakened authority and destroyed public -confidence. Consequently, he had prayed Her Majesty to relieve him of -the task. Replying to the question why he had not advised the Queen to -dissolve, he remarked that there was much misconception about the act -of dissolving. - -“It is supposed [said Mr. Disraeli] to be an act which can be performed -with very great promptitude, and that it is a resource to which any -Minister may recur with the utmost facility. That is a grave mistake. -Dissolution of Parliament is a different instrument in different -hands. It is an instrument of which a Minister who is in office, with -his Government established, can avail himself with a facility which a -Minister who is only going to accede to office is deprived of. There -may be circumstances which may render it imperative on a Minister -in office to advise the Sovereign to exercise the prerogative of -dissolving Parliament; but he always has the opportunity of disposing -of the public business before that dissolution takes place. The -position of the Minister who is about to accede to office is very -different. In the first place he has to form his Administration. -This is a work of great time and of heavy responsibility. It is not -confined merely to the construction of a Cabinet. Before a Ministry -can be formed, whoever undertakes the task of its construction must -see some fifty individuals whom he has to appoint to offices of trust -and consideration. It is a duty which he can delegate to no one. He -must see each of those individuals personally, and must communicate -with them by himself. And this is a matter which--irrespective of the -knowledge of human nature, which whoever undertakes to form a Cabinet -ought to possess--requires time, and materially affects the business -of the country. In the present case it would not have been possible -to form a Government before Easter. Then the holidays would have -intervened. After the holidays we might, by having recourse to measures -of which I greatly disapprove--namely, provisional finance, the taking -votes on credit and votes on account, and by accepting the estimates -of my predecessors--have been able to dissolve Parliament in the early -part of May. But when the month of May arrived, this question would -have occurred: What are you going to dissolve Parliament about? There -was no issue before the country. At least, it cannot be pretended for -a moment that there was one of those issues before the country which -would justify an extraordinary dissolution of Parliament--that is, some -question upon which the country would passionately wish to decide. I -ask the House to consider impartially what was the real condition of -affairs. Her Majesty’s Ministers had resigned; the Queen had called -upon a member of this House to form a Ministry in a house in which he -had nearly ninety majority arrayed against him. Suppose it was in his -opinion necessary to appeal to the country, by which the majority might -be returned--probably of ninety--in his favour. - -“Well, the Irish University Bill was not a Bill on which any Ministry -could resign. But we could not carry on affairs without appealing -to the country; and is it not clear that we could not appeal to the -country without having a policy? (Laughter.) Hon. gentleman may laugh -at the word ‘policy,’ but I maintain that it is totally impossible for -gentlemen sitting on the Opposition bench suddenly to have a matured -policy to present to the people of this country in case Parliament -dissolves. The position of any party in opposition is essentially a -critical position. On all great questions of the day gentlemen on this -side of the House have certain principles which guide them on the -subjects before Parliament; but on these questions we cannot rival in -the possession of information those who hold the seals of Government.” - -This point Mr. Disraeli elaborated at some length, mentioning Central -Asia, the Three New Rules, and the French Treaty of Commerce as matters -on which no body of men, suddenly created a Government, could have any -policy until they had studied the official information. Local taxation, -too, was a question which they must have fully considered before going -to the country; but the strongest obstacle to an immediate dissolution -would have been the necessity of carefully scrutinising the estimates, -which, he maintained, were just as large as his own which were so -vehemently denounced in 1868. The upshot was that the session would -have been one of ordinary length, and he knew, from experience, the -consequences to a party and to the public interests of endeavouring to -carry on the Government in the face of a hostile majority. - -“I know well (added Mr. Disraeli), and those around me know well, -what will occur when a Ministry takes office and attempts to carry -on Government with a minority during the session, with a view of -ultimately appealing to the people. A right hon. gentleman will come -down here, he will arrange his thumb-screws and other instruments of -torture, and we shall never ask for a vote without a lecture; we shall -never perform the most ordinary routine office of Government without -there being annexed to it some pedantic and ignominious condition. (No, -no.) I wish to express nothing but what I know from painful personal -experience. No observation of the kind I have encountered could divest -me of the painful memory; I wish it could. I wish it was not my duty -to take this view of the case. For a certain time we should enter -into the paradise of abstract motions. One day hon. gentlemen cannot -withstand the golden opportunity of asking the House to assert that -the income-tax should no longer form one of the features of Ways and -Means. Of course, a proposition of that kind would be scouted by the -right hon. gentleman and all his colleagues; but they might dine out -on that day, and the resolution might be carried, as resolutions of -that kind have been. Perhaps another gentleman, distinguished for his -knowledge of ‘men and things’ (Mr. Rylands), moves that the Diplomatic -Service should be abolished. While hon. gentlemen opposite may laugh -in their sleeves at the mover, they vote for the motion in order to -put the Government into a minority. So it would go very hard with -us if on some sultry afternoon some member should ‘rush in where -angels fear to tread’ (Mr. Trevelyan) and successfully assimilate the -borough and the county franchise. And so things would go on until the -bitter end--until at last even the Appropriation Bill has passed, -Parliament is dissolved, and we appeal to those millions who, perhaps, -six months before might have looked upon us as the vindicators of -their intolerable grievances, but who now receive us as a defeated, -discredited, and a degraded Ministry, whose services can no longer be -of value to the Crown or a credit to the nation.” - -Under these circumstances, with the concurrence of all his friends, he -had represented to the Queen that it was not for the public interest -that he should attempt to form a Government. - - - - -FIRST LONDON HOSPITAL SUNDAY (1873). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, Monday, June 16, 1873. - - -The Metropolis has just witnessed the success of an undertaking without -parallel in the social and religious history of modern times. The -congregations of the great majority of the places of worship in London -and its suburbs, reinforced moreover by many who do not habitually -attend places of worship at all, were united in the pursuit of a common -object, and in the acknowledgment of a common obligation. The claims -of the sick poor were urged from several hundred pulpits, not on any -ground of expediency, or of economy, or even of benevolence, but mainly -on the broad principle that their recognition forms an essential part -of the life dictated by every form of Christianity. - -The appeal had gone home to the hearts of all classes of the community, -and in the Metropolitan Cathedral the eye ranged easily from the Heir -Apparent, and from the representatives of civic wealth and munificence, -to an assemblage largely composed of persons manifestly of humble -station, but who were neither less devout nor less liberal than those -whom fortune had more highly favoured. - -So far everything is well, and there can be no doubt that Hospital -Sunday from this time forward will be an established institution. It -is possible that it may lead to many indirect advantages, and that -the bond now for the first time established among the charities to be -assisted may ultimately produce beneficial changes in various points -connected with their management. Hospitals have hitherto been in some -sense rival institutions; and their rivalry has been a prolific source -of wasteful and unnecessary expenditure. - -NOTE.--The amount collected was £28,000. - - - - -THE ASHANTEE WAR: FALL OF COOMASSIE (1874). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register, 1874_; _English History_, pp. 29–31. - - -On entering Coomassie the General strictly forbade all plundering on -the part of his men; but the darkness of night coming on, the camp -followers could not always be restrained, and a policeman taken in the -act was hung. Here and there, too, attempts were made to set fire to -the town. Coomassie was found to be a large place, with wide streets, -and houses with verandahs, built round courtyards. It bore tokens -of desolation in patches of waste land, covered with grass, and the -absence of domestic poultry, etc., the despotism of the King making -property as well as life insecure among the Ashantees. The King’s -palace was larger than that of the chief of Fommanah, and consisted -of many courts, each a house in itself. Upstairs were several small -rooms, each of which was a perfect old curiosity shop, containing books -in all languages, English newspapers, Bohemian glass, Kidderminster -carpets, pictures, furniture, etc. The King’s sitting-room was a court -with a tree growing in it, which was covered with fetish objects, and -hung with spiders’ webs. In the royal bedroom adjacent was an English -General’s sword, bearing the inscription: “From Queen Victoria to -the King of Ashantee,” a gift probably of Her Majesty to Calcalli’s -predecessor. Besides the King’s palace there was a grand building, -called the “Bantoma,” where the ashes of former monarchs were entombed, -and which was considered the most sacred spot in all Ashanteeland. Sir -Garnet Wolseley sent word to the King that his desire was to spare -Coomassie, and if he would come into the town and sign the peace a -smaller indemnity would be accepted than that at first specified. But -if not, a sign should be given of Great Britain’s power which should be -known throughout the length and breadth of Africa. The King promised -to come, but came not. The General waited throughout the whole day of -the 5th in vain. The envoys sent with deceitful promises by the monarch -were caught surreptitiously removing property. The General then gave -orders to burn the Bantoma, but on second thoughts he recalled them. -The destruction of so strong and vast a fortress would have taken -too much time, and perhaps in their despair the Ashantees would have -rallied round their sacred mausoleum in inconvenient force. In fact, -it was very necessary to think of a speedy retreat. Heavy rain had -fallen, and if the streams in rear of the British army should be much -swollen, its backward march might be seriously impeded. It was coming -short of the entire triumph anticipated, to leave Coomassie without the -treaty and the royal signature; but the subjugation of the capital was -a sufficient blow to Ashantee prestige, and, that it might never be -forgotten by the nation, Sir Garnet gave orders to set fire to the city -and to the royal palace. - -“The demolition of the place was complete,” said Sir Garnet, in his -despatch to the Colonial Secretary. “From all that I can gather, I -believe that the result will be such a diminution in the prestige and -military power of the Ashantee monarch as may result in the break-up -of the kingdom altogether. This I had been anxious to avoid, because -it seems impossible to foresee what Power can take this nation’s -place among the feeble races of this coast. I certainly believe that -your lordship may be well convinced that no more utterly atrocious -Government than that which has thus, perhaps, fallen, ever existed -on the face of the earth. Their capital was a charnel-house; their -religion a combination of cruelty and treachery; their policy the -natural outcome of their religion. I cannot think that, whatever may be -the final fate of the people of this country, the absolute annihilation -of such a rule, should it occur, would be a subject for unmixed regret. -In any case, I believe that the main object of my expedition has been -perfectly secured. The territories of the Gold Coast will not again -be troubled by the warlike ambition of this restless power. I may add -that the flag of England from this moment will be received throughout -Western Africa with respectful awe, a treatment which has been of late -years by no means its invariable fate among the savage tribes of this -region.” - -It was Sir Garnet’s good fortune not to bring his enterprise to an end -without the rounding off of complete success. The return march of the -British troops towards the coast commenced on the 6th. At Fommanah, -where the General halted for four days, he was again visited by envoys -from Koffee Calcalli, bearing in their hands a thousand ounces of -gold, and asking for a draft of the treaty, to be signed forthwith -by the defeated monarch. The draft was accordingly given to them, -and was actually signed a month later. What had brought the King to -this tardy and, as it would seem, unnecessary submission now that -Wolseley had done his worst, and was retreating? It was the march of -Captain Glover that had occasioned the step. That officer, working up -from the East, with troops drawn from the native tribes of the Akims, -Yorubas, and Houssas--between three thousand and four thousand in -number--had arrived within eighteen miles of Coomassie, when he heard -of the capture and destruction of the place. His difficulties had been -great. Many of the men with whom he originally set out had deserted, -and he had failed to make the junction with Wolseley, which, had it -taken place a few days earlier, must have crushed the foe effectually. -Nevertheless, his advance had operated as a useful diversion on the -left of the Ashantee forces; and when he, too, arrived near the ruined -city, the monarch’s spirit altogether left him. Thinking that some of -the British forces might still be in Coomassie, Glover sent on Captain -Reginald Sartorius with twenty men to reconnoitre. Then occurred one -of the most dashing exploits of the war. Sartorius found the capital -deserted. None of the inhabitants had returned to try and secure their -property, or view their burned homesteads. But they might be lurking -anywhere--in fact, Sartorius heard that the King and his attendants -were near at hand, weeping over the ruins of Coomassie. With his -little band of twenty men, Sartorius rode boldly through the deserted -precincts, and then onwards through fifty miles of hostile territory, -to join the British army, passing one burnt village after another, but -not meeting any human form till, at Fommanah, they came up with the -main body of Sir Garnet’s forces. Captain Glover followed in the track -of Sartorius first to Coomassie and then to Fommanah. - -The treaty, finally signed by King Koffee Calcalli, stipulated that he -should renounce all rights of Protectorate over the petty monarchs in -alliance with the British Queen, and formerly tributary to the kingdom -of Ashantee; also over any of the tribes formerly connected with the -Dutch Government on the Gold Coast; that free trade should be permitted -between Ashantee and the British ports; that the road between Coomassie -and the Prah should always be kept open; that the King should use his -best efforts to check the practice of human sacrifice; and that he -should pay in instalments a war indemnity of 50,000 ounces of approved -gold, beginning with 1,000 ounces forthwith. - -The cost of the war to the British Government was estimated at 900,000 -pounds sterling. To Sir Garnet Wolseley, who declined titular honours, -a sum of 25,000 pounds was awarded in recognition of his services. - - - - -FUNERAL OF DR. LIVINGSTONE (1874). - -=Source.=--_Punch_, April 25, 1874. (Reprinted by the special -permission of the proprietors of _Punch_.) - - -DAVID LIVINGSTONE, DIED ON THE SHORES OF LAKE BEMBA, MAY 4, 1873; -BURIED IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY, APRIL 18, 1874. - - Droop half-mast colours, bow, bareheaded crowds - As this plain coffin o’er the side is slung, - To pass by woods of masts and ratlined shrouds - As erst by Afric’s trunks, liana-hung. - - ’Tis the last mile of many thousands trod - With failing strength but never-failing will - By the worn frame, now at its rest with God, - That never rested from its fight with ill. - - Or if the ache of travel and of toil - Would sometimes wring a short, sharp cry of pain - From agony of fever, blain, and boil, - ’Twas but to crush it down, and on again. - - He knew not that the trumpet he had blown - Out of the darkness of that dismal land, - Had reached and roused an army of its own - To strike the chains from the slave’s fettered hand. - - Now we believe he knows, sees all is well; - How God had stayed his will and shaped his way, - To bring the light to those that darkling dwell - With gains that life’s devotion will repay. - - Open the Abbey door and bear him in - To sleep with King and statesman, chief and sage, - The missionary come of weaver-kin, - But great by work that brooks no lower wage. - - He needs no epitaph to guard a name - Which men shall prize while worthy work is known - He lived and died for good--be that his fame; - Let marble crumble: this is Living-stone. - - - - -DISRAELI ON PARTIES IN THE CHURCH (1874). - -=Source.=--_Hansard_, “Debates,” vol. 221, p. 78. - - -_Speech on Public Worship Regulation Bill._ - -I look upon the existence of parties in the Church as a necessary and -beneficial consequence. They have always existed even from Apostolic -times; they are a natural development of the religious sentiment in -man; and they represent fairly the different conclusions at which, upon -subjects that are the most precious to him, the mind of man arrives. -Ceremony, enthusiasm, and free speculation are the characteristics -of the three great parties in the Church, some of which have modern -names, and which the world is too apt to imagine are in their character -original. The truth is that they have always existed in different -forms or under different titles. Whether they are called High Church -or Low Church or Broad Church, they bear witness, in their legitimate -bounds, to the activity of the religious mind of the nation, and in -the course of our history this country is deeply indebted to the -exertions and the energy of all those parties. The High Church party, -totally irrespective of its religious sentiment, fills a noble page in -the history of England, for it has vindicated the liberties of this -country in a memorable manner; no language of mine can describe the -benefits which this country has experienced from the exertions of the -Evangelical school at the commencement of this century; and in the case -of the Broad Church it is well that a learned and highly disciplined -section of the clergy should show at the present day that they are -not afraid of speculative thought, or are appalled by the discoveries -of science. I hold that all these schools of religious feeling can -pursue their instincts consistently with a faithful adherence to -the principles and practices of the Reformation as exhibited and -represented in its fairest and most complete form--the Church of -England. I must ask myself, What then, sir, is the real object of the -Bill? and I will not attempt to conceal my impressions upon it, for I -do not think that our ability to arrive at a wise decision to-day will -be at all assisted by a mystical dissertation on the subject-matter -of it. I take the primary object of this Bill, whose powers, if it -be enacted, will be applied and extended impartially to all subjects -of Her Majesty, to be this--to put down Ritualism. The right hon. -gentleman the Member for Greenwich [Mr. Gladstone] says he does not -know what Ritualism is, but there I think the right hon. gentleman is -in an isolated position. That ignorance is not shared by the House of -Commons or by the country. What the House and the country understand by -Ritualism is--practices of a portion of the clergy, avowedly symbolic -of doctrines, which the same clergy are bound in the most solemn manner -to refute and repudiate. Therefore, I think there can be no mistake -among practical men as to what is meant when we say that it is our -desire to discourage Ritualism.... - -Believing as I do that those principles [those of the Reformation] were -never so completely and so powerfully represented as by the Church -of England; believing that without the authority, the learning, the -wealth, and the independence of the Church of England, the various -sects of the Reformation would by this time have dwindled into nothing, -I called the attention of the country, so far as I could, to the -importance of rallying around the institution of the Church of England, -based upon those principles of the Reformation which that Church -was called into being to represent.... I wish most sincerely that -all should understand that, if I make the slightest allusion to the -dogmas and ceremonies which are promulgated by the English Ritualists, -I am anxious not to make a single observation which could offend -the convictions of any hon. gentleman in this House. Whether those -doctrines which were quoted from authoritative writings apply to the -worship of the Virgin, to the Confessional, or to the various subjects -which were quoted by the hon. Member, so long as those doctrines are -held by Roman Catholics, I am prepared to treat them with reverence; -but what I object to is that they should be held by Ministers of our -Church, who, when they enter the Church, enter it at the same time with -a solemn contract with the nation that they will oppose those doctrines -and utterly resist them. What I do object to is Mass in masquerade. -To the solemn ceremonies of our Roman Catholic friends I am prepared -to extend that reverence which my mind and conscience always give to -religious ceremonies sincerely believed in; but the false position in -which we have been placed by, I believe, a small but a powerful and -well-organised body of those who call themselves English clergymen in -copying these ceremonies, is one which the country thinks intolerable, -and of which we ought to rid ourselves. - - - - -THE ARCTIC EXPEDITION (1875). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register, 1875_; _Public Documents_, pp. 214, 215. - - -LETTERS FROM THE CAPTAINS. - -_No. 1._ - - H.M.S. “DISCOVERY,” - AT SEA - - (Lat. 64° 43´ N.; long. 52° 52´ W.), - _July 2, 1875._ - - SIR,-- - -I have the honour to inform you since parting company with H.M.S. -_Alert_ on the night of June 13, during a heavy westerly gale, I made -the best of my way to rendezvous 4, 5, and 6, in accordance with your -instructions to Captain Jones of H.M.S. _Valorous_, a copy of which you -forwarded for my guidance. - -On the afternoon of the 13th, at 3 p.m., while still in company, a -heavy sea struck the starboard whale-boat (waist), and, detaching -the foremost fall, the boat filled, and in swinging round was cut in -half by the stay of the after-davit, which necessitated her being cut -away. We experienced strong westerly breezes and head winds until we -rounded Cape Farewell on Sunday, June 27. On the morning of the 28th, -we made the land about Cape Desolation ahead, and fell in with the -land ice and some bergs. We tacked on the edge of the ice, and stood -to the north-west. On the 29th (lat. 61° N., long. 50° 43´ W.), during -the morning, we steamed through a quantity of loose sailing ice. A -strong breeze springing up from the eastward towards the afternoon, -which freshened to a gale from the northward, obliged us to stand off -the land amongst a great quantity of heavy field ice, after laying to -during the night, under close-reefed topsails, and occasionally nearing -to avoid the driving pack, which was going to the southward in heavy -streams at the rate of two or three knots. Some of the ice, however, -was loose enough to be sailed through, and, there being no opening into -clear water, I got up steam on the morning of the 30th, and, under -close-reefed topsails and reefed courses, beat to windward through it, -with the object of reaching the land water. The weather moderating, -this was accomplished in the evening of the same day, having passed -through some heavy pack ice. On the 1st instant, we again steamed -through some large fields of sailing ice. When abreast of Goathaab, on -the 2nd instant, at 7 p.m., we sighted the _Alert_, and closed this -morning, as per signal. With the exception of the loss of the one boat -before mentioned, I have no defects or damage to report, and have the -honour to enclose a copy of the ship’s log from June 13 to the 1st -instant. - - I have the honour to be, Sir, - Your obedient servant, - H. F. STEPHENSON, - _Captain_. - - -_No. 2._ - - “ALERT,” - AT DISCO, - _July 15, 1875_ - - SIR,-- - -I have the honour to inform you that H.M. ships under my command left -Bantry Bay on June 2. The _Valorous_ arrived at this port on the 4th, -and the _Alert_ and _Discovery_ on the 6th instant. After leaving the -Irish coast, finding that the _Valorous_ could not keep station while -we were under sail alone, I directed her to part company, and make -her voyage independently. During the passage we encountered three -consecutive gales from the westward, and after passing Cape Farewell -one from the northward, each accompanied with high seas. Owing to the -heavy lading of the Arctic ships they were extremely wet and uneasy, -which necessitated the hatchways to be frequently battened down; -otherwise they behaved well. The _Alert_ and _Discovery_ each lost a -whale-boat during a heavy gale on June 13; beyond this loss I am happy -to say that the defects of the ships are merely nominal. The _Valorous_ -will supply two boats to replace those lost. On the night of June 13 -(while the _Alert_ was wearing) the _Discovery_ was lost sight of -during a heavy squall, and the two ships did not again join company -until the 30th, in Davis Strait. The _Valorous_ having economised her -coal as much as possible, has been able to complete each of the Arctic -ships with as much as they can carry, and has remaining for her return -voyage a quantity equal to that expended during her outward voyage. All -the provisions and stores brought here by the _Valorous_ for our use -have been taken aboard, and we are now complete in all respects for -three years from July 1, 1875. - -After passing Cape Farewell, each ship fell in with loose pack ice -from fifty to sixty miles south-west of Cape Desolation, with a clear -sea to the westward of it--it was the débris of very thick ice, and -had evidently been carried round Cape Farewell, from the east coast of -Greenland. The ice extended north as far as latitude 62° 30´, since -which none has been sighted within sixty miles of the coast; there has -also been a remarkable absence of icebergs. - -Mr. Krarup Smith, the inspector of North Greenland, and the other -Danish officials have been extremely obliging in giving me every -information in their power, and in providing for our wants. Mr. Smith -has arranged for my being supplied with all the dogs we require. -Twenty-five have been received from Disco, and twenty are to be ready -on our arrival at Ritenberk; the rest will be taken on board at -Uppernivik. An Esquimaux accompanies the expedition from Disco, and -I think it probable that Hans, who was in the _Polaris_ with Captain -Hall, and is now at Proven, will also be willing to join me. I would -respectfully suggest that Mr. Smith should be officially thanked for -his ready compliance with all our requirements, and his courteous -behaviour. - -Finding that it was absolutely necessary that at least one -Assistant-Paymaster should accompany the expedition, I have ordered -Mr. Thomas Mitchell of the _Discovery_ to remain on board that ship -to superintend the victualling of the two vessels. I have ordered Mr. -George Egerton, sub-Lieutenant of the _Alert_, to take charge of the -provisions of this ship, with the same remuneration as the officer in -charge of stores received. - -I leave this port for Ritenberk to-morrow, and intend to call at Proven -and Uppernivik on my passage north. Letters will be left at the latter -settlement for conveyance to Europe, via Copenhagen. It is reported -that the last winter has been mild in this neighbourhood, but the -spring very backward, which I trust will prove to have been caused by -the early break-up of the ice farther to the north. - -The health of the expedition is excellent. There is no one sick on -board either vessel, and the utmost hope and enthusiasm for the success -of the work allotted to us prevails. - -In the orders for the guidance of the expedition it is directed that -documents are to be deposited due north of the cairn marking their -position. As a mistake might arise in calculating the variation of -the compass, I have issued directions that the documents are to be -deposited magnetic north, and twenty feet magnetic north of the cairns. - -During my stay at Disco I inspected the store of provisions belonging -to the American Government, but had not time to open any of the -packages to ascertain if the contents were in good order, but from the -appearance of the outside, I should expect them to be in a fair state -of preservation, considering the time they had been exposed. The store -is dry and each package is clear of the ground. As the United States -Government may like to know what is in the store, I enclose a nominal -list of the packages obtained from the Danish officials and inspected -by the officers of this ship. The former have taken great trouble to -prevent the stores deteriorating. - -I have the honour to enclose a copy of the log and track-chart of -H.M.S. _Alert_ and proceedings of H.M.S. _Discovery_, while absent from -June 13 to July 1, 1875. - - I have the honour to be, Sir, - Your obedient servant, - J. S. NARES, - _Captain_. - - - - -PURCHASE OF THE SUEZ CANAL SHARES: AN OPPOSITION VIEW (1875). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register, 1875_; _English History_, pp. 123–125. - - -“You will expect,” said Sir William Harcourt at Oxford, on December -30, “that I should say something to you on the subject of the Suez -Canal shares. Well, that is a matter on which no prudent politician -in our present state of information will hazard a competent opinion. -At the same time, after all that has been said on the matter, to be -wholly silent would be an affectation of reserve. For my part, if the -matter had been allowed to remain in the regions of high policy, I -should have been content to abstain from criticising it altogether. -I am not unfavourable to a far-seeing and a bold policy in the -conduct of great affairs. We have had somewhat too little of that -spirit of late. But all reticence upon that score is at an end. The -most contradictory and, in some respects, the most absurd surmises -with respect to this transaction were afloat some weeks ago. Lord -Hartington, at the beginning of this month, invited a declaration from -the Government of the real meaning and object of their policy, and Lord -Derby accepted the challenge with perfect frankness. Since the speech -of the Foreign Secretary the whole aspect of the question has been -completely changed both at home and abroad. Up to that time a sort of -glamour had invested a very plain business with the unnatural haze that -distorts the true proportion of things. There was something Asiatic in -this mysterious melodrama. It was like ‘The Thousand and One Nights,’ -when, in the midst of the fumes of incense, a shadowy Genie astonished -the bewildered spectators. The public mind was dazzled, fascinated, -mystified. We had done we did not know exactly what--we were not -told precisely why--_omne ignotum pro magnifico_. The Government -maintained an imposing and perplexing silence. But our daily and -weekly instructors gave free rein to their imagination. We were told -by those who assumed the patronage of the grand arcanum that a great -blow had been struck, that a new policy had been inaugurated, and that -England had at length resumed her lead among the nations. The Eastern -Question had been settled by a _coup d’état_ on the Stock Exchange, -and Turkey was abandoned to her fate. Egypt was annexed. The Bulls of -England had vanquished the Bears of Russia. Moab was to be our washpot -and over Edom we had cast our shoe. France and M. de Lesseps were -confounded. We were a very great people; we had done a very big thing, -and, to consummate the achievement, a Satrap from Shoreham, attended -by a plump of financial Janissaries, was despatched to administer the -subject provinces of the English protectorate on the Nile. All this, -if somewhat nebulous, was in the grand manner, and if any inquisitive -person, like the troublesome little boy on the field of Blenheim, -was disposed to ask ‘what good came of it at last,’ we could always -answer, like the judicious Kasper-- - - “‘Why, that I cannot tell,’ said he, - ‘But ’twas a glorious victory.’ - -“We all of us felt some six inches taller than before. We spread our -tails like peacocks to the sun, and were as pleased as children at our -soap-bubble, iridescent with many hues. But, all of a sudden, this -beautiful vision melted away; the Egyptian mirage evaporated; the -great political phantasmagoria faded like a dissolving view. There -is nothing so delightful as magic, until, in an unhappy moment, the -conjuror consents to reveal the apparatus to us by which our senses -have been deluded, and shows us how it is done. Lord Derby is a great -master of prose, and he has translated the Eastern romance into -most pedestrian English. But the Foreign Secretary is a responsible -statesman. He has widely warned us against ‘cant’ and against ‘rant,’ -and he cannot afford to indulge in the exaggerated visions in which -journalists may, with impunity, amuse themselves and their readers. -It was not his affair to mystify England, but to reassure Europe; and -therefore with that straightforwardness and common sense for which he -is eminent, he told us at Edinburgh that the affair which had created -so much sensation at home and abroad was not at all the sort of thing -it had been represented to be; that, if it had been capable of the -construction which had been put upon it, it would have been neither a -wise nor a honest transaction. He repudiated with scorn the idea that -England aspired to an Egyptian protectorate; they had not reversed -their Eastern policy; still less had they contemplated to appropriate -the territories of the Khedive as our share in a scramble for general -plunder. What had really been accomplished was a very ordinary affair. -The Khedive had certain shares in the Suez Canal. So far from being -ambitious to get hold of them, Lord Derby would have much preferred -that the ruler of Egypt should have kept them in his own hands; but, -as he found himself obliged to part with them, the English Government -thought it better to purchase them than to let them go elsewhere. They -have acquired them, not to give England any special or predominant -foreign influence, nor to secure any exclusive advantage, but to -keep open a communication for the benefit of all, which to England -is of supreme importance. And with these explanations, tendered on -the good faith of an English Minister, upon the credit of which Lord -Derby justly relies, he tells us that the European Powers are amply -satisfied. And so the nine days’ wonder is over, the enchantment is at -an end, the chariot of Cinderella relapses into its original pumpkins -and mice. Since Lord Derby has so pitilessly dowsed with cold water the -heated enthusiasm of visionary journalists, they have never ceased to -weep and to wail over the ruins of their pet toy, which has collapsed -like a pricked bladder or a broken drum. They beg us to believe that -the Foreign Minister does not understand the meaning of his own acts, -or the scope of his own policy; that, in spite of all his protestations -to the contrary, we are the veritable _perfide Albion_. - -“For my own part I cannot refuse to respond to the appeal of Lord -Derby, when he says, ‘We have told Europe what we want, and why we -want it, and Europe is in the habit of believing what we say.’ I hope -the day will never come when an English Government will be justly -charged with saying one thing and meaning another. I therefore gladly -take Lord Derby at his word. But now that this grand affair is reduced -to the moderate dimensions of a sort of post-office subsidy, we may -criticise it in a manner and upon grounds which might in another -aspect of the question have been inappropriate. Of course, if this -transaction had been really of the magnitude which was represented, -the Government would have been deeply responsible for not inviting at -once the judgment of Parliament upon a policy which vitally involved -the interests and the future of the country, but being what it is, we -may well wait a few weeks for fuller explanations of some points which -still remain very obscure. There will be no disposition, I imagine, -in any quarter to approach the discussion in a spirit of carping or -of captious criticism. Upon the main ground by which this purchase is -justified--namely, the determination to secure a free passage between -the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean, there will be no conflict of -opinion. That is a policy in which England is profoundly interested; -and for that, statesmen of all parties will be prepared to make common -efforts, and, if necessary, great sacrifices. No one, I think, will -contend that even 4,000,000 pounds of money is too large a sum for the -accomplishment of such an end. But that which has not hitherto been -explained, and what remains to be shown, is in what manner and to what -extent this investment really does conduce to that desirable object.” - - - - -DISRAELI’S AIMS IN POLITICS (1876). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register, 1876_; _English History_, p. 113. - - -On the 22nd of August, Mr. Disraeli, now Lord Beaconsfield, issued -his farewell address to his former constituents. “Throughout my -public life,” wrote the Premier, “I have aimed at two chief results. -Not insensible to the principle of progress, I have endeavoured to -reconcile change with that respect for tradition, which is one of the -main elements of our social strength; and, in external affairs, I -have endeavoured to develop and strengthen our Empire, believing that -combination of achievement and responsibility elevates the character -and condition of a people.” - - - - -A SPIRITED SPEECH BY THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD (1876). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, November 10, 1876. - - -THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD AT THE LORD MAYOR’S BANQUET. - -The Earl of Beaconsfield, who was received with repeated plaudits, -said.... - -“During these twelve months of anxiety and agitation, my Lord Mayor, I -would take this opportunity of stating what have been the two great -objects which Her Majesty’s Government have proposed with reference to -those critical circumstances which have occurred since I had the honour -of addressing your predecessor. The first has been the maintenance -of the general peace of Europe, which involves almost every other -consideration that may affect the interests of this country and the -general welfare of humanity. We have believed that that peace would be -best maintained by an observance of the treaties in which all the Great -Powers of Europe have joined. Those treaties are not antique and dusty -obsolete documents. They are not instruments devised under a state of -circumstances different from those that exist, and ill adapted to the -spirit of the age in which we live.... - -“... As the Lord Mayor has told us to-night, there is no country so -interested in the maintenance of peace as England. Peace is especially -an English policy. She is not an aggressive Power, for there is nothing -that she desires. She covets no cities and no provinces. What she -wishes is to maintain and to enjoy the unexampled Empire which she -has built up, and which it is her pride to remember exists as much -upon sympathy as upon force. But, although the policy of England is -peace, there is no country so well prepared for war as our own. If she -enters into conflict in a righteous cause--and I will not believe that -England will go to war except for a righteous cause--if the contest is -one which concerns her liberty, her independence, or her Empire, her -resources, I feel, are inexhaustible. She is not a country that, when -she enters into a campaign, has to ask herself whether she can support -a second or a third campaign. She enters into a campaign which she will -not terminate till right is done.” - - - - -THE EASTERN QUESTION: FIERY SPEECHES AT ST. JAMES’S HALL (1876). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, December 9, 1876. - - -THE DUKE OF WESTMINSTER: The worst Government now remaining in Europe -is that of Constantinople, and it seems to us a most extraordinary -thing that men in this country and a portion of the Press seem to think -that the Turks have still a power of regeneration within themselves. -We hear them say, and with some justice, that the Turks are peaceful -citizens and warlike soldiers. The warlike qualities for which they -are distinguished seem to me not the best calculated to work for the -happiness and the contentment of the people under the fell sway of -Turkish dominion.... - -After all our sacrifices during the Crimean War, after having shed the -blood of thousands of our fellow-countrymen and expended millions of -treasure, England surely has some right to say now what should be done, -and how it should be done. The situation, though in some respects very -similar to that which existed in 1854, is entirely changed as regards -the state of public opinion in this country. Although it may be said -that Russia is thundering at the gates of Constantinople, England is -determined that she will not go to war against Russia for Turkey. - -MR. GEORGE HOWELL (late Secretary to the Trades Parliamentary -Committee) said that throughout the length and breadth of the land -they would not find among the working classes such an opinion on this -question as was entertained in the clubs among educated gentlemen. -He might inform the educated classes present that they represented -the intensified feelings of the working classes when they pronounced -an opinion altogether averse from going to war, under any pretext -whatever, for the purpose of propping up Turkey. We ought to stand by -the other European Powers, and to insist that justice should be done to -the Christian provinces of Turkey, and to tell her plainly that if this -were not done, she must, at whatever cost, pack up, bag and baggage, -and leave Europe. - -MR. EVELYN ASHLEY, M.P.: In his opinion the path of honour and of -safety lay in the active co-operation of England with Russia. Turkey -must be told that if she refused to give the necessary guarantees for -the safety of her Christian subjects, we would send our fleet to take -her fleet in pawn until she gave way. As to the fear of what might -be the result of Mussulman fanaticism if such a course were taken, he -could only say that the fanaticism of the Mussulman never broke out -when he was beaten, while he had no apprehension that our prestige -would be diminished among the Mussulman population of India.... Great -nations, like great ships, could ride in safety only on the high seas, -and although Russia might have her ambitions, which it might one day -be our duty to resist, we should be able to do so all the better if -we could but succeed in obtaining freedom for those down-trodden -populations of Turkey. - -PROFESSOR BRYCE: Turkey would not yield so long as an atom of hope of -help from England was held out to her. The Porte believed it in the -very name of Constantinople, a spell which could call up the fleets of -England in the Bosphorus when it chose. That spell had never failed it -yet, and it had in it most implicit confidence. If, then, war was to be -averted, Turkey must be at once undeceived, and must be told that we -not only will not support her, but that we are prepared to coerce her, -and that she shall not be allowed to run a new race of tyranny. - -CANON LIDDON: If the Christian provinces were to be really reformed, -there must be a new law which would secure equal rights to every human -being in the Turkish Empire. It was impossible to suppose, however, -that any legislation of this kind would be voluntarily accepted by -Turkey. There must be something in the nature of a military occupation. - -LORD SHAFTESBURY: The Emperor of Russia has given us his personal -word of honour that he desires no territorial aggrandisement. Take -every precaution, surround yourselves by every legitimate defence, but -let us go with him as far as he will go with us, and let us reserve -our quarrel until we have something to quarrel about. But now let -us rejoice in the attitude of the United Kingdom this day. It is -majestic--a free and mighty people demand nothing for themselves, -neither power, nor commerce, nor extended empire. They seek simply the -welfare of others and the solidarity of nations. - -PROFESSOR E. A. FREEMAN: From amid the clatter of wine-cups a voice of -defiance went forth, conveying the brag which all the world had heard, -that England would fight a first, a second, and a third campaign rather -than permit another Power to do the work which she herself ought to -accomplish. Were they prepared to wage war for a single hour, or to -shed one drop of English blood in order to prop up as foul and bloody a -fabric of wrong as ever a shuddering world had gazed upon? Would they -consent to draw the sword to protect the sovereign rights of those -whose hands were steeped in blood as their tongues were in falsehood? -Would they fight to uphold the integrity and independence of Sodom? -Should it be said that England, which had used every effort to put -down the slave trade, was ready to go to war in order that the Eastern -traffic in human flesh might still go on and supply our barbarous ally -with the victims of his hideous lusts? Was it, indeed, for such an -object that the countrymen of Canning and Wilberforce were to be called -upon to fight? - -But it was said that we were bound by treaties to maintain the -independence and integrity of Turkey. He, however, did not so read the -treaties to which reference had been made, and which already had been -broken; and as for our interests in India being in peril, he would only -say let duty come first and interest after, and perish our dominion in -India rather than that we should strike a blow in such a cause as that -of the Porte! Besides, it was not through Constantinople that the road -to India lay; nor was it for Constantinople that the Emperor of Russia -was ready to draw the sword. - -MR. FAWCETT, M.P.: If the Government went to war on behalf of Turkey, -he hoped the Liberal party would use every form allowed by Parliament -to prevent them from having one sixpence until they had ascertained by -an appeal to the country whether it was their wish that the blood and -treasure of England should be spilt, and the reputation of England cast -away in order to prop up a wretched, effete, and dissolute despotism. - -MR. GLADSTONE, who was received with prolonged cheering: - -“... What are we to say to the question of the Treaty of Paris? I will -give you my opinion in the most distinct manner. The Ottoman Porte has -in a most signal and conspicuous manner broken and trampled under foot -the Treaty of Paris. The meaning of this Guildhall speech was to set -forth that we were all bound by this Treaty to suggest that the Ottoman -Porte would be entitled to appeal to it; and whatever theoretical -acknowledgment there might be about affording assistance to the -Christian populations, yet in practice the appeal would have resolved -itself into the old practice of remonstrances and expostulations, with -results either none whatever, or confined to idle and empty words. -The Treaty of Paris in regard to the Porte I affirm to be no binding -Treaty at all. I am as far as possible from saying that the Treaty of -Paris is not binding as between the other Powers, but I stand simply -upon this broad, clear, and I think incontrovertible proposition--that -one who has broken a Treaty is no longer in a position to appeal to -it.... I now come to the conclusion of the Guildhall speech which -carried its sting, and a sting indeed it was, charged and overcharged -with venom. Why was it necessary to say that when England enters into -a war she has not to ask herself whether she can support a second or a -third campaign? Cannot that reference be understood? After her second -campaign in the Crimea Russia had to ask herself the question whether -she could enter upon a third? Why, then, was that particular form given -to a declaration which was perfectly unnecessary, of the capacity of -this country to go to war? Do not suppose that the capacity of this -country to go to war is increased by these idle vaunts. We know what -effect these words had in Russia; but a more important question was, -What was their effect in Constantinople? According to the reports of -those who have seen it, Constantinople is a Paradise of Nature; but -there are other paradises, one of which is called a Fool’s Paradise. I -am afraid that the Ottoman Porte, relying on the assistance of England -in the last extremity in all circumstances, has for a long time been in -a Fool’s Paradise, and it would have been much greater kindness not -to use words which were calculated to delude the Porte into the belief -that such were the intentions of England. We know that the Turk has -been relying on British aid, and although we do not think very highly -of his intelligence, has he no warrant for so relying? Why was the -squadron sent to Besika Bay, augmented into a fleet, in imitation of -the step taken in 1853?” - - -BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber’s note: - -Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a -predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not -changed. - -Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unpaired -quotation marks were corrected. - -Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FROM PALMERSTON TO DISRAELI -(1856-1876)*** - - -******* This file should be named 53725-0.txt or 53725-0.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/3/7/2/53725 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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padding-top: 0;} - .intact {page-break-inside: avoid;} - - p { - margin-top: .5em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .25em; - } - - table {width: 100%; max-width: 100%;} - - .tdl { - padding-left: 1em; - text-indent: -1em; - padding-right: 0; - } - -} - -@media handheld -{ - body {margin: 0;} - - hr { - margin-top: .1em; - margin-bottom: .1em; - visibility: hidden; - color: white; - width: .01em; - display: none; - } - - blockquote {margin: 1.5em 3% 1.5em 3%;} - - .poem-container {text-align: left; margin-left: 5%;} - .poem {display: block;} - .poem .stanza {page-break-inside: avoid;} - - .sig { - display: inline-block; - text-align: center; - margin-right: 2em; - page-break-inside: avoid; - } - - .transnote { - page-break-inside: avoid; - margin-left: 2%; - margin-right: 2%; - margin-top: 1em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - padding: .5em; - } - -} - - h1.pg { margin-top: 0em; } - h2.pg,h3.pg,h4.pg { margin-bottom: 1em; - font-weight: bold; } - hr.full { width: 100%; - margin-top: 3em; - margin-bottom: 0em; - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; - height: 4px; - border-width: 4px 0 0 0; /* remove all borders except the top one */ - border-style: solid; - border-color: #000000; - clear: both; } - </style> -</head> -<body> -<h1 class="pg">The Project Gutenberg eBook, From Palmerston to Disraeli (1856-1876), by -Various, Edited by Ewing Harding</h1> -<p>This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States -and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no -restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at <a -href="http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you are not -located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this ebook.</p> -<p>Title: From Palmerston to Disraeli (1856-1876)</p> -<p>Author: Various</p> -<p>Editor: Ewing Harding</p> -<p>Release Date: December 12, 2016 [eBook #53725]</p> -<p>Language: English</p> -<p>Character set encoding: UTF-8</p> -<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FROM PALMERSTON TO DISRAELI (1856-1876)***</p> -<p> </p> -<h4 class="pg">E-text prepared by Charlie Howard<br /> - and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br /> - (<a href="http://www.pgdp.net">http://www.pgdp.net</a>)<br /> - from page images generously made available by<br /> - Internet Archive<br /> - (<a href="https://archive.org">https://archive.org</a>)</h4> -<p> </p> -<table border="0" style="background-color: #ccccff;margin: 0 auto;" cellpadding="10"> - <tr> - <td valign="top"> - Note: - </td> - <td> - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - <a href="https://archive.org/details/cu31924028050833"> - https://archive.org/details/cu31924028050833</a> - </td> - </tr> -</table> -<p> </p> -<hr class="full" /> -<p> </p> -<p> </p> -<p> </p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="max-width: 20em;"> -<img src="images/cover.jpg" width="517" height="800" alt="Cover" /> -</div> - -<hr /> -<div class="p4 intact"> -<p class="center vspace">BELL’S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS<br /> - -<i>General Editors</i>: <span class="smcap">S. E. Winbolt</span>, M.A., and <span class="smcap">Kenneth Bell</span>, M.A.</p> -<h1 class="nobreak p4 wspace">FROM PALMERSTON TO DISRAELI</h1> -</div> - -<hr /> -<div class="newpage center"><div class="ad"> -<h2 class="p1"><a id="BELLS_ENGLISH_HISTORY"></a>BELL’S ENGLISH HISTORY -SOURCE BOOKS.</h2> - -<p class="center nobreak"><i>Volumes now Ready. 1s. net each.</i></p> - -<blockquote> - -<p><b>449–1066. 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Gretton</span>, M.A.</p> - -<p><b>1563–1913. Canada.</b> Edited by <span class="smcap">James Munro</span>, -Lecturer at Edinburgh University.</p></blockquote> - -<blockquote> - -<p><i>Other volumes, covering the whole range of English -History from Roman Britain, are in active preparation, -and will be issued at short intervals.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p class="center">LONDON: G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.</p> -</div></div> - -<p class="newpage p4 center vspace wspace xxlarge"> -FROM PALMERSTON<br /> -TO DISRAELI</p> - -<p class="center larger">(1856–1876)</p> - -<p class="p2 center large vspace"><span class="small">COMPILED BY</span><br /> -EWING HARDING, B.A. (<span class="smcap">Lond.</span>)<br /> -<span class="xsmall">SENIOR MASTER OF THE MODERN SCHOOL, SOUTHPORT</span></p> - -<div class="p2 figcenter" style="max-width: 5.125em;"> -<img src="images/i_003.jpg" width="82" height="100" alt="Publisher's logo" /> -</div> - -<p class="p2 center vspace wspace larger">LONDON<br /> -G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.<br /> -<span class="smaller">1913</span> -</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_v">v</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="p1" id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</h2> -</div> - -<p>This series of English History Source Books is intended for -use with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience -has conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable—nay, -an indispensable—adjunct to the history lesson. It is -capable of two main uses: either by way of lively illustration -at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before -the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind -of problems and exercises that may be based on the documents -are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a <cite>History of England -for Schools</cite>, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377–381. -However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the -manner in which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to -provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto not readily -accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of -the books in this series should bring them within the reach -of every secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to -take a more active part than hitherto in the history lesson. -Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we leave to -teacher and taught.</p> - -<p>Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all -grades of historical students between the standards of fourth-form -boys in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. -What differentiates students at one extreme from those -at the other is not so much the kind of subject-matter dealt -with, as the amount they can read into or extract from it.</p> - -<p>In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy -the natural demand for certain “stock” documents of vital -importance, we hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. -It is our intention that the majority of the extracts should be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vi">vi</a></span> -lively in style—that is, personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, -or even strongly partisan—and should not so much profess to -give the truth as supply data for inference. We aim at the -greatest possible variety, and lay under contribution letters, -biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates, and newspaper -accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social -life generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.</p> - -<p>The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each -being numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. -The text is modernised, where necessary, to the extent of -leaving no difficulties in reading.</p> - -<p>We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who -may send us suggestions for improvement.</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l1">S. E. WINBOLT.</span><br /> -KENNETH BELL. -</p> - -<h3 class="p2">NOTE TO THIS VOLUME.</h3> - -<p>In dealing with a period of comparatively recent date, I have -been dependent in several instances upon the courtesy of the -proprietors of the copyright. I acknowledge with many thanks -the kind permission of Mr. Henry Gladstone to quote the -extracts from Lord Morley’s <cite>Life of Gladstone</cite> on pp. 75, 78, 83. -I also acknowledge with thanks the kindness of Messrs. -Macmillan and Co. for granting permission to reprint the -extracts from the <cite>Life of Professor Huxley</cite> on p. 87, and from -Ashley’s <cite>Life of Lord Palmerston</cite> on pp. 33, 50; of Messrs. -Smith, Elder and Co. for the extract from the <cite>Diary of Henry -Greville</cite> on p. 32; of Mr. Edward Arnold for the extract from -Leader’s <cite>Life of Roebuck</cite> on p. 65; of Messrs. Chapman and -Hall for the extracts from Reid’s <cite>Life of Forster</cite> on pp. 81, 89. -I acknowledge also with thanks the kind permission of the -proprietors of <cite>Punch</cite> for the extracts on pp. 37, 103; and -of the proprietors of <cite>The Times</cite>, <cite>Illustrated London News</cite>, and -<cite>Brighton Herald</cite> for the various extracts from those journals.</p> - -<p>I am also indebted to Messrs. Longmans, Green and Co. -for permission to reprint the extracts on pp. 12, 25 from the -<cite>Greville Memoirs</cite>; also to Mr. John Murray for similar permission -to reprint the extracts from the <cite>Letters of Queen Victoria</cite> -on pp. 17, 30, and the <cite>Life of the Duke of Argyll</cite> on p. 41.</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -E. H. -</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii">vii</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="p1" id="TABLE_OF_CONTENTS">TABLE OF CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - -<table summary="Table of Contents"> - <tr class="small"> - <td> </td> - <td> </td> - <td class="tdr">PAGE</td></tr> - <tr> - <td> </td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Introduction</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#INTRODUCTION">v</a></td></tr> - <tr class="small"> - <td class="tdl tpad">DATE</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1856.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Neutrality of the Black Sea</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_1">1</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1856.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">An Up-to-Date Mail Steamer</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_2">2</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1857.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Rubinstein in London</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_3">3</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1857.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">First Distribution of the Victoria Cross</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_4">4</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1857.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Reinforcements for India</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_5">5</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1857.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Siege and Relief of Lucknow</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_6">9</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1858.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">“Conspiracy to Murder” Bill</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_7">12</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1858.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Forcing of the Peiho River</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_8">13</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1858.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Admission of Jews to Parliament</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_9">16</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1858.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">An Inadequate Navy</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_10">17</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1859.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Volunteer Rifle Corps</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_11">18</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1859.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Napoleon III. and England</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_12">20</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1859.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Progress of Volunteer Movement</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_13">22</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1860.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Commercial Treaty with France</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_14">25</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1860.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Anti-Ritual Riots</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_15">27</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1860.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Chinese War: Capture of Pekin</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_16">29</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1860.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The First British Ironclad</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_17">29</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1861.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Garibaldi and the Government</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_18">30</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1861.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Budget: Abolition of the Paper Duty</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_19">31</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1861.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Britain and Italian Unity</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_20">32</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1861.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Loss of the Cotton-Supply</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_21">33</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1861.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Case of the “Trent”</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_22">34</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1861.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Affair of the “Trent”</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_23">37</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1862.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Peabody Trust Formed</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_24">38</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1862.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The “Alabama” Cruiser</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_25">40</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1863.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">War between North and South</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_26">41</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1863.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Budget: Eating the Leek</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_27">42</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1863.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Distress in the Cotton Manufacturing Districts</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_28">44</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1863.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Britain and the Civil War in America (I.)</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_29">46</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_viii">viii</a></span></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1863.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Britain and the Civil War in America (II.)</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_30">47</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1864.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">A Policy of Meddle and Muddle</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_31">48</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1864.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">England and the Attack on Denmark</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_32">50</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1865.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Atlantic Cable: Scene in Ireland</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_33">52</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1865.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Fenian Conspiracy (I.)</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_34">55</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1865.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Fenian Conspiracy (II.)</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_35">57</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1865.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Death of Lord Palmerston</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_36">57</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1866.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Cave of Adullam</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_37">58</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1866.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Successful Laying of the Atlantic Cable</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_38">60</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1866.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Reform Demonstration at Manchester</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_39">61</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1867.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Attempted Fenian Raid at Chester</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_40">62</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1867.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Reform Bill: Three Cornered Constituencies</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_41">65</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1867.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Abyssinian Captives</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_42">67</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1868.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Disraeli’s “Maundy Thursday” Letter</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_43">69</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1868.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Abyssinian War: Capture of Magdala</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_44">71</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1868.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Disestablishment of the Irish Church</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_45">73</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1869.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Irish Church Bill: Critical Days</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_46">75</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1870.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Irish Land Bill</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_47">78</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1870.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Education Bill: The Cowper-Temple Clause</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_48">81</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1870.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Government and the Franco-German War</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_49">83</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1871.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Mr. Lowe’s Budget: The Match-Tax (I.)</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_50">84</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1871.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Mr. Lowe’s Budget: The Match-Tax (II.)</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_51">84</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1871.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Purchase in the Army abolished by Royal Warrant</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_52">85</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1871.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">First August Bank Holiday</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_53">86</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1871.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Bible Reading in Schools</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_54">87</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1872.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Geneva Arbitration: The Indirect Claims</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_55">89</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1872.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">An Early Election under the Ballot Act</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_56">90</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1872.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The “Alabama” Arbitration Award</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_57">93</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1873.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Refusal of Disraeli to take Office without a Majority</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_58">94</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1873.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">First London Hospital Sunday</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_59">98</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1874.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Ashantee War: Fall of Coomassie</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_60">99</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1874.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Funeral of Dr. Livingstone</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_61">103</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1874.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Disraeli on Parties in the Church</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_62">104</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1875.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Arctic Expedition</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_63">106</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1875.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Purchase of Suez Canal Shares (An Opposition View)</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_64">110</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1876.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Disraeli’s Aims in Politics</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_65">114</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1876.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">A Spirited Speech by Disraeli</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_66">114</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">1876.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Eastern Question: Some Fiery Speeches</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#hdr_67">115</a></td></tr> -</table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1">1</a></span></p> - -<hr /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><span class="larger">FROM PALMERSTON TO DISRAELI<br /> - -<span class="subhead">(1856–1876)</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<hr /> - -<div id="history"> -<h2 id="hdr_1" class="nobreak p2">NEUTRALITY OF THE BLACK SEA (1856).</h2> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, 1856, vol. 98; <cite>State Papers</cite>, pp. 310–312.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Treaty of Paris.</span></h3> - -<p><span class="smcap">Article XI.</span>—The Black Sea is neutralised; its waters and -its ports thrown open to the mercantile marine of every -nation, are formally and in perpetuity interdicted to the flag of -war, either of the Powers possessing its coasts, or of any other -Power, with the exceptions mentioned in Articles XIV. and -XIX. of the present Treaty.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Article XII.</span>—Free from any impediment, the commerce in -the ports and waters of the Black Sea shall be subject only to -the regulations of health, customs, and police, framed in a spirit -favourable to the development of commercial transactions.</p> - -<p>In order to afford to the commercial and maritime interests -of every nation the security which is desired, Russia and the -Sublime Porte will admit Consuls into their ports situated upon -the coast of the Black Sea, in conformity with the principles of -international law.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Article XIII.</span>—The Black Sea being neutralised according -to the terms of Article XI., the maintenance or establishment -upon its coast of military-maritime arsenals becomes alike -unnecessary and purposeless; in consequence, His Majesty -the Emperor of all the Russias and His Imperial Majesty the -Sultan engage not to establish or maintain upon that coast -any military-maritime arsenal.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2">2</a></span> -<span class="smcap">Article XIV.</span>—Their Majesties the Emperor of all the -Russias and the Sultan having concluded a convention for the -purpose of settling the force and the number of light vessels -necessary for the service of their coasts which they reserve to -themselves to maintain in the Black Sea, that convention is -annexed to the present Treaty, and shall have the same force -and validity as if it had formed an integral part thereof. It -cannot be either annulled or modified without the assent of the -Powers signing the present Treaty.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Article XIX.</span>—In order to insure the execution of the -regulations which shall have been established by common -agreement, in conformity with the principles declared above, -each of the contracting Powers shall have the right to station, -at all times, two light vessels at the mouth of the Danube.</p> - -<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div> - -<p>Convention between the Emperor of Russia and the Sultan -limiting their naval force in the Black Sea.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Article I.</span>—The High Contracting Parties mutually engage -not to have in the Black Sea any other vessels of war than -those of which the number, the force, and the dimensions are -hereinafter stipulated.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Article II.</span>—The High Contracting Parties reserve to -themselves each to maintain in that sea 6 steamships of 50 -metres in length at the time of flotation, of a tonnage of 800 -tons at the maximum, and 4 light steam or sailing vessels of a -tonnage which shall not exceed 200 tons each.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_2">AN UP-TO-DATE MAIL STEAMER (1856).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, 1856, vol. 98; <cite>Chronicle</cite>, p. 1.</p> - -<p>A magnificent iron paddle-wheel steamship the <i>Persia</i>, built -by Napier and Sons, of Glasgow, for the Cunard Company, has -made her trial trip. This ship will be the largest steamship -afloat in the world, until another shall have been built which -shall surpass her. Such have been the advances made in our -ideas of ships, and especially of steamships of late years, that -the giant of to-day is the pigmy of to-morrow; and the chief -use of these records is to show what was a magnificent ship at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3">3</a></span> -the commencement of 1856. The <i>Persia</i> is built of iron; her -dimensions are: Length from figurehead to taffrail, 390 feet; -length in the water, 360 feet; breadth of the hull, 45 feet; -breadth over all, 71 feet; depth, 32 feet; burden, 3,600 -tons; diameter of paddle-wheels, 40 feet.</p> - -<p>By the Government rule of measure, her steam-power would -be equal to 900 horses; according to Watt’s mode of reckoning -it would be equal to 4,000 horses at least. The ship is of -beautiful model, and combined so as to secure the greatest -mechanical strength. Her keel-plates are of sheet-iron, 11/16 of -an inch thick; the bottom plates 15/16; up to the water-line, 11/16. -She is divided into seven water-tight compartments, besides -which she has, in effect, a double bottom. She has two -engines and eight boilers. She will afford separate and roomy -accommodation for 260 passengers, and will carry a crew of -150 men. Besides splendid saloons and all other requisite -apartments for her passengers, she has a bakery, butcher’s -shambles, scullery, cow-house, carpenter’s shop, doctor’s shop, -ice-houses, bath-rooms, and twenty water-closets. The builders’ -calculations as to her speed were not disappointed, for on her -voyage round from Glasgow to Liverpool she made an average -of more than 16 knots, or 19 miles an hour.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_3">RUBINSTEIN IN LONDON: FIRST APPEARANCE AT A -PHILHARMONIC CONCERT (1857).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, May 19, 1857.</p> - -<p>Of Herr Rubinstein, his compositions, and his performances, -we would rather not speak, but just now that there is so much -charlatanism abroad, to the detriment of genuine art, silence is -not permitted. We never listened before to such music—if -music it may be called—at the Philharmonic Concerts, and -fervently trust we may never again. So strange and chaotic -a jumble as the Concerto in G defies analysis. Not a single -subject fit to be designated “phrase” or “melody” can be -traced throughout the whole dreary length of the composition; -while, to atone for the absence of every musical attribute, we<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4">4</a></span> -look in vain even for what abounds in the pianoforte writings -of Liszt and others of the same school—viz., the materials for -displaying mechanical facility to advantage.... As a player, -Herr Rubinstein (who, when a mere boy, paid London a visit -in 1843–4) may lay claim to the possession of extraordinary -manual dexterity. His execution (more particularly when he -has passages in octaves to perform) is prodigious, and the -difficulties he surmounts with apparent ease are manifold and -astonishing. But his mechanism is by no means invariably -pure; nor is his manner of attacking the notes at all favourable -to the production of legitimate tone. A pianist should -treat his instrument rather as a friend than as an enemy, caress -rather than bully it; but Herr Rubinstein seats himself at the -piano with a seeming determination to <em>punish</em> it, and his endeavours -to extort the power of an orchestra from that which -is, after all, but an unpretending row of keys, hammers, and -strings, result in an exaggeration of style entirely antagonistic -to real musical expression.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_4">FIRST DISTRIBUTION OF THE VICTORIA CROSS (1857).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, June 27, 1857.</p> - -<p>A new epoch in our military history was yesterday inaugurated -in Hyde Park. The old and much abused campaign -medal may now be looked upon as a reward, but it will cease -to be sought after as a distinction for a new order is instituted—an -order for merit and valour, open without regard to rank -or title, to all whose conduct in the field has rendered them -prominent for courage even in the British Army. A path is -left open to the ambition of the humblest soldier—a road is -open to honour which thousands have toiled, and pined, and -died in the endeavour to attain; and private soldiers may now -look forward to wearing a real distinction which kings might -be proud to have earned the right to bear.</p> - -<p>The display of yesterday in point of numbers was a great -metropolitan gathering—it was a concourse such as only -London could send forth.... A very large space—at least<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5">5</a></span> -half a mile broad by three-quarters of a mile long—was enclosed -on the northern side of the park for the evolution of the troops. -On the side of this, nearest to Grosvenor Gate, galleries were -erected for the accommodation of 7,000 persons. The station -for the Queen was in the centre of the galleries, which formed -a huge deal semicircle, enclosing at least one-third of the space -in which the troops were formed.... It was evident, from -the arrangements made, that it was expected Her Majesty -would dismount and distribute the crosses at the table. The -Queen, however, did not dismount, but with her charger a little -in advance of the suite, with the Prince of Prussia on her right -hand, and the Prince Consort on her left, awarded the crosses -from her seat on horseback. The form observed was simple -in the extreme. The order was handed to Her Majesty, and -the name and corps to which each recipient belonged mentioned -as he presented himself. The officers and men passed before -the Queen in single file, advancing close while she affixed to -the breast of each in turn the plain bronze cross, with a red -riband for the army, and a blue one for the navy. So quietly -and expeditiously was this done in every case that the whole -ceremony scarcely occupied ten minutes. There were 61 in -all, of whom 12 belonged to the Royal Navy, 2 to the Marines, -4 to the Cavalry, 5 to the Artillery, 4 to the Engineers, and the -remainder to various regiments of Infantry. Of all, 25 were -commissioned officers, 15 were warrant and non-commissioned -officers, and the others privates and common seamen.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_5">REINFORCEMENTS FOR INDIA (1857).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—Sir Theodore Martin’s <cite>Life of the Prince Consort</cite>, 4th edit., -vol. iv., pp. 78–80. (London: Smith, Elder and Co.)</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Letter from Queen Victoria to Lord Palmerston.</span></h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l4"><span class="smcap">Osborne</span>,</span><br /> -<i>July 19, 1857</i>. -</p> - -<p>The Queen is anxious to impress in the most earnest manner -upon her Government the necessity of our taking a comprehensive -view of our military position at the present momentous<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6">6</a></span> -crisis, instead of going on without a plan, living from hand to -mouth, and taking small isolated measures without reference -to each other. Contrary to the Queen’s hopes and expectations, -immediately after the late war the army was cut down to -a state even <em>below</em> the Peace Establishment recognised by the -Government and Parliament in their own estimates, to meet -the Parliamentary pressure for economy, and this in spite of -the fearful lesson just taught by the late war, and with two -wars on hand—one with Persia, and the other with China! -Out of this miserably reduced Peace Establishment, already -drawn upon for the service in China, we are now to meet the -exigencies of the Indian crisis, and the Government, as it -always has done on such occasions, has up to this time contented -itself with sending out the few regiments left at home, -putting off the day for reorganising its forces. When the -regiments ordered out shall have gone, we shall be left with -18 battalions out of 105, of which the army is composed, to -meet all home duty, to protect our own shores, to act as the -reserves and reliefs for the regiments abroad, and to meet all -possible emergencies! The regiments in India are allowed -one company, raised by the last decision of the Cabinet, to -100 men as their depot and reserve!</p> - -<p>A serious contemplation of such a state of things must strike -everybody with the conviction, that some <em>comprehensive</em> and -<em>immediate</em> measure must be taken by the Government—its -<em>principle</em> settled by the Cabinet, and its details left to the -<em>unfettered</em> execution of the military authorities, instead of which -the Cabinet have as yet agreed only upon recruiting certain -battalions up to a certain strength, to get back some of the men -recently discharged and have measured the extent of their plans -by a probable estimate of the amount of recruits to be obtained -in a given time, declaring at the same time to Parliament that -the militia will not be called out, which would probably have -given the force required.</p> - -<p>The Commander-in-Chief has laid a plan before the Government -which the Queen thinks upon the whole very moderate, -inexpensive, and efficient. The principle which the Queen<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7">7</a></span> -thinks ought to be adopted is this: That the force which has -been absorbed by the Indian demand be replaced to its full -extent and in the same kind, not whole battalions by a mere -handful of recruits added to the remaining ones. This will -not only cost the Government nothing because the East India -Company will pay the battalions transferred, and the money -voted for them by Parliament will be applicable to the new ones, -but it will give a considerable saving, as all the officers reduced -from the War Establishment and receiving half-pay will be -thus absorbed and no longer be a burden upon the Exchequer. -Keeping these new battalions on a low establishment, which -will naturally be the case at first, the depots and reserves should -be raised in men, the Indian depots keeping at least two -companies of one hundred men each. [The Crimean battalions -of eight companies had eight others in reserve, which, with the -aid of the militiamen, could not keep up the strength of the -Service companies. In India there are <em>eleven</em> to be kept up by -<em>one</em> in reserve!]</p> - -<p>No possible objection can be urged against this plan except -two:</p> - -<p>1. That we shall not get the men. This is an hypothesis and -not an argument. Try and you will see. If you do not succeed -and the measure is necessary, you will have to adopt means to -make it succeed. If you conjure up the difficulties yourself, -you cannot of course succeed.</p> - -<p>2. That the East India Company will demur to keeping -permanently so large an addition to the Queen’s army in India. -The Company is empowered, it is true, to refuse to take any -Queen’s troops whom it has not asked for, and to send back -any it may no longer want. But the Company <em>has</em> asked for -the troops now sent at great inconvenience to the Home -Government, and the commonest foresight will show that for at -least three years to come this force cannot possibly be dispensed -with—if at all. Should the time, however, arrive, the Government -will simply have to reduce the additional battalions, and -the officers will return to the half-pay list from which they were -taken, the country having had the advantage of the saving in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8">8</a></span> -the meantime. But the Queen thinks it next to impossible that -the European force could again be decreased in India. After -the present fearful experience, the Company could only send -back Queen’s regiments, in order to raise new European ones -of their own. This they cannot do without the Queen’s sanction, -and she must at once make her most solemn protest against -such a measure. It would be dangerous and unconstitutional -to allow private individuals to raise an army of Queen’s subjects -larger than her own in any part of the British dominions. The -force would be inferior to one continually renewed from the -Mother Country, and would form no link in the general military -system of England all over the globe of which the largest force -will always be in India. The raising of new troops for the -Company in England would most materially interfere with the -recruiting of the Queen’s army, which meets already with such -great difficulties. The Company could not complain that it -was put to expense by the Home Government in having to -keep so many more Queen’s regiments; for as it cannot be so -insane as to wish to reform the old Bengal army of Sepoys, for -every two of these regiments now disbanded and one of the -Queen’s substituted it would save £4,000 (a regiment of Sepoys -costing £27,000, and a Queen’s regiment £50,000). The ten -battalions to be transferred to the Company for twenty Sepoy -regiments disbanded would therefore save £40,000, instead of -costing anything; but in reality the saving to the Company -would be greater, because the half-pay and superannuation of -the officers, and therefore the whole dead weight, would fall -upon the Mother Country. The only motive, therefore, which -could actuate the Company would be a palpable love of power -and patronage to which the most sacred interests of the country -ought not to be sacrificed. The present position of the Queen’s -army is a pitiable one. The Queen has just seen, in the camp -at Aldershot, regiments, which, after eighteen years’ foreign -service in most trying climates, had come back to England to -be sent out after seven months to the Crimea. Having passed -through this destructive campaign, they have not been home -for a year before they are to go to India for perhaps twenty<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9">9</a></span> -years! This is most cruel and unfair to the gallant men -who devote their services to the country, and the Government -is in duty and humanity bound to alleviate their -position.</p> - -<p>“The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to communicate this -memorandum to the Cabinet.”</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_6">SIEGE AND RELIEF OF LUCKNOW (1857).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, vol. 99; <cite>Public Documents</cite>, pp. 455, 456.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Despatch from Brigadier-General Havelock to the -Chief of the Staff to the Commander-in-Chief.</span></h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l6"><span class="smcap">Residency</span>,</span><br /> -<span class="l4"><span class="smcap">Lucknow</span>,</span><br /> -<i>September 30, 1857</i>. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="smcap">Sir</span>, -</p> - -<p class="let">Major-General Sir James Outram having, with characteristic -generosity of feeling, declared that the command of the -force should remain in my hands, and that he would accompany -it as Civil Commissioner only, until a junction could be effected -with the gallant and enduring garrison of this place, I have to -request that you will inform His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief -that this purpose was effected on the evening of the -25th instant. But before detailing the circumstances, I must -refer to antecedent events. I crossed the Sye on the 22nd -instant, the bridge at Bunnee not having been broken. On the -23rd I found myself in the presence of the enemy, who had -taken a strong position, his left resting on the enclosure of the -Alum Bagh and his centre and right drawn up behind a chain -of hillocks. The head of my column at first suffered from the -fire of his guns as it was compelled to pass along the trunk -road between morasses; but as soon as my regiments could be -deployed along his front and his right enveloped by my left, -victory declared for us, and we captured five guns. Sir James -Outram, with his accustomed gallantry, passed on in advance<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10">10</a></span> -close down to the canal. But as the enemy fed his artillery -with guns from the city, it was not possible to maintain this, -or a less advanced position for a time taken up; but it became -necessary to throw our right on the Alum Bagh, and re-form -our left, and even then we were incessantly cannonaded throughout -the 24th, and the enemy’s cavalry, 1,500 strong, crept -round through lofty cultivation, and made a sudden irruption -upon the baggage massed in our rear. The soldiers of the 90th -forming the baggage-guard received them with great gallantry, -but lost some brave officers and men, shooting down, however, -twenty-five of the troopers, and putting the whole body to -flight. They were finally driven to a distance by two guns of -Captain Olpherts’ battery.</p> - -<p>The troops had been marching for three days under a perfect -deluge of rain, irregularly fed, and badly housed in villages. -It was thought necessary to pitch tents and permit them to -halt on the 24th. The assault on the city was deferred until -the 25th. That morning our baggage and tents were deposited -in the Alum Bagh under an escort, and we advanced. The -1st Brigade, under Sir James Outram’s personal leading, drove -the enemy from a succession of gardens and walled enclosures, -supported by the 2nd Brigade, which I accompanied. Both -brigades were established on the canal at the bridge of Char -Bagh.</p> - -<p>From this point the direct road to the Residency was something -less than two miles; but it was known to have been cut -by trenches, and crossed by palisades at short intervals, the -houses also being loop-holed. Progress in this direction was -impossible; so the united columns pushed on, detouring along -the narrow road which skirts the left bank of the canal. Its -advance was not seriously interrupted until it had come opposite -the King’s Palace, or the Kaiser Bagh, where two guns and a -body of mercenary troops were entrenched. From this entrenchment -a fire of grape and musketry was opened under which -nothing could live. The artillery and troops had to pass a -bridge partially under its influence; but were then shrouded by -the buildings adjacent to the Fureed Buksh. Darkness was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11">11</a></span> -coming on, and Sir James Outram at first proposed to halt -within the Courts of the Mehal for the night; but I esteemed -it to be of such importance to let the beleaguered garrison know -that succour was at hand, that, with his ultimate sanction, I -directed the main, both of the 78th Highlanders and regiment -of Ferozepore, to advance. This column rushed on -with desperate gallantry, led by Sir James Outram and myself, -and Lieutenants Hudson and Hargood, of my staff, through -streets of flat-roofed, loop-holed houses, from which a perpetual -fire was being kept up, and, overcoming every obstacle, established -itself within the enclosures of the Residency. The joy -of the garrison may be more easily conceived than described; -but it was not till the next evening that the whole of my troops, -guns, tumbrils, and sick and wounded, continually exposed to -the attacks of the enemy, could be brought step by step within -this “enceinte” and the adjacent palace of the Fureed Buksh. -To form an adequate idea of the obstacles overcome, reference -must be made to the events that are known to have occurred at -Buenos Ayres and Saragossa. Our advance was through streets -of houses which I have described, and thus each forming a -separate fortress. I am filled with surprise at the success of -the operation which demanded the efforts of 10,000 good troops. -The advantage gained has cost us dear. The killed, wounded, -and missing, the latter being wounded soldiers, who, I much -fear—some or all—have fallen into the hands of a merciless foe, -amounted, up to the evening of the 26th, to 535 officers and men. -Brigadier-General Neill, commanding 1st Brigade; Major -Cooper, Brigadier, commanding Artillery; Lieutenant-Colonel -Bazely, a volunteer with the force, are killed. Colonel Campbell, -commanding 90th Light Infantry, Lieutenant-Colonel Tytler, -my Deputy Assistant Quartermaster-General; and Lieutenant -Havelock, my Deputy Assistant Adjutant-General, are severely, -but not dangerously, wounded. Sir James Outram received a -flesh-wound in the arm in the early part of the action near Char -Bagh, but nothing could subdue his spirit; and, though faint -from loss of blood, he continued to the end of the action to sit -on his horse, which he only dismounted at the gate of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12">12</a></span> -Residency. As he has now assumed the command, I leave to -him the narrative of all events subsequent to the 26th.</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l12">I have, etc.,</span><br /> -<span class="l8"><span class="smcap">H. Havelock</span>,</span><br /> -<span class="l4"><i>Brigadier-General</i>,</span><br /> -<i>Commanding Oude Field Force</i>. -</p> - -<p>Total casualties appended:</p> - -<table class="narrow" summary="Casualties"> - <tr> - <td class="tdr rpad">119</td> - <td class="tdl">officers and men killed.</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr rpad">339</td> - <td class="tdl">officers and men wounded.</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr rpad">77</td> - <td class="tdl">men missing.</td></tr> -</table> - -<hr /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_7">CONSPIRACY TO MURDER BILL (1858).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Greville Memoirs</cite>, edited by Henry Reeve, C.B., D.C.L., -vol. viii., p. 164. (Longmans, Green and Co., 1888.)</p> - -<p><i>February 14 [1858].</i>—Last week saw the debates in the House -of Commons about the Conspiracy Bill, and the first act of the -India Bill. The first is very unpopular, but it will be carried -nevertheless. John Russell has taken it up with extraordinary -vehemence and anger. His opposition to it is furious on high -constitutional grounds, which appear to me absurd and uncalled -for. If I were in Parliament I should be puzzled how to vote, -for there is much to be said against the Bill, and much against -voting against it, particularly against leave to bring it in. -Almost all the Tories voted with the Government, and John -Russell carried very few with him, and neither of his own -nephews. He is more than ever exasperated against Palmerston -for bringing it in. The apology tended by the Emperor, -which was read to the House, reconciled a great many to the -Bill, but I have no notion that it will do any good, or that the -French Government will be satisfied with it. After such a -Bill, which will certainly be carried, the British lion must put -his tail between his legs, and, “Civis Romanus,” give up -swaggering so loftily. If Aberdeen had attempted such a -measure when Louis Philippe was King and Guizot minister, -what would Palmerston have said? and what would not have -been the indignant outcry throughout the country?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13">13</a></span> -[<span class="smcap">Note.</span>—On February 19 the Government were defeated on -the Conspiracy Bill in the House of Commons by a majority -of 234 to 215. The majority consisted of 146 Conservatives -and 84 Liberals. Mr. Gladstone, Lord John Russell, Sir James -Graham, and Mr. Sidney Herbert voted against the Bill. -Lord Palmerston immediately resigned.]</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_8">FORCING OF THE PEIHO RIVER (1858).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, 1858, vol. 100; <cite>Public Documents</cite>, -pp. 248–250.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Extract from a Despatch received by the Admiralty -from Rear-Admiral Sir Michael Seymour, K.C.B., -Commander-in-Chief on the East Indian Station, -dated May 21, 1858:</span></h3> - -<p>From the arrival of the ambassadors on the 14th April, -the Chinese have used every exertion to strengthen the forts -at the entrance of the Peiho; earthworks, sandbag batteries, -and parapets for the heavy gingalls have been erected on both -sides for a distance of nearly a mile in length, upon which -87 guns in position were visible, and the whole shore had been -piled to oppose a landing. As the channel is only about -200 yards wide, and runs within 400 yards of the shore, these -defences presented a formidable appearance. Two strong mud -batteries, mounting respectively 33 and 16 guns, had also been -constructed about 1,000 yards up the river, in a position to -command our advance. In the rear several entrenched camps -were visible, defended by flanking bastions, and it was known -that large bodies of troops had arrived from Pekin. All the -forts and the camps were covered with the various-coloured -flags under which the “troops of the eight banners,” as the -Tartar soldiers are styled, range themselves.</p> - -<p>At 8 a.m. yesterday the notification to the Imperial Commissioner -Tan, and the summons to deliver up the forts within -two hours, were delivered by Captain Hall, my flag-captain, -and Capitaine Reynaud, flag-captain of the French Admiral.</p> - -<p>No answer having been returned by 10 o’clock to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14">14</a></span> -summons, the signal agreed upon was made, and the gunboats -advanced in the prescribed order, led by the <i>Cormorant</i>. The -Chinese opened fire immediately, and the signal to engage was -made a few minutes afterwards from the <i>Slaney</i>. By the time -all the vessels had anchored in their respective stations, the -effects of our well-directed fire had become very apparent. -The first fort was entirely dismantled and abandoned, and the -second partially so, while those on the north side had been -completely subdued by the <i>Cormorant</i> and two French gunboats. -At the short range within which we engaged every -shot told, and many of the massive embrasures of mud were -levelled by shells. At the end of an hour and a quarter the -enemy’s fire ceased. Landing parties were then pushed on -shore.</p> - -<p>Owing to the destructive fire from the gunboats, but little -opposition was made to our landing, and the Chinese troops were -observed moving off in masses, whilst our people were in the -boats. The flags of the Allied Powers soon replaced those of -the Chinese. On the south side 200 large gingalls were found -in position near the landing-place on an embankment. Having -obtained possession, the dismantling of the works was commenced, -and field-pieces landed for the protection of the forces -against the possible attacks of the Chinese. Shortly after the -landing our gallant allies sustained a melancholy and heavy loss -of men, killed and wounded, by the accidental explosion of a -magazine.</p> - -<p>When all the vessels had taken up their positions, a bold -attempt was made to send down upon them a long array of -junks, filled with straw in flames, and drawn across the river; -but they fortunately grounded, and though the people, guiding -them down the river with ropes, made great efforts to get them -off, a few shells from the <i>Bustard</i> drove them away, and the -vessels burnt out without doing any damage.</p> - -<p>Much skill and labour had been expended in the construction -of these forts. The guns were much better cast than, and -not so unwieldy as, those in the Canton River, and were better -equipped in every respect. They had good canister shot, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15">15</a></span> -the hollow 8-inch shot appeared imitations from our own. -There were several English guns in the batteries. Directions -were now sent to Captain Sir F. Nicholson and Capitaine -Leveque to advance and capture the two forts up the river, -which had kept up a smart fire. This movement was successfully -executed under the supporting fire from the <i>Bustard</i>, -<i>Staunch</i>, and <i>Opossum</i>.</p> - -<p>Several entrenched camps were also destroyed.</p> - -<p>The Chinese stood well to their guns, notwithstanding -shot, shell, and rockets were flying thickly around them. -Most of the gunboats were hulled, some several times, whilst -boats, spars, and rigging were cut by roundshot, grape, and -gingall balls. This signal success, after the Chinese had ample -time to fortify their position, and were confident of their -strength, may probably have a greater moral effect on the -Chinese Government than if we had attacked them in the first -instance, when they were less prepared.</p> - -<p>The necessary arrangements at the entrance of the river -having been completed, a further advance was made to the -village of Takoo, where we found a barrier of junks filled with -combustible matter, moored by chains right across the river, -whilst seven similar obstructions to our progress were observed -within a mile higher up. Captain Hall and a party of men -landed and took possession of eighteen field-pieces in front of -an abandoned encampment at Takoo. Whilst on shore, the -residence of the High Commissioner, Tan, was visited and -found deserted, though a significant proof of his recent presence -was found in a beheaded Chinaman near his gate. It was -ascertained here that the main body of the Chinese troops had -retired with Tan to a position about eight miles up the river. -The barrier at Takoo, offering good security to our vessels -below, was made our advanced position for the night, in charge -of Sir F. Nicolson and Capitaine Thoyon.</p> - -<p>Arrangements are making for a further advance up the river -towards Tientsin.</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l4"><span class="smcap">M. Seymour</span>,</span><br /> -<i>Rear-Admiral and Commander-in-Chief</i>. -</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16">16</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_9">ADMISSION OF JEWS TO PARLIAMENT (1858).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, July 27, 1858.</p> - -<p>Baron Rothschild presented himself at the bar where he was -met by Lord John Russell and Mr. Abel Smith, who, amid -considerable cheering from the Opposition benches, led him to -the table.</p> - -<p>The clerk offered to Baron Rothschild a copy of the new -oath required to be taken by members.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Baron Rothschild</span>: I beg to state, sir, that I have conscientious -objection to take the oath in the form in which it is -now tendered to me.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Lord John Russell</span> (after Baron Rothschild had retired) -rose and said: My object in rising, sir, is to move a resolution -in conformity with an Act recently passed. It is as follows:</p> - -<p>“That it appears to this House that Baron Lionel de Rothschild, -a person professing the Jewish religion, being otherwise -entitled to sit and vote in this House, is prevented from so -sitting and voting by his conscientious objection to take the -oath which, by an Act passed in the present session of -Parliament, has been substituted for the oaths of allegiance, -supremacy, and abjuration, in the form therein required.”</p> - -<p>The resolution was agreed to.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Lord J. Russell</span>: I now rise, sir, to move a resolution in -pursuance of the Act which received the assent of Her Majesty -in the 23rd instant; and which is entitled “An Act to Provide -for the Relief of Her Majesty’s Subjects Professing the Jewish -Religion.” In order that the House may be fully in possession -of the words of that Act I shall now read them. By the first -clause it is enacted that:</p> - -<p>“Where it shall appear to either House of Parliament that -a person professing the Jewish religion, otherwise entitled to -sit and vote in such House, is prevented from so sitting and -voting by conscientious objection to take the oath, ... such -House, if it think fit, may resolve that thenceforth any person -professing the Jewish religion, in taking the said oath to entitle<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17">17</a></span> -him to sit and vote as aforesaid, may omit the words, ‘and I -make this declaration upon the true faith of a Christian.’”</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Lord J. Russell</span> then moved a resolution embodying the -above.</p> - -<p>After some debate the House <span class="locked">divided—</span></p> - -<table class="narrow" summary="House vote to modify oath of office"> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">For the Resolution</td> - <td class="tdr">69</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Against</td> - <td class="tdr bb">37</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">Majority</td> - <td class="tdr">32</td></tr> -</table> - -<p>Baron Rothschild then advanced to the table, conducted as -before by Lord J. Russell and Mr. Smith, and as he walked up -the floor of the House was greeted with loud cheering from the -Opposition benches. He desired to be sworn upon the Old -Testament, and his request being at once complied with by the -Speaker, he took the new form of oath, omitting the words, -“and I make this declaration upon the true faith of a -Christian.” The hon. gentleman then signed the roll of -Parliament, and during the course of the subsequent proceedings -he exercised the most important function of a legislator -by voting twice upon the Corrupt Practices’ Prevention -Act Continuance Bill.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_10">AN INADEQUATE NAVY (1858).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Letters of Queen Victoria</cite>, edited by A. C. Benson, M.A., and -Viscount Esher, vol. iii., pp. 378, 379. (John Murray, 1907.)</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.</span></h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l4"><span class="smcap">Osborne</span>,</span><br /> -<i>August 2, 1858</i>. -</p> - -<p>The Queen feels it her duty to address a few lines to Lord -Derby on the subject of the reports made to Sir John Pakington -on the subject of the French naval preparations, to which -she has already verbally adverted when she saw Lord Derby -last. These reports reveal a state of things of the greatest -moment to this country. It will be the first time in her history -that she will find herself in an absolute minority of ships on -the sea! and this inferiority will be much greater in reality -than even apparent, as our fleet will have to defend possessions<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18">18</a></span> -and commerce all over the world, and has even in Europe a -strategical line to hold, extending from Malta to Heligoland, -whilst France keeps her fleet together and occupies the centre -of that line in Europe.</p> - -<p>The Queen thinks it irreconcilable with the duty which the -Government owes to the country to be aware of this state of -things without straining every nerve to remedy it. With -regard to men in whom we are also totally deficient in case -of an emergency, a Commission of Enquiry is sitting to -devise a remedy; but with regard to our ships and dockyards -we require action and immediate action. The plan proposed -by the Surveyor to the Navy appears to the Queen excessively -moderate and judicious, and she trusts that the Cabinet will -not hesitate to empower its execution, bearing in mind that -£200,000 spent now will probably do more work during the -six or nine months for working before us than £2,000,000 -would if voted in next year’s estimate, letting our arrears in the -dockyards, already admitted to be very great, accumulate in the -interval. Time is most precious under these circumstances!</p> - -<p>It is true that this sum of money would be in excess of the -estimates of last Session, but the Queen feels sure that on the -faith of the reports made by the Admiralty the Government -would find no difficulty in convincing Parliament that they -have been good stewards of the public money in taking -courageously the responsibility upon themselves to spend -judiciously what is necessary, and that the country will be -deeply grateful for the honesty with which they have served her.</p> - -<p>The Queen wishes Lord Derby to communicate this letter -to the Cabinet.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_11">VOLUNTEER RIFLE CORPS (1859).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, vol. 101; <cite>Public Documents</cite>, pp. 262–264.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Letter from the War Office to the Lords-Lieutenant.</span></h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l4"><span class="smcap">War Office</span>,</span><br /> -<span class="l2"><span class="smcap">Pall Mall</span>,</span><br /> -<i>May 12, 1859</i>. -</p> - -<p>Her Majesty’s Government having had under consideration -the propriety of permitting the formation of volunteer rifle<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19">19</a></span> -corps, under the provisions of the Act of 44 George III., -cap. 54, as well as of artillery corps and companies in maritime -towns in which there may be forts and batteries, I have the -honour to inform you that I shall be prepared to receive -through you, and consider any proposal with that object, which -may emanate from the county under your charge.</p> - -<p>The principal and most important provisions of the Act are:</p> - -<p>That the corps be formed under officers bearing the commission -of the lieutenant of the county.</p> - -<p>That its members must take the oath of allegiance before a -deputy-lieutenant or justice of the peace, or a commissioned -officer of the corps.</p> - -<p>That it be liable to be called out in case of actual invasion, -or appearance of an enemy in force on the coast, or in case of -rebellion arising out of either of those emergencies.</p> - -<p>That while thus under arms its members are subject to -military law and entitled to be billeted and to receive pay in -like manner as the regular army.</p> - -<p>That all commissioned officers disabled in actual service are -entitled to half pay, and non-commissioned officers and privates -to the benefit of Chelsea Hospital, and widows of commissioned -officers, killed in service, to such pensions for life as are given -to widows of officers of Her Majesty’s regular forces.</p> - -<p>That members cannot quit the corps when on actual service, -but may do at any other time by giving fourteen days’ notice.</p> - -<p>That members who have attended eight days in each four -months, or a total of twenty-four days’ drill and exercise in -the year, are entitled to be returned as effectives.</p> - -<p>That members so returned are exempt from militia ballot, or -from being called upon to serve in any other levy.</p> - -<p>That all property of the corps is legally vested in the -commanding officer, and subscriptions and fines under the rules -and regulations are recoverable by him before a magistrate.</p> - -<p>The conditions on which Her Majesty’s Government will -recommend to Her Majesty the acceptance of any proposal -are:</p> - -<p>That the formation of the corps be recommended by the lord-lieutenant -of the county.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20">20</a></span> -That the corps be subject to the provisions of the Act already -quoted.</p> - -<p>That its members undertake to provide their own arms and -equipments, and to defray all expenses attending the corps, -except in the event of its being assembled for actual service.</p> - -<p>That the rules and regulations which may be thought -necessary be submitted to me, in accordance with the fifty-sixth -section of the Act.</p> - -<p>The uniform and equipments of the corps may be settled by -the members, subject to your approval, but the arms, though -provided at the expense of the members, must be furnished -under the superintendence and according to the regulations of -this department, in order to secure a perfect uniformity of gauge.</p> - -<p>The establishment of officers and non-commissioned officers -will be fixed by me, and recorded in the books of this office, and -in order that I may be enabled to determine the proportion, you -will be pleased to specify the precise number of private men -which you will recommend, and into how many companies you -propose to divide them.</p> - -<p>I have only to add that I shall look to you, as Her Majesty’s -lieutenant, for the nomination of proper persons to be appointed -officers, subject to the Queen’s approval.</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l4">I have the honour to be, etc.,</span><br /> -<span class="l2">Your most obedient servant,</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">J. Peel</span>. -</p> - -<p class="smaller"> -<span class="smcap">To Her Majesty’s Lieutenant for<br /> -<span class="in4">the County of ——.</span></span> -</p> - -<hr /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_12">NAPOLEON III. AND ENGLAND (1859).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—Sir Theodore Martin’s <cite>Life of the Prince Consort</cite>, -vol. iv., pp. 471, 472.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Letter from Lord Cowley (English Ambassador -at Paris) to Lord J. Russell.</span></h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<i>August 7, 1859.</i> -</p> - -<p>More than once, in the course of the evening, His Majesty -[Napoleon III.] referred to the state of public opinion in England -with regard to himself. He asked whether there was any<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21">21</a></span> -change for the better, observing that he could not comprehend -the suspicions entertained of him—that he had done nothing to -provoke them, and that they were most unjust. The idea of -his invading England was, he said, so preposterous that he -could laugh at it, were it not evident to him that there were -people in England who seriously believed it.</p> - -<p>I replied, that an agent must never shrink from telling the -truth, however disagreeable, and I must admit, therefore, the -existence in some minds of the suspicions to which his Majesty -had referred! nor could I say that I saw much diminution of -them as yet. There were many causes that had given rise to -them: His Majesty’s sudden intimacy with Russia after the -Crimean War; his sudden quarrel with Austria; the equally -sudden termination of the war which made people suppose that -he might wish to carry it elsewhere; the name he bore with its -antecedents; the extraordinary rapidity with which the late -armaments had been made; the attention devoted to the -Imperial Navy; its increase; the report of the Naval Commission -of 1848, which showed plainly that the augmentation of -the navy was directed against England. All these matters had -made people look about them, and their eyes had been suddenly -opened to the fact that within easy reach of the British shores -were 500,000 men, with a steam fleet as powerful, or more -powerful than any that could be brought against them. This -state of things had created a great deal of alarm; more perhaps -than was necessary. But a great nation could not leave her -fate to the chapter of accidents, and we were in fact merely -resuming that place by sea which we had before the invention -of steam. “In fact, Sire,” I said, “the whole question lies in -a very narrow compass. England and France are the two most -powerful nations of the world. Neither can, nor will submit to -the supremacy of the other. France is a military Power. -England, as compared with France, is not. England is a naval -Power. So is France. If the balance of power between them -is to be preserved, England must be the stronger by sea, as -France is by land, otherwise England would be at the mercy of -France.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22">22</a></span> -The Emperor somewhat disputed the justice of these remarks, -observing that his 500,000 men were required to hold his -position upon the Continent, and that I had not taken into -account the insular position of Great Britain, which made her, -as it were, a large fortress. But upon my observing that an -insular position was of little value unless there was a fleet to -keep off marauders, His Majesty said he would not dispute the -point any longer; but all he hoped was that our Press would -not pervert facts, and say that the extra armaments of England -were called for by the armaments of France, <em>for it was not true -that France had armed</em>.</p> - -<p>I did not pursue this delicate matter further, but I said I was -convinced that it was in His Majesty’s power, if he desired it, -to recover the confidence of England. Let him appeal to the -common sense of the English people by facts rather than by -words, and he would soon see common sense get the better of -suspicions. The Emperor replied that he desired no more, -and that, if he had spoken on the subject, it was because he -was afraid that the feelings of the British people would arouse -the corresponding sentiments in France, and this was not -desirable.</p> - -<p>“I defy anyone to listen to the Emperor,” Lord Cowley -adds, “when he is speaking of the English Alliance, without -attaining the conviction that the preservation of it is that which -he has most at heart. I feel equally certain that he does not -dream of a war with England, and that his <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">amour propre</i> is -wounded by our suspicions of his intentions; but, as I observed -to him, no man can tell what unforeseen circumstances may -produce, and that it is not so much with the events of the day, -as with the possible contingencies of the future, that we have -to deal.”</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_13">PROGRESS OF THE VOLUNTEER MOVEMENT (1859).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Brighton Herald</cite>, November 19, 1859.</p> - -<p>The Volunteer movement goes on with increased vigour in -all directions. In our own county, Chichester, the centre of a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23">23</a></span> -large agricultural district, which ought to furnish a large -number of first-rate shots, has at length moved. The Mayor -has called a meeting for Tuesday next. The Brighton Rifle -and Artillery Corps commence drill next week. The Cinque -Ports, Hastings, Rye, and Dover, have been in the field some -time as clubs, and are now about to be enrolled as corps under -their Warden.</p> - -<p>Our neighbouring and equally exposed county, Kent, has at -length grown ashamed of its apathy, and various corps—among -them the Weald of Kent Corps—are in course of -formation. But the North of Britain is at present ahead of the -South. Glasgow numbers its 2,000 volunteers, and the West -of Scotland alone boasts that it could turn out 30,000 to meet -an invader. We hear upon good authority that 20,000 volunteers -are actually under drill within 20 miles of London, -but for the heart of the Empire this number should be quintupled. -But Manchester is now “up.” Captain Denman, an -old Parliamentary candidate, has desired that £400 subscribed -for a memorial to him may be applied to the purposes of a -Rifle Corps; other contributions on the same scale have been -made, and Manchester is soon likely to possess its little army -of home defenders. The present state of feeling in France -towards England tends not a little to promote this defensive -movement.</p> - -<p>That the French Army was ripe two years ago for a dash at -England we know through the Colonels’ addresses; and the -French Army is not a bad index of the feelings of the population -with which it mixes so freely, and of which it forms so -large a proportion. But we know—and it has been known for -some time by all who have relations with France—that this -feeling—the belief in the inevitability of an invasion of -England by France, and a perfect confidence in the result—is -not confined to the army. It pervades the mass of Frenchmen; -it has taken possession of the host of officials who overrun -France, and who are the great engine of Government -influence; it extends even to Frenchmen living in England, -and who, whilst inimical to Louis Napoleon’s Government,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24">24</a></span> -are not indisposed to accept him as a champion of French -grievances against England. Of the unfounded nature of -these it is useless to argue to Frenchmen. They may go back -to the days of Joan of Arc, or they may date from Waterloo, -but at whatever point they commence there is no doubt that -they rankle in the breasts of Frenchmen much more than we -have been in the habit of supposing; that it is easy to irritate -these old wounds, and that process has been going on for some -time, side by side with an assumption of friendship on the part -of the Government. It may not be intended to put the match -to this magazine of national passion, but we, who would be the -victims of the explosion, cannot ignore its existence. We -cannot shut our eyes and ears to the daily accumulating evidence -of a growing belief in the minds of all Frenchmen that -the day must come when all old scores of France against -England will be wiped off; that they now possess the ability -to execute this work of retribution, as they regard it, and that -the man who, above all others, is most interested in accomplishing -it, and so working out his destiny, is at the head of -the Government with unbounded power—with enormous -resources—and, above all, that this man takes no pains to -check the growing feeling of hostility in the breasts of his -subjects, but contents himself to-day with taking credit with -us for not gratifying it, as, to-morrow, he may take credit with -his own subjects for giving way to it. In such a state of -things it is not to be wondered at that men hitherto the most -pacific in this country are thinking how they can best defend -their homes, wives, children, and property, and that, at no -small inconvenience, thousands are volunteering their service -as a home militia. We are glad to see the movement so well -afoot, and hope it may spread until the English soil is so -covered with armed men that a Frenchman would as little -dare to come here on a warlike errand as he would to thrust -his ungloved hand into a hornets’ nest.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25">25</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_14">THE COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH FRANCE (1860).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Greville Memoirs</cite>, edited by Henry Reeve, C.B., -vol. viii., pp. 290–292, 293, 294. (Longmans, Green and Co., -1888.)</p> - -<p><i>January 24.</i>—Clarendon called on me yesterday and told me -various things more or less interesting about passing events, -about Cobden and the Commercial Treaty. Cobden went over -to Paris with letters from Palmerston to Cowley, begging -Cowley would give him all the aid he could in carrying out his -object of persuading the leading people there to adopt Free -Trade principles, saying he went without any mission and as -“a free lance.” Cowley did what he could for him, and he -went about his object with great zeal, meanwhile putting -himself in correspondence with Gladstone, who eagerly backed -him up, but all this time nothing was said to the Cabinet on -the subject. At length one day Walewski sent for Cowley, -and asked him whether he was to understand that Cobden was -an agent of the British Government, and authorised by it to -say all he was saying in various quarters. Cowley denied all -knowledge of Cobden’s proceedings, but wrote a despatch to -John Russell stating what had occurred, and at the same time -a private letter, saying he did not know whether he would -wish such a despatch to be recorded, and therefore to number -it and place it in the Foreign Office, or put it in the fire as -he thought fit. John Russell accepted the despatch, and at the -same time told him he might endorse whatever Cobden did in -the matter of commercial engagements.</p> - -<p>Clarendon said that when he was at Paris four years ago for -the Congress, the Emperor one day said to him: “I know you -are a great Free Trader, and I suppose you mean to take this -opportunity of advancing Free Trade principles here as far -as you can.” Clarendon said certainly such was his intention, -when the Emperor said he was happy to be able to take the -initiative with him on this subject, and that he would tell him -that it had just been settled in the Council of State that a great -change in their commercial and prohibitive system should be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26">26</a></span> -proposed to the Chambers, which it was his intention to carry -out as soon as possible. But not long after the Emperor renewed -the subject, and told him he found the Opposition so -strong to his contemplated measures, and the difficulties so -great, that he had been obliged to abandon them for the -present, and as there is no reason to doubt that the elements -of opposition will be found as strong now as they were then, -it is by no means certain that His Majesty will be able now to -do all he wishes and has announced.</p> - -<p><i>January 27.</i>—There is apparently a strong feeling of doubt and -quasi-hostility getting up against the Commercial Treaty, and -it looks as if both the English and French Governments would -have great difficulties in the matter. Public opinion here -remains suspended till the Treaty is produced, and till we are -informed what the immediate sacrifices may be that we shall -have to make for it, and what are the prospective advantages -we obtain in return. The French Protectionists are more impatient, -and have begun to pour out their complaints and -indignation without waiting to see the obnoxious Convention. -Thiers is said to be furious. So far from any Commercial -Treaty like this cementing the alliance, and rendering war -between the two countries more difficult, it is much more likely -to inflame the popular antipathy in France, to make the -alliance itself odious, and render the chances of war between -the two countries more probable. In maturing his scheme -Louis Napoleon has given it all the appearance of a conspiracy, -which is in accordance with his character and his tastes. The -whole thing was carried on with the most profound secrecy, -and the secret was confined to a very few people, viz. the -Emperor himself, Fould, Rouher (Minister of Commerce), -Michel Chevalier, and Cobden. All the documents were -copied by Madame Rouher, and Rouher was so afraid that -some guesses might be made if he was known to be consulting -books and returns that were preserved in the Library of the -Council of State, that he never would look at any of them, and -made Chevalier borrow all that he had occasion to refer to. -Now the Emperor springs this Treaty upon his reluctant<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27">27</a></span> -Chambers and the indignant Protectionist interest. His -manner of doing the thing, which he thinks is the only way by -which it can be done at all, naturally adds to the resentment -the measure excites. They feel themselves in a measure taken -in. The objections here are of a different kind and on other -grounds, but Gladstone kept his design nearly as close as the -Emperor did, never having imparted it to the Cabinet till the -last moment before Parliament met. I do not know how the -Cabinet looked at it, only that they were not unanimous.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_15">ANTI-RITUAL RIOTS (1860).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, Monday, January 30, 1860.</p> - -<p>Yesterday evening there was a frightful riot, resulting in the -destruction of much of the church property in the parish church -of St. George’s-in-the-East. Unhappily, notorious as this -parish has become in consequence of the religious differences -which prevail, and serious as have been the disturbances which -have taken place, everything which has previously occurred -sinks into insignificance when compared with the terrible scene -which was witnessed there last night. The morning service -... was comparatively tranquil, but at the evening service -there was a scene as it would be impossible for any language -adequately to describe. The conduct of the congregation, to -use the only phrase at all applicable to it, was “devilish.”</p> - -<p>Evening service commenced at seven o’clock, and at quarter -of an hour before that time the church was densely packed, -there being at least 3,000 persons present, of whom 1,000 were -boys, who took possession of the galleries.... There was -cat-calling, cock-crowing, yelling, howling, hissing, shouting of -the most violent kind, snatches of popular songs were sung, -loud cries of “Bravo” and “Order” came from every part of -the church, caps, hats and bonnets were thrown from the -galleries into the body of the church and back again, while -pew-doors were slammed, lucifer-matches struck, and attempts -were more than once made to put out the gas....</p> - -<p>At seven o’clock a procession of priests and choristers<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28">28</a></span> -entered the church and advanced to their accustomed place in -front of the altar. It was headed by the Rev. Bryan King, -the Rector, who was followed by the Rev. C. F. Lowder and -ten or twelve choristers, habited in their white robes. Their -appearance in the church caused intense excitement. People -jumped on to their seats, pew-doors were violently slammed, -and loud shouts of execration proceeded from every part of the -church. Mr. Lowder said the first portion of the prayers, -Mr. King the last. Scarcely a word was audible. Hitherto -the congregation had contented themselves with “saying” the -responses, in opposition to the choristers who sang them, but -last night they indulged in responses which are not in the -Prayer-Book, and which were nothing short of blasphemous -mockery. At the close of the prayers Mr. Lowder ascended -the pulpit, and was hissed and yelled at by the people with -tremendous energy.... After the sermon, Mr. King, -Mr. Lowder and the choristers made their way to the vestry -room with great difficulty, being more than once subjected to -personal violence.</p> - -<p>At this moment a cry was raised for the demolition of the -altar, which was elaborately decorated, and the threat would -have been carried out had not the altar-gate been gallantly -defended by Mr. Stutfield, one of the choristers. Over the -apse, or quasi-altar, is a beautiful candelabrum, and this at once -became an object of attack. Hassocks were collected from the -pews and hurled at it. Many of them struck it, and every -moment it was expected that it would come down. As it was, -it was seriously damaged. Another object of attack was the -large cross over the altar, at which hassocks and cushions were -thrown from the gallery. All this time there was fighting, -shouting, and singing in all parts of the church, with no one in -authority to repress it. The scene at this time was perfectly -frightful, and would, in all probability, have ended in bloodshed, -had not Inspector Alison, upon his own authority, entered -the church with a dozen policemen and ordered it to be cleared. -Turned out of the church, the rioters suggested an attack on -Mr. King’s house, and many persons who went there were very<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29">29</a></span> -roughly handled. In the course of an hour Inspector Alison -had got the whole of the disorderly mob into the street. A -considerable amount of church furniture has been destroyed, -the cushions in the galleries were torn up, and thrown into the -body of the church, Bibles and Prayer-Books flew about in all -directions, and many of the altar decorations were injured.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_16">CHINESE WAR: CAPTURE OF PEKIN (1860).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, December, 1860.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Reuter’s Telegrams.</span></h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l4"><span class="smcap">Pekin</span>,</span><br /> -<i>October 13</i>. -</p> - -<p>Pekin surrendered to the Allies this day, yielding to all -demands. Thirteen soldiers have also been released.</p> - -<p>The Emperor and the Tartar army have fled, and none of -the enemy are to be seen at Pekin.</p> - -<p>The Emperor’s Summer Palace was taken and looted on the -6th of October. The quantity of spoil was enormous.</p> - -<p>The Pekin gates have been given up to the troops, who are -all healthy and encamped on the wall.</p> - -<p>The Allied Army will winter in the North.</p> - -<p>Lord Elgin and Baron Gros are at Pekin.</p> - -<p>Indemnity ready when demanded.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_17">THE FIRST BRITISH IRONCLAD FRIGATE (1860).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, December 29, 1860.</p> - -<p>From the yard of the Thames Iron Shipbuilding Company -will this day be launched the first armour-plated steam frigate -in the possession of Britain. The dimensions of the <i>Warrior</i> -are, extreme length over all, 420 feet; ditto breadth, 58 feet; -depth from spar deck to keel, 41 feet 6 inches. Her tonnage is -no less than 6,177 tons builders’ measurement. The engines -have just been completed by Messrs. Penn and Sons. They<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30">30</a></span> -are of 1,250 nominal horse-power, and are probably the most -magnificent specimens of machinery that ever left even -Mr. Penn’s celebrated works. Their total weight with boilers -will be 950 tons, and for these the <i>Warrior</i> is only able to stow -950 tons of coal, or little more than enough for six days’ -steaming. The armament, reckoning her as a 50-gun frigate, -will weigh from 1,200 to 1,500 tons, or about the weight of the -hull of the <i>Great Eastern</i> when launched. With the fine lines, -great length, and immense horse-power of the <i>Warrior</i>, a speed -of not less than 14 knots is counted upon as certain. One row -of the armour-plates with which the greater part of the broadside -will hereafter be covered is already in its place, covering a -space of 5 feet deep by 213 feet long on either side. Only the -lowest row has been thus bolted, and more than this it would be -unwise to place, as the immense weight might strain the ship -during the launch. The others will be bolted in her piece by -piece while in the Victoria Dock.</p> - -<p class="p1 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, Monday, December 31, 1860.</p> - -<p>This formidable ironclad frigate (the <i>Warrior</i>), the largest -man-of-war ever built, was safely launched into the river on -Saturday.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_18">GARIBALDI AND THE GOVERNMENT (1861).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Letters of Queen Victoria</cite>, edited by A. C. Benson, M.A., and -Viscount Esher, vol. iii., p. 550. (John Murray, 1907.)</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.</span></h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<i>February 10, 1861.</i> -</p> - -<p>The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s letter enclosing -the draft of one to General Garibaldi, which she now returns. -She had much doubt about its being altogether safe for the -Government to get into correspondence, however unofficial, with -the General, and thinks that it would be better for Lord John -<em>not</em> to write to him. Lord Palmerston, who was here this -afternoon on other business, has undertaken to explain the -reasons in detail to Lord John—in which he fully concurs.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31">31</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_19">THE BUDGET: ABOLITION OF THE PAPER DUTY (1861).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Illustrated London News</cite>, April 20, 1861.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Mr. Gladstone’s Speech on the Budget.</span></h3> - -<p>The estimate of revenue for the year he took as follows: -In the customs the duty on chicory would be doubled, bringing -in £15,000; and the estimate of the customs was £23,585,000; -excise, £19,463,000; stamps, £8,460,000. It was proposed to -reduce the hawker’s licence duty for the year from £4 to £2; -and to allow half-yearly licences. There was to be a change -in the licensing of wine and refreshment houses, which would -produce about £20,000. There was to be an alteration in the -mode of licensing for the selling of spirits: that is, the wholesale -dealers, by paying a duty of £3 3s. would be allowed to sell -spirits retail, which would bring in about £5,000. Stamps on -agreements for furnished houses for a part of the year would -be only five shillings instead of <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">ad valorem</i>, as now; and house -agents would have to take out a £2 licence. Stamps on foreign -bills of exchange would be levied in a different manner. -The revenue from taxes would be £3,050,000; income tax, -£11,200,000, Post Office £3,500,000, Crown Lands £295,000, -and miscellaneous £1,400,000; and the indemnity from China -received in the financial year £750,000, making a total revenue -of £71,823,000, being a surplus of £1,923,000, over an estimated -expenditure of £69,900,000.</p> - -<p>The Government had come to the conclusion that it would -not be justified in keeping so large a balance in hand and it -was proposed to apply it to the diminution of taxation. There -were four articles which would at once present themselves to -notice—viz., the tea and sugar duties, the tenth penny of the -income tax, and the paper duty. It was proposed to remit the -penny on the income tax which was imposed last year. This -remission would cause a loss in the present financial year of -£850,000. The rate would be 9d. in the pound on incomes -above £150 a year, and 6d. in the pound on those above £100.</p> - -<p>It was next proposed to repeal the duty on paper on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32">32</a></span> -October 1, making a loss of revenue in the year of about -£665,000. The surplus for the year would be £408,000....</p> - -<p>Referring to what were called the minor charges on commercial -operations, he stated that the charges were about -£320,000, and the Exchequer could not surrender that sum.</p> - -<p>As to the portions of the reduced income tax and the duty -on paper, the loss of which would fall on the year 1862–3, -to the extent of about £800,000, that would probably be -provided for by the sum payable for indemnity from China, -and reductions in military estimates. It was only proposed to -re-enact the income tax and tea and sugar duties for one year.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_20">BRITAIN AND ITALIAN UNITY (1861).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Leaves from the Diary of Henry Greville</cite>, Third Series, pp. 369, -370. (Smith, Elder and Co., 15, Waterloo Place.)</p> - -<p><i>Saturday, April 20, 1861.</i>—There was an interesting debate -last night in the House of Lords, brought on by Lord Ellenborough, -on the Roman question, in which Clarendon and -Lord Derby also took part. He asked whether our Government -was engaged in any correspondence with the object of -reconciling the spiritual independence of the See of Rome with -the exercise of temporal sovereignty by the King of Italy within -the Roman territory. He thought Rome was the fitting capital -of a united Italy, and that the occupation by the French of that -city precluded that unity.</p> - -<p>He then discussed the Venetian question, and though he -admitted the right of Austria to maintain herself in Italy, by -virtue of the Congress of Vienna, he considered the time was -come when she should reconcile herself with the Italian people. -Holding these views, however, he deprecated the interference -of the Italians in Hungary. Lord Wodehouse replied that we -were not in any correspondence on the Roman question, -and that H.M.’s Government considered it was neither -becoming nor desirable for a Protestant country to take the -initiative in the matter. The whole question depended upon -the withdrawal of the French troops from Rome, and -H.M.’s Government had not disguised their opinion that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33">33</a></span> -it was desirable those troops should be withdrawn. Clarendon -thought Rome the proper capital, and believed the Emperor -Napoleon to be sincerely desirous of withdrawing his troops -whenever it would be safe for him to do so, both as regarded -the Pope and his own position in France, where popular -opinion was in favour of their remaining. Derby said much -the same thing, but expressed his opinion that it would have -been far better to establish a Northern and Southern Kingdom -of Italy, in which case Rome would have lain between the two -countries and the solution of the difficulty would have been -easy. As, however, there was only one kingdom, the desire -to have Rome for their capital was quite natural; but it was a -desire that created the greatest embarrassment.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_21">LOSS OF THE COTTON SUPPLY (1861).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—Ashley’s <cite>Life of Viscount Palmerston</cite>, vol. ii., pp. 210, 211. -(Richard Bentley and Son, 1874.)</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Letter from Lord Palmerston to the President of the -Board of Trade.</span></h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<i>June 7, 1861.</i> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="smcap">My dear Milner Gibson.</span> -</p> - -<p class="let">It is wise when the weather is fine to put one’s house -in wind and watertight condition against the time when foul -weather may come on. The reports from our manufacturing -districts are at present good; the mills are all working, and the -people are in full employment. But we must expect a change -towards the end of next autumn, and during the winter and the -spring of next year. The civil war in America must infallibly -diminish to a great degree our supply of cotton, unless, indeed, -England and France should, as suggested by M. Mercier, the -French Minister at Washington, compel the Northern States -to let the cotton come to Europe from the South; but this -would almost be tantamount to a war with the North, although -not perhaps a very formidable thing for England and France -combined. But even then this year’s crop must be less plentiful -than that of last year. Well, then, has the Board of Trade,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34">34</a></span> -or has any other department of the Government, any means of -procuring or of helping to procure anywhere in the wide world -a subsidiary supply of cotton? As to our manufacturers -themselves they will do nothing unless directed and pushed on. -They are some of the most helpless and shortsighted of men. -They are like the people who held out their dishes and prayed -that it might rain plum-puddings. They think it is enough to -open their mill-gates, and that cotton will come of its own -accord. They say they have for years been looking to India -as a source of supply; but their looks seem to have only the first -effect of the eyes of the rattlesnake, viz., to paralyse the objects -looked at, and as yet it has shown no signs of falling into their -jaws. The western coast of Africa, the eastern coast of Africa, -India, Australia, the Fiji Islands, Syria, and Egypt, all grow -great quantities of cotton, not to mention China, and probably -Japan. If active measures were taken in time to draw from -these places such quantities of cotton as might be procured, -some portion at least of the probable falling off of this next -year might be made good, and our demand this year would -make a better supply spring up for future years. I do not know -whether you can do anything in this matter; but it is an important -one, and deserves early attention.</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l2">Yours sincerely,</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">Palmerston</span>. -</p> - -<hr /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_22">THE CASE OF THE “TRENT” (1861).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, vol. 103; <cite>Public Documents</cite>, pp. 288, 289.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Letter from Commander Williams to Captain Patey.</span></h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l8">“<span class="smcap">Trent</span>,”</span><br /> -<span class="l6"><span class="smcap">At Sea</span>,</span><br /> -<i>November 9, 1861</i>. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="smcap">Sir</span>, -</p> - -<p class="let">There devolves on me the painful duty of reporting to -you a wanton act of aggression on this ship by the United -States war screw-steamer <i>San Jacinto</i>, carrying a broadside of -seven guns, and a shell pivot-gun of heavy calibre on the forecastle,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35">35</a></span> -which took place on the 8th instant, in the Bahama -Channel, abreast of the Paredon lighthouse. The <i>Trent</i> left -Havana at 8 a.m. on the 7th instant, with Her Majesty’s mails -for England, having on board a large freight of specie, as well -as numerous passengers, amongst whom were Messrs. Mason -and Slidell, the former accredited with a special mission from -the Confederate States to the Government of Great Britain, -and the latter to the French Government, with their respective -secretaries, Messrs. McFarland and Eustis.</p> - -<p>Shortly after noon, on the 8th, a steamer, having the appearance -of a man-of-war, but not showing colours, was observed -ahead, hove to; we immediately hoisted our ensign at the peak, -but it was not responded to until, on nearing her, at 1.15 p.m., -she fired a round shot from her pivot-gun across our bows, and -showed American colours. Our engines were immediately -slowed, and we were still approaching her, when she discharged -a shell from her pivot-gun immediately across our bows, exploding -half a cable’s length ahead of us. We then stopped, -when an officer with an armed guard of marines boarded us -and demanded a list of passengers, which demand being refused, -the officer said that he had orders to arrest Messrs. Mason, -Slidell, McFarland, and Eustis, and that he had sure information -of their being passengers in the <i>Trent</i>. Declining to satisfy -him whether such persons were on board or not, Mr. Slidell -stepped forward, and announced that the four persons he had -named were then standing before him, under British protection, -and that if they were taken on board the <i>San Jacinto</i>, they must -be taken <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">vi et armis</i>; the commander of the <i>Trent</i> and myself at -the same time protesting against this illegal act, this act of -piracy, carried out by brute force, as we had no means of resisting -the aggression, the <i>San Jacinto</i> being at the time on our port -beam, about 200 yards off, her ship’s company at quarters, -ports open, and tompions out. Sufficient time being given for -such necessaries as they might require being sent to them, -these gentlemen were forcibly taken out of the ship, and then -a further demand was made that the commander of the <i>Trent</i> -should go on board the <i>San Jacinto</i>, but as he expressed his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36">36</a></span> -determination not to go, unless forcibly compelled likewise, -this latter demand was not carried into execution.</p> - -<p>At 3.40 we parted company, and proceeded on our way to -St. Thomas, on our arrival at which place I shall deliver to the -Consul duplicates of this letter to Lord Lyons, Sir Alexander -Milne, Commodore Dunlop, and the Consul-General at Havana.</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l4">I have, etc.,</span><br /> -<span class="l2">(Signed) <span class="smcap">Richard Williams</span>,</span><br /> -<i>Commander, R.N.</i> -</p> - -<p>Memorandum made by Commander Williams at the -Admiralty on November 27, 1861, relative to the forcible -seizure of Messrs. Slidell and Mason and their secretaries from -on board the <i>Trent</i>.</p> - -<p>On Mr. Slidell’s announcing that the four persons inquired -for were then standing before Lieutenant Fairfax under British -protection, and that if taken on board the <i>San Jacinto</i> they must -be taken <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">vi et armis</i>, I addressed that officer in the following -terms: “In this ship I am the Representative of Her Britannic -Majesty’s Government, and, in the name of that Government -I protest against this illegal act—this violation of international -law—this act of piracy, which you would not dare to attempt -on a ship capable of resisting such aggression.” It was then -that Lieutenant Fairfax waved his hand towards the <i>San -Jacinto</i>, and additional force was sent. The marines were -drawn up at the entry-port—bayonets fixed; and on Miss -Slidell’s uttering an hysterical scream on being separated from -her father—that is, on his breaking the window of his cabin, -and thrusting his body through to escape from the distressing -scene of forcible separation from his family, they rushed into -the passage at the charge. There were upwards of sixty armed -men in all, and the aforesaid gentlemen were then taken out -of the ship, an armed guard on either side of each seizing them -by the collar of the coat. Every inducement was held out, so -far as importunate persuasion would go, to prevail on Mrs. -Slidell and Mrs. Eustis to accompany their husbands, but as -they did not wish their wives to be subjected to imprisonment<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37">37</a></span> -(Lieutenant Fairfax having replied to Mrs. Slidell’s inquiry as -to their disposal, if they did accompany them, that they would -be sent to Washington), they remained on board the <i>Trent</i>, -and came on to England in <i>La Plata</i>.</p> - -<p>The ships getting somewhat farther apart than when the -affair commenced, a boat came from the <i>San Jacinto</i> to request -us to approach nearer; to which I replied that they had the -same power as ourselves, and if they wished to be nearer to us -they had their own remedy.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_23">THE AFFAIR OF THE “TRENT” (1861).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Punch</cite>, December 14, 1861. (Reprinted by special -permission of the proprietors of <cite>Punch</cite>.)</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Waiting for an Answer.</span></h3> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38">38</a></span></p><div class="poem-container"> -<div class="poem"><div class="num"> -<span class="i0">1.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Britannia waits an answer, sad and stern,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Her weapons ready, but unsheathed they lie;<br /></span> -<span class="i0">In her deep eye, suppressed, the lightnings burn,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Still the war-signal waits her word to fly.<br /></span> - -</div><div class="num"> -<span class="i0">2.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Wrong has been done that flag whose stainless folds<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Have carried freedom wheresoe’er they flew:<br /></span> -<span class="i0">She knows sharp words fit slaves and shrewish scolds,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">She but bids those who can, that wrong undo.<br /></span> -</div><div class="num"> -<span class="i0">3.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">She has been patient; will be patient still.<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Who more than she knows war, its curse and woe?<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Harsh words, scant courtesy, loud-mouthed ill-will,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">She meets as rocks meet ocean’s fretful flow.<br /></span> -</div><div class="num"> -<span class="i0">4.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">All war she knows drags horrors in its train,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Whate’er the foes, the cause for which they stand;<br /></span> -<span class="i0">But worst of all the war that leaves the stain,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Of brother’s blood upon a brother’s hand.<br /></span> -</div><div class="num"> -<span class="i0">5.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">The war that brings two mighty powers in shock—<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Powers ’tween whom fair commerce shared her crown<br /></span> -<span class="i0">By kinship knit, and interest’s golden lock,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">One blood, one speech, one past, of old renown.<br /></span> -</div><div class="num"> -<span class="i0">6.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">All this she feels, and therefore, sad of cheer,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">She waits an answer from across the sea:<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Yet hath her sadness no alloy of fear,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">No thought to count the cost what it may be.<br /></span> -</div><div class="num"> -<span class="i0">7.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Dishonour has no equipoise in gold,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">No equipoise in blood, in loss, in pain;<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Till they whom force has ta’en from ’neath the fold<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Of her proud flag, stand ’neath its fold again.<br /></span> -</div><div class="num"> -<span class="i0">8.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">She waits in arms; and in her cause is safe.<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Not fearing war, yet hoping peace the end.<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Nor heeding those her mood who’d check or chafe:<br /></span> -<span class="i2">The Right she seeks, the Right God will defend.<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_24">THE PEABODY TRUST FORMED (1862).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, vol. 104; <cite>Chronicle</cite>, p. 41.</p> - -<p>This great merchant (Mr. George Peabody), mindful of his -reception in this city of his long sojourn, has made to its -citizens the splendid gift of £150,000, with the one only condition, -the exclusion from its management of all sectarianism -in regard to religion, and of all exclusion in regard to politics. -The following is the letter which conveyed this noble gift:</p> - -<p class="p1 sigright"> -<span class="l4"><span class="smcap">London</span>,</span><br /> -<i>March 12, 1862</i>. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="smcap">Gentlemen</span>, -</p> - -<p class="let">In reference to the intention which it is the object of -this letter to communicate, I am desirous to explain that, from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39">39</a></span> -a comparatively early period of my commercial life, I had -resolved in my own mind that, should my labours be blessed -with success, I would devote a portion of the property thus -acquired to promote the intellectual, moral, and physical welfare -and comfort of my fellow-men, wherever, from circumstances -or location, their claims upon me would be the strongest.</p> - -<p>... It is now twenty-five years since I commenced my -residence and business in London as a stranger, but I did not -long feel myself a “stranger” or in a “strange land,” for in all -my commercial and social intercourse with my British friends -during that long period, I have constantly received courtesy, -kindness, and confidence.... My object being to ameliorate -the condition of the poor and needy of this great metropolis, -and to promote their comfort and happiness, I take pleasure in -apprising you that I have determined to transfer to you the -sum of £150,000 which now stands available for this purpose -on the books of Messrs. George Peabody and Co.</p> - -<p>... I have few instructions to give or conditions to impose, -but there are some fundamental principles from which it is my -solemn injunction that those entrusted with its application shall -never, under any circumstances, depart.</p> - -<p>First and foremost among them is the limitation of its uses -absolutely and exclusively to such purposes as may be calculated -directly to ameliorate the condition and augment the -comforts of the poor, who, either by birth or established -residence, form a recognised portion of the population of -London.</p> - -<p>Secondly, it is my intention that now and for all time there -shall be a rigid exclusion from the management of this fund of -any influences calculated to impart to it a character either -sectarian as regards religion, or exclusive in relation to local or -party politics.</p> - -<p>Thirdly, in conformity with the foregoing conditions it is my -wish and intention that the sole qualifications for a participation -in the benefits of this fund shall be an ascertained and -continued condition of life such as brings the individual within -the description (in the ordinary sense of the word) of “the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40">40</a></span> -poor” of London, combined with moral character and good -conduct as a member of society. It must therefore be held to -be a violation of my intentions if any duly-qualified and -deserving claimant were to be excluded either on the ground of -religious belief or of political bias.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_25">THE “ALABAMA” CRUISER (1862).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Illustrated London News</cite>, November 15, 1862.</p> - -<p>The Confederate screw-steamer <i>Alabama</i>, Captain Semmes, -is the notorious vessel whose doings on the Newfoundland -banks have frightened northern merchants out of their -propriety, and occasioned a remonstrance from the New York -Chamber of Commerce addressed to British merchants.</p> - -<p>The <i>Alabama</i>, formerly the 290, was built in Mr. Laird’s yard -at Birkenhead. She is a wooden vessel of 1,200 tons burden, -copper-bottomed, 210 feet long, rather narrow, painted black -outside, carries three long 32-pounders on a side, has a -100-pounder rifled pivot-gun forward of the bridge, and a -68-pounder on the main-deck. These are of the Blakely -pattern, made by Wesley and Preston of Liverpool. She is -barque-rigged, and is represented to go thirteen knots under sail -and fifteen under steam. She sailed from the Mersey in August. -Her officers are Americans, but her present crew are Englishmen. -Captain Semmes was the dashing commander of the -Confederate steamer <i>Sumter</i>. The <i>Alabama</i> is, we believe, the -only vessel which the Confederate States now have on the -high seas....</p> - -<p>The ship <i>Tonowanda</i>, which recently arrived at Liverpool -from Philadelphia, reports that she was captured by the -<i>Alabama</i> (290) on the 9th of October at 4 p.m., in lat. 41, long. 55.</p> - -<p>Captain Julius was taken on board, and found there Captain -Harmon and crew of the late barque <i>Wave Crest</i> from New York -for Cardiff, and Captain Johnson and crew of the late brig -<i>Dunkirk</i> from New York to Lisbon, all prisoners and in irons -on deck, their vessels having been burnt two days previous. -The next day the prisoners were transferred to the <i>Tonowanda</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41">41</a></span> -and Captain Julius alone remained on board the <i>Alabama</i> as -hostage. On the 11th of October they captured and burnt the -ship <i>Manchester</i> from New York for Liverpool. Her captain -and crew were also put on board the <i>Tonowanda</i>. No more -prizes were taken till the evening of the 13th, and, there being -every appearance of thick weather, Captain Julius was put on -board the <i>Tonowanda</i> and allowed to proceed after having given -a ransom bond. All the captains, officers and crews are -“paroled” prisoners of war.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_26">THE WAR BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH (1863).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Duke of Argyll’s Autobiography and Memoirs</cite>, -vol. ii., pp. 196, 197. (John Murray, 1906.)</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Speech by the Duke of Argyll at a Banquet to Lord -Palmerston in Edinburgh, April 1st, 1863.</span></h3> - -<p>As my noble friend at the head of the Government told -the meeting he addressed last night at Glasgow, we may all -have our individual opinions as to the merits of the contest in -America.</p> - -<p>I, for one, have never concealed my own. As a Government -and a people, we must be what we have already been—absolutely -neutral. We must take no part whatever in that -contest; only, let me remind you, the peace and good will we -are all desirous should be maintained between these two great -countries does not depend only—nay, does not depend principally—upon -the conduct of the Government. My noble friend -[Lord Palmerston] has spoken of the miseries of civil war, as -well he may; but no word has ever fallen from his lips which -implies that anyone was entitled to cast censure on the -American Government for the contest in which they are engaged.</p> - -<p>Who are we that we should speak of civil war as in no circumstance -possible or permissible? Do we not remember that our -own liberties have been secured through every form and variety -of civil war? How much blood has been shed in the streets of -this ancient capital of Edinburgh! How many gory heads<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42">42</a></span> -have been nailed up in its streets! How many victims of civil -war crowd our churchyards in every portion of the country! -How many lie upon our mountains with nothing to mark them -but the heath or the cairn! What do we say of these men? -Do we consider their course to have been an evil one? Do we -not rather turn back to those pages of history with the loving -chisel of Old Mortality, to refresh in our minds the recollection -of their immortal names? Yes, gentlemen, if it be true—and -it is true—that the blood of the martyrs has been the seed of -the Church, it is equally true that the blood of the patriots has -been the foundation of the liberties of our country. Let us -extend, then, to our brethren in America the liberal interpretation -which we seek to be given to our own former annals. I, -for one, have not learned to be ashamed of that ancient -combination of the Bible and the sword. Let it be enough for -us to pray and hope that the contest whenever it may be brought -to an end, shall bring with it that great blessing to the white -race which shall consist in the final freedom of the black.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_27">THE BUDGET: EATING THE LEEK (1863).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Illustrated London News</cite>, May 9, 1863.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Sketches in Parliament.</span></h3> - -<p>When a tremendous House expressed in various ways its -approbation of the Budget a fortnight ago, few, if any, persons -imagined that an equally great House would assemble to behold -Mr. Gladstone go through the humiliating operation of eating a -financial leek. Everybody knows the story of the tax on -charities, which created such a monster opposition that a -Chancellor of the Exchequer could not get into his own room -to meet a deputation, because it was so blocked up with Royal -Dukes, Archbishops, Peers, M.P.’s, and vested interests -personified in every shape. Most people knew on Monday last -that this part of the Budget had been “mobbed” out of the -Chancellor of the Exchequer’s hands; and no one could have -been surprised at the deadly pallor of his cheek, the sternness -of his brow, his ghastly attempts at smiles, and his palpable<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43">43</a></span> -efforts to appear cool and unconcerned. When Lord -Palmerston came in he sat himself next to Mr. Gladstone and -entered into earnest but apparently airy conversation with him; -and one could not help fancying that in his humorous way the -Prime Minister was asking whether Mr. Gladstone really -objected to the flavour of leeks, and assuring him that when he -became as accustomed to them as he, the Premier was, from -eating them two or three times a week this Session, their -pungency and disagreeable flavour would be found more -fanciful than real.... At length the eventful moment came, -and Mr. Gladstone, with the light of battle in his eye, as -Mr. Kinglake would say, rose, and with unnatural calmness -proceeded to deliver, all things considered, one of the greatest -speeches that were ever uttered in Parliament. Conceive a -Chancellor of the Exchequer honestly impressed with the belief -that he had lighted on an accumulation of abuse ... and -erroneously, as we think, supposing that he was striking at the -abuse by taxing it, stopped short by an impassable barrier of -public opinion, and having to come down to the House to give -up the most darling part of his financial scheme, and oh, worst -of all, with it just half of that surplus which he had announced -his determination to defend against all comers. He did not -part with it, however, without such a crushing denunciation of -the abuse as will prove to be its knell; and as for ingenuity in -illustration and power of language in holding up to scorn and -derision the subject-matter of that denunciation, none but himself -could have been his parallel. As to giving up his scheme, he -did nothing of the kind; he hurled it at his opponents with the -fierceness and scathing force of a thunderbolt....</p> - -<p>... Later on in the debate Mr. Gladstone, in a low voice, and -with a resigned expression of countenance, announced the withdrawal -of his proposition. Mr. Disraeli, who has long ceased -to contend on financial matters with Mr. Gladstone, and who -had been, as usual, quiescent and nearly motionless all the -evening, merely paying Sir Stafford Northcote the high compliment -of turning slightly towards him when he was speaking, -instantly rose with the leap of a tiger, and every one expected<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44">44</a></span> -a burst of the old philippic style which made him what he is. -But nothing of the sort came.</p> - -<p>The first sentence was well enough, but the rest was all the -first sentence over again, and diluted and weakened by repetition; -and perhaps the only real consolation Mr. Gladstone -received that night was from the poverty of that attempt at -giving a kick when he was down.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_28">DISTRESS IN THE COTTON MANUFACTURING -DISTRICTS (1863).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, 1863; <cite>English History</cite>, pp. 140, 141.</p> - -<p>The maximum pressure of the distress occasioned by the -stoppage, partial or total, of the cotton mills of Lancashire -and Cheshire had been attained a short time prior to Christmas, -1862. In the month of December the number of persons -receiving regular relief was supposed to be little short of -500,000. The weekly loss of wages at the same time was -estimated at about £168,000. In the last two or three weeks -of the year a partial improvement took place, and in January, -1863, according to the statement officially made to the Manchester -Relief Committee, the number of persons receiving -aid from the rates and from the contributions of the public -together was 456,786. From this time a progressive decrease -took place, the numbers relieved during the five months -following being as follows:</p> - -<table class="narrow" summary="People receiving aid in 1863"> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">In February</td> - <td class="tdr">440,529</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl in1">” March</td> - <td class="tdr">426,411</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl in1">” April</td> - <td class="tdr">364,419</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl in1">” May</td> - <td class="tdr">294,281</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl in1">” June</td> - <td class="tdr">256,230</td></tr> -</table> - -<p class="in0">It thus appears that the number of persons dependent on -parochial rates and on voluntary contributions became reduced -at the end of the first half of 1863, as compared with the -maximum amount in December, 1862, by almost one-half. -This favourable result was due partly to the resumption of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45">45</a></span> -work in some of the factories, owing to an increased supply -of the raw material, and partly to the absorption which had -taken place to some extent of the surplus hands in other -employments, and to the removal and emigration of some part -of the population. This decrease in the number of unemployed -operatives continued with little variation during the summer. -In July the number relieved had fallen to 214,155; in August -to 205,261; and in September to 184,625. The list of persons -relieved at that time exhibited a steady decrease of 1,500 per -week. In that month it was computed that out of the 530,000 -operatives of all ages whose industry depended upon cotton, -there were 362,000 in employ, of whom nearly 250,000 were -at full work, and 120,251 working short time, while 171,535 -were entirely out of employ. It was apprehended that, as -winter approached, a reaction would take place, and that the -relief lists would again begin to show a serious augmentation. -But this expectation was only to a small extent realised. The -number relieved in the month of October was 168,170. In -November it increased in a trifling degree, being 170,859; -and in December it showed an addition of about 10,000, the -total being 180,900. Still, upon a comparison of the number -of persons in receipt of relief in the first and last months of -the year respectively, the improvement was very marked, the -last week of December, as compared with January, showing -the very large decrease of 275,877. The average percentage -of pauperism on the population of twenty-seven unions in the -last week of December, 1863, was 6·8; whereas in the corresponding -week of 1862 it had been 13·2. It was further shown -by a report of the Special Commissioners of the Poor Law -Board on the 4th of January, 1864, that at that date, as compared -with the last week in March, 1863, a reduction had taken -place of 33,963 in the actual number of operatives in the cotton -districts, the surplus having been transferred to other fields of -employment—viz., 18,244 having emigrated to the Colonies or -to the United States, and 15,725 having found other occupations -within the districts.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46">46</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_29">BRITAIN AND THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA (1863).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, 1863, pp. 128, 129.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Mr. Roebuck’s Speech on Motion in favour of -Recognising the Southern States as a Government.</span></h3> - -<p><i>June.</i>—Mr. Roebuck repudiated with scorn the argument -that the cause of the North was the cause of the slave. We -are met by the assertion: “Oh, England cannot acknowledge -a State in which slavery exists.” Indeed, I ask, is that really -the case, and is any man so weak as to believe it? Have we -not acknowledged Brazil? Are we not in constant communication -with Russia? And is there not slavery in both those -countries? Moreover, does anybody believe that the black -slave would be at all improved in his condition by being placed -in the same position as the free black in the North? I ask -whether the North, hating slavery, if you will, does not hate -the slave still more? (“No, no!”) I pity the ignorance of the -gentleman who says “No.” The blacks are not permitted to -take an equal station in the North. They are not permitted -to enter the same carriage, to pray to God in the same part of -the church, or to sit down at the same table as the whites. -They are like the hunted dog whom everybody may kick. -But in the South the feeling is very different. There black -children and white children are brought up together. In the -South there is not that hatred, that contempt, of the black man -which exists in the North. There is a kindly feeling in the -minds of the Southern planters towards those whom England -fixed there in a position of servitude. England forced slavery -upon the Southern States of America. It was not their doing. -They prayed and entreated England not to establish slavery in -their dominions, but we did it because it suited our interests, -and the gentlemen who now talk philanthropy talked the other -way. Every man who has studied the question will distinctly -understand the difference between the feeling of the Northern -gentleman and that of the Southern planter towards the black. -There is a sort of horror—a sort of shivering in the Northerner -when he comes across a black. He feels as if he were contaminated<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47">47</a></span> -by the very fact of a black man being on an equality -with him. That is not the case in the South. I am not now -speaking in favour of slavery. Slavery is to me as distasteful -as it is to anyone; but I have learnt to bear with other men’s -infirmities, and I do not think every man a rogue or a fool -who differs from me in opinion. But though I hate slavery -I cannot help seeing the great distinction between the condition -of the black in the North and his condition in the South. -I believe that if to-morrow you could make all the blacks in -the South like the free negroes in the North, you would do -them a great injury. The cry of the North in favour of the -black is a hypocritical cry, and to-morrow the North would -join with the South, and fasten slavery on the necks of the -blacks, if the South would only re-enter the Union. But the -South will never come into the Union, and, what is more, -I hope it never may. I will tell you why I say so. America, -while she was one, ran a race of prosperity unparalleled in the -world. In eighty years, not America, but Europe, made the -Republic such a Power that, if she had continued as she was -a few years ago, she would have been the great bully of the -world. Why, sir, <span class="locked">she—</span></p> - -<div class="poem-container"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i10">“... bestrode the narrow world,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Like a Colossus; and we petty men<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Walked under her huge legs, and peeped about<br /></span> -<span class="i0">To find ourselves dishonourable graves.”<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p class="in0">As far as my influence goes, I am determined to do all I can -to prevent the reconstruction of the Union, and I hope that -the balance of power on the American Continent will in future -prevent any one State from tyrannising over the world as the -Republic did.</p> - -<p>[For opposing view see next extract.]</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_30">OPPOSITION TO MR. ROEBUCK’S MOTION (1863).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, 1863; <cite>English History</cite>, pp. 130, 131.</p> - -<p>Mr. Bright animadverted severely upon the speech of Mr. -Roebuck....</p> - -<p>Mr. Roebuck, he said, would help to break up a friendly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48">48</a></span> -nation, and create an everlasting breach between the two -nations, because he deemed it for the interest of England. The -whole case rested upon either a miserable jealousy or a base -fear. He looked upon the interest of England from a different -point of view. He believed the war was more likely than -anything else to abolish slavery. The supply of cotton under -slavery must always be insecure. It was the interest of -England that the supply of cotton should be by free labour -rather than by that of slaves. As to the political aspect of the -question, the more he considered this war, the more improbable -he thought it that the United States would be broken into -separate Republics. The conclusion to which he had come -was that if there should be a separation, the interests, the -sympathies and the necessities, perhaps the ambition, of the -whole Continent were such that it would be reunited under -a Central Government. And this Government might be in -the hands of the South. Having dwelt at considerable length -upon the hideous features of Southern slavery, and eulogised -the Northern institutions, it was against such a Government, -he observed, in such a contest with such a foe, that Mr. -Roebuck asked the House to throw into the scale the weight -of the hostility of England.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_31">A POLICY OF MEDDLE AND MUDDLE (1864).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, vol. 106; <cite>English History</cite>, p. 7.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Attack on Earl Russell’s Foreign Policy by Lord -Derby (February 4).</span></h3> - -<p>He then called the attention of the House to the portion of -the Queen’s speech relating to foreign affairs. Her Majesty’s -Government had for two or three years past mainly rested -their claim to public confidence on their foreign policy. They -had abandoned the question of Parliamentary Reform the -moment it had served the purpose of putting them in office. -The fulfilment of the promises they had made was defeated -by Lord Russell, and when he was transferred to the more -serene atmosphere of the House of Lords, he pronounced the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49">49</a></span> -funeral oration of Reform. He had told them ... “to rest -and be thankful,” and from that time their foreign policy had -been the groundwork of the claim of Her Majesty’s Government -to public confidence. I think, proceeded Lord Derby, -that at the commencement the foreign policy of the noble -Earl opposite might be summed up in the affirmation of the -principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other -countries, the extension of Liberal principles by the exercise -of our moral interference, and, above all, the maintenance of -uninterrupted and cordial relations with the Emperor of the -French. We were told more than once that the present -Government was the only one to maintain a good understanding -with the Emperor of the French, or, at least, that its -predecessor could not possibly have done so, and that, if the -country desired to preserve cordial relations between itself and -France, Her Majesty’s present advisers, and especially the -noble Earl opposite, were the only persons qualified to secure -that most desirable object.</p> - -<p>Now, my lords, as to non-intervention in the internal affairs -of other countries, when I look around me I fail to see what -country there is, in the internal affairs of which the noble Earl -has not interfered.</p> - -<p>“<i xml:lang="la" lang="la">Nihil intactum reliquit, nihil tetigit quod</i>”—I cannot say, “<i xml:lang="la" lang="la">non -ornavit</i>,” but “<i xml:lang="la" lang="la">non conturbavit</i>.” The foreign policy of the noble -Earl, as far as the principle of non-intervention is concerned, may -be summed up in two homely but expressive words—“meddle” -and “muddle.” During the whole course of his diplomatic -correspondence, wherever he has interfered—and he has interfered -everywhere—he has been lecturing, scolding, blustering, -and retreating. Seriously—for though there may be something -ludicrous about it, the matter is of too great importance to -be treated only in a light and jocular manner—I cannot but -feel as an Englishman that I am lowered and humiliated in my -own estimation, and in that of other nations, by the result of -the noble Earl’s administration of foreign affairs. Thanks to -the noble Earl and the present Government, we have at this -moment not one single friend in Europe, and, more than that,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50">50</a></span> -this country, the chief fault of which was that it went too -direct and straightforward at what it aimed, which never gave -a promise without the intention of performing, which never -threatened without a full determination of striking, which -never made a demand without being prepared to enforce it, -this country is now in such a position, that its menaces are -disregarded, its magniloquent language is ridiculed, and its -remonstrances are treated with contemptuous indifference by -the small as well as by the great Powers of the Continent. -With regard to the policy of keeping up a good understanding -with France, there is hardly a single question in which Her -Majesty’s Ministers have not thwarted the policy of the -Emperor. From the Mexican expedition it had withdrawn, -and it had not supported the Emperor’s policy in relation to -the Confederate States of America. It had also declined the -Emperor’s proposition of a Congress.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_32">ATTITUDE OF ENGLAND TOWARDS THE AUSTRO-PRUSSIAN -ATTACK ON DENMARK (1864).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Ashley’s Life of Viscount Palmerston</cite>, vol. ii., pp. 249–251. -(Richard Bentley and Son.)</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Letter from Lord Palmerston to Lord J. Russell.</span></h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l2"><span class="smcap">94, Piccadilly</span>,</span><br /> -<i>May 1, 1864</i>. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="smcap">My dear Russell</span>, -</p> - -<p class="let">I felt so little satisfied with the decision of the Cabinet -on Saturday, that I determined to make a notch off my own -bat, and accordingly I wrote this morning to Apponyi, asking -him to come here and give me half an hour’s conversation. -He came accordingly. I said I wished to have some friendly -and unreserved conversation with him, not as between an -English Minister, and the Austrian Ambassador, but as -between Palmerston and Apponyi, that what I was going to -say related to serious matters; but I begged that nothing I -might say should be looked upon as a threat, but only as a -frank explanation between friends on matters which might<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51">51</a></span> -lead to disagreements, and with regard to which, unless timely -explanation were given as to possible consequences of certain -things, a reproach might afterwards be made that timely -explanation might have averted disagreeable results. I said -that we have from the beginning taken a deep interest in -favour of Denmark—not from family ties, which have little -influence on English policy, and sometimes act unfavourably—but, -first, that we have thought from the beginning that -Denmark has been harshly and unjustly treated; and, secondly, -we deem the integrity and independence of the State, which -commands the entrance to the Baltic, objects of interest to -England. That we abstained from taking the field in defence -of Denmark for many reasons—from the season of the year; -from the smallness of our army, and the great risk of failure -in a struggle with all Germany by land. That with regard -to operations by sea, the positions would be reversed: we -are strong, Germany is weak; and the German ports in the -Baltic, North Sea, and Adriatic would be greatly at our command. -Speaking for myself personally, and for nobody else, -I must frankly tell him that, if an Austrian squadron were to -pass along our coasts and ports, and go into the Baltic to help -in any way the German operations against Denmark, I should -look upon it as an affront and insult to England. That I -could not, and would not stand such a thing; and that, unless -in such case a superior British squadron were to follow, with -such orders for acting as the case might require, I would not -continue to hold my present position; and such a case would -probably lead to collision—that is, war; and in my opinion -Germany, and especially Austria, would be the sufferer in such -a war. I should deeply regret such a result, because it is the -wish of England to be well with Austria; but I am confident -that I should be borne out by public opinion. I again begged -that he would not consider this communication as a threat, -but simply as a friendly reminder of consequences which -might follow a possible course of action.</p> - -<p>Apponyi having listened with great attention to what I said, -replied that the considerations which I had pointed out were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52">52</a></span> -not new to his mind; that they had been forcibly dwelt upon, -among other persons, by the King of the Belgians. That he -was quite aware that, if the Austrian ships entered the Baltic, -an English squadron would follow them; that in all probability -one of two things would happen—either that the Austrian -squadron would be destroyed, or that it would be compelled -by orders from the English Admiral, to leave the Baltic. -Thus they would run the risk of a catastrophe or a humiliation, -and they did not wish for either. That, therefore, -whatever may have been said by Rechberg in his note, we -might be sure that the Austrian squadron will not enter the -Baltic. This is satisfactory as far as Apponyi may be considered -the organ of the Austrian Government; but I think -we ought to have something more positive in writing than -we have got.</p> - -<p>I shall state to the Cabinet to-morrow the substance of my -conversation with Apponyi.</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l4">Yours sincerely,</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">Palmerston</span>. -</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_33">LAYING OF THE ATLANTIC CABLE: SCENE IN -IRELAND (1865).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Brighton Herald</cite>, July 29, 1865.</p> - -<p>The <i>Great Eastern</i> left Valentia on Sunday afternoon on her -voyage across the Atlantic.</p> - -<p>On the Saturday the operation of laying the shore-end of the -cable was successfully performed, though not without considerable -risk. Not only had the cable to be landed, but quite a -mile in excess was to be hauled on the shore from the <i>Caroline</i>, -a tender of the <i>Great Eastern</i>, to pass up the cliff and across a -couple of fields which led to the Telegraph House, and gave -communication through the land lines to London. But no -sooner was the first end of the cable seen near the shore than -a wild “Hooroo” arose from those on land who saw it coming. -With a contagion, characteristic of the people, the enthusiasm -passed rapidly downwards from those on the cliffs to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53">53</a></span> -groups on the winding path, and thence, like a current of -electricity, into the cable-boats themselves, the crews of which -joined in the shouting, and seeing the end so near the land, and -concluding their work well done, at once proceeded to heave -the massive rope into the sea. From boat to boat the first -bad example was followed by all until, to the dismay of the -cablemen, who could not gain a hearing amid the continued -cheers, every fathom up to the stern of the <i>Caroline</i> was thrown -overboard.</p> - -<p>The result of this touching enthusiasm was that every foot -had to be underrun preparatory to the whole operation beginning -<i xml:lang="la" lang="la">de novo</i>. It took some time to effect this, during which, -it is but fair to say, the Irish were silent and dispirited enough, -and in reply to the admonitions of the Knight of Kerry, -promised to refrain from cheering till at least all was done—a -promise which they kept faithfully. When the cable had -been underrun, hauled into the boats again, and the shore end -really began to come on land and was stowed away in gigantic -circles at the foot of the cliff, the scene was one of real animation. -Numbers of men were in the water up to their waists -or shoulders, easing the cable over the rocks, while along the -steep path up the cliffs was a close row of figures, men and -boys, of every rank, from the well-to-do farmer down to the -poorest cottier, all pulling at the cable with a will, and as if in -atonement for their first fault of enthusiasm, obeying with -silent and almost childlike docility every signal made by -Mr. Glass or Mr. Canning as to when they were to haul or to -slack away. Above them and dangerously near the edges of -the heights was a fringe of eager lookers-on, while the slopes -beyond were dotted with bright groups of the county gentry -who had ridden or driven in to see the “landing.” By 12 -o’clock the cable was well up the groove, which had been cut -in the face of the cliff for its reception, and from this point the -work of carrying the massive coils across the meadows to the -Receiving House beyond was soon accomplished, and at a -little before one o’clock, the end taken over roads, hedges, and -ditches was safely housed in the <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">sanctum sanctorum</i>—the testing-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54">54</a></span>room. -Here the batteries were at once applied and showed -both conductivity and insulation to the last fathom in the hold -of the <i>Caroline</i> absolutely perfect.</p> - -<p>On Sunday the delicate task of splicing the end of the deep -sea cable on board the <i>Great Eastern</i> to the shore end, laid the -day before by the <i>Caroline</i>, was performed on board the latter -vessel. The joint was then immersed in cold water for testing, -and the signals proving perfect, the last protection of hemp and -outside wire was added and the joint sunk again into the sea -that its perfectness as to conductivity and insulation might be -ascertained from the extreme end of the whole length of the -cable on board the <i>Great Eastern</i>. It was past four o’clock -when the last of these tests was concluded. By that time the -<i>Great Eastern</i>, which had always kept moving her paddles at -intervals, had forged ahead of the <i>Caroline</i> some two or three -miles, paying out the cable slowly as she went on, and leaving -the latter vessel the only float by which one portion of the wire -was kept above water. The instant, however, the flags went -down, the last fastenings which held it to the <i>Caroline</i> were cast -adrift, and with a great splash the final joint of the Atlantic -Telegraph and the first thirty miles or so of its length went -slowly down into the blue water and were out of sight.</p> - -<p>The <i>Great Eastern</i> fired two guns from her bows at 5.30 to -mark the commencement of her journey, and Sir Robert Peel, -mounting to the little quarter-deck of the <i>Hawk</i>, marked time, -while three small but earnest cheers were given by the select -company on board to the success of the great enterprise. In -return came back a swelling hearty roar from all on the cable -ship, as with the last salute of waving hats and caps and -handkerchiefs, the tender dropped astern leaving the <i>Great -Eastern</i> dipping slowly but steadily ahead at the rate of about -six knots an hour. As long as signs could be made, or hats -waved, the vessel was anxiously watched; but she soon hid -herself in her own smoke, and when the <i>Hawk</i> neared the Irish -coast a mere brown cloud in the horizon was all that showed -where the greatest ship in the world was steaming away to -endeavour to accomplish the realisation of an idea even more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55">55</a></span> -important than that which she herself embodies. May she be -successful! Several telegrams of a satisfactory character have -been received. We give the latest.</p> - -<blockquote> -<p class="sigright"> -“<i>Thursday morning.</i> -</p> - -<p>The <i>Great Eastern</i> telegraphs that 300 miles were paid out at -5.30 a.m. to-day, and that 300 miles were run at 9.50 a.m.</p> - -<p>All is going well.</p> - -<p>The signals are perfect.”</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_34">THE FENIAN CONSPIRACY (1865).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, 1865; <cite>English History</cite>, pp. 172–174.</p> - -<p>The new conspiracy, commonly known by the name of -“Fenian,” was only another development of that deep-seated -disaffection and alienation from England which had been in -past times the source of so many crimes and outrages, so many -secret societies and smouldering insurrections, which had made -coercive laws and a standing garrison the indispensable instruments -of government in Ireland. The conspiracy which was -this year brought to light, but was happily checked before it -arrived at any outbreak, was larger in extent, more daring in -its objects and, in some respects, more formidable in nature -than any similar movement of late years. Of the name by -which it was distinguished, various explanations have been -given, but the most probable is that it was derived from Fionn, -a celebrated chieftain who lived before the conversion of -Ireland to Christianity, and who is the same as the hero of -Macpherson, Fingal. By the modern Irish this individual is -styled Finn Mac Cool. The Fenians were the men or people -of Finn. They formed in the period above mentioned a sort of -standing militia or warlike caste, whose office it was to protect -the country from aggression, and support the power of the -kings, in return for which service they received a certain -allotment of land and other privileges. The leaders of the -present movement, no doubt, saw an advantage in connecting -their party with the historical and traditionary glories of -Ireland. But whatever may have been the origin of the name,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56">56</a></span> -the thing itself was simply a scheme of rebellion against the -English Government, organised in the United States, having -its centre of rule and administration there, and intended to -combine the numerous Irish settlers in that country, men for -the most part bitterly hostile to English rule, with the -disaffected in various parts in Ireland, in a great effort to throw -off by force the yoke of the British Crown, and to take the -whole power and property of the island into their own -hands....</p> - -<p>The Fenian Society had its chiefs, its officers, both civil and -military, its common funds and financial agencies, its secret -oaths, passwords, and emblems, its laws and penalties, its -stores of concealed arms and weapons, its nightly drills and -trainings of men, its correspondents and agents in various -quarters, its accredited journals, and even its popular songs and -ballads, all designed to extend its influence and to gain -adherents from various quarters, not excepting the soldiers in -the British army, and the warders in the gaols.... By their -vain parade, their boastful language, and the unseemly -squabbles among their rival factions, the Fenian leaders in -America exposed their association to no little ridicule and -contempt.... There was one feature in this form of disaffection -which distinguished it in a marked manner from -preceding combinations. Most of the plots and fraternities -which have for some time back menaced the peace of Ireland -have had more or less of a theological character. They have -been animated by a fierce hostility to the Protestant Church -and its partisans, while they have professed submission and -respect to the Roman Catholic faith and priesthood. But the -Fenian movement made no such profession. It did not seek -any countenance from the spiritual authorities of the popular -creed, nor any aid from religious zeal and fanaticism. On the -contrary its members openly proclaimed their enmity to the -Romish hierarchy and priesthood, including them as well as -all holders of political power, and all owners of property, of -whatever creed in their denunciations, as the enemies of the -nation, who were to be swept away and destroyed.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57">57</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_35">THE FENIAN CONSPIRACY: GENERAL PLEDGE OF -THE FENIAN BROTHERHOOD (1865).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, 1865; <cite>English History</cite>, p. 183.</p> - -<p>“I, ... solemnly pledge my sacred word of honour, as a -truthful and honest man, that I will labour with earnest zeal -for the liberation of Ireland from the yoke of England, and for -the establishment of a free and independent Government on the -Irish soil; that I will implicitly obey the commands of my -superior officers in the Fenian Brotherhood; that I will -faithfully discharge my duties of membership as laid down in -the constitution and by-laws thereof; that I will do my utmost -to promote feelings of love, harmony, and kindly forbearance -among all Irishmen; and that I will foster, defend, and -propagate the aforesaid Fenian Brotherhood, to the utmost of -my power.”</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_36">DEATH OF LORD PALMERSTON (1865).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, October 19, 1865, p. 8.</p> - -<p>One of the most popular statesmen, one of the kindliest -gentlemen, and one of the truest Englishmen that ever filled -the office of Premier is to-day lost to the country. The news -of Lord Palmerston’s death will be received in every home -throughout these islands, from the palace to the cottage, with -a feeling like that of personal bereavement. There is not a -province in our vast colonial empire, and there are few civilised -nations in the world, which will hear without an emotion of -regret that Lord Palmerston no longer guides the policy of -England. Never again will that familiar voice be heard in -the councils of Europe, or in the British Senate, of which he -almost seemed a part, never again will that native gaiety of -spirits enliven the social circle in which he loved to move. -The death of no other subject could have left such a void in -the hearts of his countrymen, for no other has been identified -so long or so closely with our national life....</p> - -<p>His name will not be remembered in connection with the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58">58</a></span> -triumph of a grand cause, nor was his life devoted to the -development of a single idea, and yet he was a great man -unless that title be confined by an arbitrary limitation to a -prescribed class of moral and intellectual virtues.... In -familiarity with the labyrinthine complications of modern -European diplomacy he excelled all living politicians, both at -home and abroad. In the art of distinguishing the prevailing -current of public opinion, in readiness of tact, in versatility -of mind and humour, in the masterly ease with which he -handled the reins of Government, and in the general felicity -of his political temperament, he had no rival in his own generation. -To these gifts, however, he added an unwearied application -to duty, which would itself have earned him a high position -in the State.</p> - -<p>The secret and source of his great popularity was his -boundless sympathy with all classes of his countrymen. He -was a truly large-hearted man, and moved among men and -women of every rank as one of themselves.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_37">THE CAVE OF ADULLAM: SPEECH OF MR. BRIGHT ON -THE FIRST READING OF THE REFORM BILL OF 1866.</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, March 14, 1866.</p> - -<p>Why, Sir, the right hon. gentleman below me (Mr. Horsman) -who said a little against the Government, and a little -against this Bill, last night made an attack upon so humble an -individual as I am. He is the first member of this new party -who expressed by his actions his great grief. He retired into -what may be called his political Cave of Adullam, to which -he invited everyone who was in distress, and everyone who -was discontented. He has long been anxious to found a party -in this House, and there is scarcely a member at this end of -the House who is able to address us with effect, or to take -much part in our debates whom he has not tried to bring over -to his party and his cabal. At last he has succeeded in hooking -the right hon. gentleman, the member for Calne (Mr. Lowe). -I know it was the opinion many years ago of a member of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59">59</a></span> -Cabinet that two men could make a party; and a party formed -of two men so amiable, so genial as both of those right hon. -gentlemen, we may hope to see for the first time in Parliament -a party perfectly harmonious and distinguished by a mutual -and an unbroken trust. But there is one great difficulty in the -way. It is very much like the case of the Scotch terrier which -was so covered with hair that you could not tell which was -head and which was tail. Sir, the right hon. gentleman, the -member for Calne, told us that he had had some peculiar -election experiences....</p> - -<p>Now, the constituency which the right hon. gentleman -represents nominally consists of 174 members, seven of whom -are working men, but his real constituency is a member of the -other House of Parliament who could have sent here his butler -or his groom. Sir, I think that in one sense, looking on the -right hon. gentleman as an intellectual gladiator in this House, -we are much indebted to the Marquis of Lansdowne that he -did not do that. I have said that I wanted to explain the -particulars of this Bill, and to appeal to the good sense and -the patriotism of the gentlemen opposite not lightly to reject -it. I ask them not to take the disparaging description of their -countrymen which has been offered to the House by the member -for Calne, and the hon. member for Salisbury, who, I presume, -from their association at the Antipodes, seem to take only a -Botany Bay view of this subject, and of the character of the -great bulk of their fellow-countrymen. Why, the right hon. -gentleman said on one night, when I was not here, that I, even -in the matter of the cattle plague, set class against class. I -ask any man in this House: Is it possible to do a thing that -is more perilous than that which is done by the right hon. -gentleman and his Australian colleague, the member for Salisbury, -viz., to make it appear that there is a gulf which shall -not be passed by legislation, between the highest, the most -powerful and the most numerous portion of the middle class, -and the great body of the working people who are really the -very heart of this great country? Now, is it not inconceivably -better to show trust in the people, for of all the follies, all the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60">60</a></span> -crimes which individuals commit, that of constant distrust of -their fellow-subjects, of all the citizens of their country, is -about the wildest and the most foolish.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_38">SUCCESSFUL LAYING OF THE ATLANTIC TELEGRAPH -CABLE (1866).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, 1866; <cite>Chronicle</cite>, pp. 102, 103.</p> - -<p><i>July 27.</i>—This evening at about 5 o’clock English time, the -cable was completed between Europe and America. Conversations -had been carried on throughout the day, until word was -sent to Valentia to cease signalling as they were about to make -the splice with the shore end at Trinity Bay. This was effected -soon after dusk. One of the earliest messages transmitted by the -cable was the following:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<h3><span class="smcap">From the Queen, Osborne, to the President of the -United States, Washington.</span></h3> - -<p>“The Queen congratulates the President on the successful -completion of an undertaking which she hopes may serve as an -additional bond of union between the United States and -England.”</p></blockquote> - -<p>The President replied as follows:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<h3><span class="smcap">From Andrew Johnson, the Executive Mansion, -Washington, to Her Majesty the Queen of the United -Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.</span></h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<i>July 30, 11.30 a.m.</i> -</p> - -<p>“The President of the United States acknowledges with -profound gratification the receipt of Her Majesty’s despatch, -and cordially reciprocates the hope that the cable that now -unites the eastern and western hemispheres may serve to -strengthen and perpetuate peace and amity between the -Government of England and the Republic of the United States.”</p></blockquote> - -<p>President Johnson’s reply to the Queen occupied only one -hour and nine minutes in its transit from Newfoundland to -Osborne.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61">61</a></span></p> - -<blockquote> - -<h3><span class="smcap">The following Message was sent by the Earl -of Carnarvon to Viscount Monk, Ottawa, Canada.</span></h3> - -<p>“I am commanded by the Queen to convey to the Governor-General -of her North-American Provinces Her Majesty’s -congratulations on the completion of the Atlantic telegraph and -the strengthening thereby of the unity of the British Empire.</p> - -<p>Her Majesty includes her ancient colony of Newfoundland in -these congratulations to all her faithful subjects.”</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="smcap">Carnarvon.</span> -</p> - -<p class="p0 in0 in1 smaller"> -<i>July 28, 1866.</i> -</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_39">GREAT REFORM DEMONSTRATION AT -MANCHESTER (1866).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, 1866; <cite>Chronicle</cite>, p. 137.</p> - -<p>This afternoon a meeting, supposed to be larger than any -hitherto assembled in England, was held at Manchester. -During the morning many local divisions marched into the -town from the various populous districts around, carrying -flags inscribed with the words “Nation Reform Union,” and -proceeded to the square called Campfield, a centre surrounded -by ten acres, in which six platforms were erected. Notwithstanding -the torrents of rain which continued throughout the -day, the numbers assembled were estimated by the reporters -both of the local and of the London Press at between 100,000 -and 200,000 persons. At each of the above sections three -resolutions were carried, namely:</p> - -<p>1. That this meeting protests against the perpetuation of -class government to the exclusion of the great majority of the -people from the franchise; refuses to allow itself to be made -an instrument to further the means of contending parties or the -selfish interests of any class; and pledges itself to adopt all -means of organising and agitating for the only just basis of -representation—registered residential manhood suffrage and the -ballot.</p> - -<p>2. That this meeting rejoices in the formation of the northern -department of the Reform League, and pledges its support to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62">62</a></span> -the executive council in the organisation of branches throughout -the North of England, and hereby declares its confidence in -Mr. Edmund Beales, and the executive of the Reform League -in London.</p> - -<p>3. That this meeting tenders its warmest and most grateful -thanks to Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, John Bright, Esq., -John Stuart Mill, Esq., and all friends of Reform, who, -throughout the late discussions in Parliament, vindicated the -character and protected the rights of the people; and further, -expresses confidence in the honesty and ability of Mr. John -Bright to champion the people’s cause in Parliament during the -coming Parliamentary struggle.</p> - -<p>At the evening meeting in the Free Trade Hall, the following -resolution was carried by acclamation:</p> - -<p>“That this meeting, while recording its indignation at the -insults offered in Parliament and by the Press to the working -classes and their advocates, calls on the people of this country -to allow themselves no longer to be trifled with by an oligarchic -few, and to rally round those men who have upheld their -cause.”</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_40">ATTEMPTED FENIAN RAID AT CHESTER (1867).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Illustrated Times</cite>, February 16, 1867.</p> - -<p>Much alarm has been caused this week by an apprehended -raid of Fenians upon the ancient city. The following summary -is obtained from Mr. Fenwick, the chief constable of Chester.</p> - -<p>The Fenians have recently organised in New York a band -of fifty, whose special mission it is to proceed to England and -Ireland and endeavour to resuscitate the dying brotherhood. -These men are understood to have arrived in England. -Fifteen of them are stationed in the metropolis, and there -form a Directory. Eight of them are ex-officers of the -American army.... A meeting was called for Sunday at -Liverpool, and it was then resolved to attack Chester Castle -the following day, seize the arms deposited there, cut the -telegraph wires, tear up the rails, and make good their escape<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63">63</a></span> -by rail to Holyhead, and trust to fortune to get across to -Ireland. It was also understood that they would attack the -banks and jewellers’ shops. It was also given out freely at the -meeting why Chester Castle was selected. Up to midnight on -Sunday Chester was not protected by more than half a dozen -soldiers on guard at the Castle, and twice as many unarmed -policemen in the city. Under their protection were no less -than 9,000 stand of arms, 4,000 swords, and 900,000 rounds of -ammunition, in addition to powder in bulk. There were also -stored in another part of the Castle 900 stand of arms belonging -to the militia; and in a small building in the city were 200 -stand of arms belonging to the volunteers. It was stated that -the whole force stationed at the Castle was one company of the -54th Regiment, and that they were disaffected. The first -intimation received in Chester of the intended raid was at -12.30 a.m. by Mr. Fenwick from Superintendent Ryde of -Liverpool, and was to the effect that an ex-officer of the -American army, who produced his commission as an officer in -the Fenian service, had revealed the whole plot to them. -Prompt measures were taken and the commandant telegraphed -to Manchester for reinforcements. Mr. Fenwick next went to -the station and gave instructions for the trains to be watched -as they arrived. At 2.30 a batch of thirty fellows arrived from -Liverpool, and were evidently under the command of an officer. -They marched up and down the platform by twos and threes, -and at length took possession of the first-class refreshment -room. They were soon followed by further detachments of -from thirty to sixty from Liverpool, and some from Manchester, -all of similar appearance. These dispersed quietly into the -town. Early in the morning the volunteers were called out. -They were sworn in as special constables. By the assistance -of the police at Liverpool and Manchester, the Chester police -were kept apprised of the different departures of suspected -bodies of men. At three o’clock it was ascertained that over -five hundred of these men had arrived, and that a number of -their officers had been in Chester over night. Early in the -afternoon the strangers became much bolder and assembled in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64">64</a></span> -threatening bodies. Fortunately at this time a company of the -54th Regiment arrived from Manchester, and the police are -strongly inclined to think that this fact saved the Castle from -an attack early in the evening. Affairs went very quietly up -to four o’clock, when a train from Manchester and Stalybridge -brought a reinforcement of four hundred in one batch. Later -on forty men arrived from Halifax and seventy from Leeds. -Shortly after five it was ascertained that the Fenians -numbered from 1,400 to 1,500. A number of men who were -supposed to be their leaders collected at a house where the -police had been informed they would meet for orders.</p> - -<p>Spies and scouts had been sent out among the Fenians early -in the day, but found them extremely reticent, and could get no -clue from them. At 6 p.m. these scouts brought information -that the men were forming in column on the Liverpool and -other principal roads.</p> - -<p>Captain Smith, the county chief constable, had drafted a -body of the county constabulary into the Castle to assist the -military. A copy of the following anonymous letter sent to the -chief of the Liverpool police was received by Major Fenwick -in the evening, and coincided singularly with the information -already in his possession:</p> - -<blockquote> -<p> -<span class="smcap">Dear Sir</span>, -</p> - -<p class="let">You could do your country much service, as at present -there are 600 men in Chester, to be increased by night to 700, -to take the arms and ammunition of the garrison; and as the -garrison is disaffected, it is supposed they will do it with little -loss. They are to leave Birkenhead by every train from the -first in the morning. All to be there by seven at the latest. -They leave in numbers of from thirty to sixty in every train.</p></blockquote> - -<p>At night the Mayor convened a public meeting, which was -most earnest; and over 500 citizens were sworn in as special -constables, and paraded the town in large bodies throughout -the night. It was deemed desirable to call out the yeomanry, -and for that purpose the permission of Earl Grosvenor and -Lord de Tabley was telegraphed for. Earl Grosvenor replied<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65">65</a></span> -that he would come down by the night mail, and accordingly -he and Lord Richard Grosvenor arrived in Chester at 12.48 on -Tuesday morning and remained with the magistrates through -the night.</p> - -<p>Before leaving London, Earl Grosvenor communicated with -the Commander-in-Chief, who at once telegraphed that he had -ordered a battalion of Guards by special train to Chester. -During the night the Fenians evidently came to the conclusion -that the preparations were too much for them, and as the night -advanced, parties of tens and twenties were seen leaving, on -foot, for Warrington and other neighbouring towns.</p> - -<p>Although all danger of any serious attempt had died away -after the town’s meeting, the police were kept on duty, as many -suspicious characters were still to be seen in the streets. -About nine o’clock on Tuesday morning two haversacks with -green bands and a quantity of ball cartridges of private make -were discovered on a piece of vacant land close to the railway-station.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_41">REFORM BILL: THREE-CORNERED CONSTITUENCIES -(1867).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—Leader’s <cite>Life of the Right Hon. J. A. Roebuck, M.P.</cite>, pp. 313–315. -(By permission.) (London: Edward Arnold, 1897.)</p> - -<p>After the Bill, turned inside out by Liberal effort, and presenting -as an Act scarcely any possible resemblance to its -original shape, had established household suffrage, Mr. Roebuck -at Sheffield further explained and justified his course by saying:</p> - -<p>“I made a resolution with myself that, having got Lord -Derby into power, we would, if it were possible, screw out of -him a real reform of Parliament. It always appeared to me -that the Whigs never could carry a second Reform Bill. I -stated so in 1859. I was hooted and yelled at in this very town -because I so stated. Then came Lord Derby again, and then -I recollected my old determination. ‘If ever a Reform Bill is -carried,’ I said to myself, ‘it will be by those men, and so sure -as they bring it in, I will support them.’ I steadily supported -that Bill, and what has been the result? We have got a more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66">66</a></span> -Liberal Bill than ever Whig proposed. We have got a Bill -that has frightened, I believe, the very persons who proposed it. -It has not frightened me. I believe we shall now find what -the people of England really mean. I have great confidence -in the right-heartedness of my own countrymen. I have no -dread of the future.... We have got a great deal more good -out of the Tory administration than out of anybody else. This -Reform Bill is before us. We have now to work it.... I am -sure there can be no harm to England while we have a free -Press, a free people; but with that Press and constant inter-communication -of thought, it will render the passing of the -Reform Bill one of the greatest boons ever conferred upon the -people of this country.”</p> - -<p>On the question of the three-cornered constituencies, Mr. -Roebuck subsequently explained his course in the following -letter:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<h3><span class="smcap">To a Constituent.</span></h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="smcap">19, Ashley Place, S.W.</span> -</p> - -<p>The story of the three members’ constituencies is a simple -one and can soon be told. Many attempts to stop and destroy -the Reform Bill were made under the guise of liberality. -The project respecting the three members was one of them. -It was thought that Mr. Disraeli had got to the length of his -tether, that his party would go no further, and that if at this -time they could be induced to recalcitrate, the Liberals who had -hitherto supported the Government must vote with the real -enemies of the Bill, that the Government would be put into a -minority, must go out, and that the Bill would then be defeated. -Mr. Disraeli said in the debate that the Government could not -accede to the proposal, and that the defeat of the Government -in the motion would seriously endanger the Bill. We knew -what this meant—viz., that his party could not be induced to go -further in the way of concession. Seeing this we said: “We -will not throw away the good we have attained for the purpose -of adding six members to large constituencies, and taking away -six from small ones. This benefit, if it should be desired, can -easily be obtained from the new Parliament when it meets. In<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67">67</a></span> -the meantime we will insure the Bill.” We voted for the -Government, put them into a majority, and saved the Bill. But -Mr. Disraeli, upon consulting his party again, found that they -deemed the trouble of the contest a greater evil than yielding -the point, and they yielded so far as four members were concerned. -I complained of this, and strove for Sheffield; but I -was told that the party of Mr. Disraeli would go no further than -four members, and so, according to my own expression, -Sheffield was left out in the cold. This is the plain history of -the case. It is a story that could be told of many other similar -attempts to defeat the Bill, which attempts were defeated by our -steady determination to carry the Bill, spite of calumny, spite -of threats, spite of abuse. The Bill is now law, and is law -because a number of Liberals were more far-sighted, ay, and -more disinterested, than those who called themselves leaders of -the Liberal party.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_42">ABYSSINIAN CAPTIVES (1867).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, July 9, 1867.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Letter received by Mrs. Stern from her Husband, -one of the Captives in Abyssinia.</span></h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l2"><span class="smcap">Magdala</span>,</span><br /> -<i>May 1, 1867</i>. -</p> - -<p>Another month has passed since I wrote to you, a month -like all the rest in this miserable prison life, full of anxious -care and wearisome inactivity. Sometimes I squat down and -try to beguile the tedious hours by writing sketches of sermons, -and by diffusing on closely written pages the varied incidents -of our painful captivity.... In our immediate neighbourhood -matters have not mended much since my last. The King -is still pursuing his work of devastation in the provinces that -are subject to his doubtful sway. The rebels, too, with the -disaffected peasantry for their allies, are doing their utmost to -resent the cruelties of their lately owned ruler and acknowledged -chief. The ruthless ferocity of the King has exhausted<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68">68</a></span> -the patience of the most timid and servile, and all appear now -to be animated by one deep and ardent passion—viz., the -overthrow of the tyrant. The army he once had at his behest -is scattered in bands of rebels all over the country; and as he -can never recruit again his incredibly diminished hordes, he -will be forced to make this Amba his last asylum and tomb, -or, followed by a few faithful adherents and the most valuable -captives, seek a home in the marshy jungles and entangled -feverish villages of the lowlands. Whatever the issue of the -contest may be, our prospects, humanly speaking, are anything -but bright. We have friends near and around us, but in this -land cupidity and avarice dissolve every bond, even the most -tender and sacred; and after all that has transpired, the pettiest -and most contemptible chieftain, if he gets us into his power, -may think that by retaining in his clutches a few defenceless -Europeans he will make his fortune.... About a fortnight -ago all the European employés, with the exception of two old -men, were, together with their wives and children and their -property, with Mrs. Rosenthal and Mrs. Flad, seized. The -motives which prompted His Majesty to adopt such measures -of severity towards individuals who have always been most -subservient and obsequious to his whims is still a mystery. -The King brought various trumpery charges against them, -which they repelled with energy. Their property has been -partially restored to them, but they are confined in Debra -Tabir, where they are guarded, but not chained. It is said -that the report of Mr. Flad’s returning without the artisans, -etc., furnished the ostensible cause for their imprisonment. -This outburst of unprovoked resentment augurs nothing -auspicious for us, and probably our position, as the majority -of us expected, will not be enhanced by Mr. Flad’s return. -Negotiations and delays might have averted the storm, but -now as it seems looming nearer and nearer, we say, “Thy will -be done.” You and all interested in our liberation, notwithstanding -all that has been written from hence, must have been -grievously deceived about the character of the King. Presents -with another man might have effected our deliverance, but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69">69</a></span> -King Theodorus, though not loath to accept the one, wants the -hostages as well—a security, as he imagines, for ever-increasing -concessions.</p> - -<p class="p2 sigright"> -<i>May 2.</i> -</p> - -<p>I just add a line to my letter of yesterday, as it is doubtful -whether the opportunity for writing will not before many days -have elapsed become exceedingly difficult, if not utterly -impossible. The return of Mr. Flad, the disappointment of -the King in not obtaining the requested accession to his white -victims, and the consciousness that neither intrigue nor cunning -will avail him to extort fresh concessions from the British -Government, or the generosity of the British Christians, all, -I believe, combine to bring before long our melancholy and -doleful history to a crisis. Every day, nay, every hour, we -expect to be transferred to the common prison, and to get -hand-chains again. Only a week ago upwards of 200 prisoners, -among whom are many persons of high rank, were ordered -to be executed. This indiscriminate massacre, which has -probably been prompted by the want of guards to protect -them, indicates no improvement in the tyrant’s temper. We -fear that wilful, wicked misrepresentations, and cruel, unpardonable -selfishness united in concealing the true state of -our position and the well-known designs of the King....</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="smcap">Henry A. Stern.</span> -</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_43">DISRAELI’S “MAUNDY THURSDAY” LETTER (1868).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, April 14, 1868.</p> - -<p><i>The following letter, addressed to the Rev. Arthur Baker, was sent -to the “Times” for publication</i>:</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l4"><span class="smcap">Hughenden Manor</span>,</span><br /> -<i>Maundy Thursday, 1868</i>. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="smcap">Reverend Sir</span>, -</p> - -<p class="let">I have just received your letter, in which, as one of -my constituents, you justify your right to ask for some -explanation of my alleged assertion that the High Church -Ritualists had been long in secret combination, and were now<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70">70</a></span> -in open confederacy with Irish Romanists for the destruction -of the union between Church and State....</p> - -<p>You are under a misapprehension if you suppose that I -intended to cast any slur upon the High Church party. I have -the highest respect for the High Church party; I believe there -is no body of men in this country to which we have been -more indebted, from the days of Queen Anne to the days of -Queen Victoria, for the maintenance of the orthodox faith, the -rights of the Crown, and the liberties of the people.</p> - -<p>In saying this I have no wish to intimate that the obligations -of the country to the other great party in the Church are not -equally significant. I have never looked upon the existence -of parties in the Church as a calamity; I look upon them as -a necessity, and as a beneficent necessity. They are the -natural and inevitable consequences of the mild and liberal -principles of our ecclesiastical polity, and of the varying and -opposite elements of the human mind and character.</p> - -<p>When I spoke, I referred to an extreme faction in the -Church, of very modern date, that does not conceal its -ambition to destroy the connection between Church and State, -and which I have reason to believe has been for some time in -secret combination, and is now in open confederacy, with the -Irish Romanists for the purpose.</p> - -<p>The Liberation Society, with its shallow and short-sighted -fanaticism, is a mere instrument in the hands of this confederacy, -and will probably be the first victim of the spiritual -despotism the Liberation Society is now blindly working to -establish.</p> - -<p>As I hold that the dissolution of the union between Church -and State will cause permanently a greater revolution in this -country than foreign conquest, I shall use my utmost energies -to defeat these fatal machinations.</p> - -<p>Believe me, Rev. Sir, your faithful member and servant,</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="smcap">B. Disraeli</span>. -</p> - -<p class="p0 in0 in1"> -<span class="smcap">The Rev. Arthur Baker, A.M.,<br /> -<span class="in2">Rector of Addington.</span></span> -</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71">71</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_44">ABYSSINIAN WAR: CAPTURE OF MAGDALA (1868).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, April 28, 1868.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Despatches from the Commander-in-Chief</span> (<span class="smcap">Sir -Robert Napier</span>).</h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<i>Without date.</i> -</p> - -<p>1. An Engagement took place before Magdala on Good -Friday between our troops and the army of Theodore, in which -the latter was defeated with heavy loss.</p> - -<p>Casualties on our side—Captain Roberts, fourth Foot, -wounded in the arm, and fifteen rank and file wounded.</p> - -<p>No one killed.</p> - -<p>On the two following days Theodore sent into our camp every -European that he had in his power, both captives and employés.</p> - -<p>Theodore has not yet surrendered himself, according to my -demand. He has been given twenty-four hours to decide. -The King’s troops are completely demoralised.</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="smcap">Robert Napier.</span> -</p> - -<p class="p2 sigright"> -<i>April 14.</i> -</p> - -<p>2. Theodore’s army much disheartened by the severe losses -of the 10th instant.</p> - -<p>A portion of the chiefs surrendered the most formidable -position of Shilasse(?), and many thousand fighting men laid -down their arms.</p> - -<p>Theodore retired to Magdala with all who remained faithful.</p> - -<p>Magdala taken by assault on the 13th under cover of -Armstrong steel guns, eight-inch mortars, and rocket battery.</p> - -<p>Ascent to gates most formidable. Theodore killed, defending -to the last; our loss small.</p> - -<p>Army will return immediately. About—guns and mortars -taken.</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="smcap">Robert Napier.</span> -</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Despatches from “Times” Special Correspondent.</span></h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<i>April 12.</i> -</p> - -<p>King Theodore attacked the First Brigade near Magdala on -Good Friday, but was repulsed with heavy loss—about 500 men -being killed.... Darkness stopped the pursuit.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72">72</a></span> -The enemy left their wounded on the field. On Saturday -King Theodore sent in a flag of truce and offered to treat for -unconditional surrender of the English prisoners. The captives -have joined the camp.</p> - -<p>It is believed the remaining Europeans will be surrendered.</p> - -<p>The Abyssinian troops are utterly disheartened.</p> - -<p>Theodore has attempted suicide.</p> - -<p class="p2 sigright"> -<i>April 14.</i> -</p> - -<p>Magdala was stormed yesterday. Theodore was deserted by -nearly all his army, but made a desperate resistance with a few -devoted followers.</p> - -<p>Theodore killed himself with his pistol as the British troops -approached him.</p> - -<p>The British loss was about ten men wounded....</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Despatch from Special Correspondent of “New -York Herald.”</span></h3> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l2"><span class="smcap">Magdala</span>,</span><br /> -<i>April 13</i>. -</p> - -<p>The truce ended this morning. King Theodore had not -surrendered. Fallas Fellasse(?) Islange had surrendered at once -without fighting. Theodore had retreated to Magdala. He -planted five guns at the base of the ascent. When General -Napier came in sight, the King opened fire. The English -replied with ten-pounder Armstrong guns, and seven-pounder -rockets. The King left his guns, barricaded the sally-ports, -and opened with musketry. He gave no signs of surrendering. -The bombardment lasted three hours. An assault was then -ordered. The fortress was carried after vigorous resistance. -The Abyssinian loss, is 68 killed and 200 wounded. -The English loss is 15 wounded, rank and file. King -Theodore was found dead, shot in the head. His body was -recognized by the Europeans who had been released. Some -say he was killed in battle, and others that he committed suicide. -His two sons have been taken prisoners. The fortress presents -many evidences of barbaric splendour. Among the trophies -taken are 4 gold crowns, 20,000 dollars, 1,000 silver plates,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73">73</a></span> -many jewels and other articles, 5,000 stands of arms, 28 -pieces of artillery, 10,000 shields and 10,000 spears. The -European prisoners [numbering 60 men, women, and children] -will depart for the sea-coast to-morrow. The army will depart -immediately.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_45">DISESTABLISHMENT OF THE IRISH CHURCH (1868).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Speeches of John Bright</cite>, edited by J. E. Thorold Rogers, -pp. 219, 220. (Macmillan and Co., 1869.)</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Speech on Mr. Gladstone’s Resolutions for Disestablishing -the Irish Church.</span></h3> - -<p>Now I challenge any hon. gentleman on the other side to -deny this: that out of half a million Episcopalians in Ireland -there are many—there are some in the Irish nobility, some -landed proprietors, some magistrates, even some of the clergy, -a great many Irishmen—who believe at this moment that it is -of the very first importance that the proposition of the right -hon. gentleman, the Member for South Lancashire, should be -carried. I am not going to overstate my case. I do not say -that all of them are of that opinion. Of that half-million say -that one-fourth—I will state no number—but of this I am quite -certain, that there is an influential, a considerable, and, as I -believe, a wise minority, who are in favour of distinct and -decided action on the part of Parliament with regard to this -question. But if you ask the whole Roman Catholic population -of Ireland, be they nobles, or landed proprietors, or -merchants, or farmers, or labourers—the whole number of the -Catholic population in Ireland being, I suppose, eight or nine -times the number of Episcopalians—these are probably, without -exception, of opinion that it would be greatly advantageous -and just to their country if the proposition submitted on this -side of the House should receive the sanction of Parliament. -Now, if some Protestants and all Catholics are agreed that we -should remove this Church, what would happen if Ireland were -1,000 miles away and we were discussing it as we might discuss<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74">74</a></span> -the same state of affairs in Canada? If we were to have in -Canada and in Australia all this disloyalty among the Roman -Catholic population owing to the existence of a State Church -there, the House would be unanimous that the State Church -in those Colonies should be abolished, and that perfect freedom -in religion should be given.</p> - -<p>But there is a fear in the mind of the right hon. gentleman -the Home Secretary that the malady which would exist in -Ireland might cross the Channel and appear in England; that, -in fact, the disorder of Voluntaryism, as he deems it, in Ireland, -like any other contagious disorder, might cross the Channel by -force of the west wind, lodging first in Scotland, and then -crossing the Tweed and coming south to England. I think -the right hon. gentleman went so far as to say that he was so -much in favour of religious equality that if you went so far as -to disestablish the Church in Ireland, he would recommend the -same policy for England. Now, with regard to that, I will -give you an anecdote which has reference to Scotland. Some -years ago I had the pleasure of spending some days in Scotland -at the house of the late Earl of Aberdeen after he had ceased -to be Prime Minister. He was talking of the disruption of the -Church of Scotland, and he said that nothing in the course of -his public life had given him so much pain as the disruption -and the establishment of the Free Church in that country; but -he said he had lived long enough to discover that it was one -of the greatest blessings that had ever come to Scotland. He -said that they had a vast increase in the number of churches, -a corresponding increase in the number of manses or ministers’ -houses, and that schools had increased, also, to an extraordinary -extent; that there had been imparted to the Established Church -a vitality and energy which it had not known for a long period; -and that education, morality, and religion had received a great -advancement in Scotland in consequence of that change. -Therefore, after all, it is not the most dreadful thing in the -world—not so bad as a great earthquake—or as many other -things that have happened. I am not quite sure that the -Scottish people themselves may not some day ask you—if you<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75">75</a></span> -do not yourselves introduce and pass it without their asking—to -allow their State Church to be disestablished.</p> - -<p>I met only the other day a most intelligent gentleman from -the north of Scotland, and he told me that the minister of the -church he frequented had £250 a year from the Establishment -Funds, which he thought very much too little, and he felt -certain that if the Establishment were abolished and the -Church made into a Free Church, the salary of the minister -would be immediately advanced to at least £500 a year. That -is a very good argument for the ministers, and we shall see, -by-and-by, if the conversion of Scotland proceeds much further, -that you may be asked to disestablish their Church.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_46">THE IRISH CHURCH BILL: CRITICAL DAYS (1869).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—Morley’s <cite>Life of Gladstone</cite>, vol. ii., pp. 273–276. -(Macmillan and Co.)</p> - -<p>On July 16, the Bill, restored substantially to its first shape, -was again back on the table of the Lords, and shipwreck -seemed for five days to be inevitable. On July 20, at eleven -o’clock, by a majority of 175 to 93, the Lords once more -excluded from the preamble the words that the Commons had -placed and replaced there, in order to declare the policy of -Parliament on matters ecclesiastical in Ireland. This involved -a meaning which Mr. Gladstone declared that no power on -earth could induce the Commons to accept. The crisis was -of unsurpassed anxiety for the Prime Minister. He has left -his own record of its phases:</p> - -<p><i>Saturday, July 17.</i>—By desire of the Cabinet I went to -Windsor in the afternoon and represented to H. M. what it -was in our power to do—namely, although we had done all we -could do upon the merits, yet, for the sake of peace and of the -House of Lords, [we were willing] (<i>a</i>) to make some one -further pecuniary concession to the Church of sensible though -not very large amount; (<i>b</i>) to make a further concession as to -curates, slight in itself; (<i>c</i>) to amend the residue clause so as -to give to Parliament the future control, and to be content<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76">76</a></span> -with simply declaring the principle on which the property -should be distributed....</p> - -<p>The further pecuniary concession we were prepared to -recommend would be some £170,000 or £180,000.</p> - -<p><i>Sunday, July 18.</i>—In the afternoon Lord Granville called on -me and brought me a confidential memorandum, containing an -overture which Mr. Disraeli had placed in the hands of Lord -Bessborough for communication to us.... While the contention -as to the residue was abandoned, and pecuniary -concessions alone were sought, the demand amounted, according -to our computation, to between £900,000 and £1,000,000. -This it was evident was utterly inadmissible. I saw no -possibility of approach to it, and considered that a further -quarter of a million or thereabouts was all that the House of -Commons could be expected or asked further to concede.</p> - -<p><i>Monday, July 19.</i>—Those members of the Government who -had acted as a sort of Committee in the Irish Church question -met in the afternoon. We were all agreed in opinion that the -Disraeli overture must be rejected, though without closing the -door, and a reply was prepared in this sense, which Lord -Granville undertook to send. [Draft in the above sense that -no sum approaching £1,000,000 could be entertained].</p> - -<p><i>Tuesday, July 20.</i>—The Archbishop (Dr. Tait), who had -communicated with Lord Cairns in the interval, came to me -early to-day and brought a memorandum as a basis of agreement, -which, to my surprise, demanded higher terms than -those of Mr. Disraeli. I told the Archbishop the terms in -which we had already expressed ourselves to Mr. Disraeli. -Meanwhile an answer had come from Mr. Disraeli stating that -he could not do more. Then followed the meeting of the -opposition peers at the Duke of Marlborough’s.</p> - -<p><i>Wednesday, July 21.</i>—The Cabinet met at eleven, and I went -to it in the mind of last night. [Not to abandon the Bill -absolutely, but only to suspend the Government’s responsibility -for it, leaving the Opposition to work their own will, and -with the intention, when this had been done, of considering -the matter further]. We discussed, however, at great lengths<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77">77</a></span> -all possible methods of proceeding that occurred to us. The -course adopted was to go through the endowment amendments, -and if they were carried adversely, then to drop their -responsibility.</p> - -<p><i>Thursday, July 22.</i>—I was laid up to-day and the transactions -were carried on by Lord Granville, in communication with -me from time to time at my house.</p> - -<p>The proceedings of this critical day are narrated by Lord -Granville in a memorandum to Mr. Gladstone dated August 4.</p> - -<p>“After seeing you, I met Lord Cairns at the Colonial Office. -He offered me terms.... I asked him whether, in his -opinion, he, the Archbishop, and I could carry anything we -agreed upon. He said, ‘Yes, certainly.’ After seeing you, I -met Lord Cairns a second time in his room in the House of -Lords. I asked, as a preliminary to giving any opinion on his -amendments, how he proposed to deal with the preamble. He -said, ‘To leave it as amended by the Lords.’ I then proposed -the words which were afterwards adopted in the 68th clause. -He was at first taken aback, but admitted that he had personally -no objection to them.... We agreed upon the commutation -clause if the 7 and the 5 per cent. were lumped -together. On the curates’ clause we could come to no agreement. -He proposed to see Lord Salisbury and the Archbishop, -and to meet again at four at the Colonial Office. He spoke -with fairness as to the difficulty of his position, and the risk -he ran with his own party. I again saw you, and asked the -Irish Attorney-General to be present at the last interview. -I stated to him in Lord Cairns’ presence how far we agreed, -and expressed my regret that on the last point—the curates—our -difference was irreconcilable. Lord Cairns said he hoped -not, and proceeded to argue strongly in favour of his proposal. -He at last, however, at 4.30, compromised the matter by -accepting five years instead of one. I shook his hand, which -was trembling with nervousness. We discussed the form of -announcing the arrangement to the House. We at once -agreed it was better to tell the whole truth, and soon settled -that it would be better for its success that he should announce<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78">78</a></span> -the details. I was afterwards apprehensive that this latter -arrangement might be disadvantageous to us, but nothing could -be better or fairer than his statement.”</p> - -<p>“The news was brought to me on my sofa,” Mr. Gladstone -says, “and between five and six o’clock I was enabled to -telegraph to the Queen. My telegram was followed up by a -letter at 7 p.m., which announced that the arrangement had -been accepted by the House of Lords, and that a general -satisfaction prevailed.”</p> - -<p>To the Queen he wrote (July 22):</p> - -<p>“Mr. Gladstone is at a loss to account for the great change -in the tone and views of the Opposition since Sunday and -Monday and even Tuesday last, but on this topic it is needless -to enter. As to the principal matters, the basis of the arrangement -on the side of the Government is much the same as was -intended when Mr. Gladstone had the honour of an audience -at Windsor on Saturday; but various minor concessions have -been added. Mr. Gladstone does not doubt that, if the majority -of the House of Lords should accede to the advice of Lord -Cairns, the Government will be able to induce the House of -Commons to agree on the conditions proposed. Mr. Gladstone -would in vain strive to express to your Majesty the relief, -thankfulness, and satisfaction with which he contemplates not -only the probable passing of what many believe to be a -beneficent and necessary measure, but the undoubted and -signal blessing of an escape from a formidable constitutional -conflict.”</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_47">THE IRISH LAND BILL (1870).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—Morley’s <cite>Life of Gladstone</cite>, vol. ii., pp. 293, 294. -(Macmillan and Co.)</p> - -<p>Public opinion was ripening. The <cite>Times</cite> made a contribution -of the first importance to the discussion, in a series of letters -from a correspondent, that almost for the first time brought -the facts of Irish land before the general public. A pamphlet -from Mill, then at the height of his influence, upon both -writers and readers, startled them by the daring proposition,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79">79</a></span> -that the only plan was to buy out the landlords. The whole -host of Whig economists and lawyers fell heavily upon him in -consequence. The new voters showed that they were not -afraid of new ideas. It was not until January 25 that peril -was at an end inside the Government.</p> - -<p><i>January 25, 1870.</i>—Cabinet. The great difficulties of the -Irish Land Bill <span class="smcap smaller">THERE</span> are now over. Thank God!</p> - -<p><i>February 7.</i>—With the Prince of Wales 3¼–4¼ explaining -to him the Land Bill and other matters. He has certainly -much natural intelligence.</p> - -<p><i>February 15.</i>—Introduced the Irish Land Bill in a speech of -3¼ hours. Well received by the House at large.</p> - -<p>The policy of the Bill as tersely explained by Mr. Gladstone -in a letter to Manning was “to prevent the landlord from -using the terrible weapon of undue and unjust eviction by so -framing the handle that it shall cut his hands with the sharp -edge of pecuniary damages. The man evicted without any -fault, and suffering the usual loss by it, will receive whatever -the custom of the country gives, and where there is no custom, -according to a scale, besides whatever he can claim for permanent -buildings or reclamation of land. Wanton eviction -will, as I hope, be extinguished by provisions like these. And -if they extinguish wanton eviction, they will also extinguish -those demands for <em>unjust</em> augmentations of rent, which are only -formidable to the occupier, because the power of wanton or -arbitrary eviction is behind them.” What seems so simple, -and what was so necessary, marked in truth a vast revolutionary -stride. It transferred to the tenant a portion of the -absolute ownership, and gave him something like an estate in -his holding. The statute contained a whole code of minor -provisions, including the extension of Mr. Bright’s clauses for -peasant proprietorship in the Church Act; but this transfer -was what gave the Act its place in solid legal form. The -second reading was carried by 442 to 11, the minority being -composed of eight Irish members of advanced type and three -English Tories. The Bill was at no point fought high by the -Opposition. Mr. Disraeli moved an amendment, limiting compensation<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80">80</a></span> -to unexhausted improvements. The Government -majority fell to 76, “a result to be expected,” Mr. Gladstone -reports, “considering the natural leanings of English and -Scotch members to discount in Ireland what they would not -apply in Great Britain. They are not very familiar with land -tenures.” One fact of much significance he notes in these -historic proceedings. “Disraeli,” he writes to the Duke of -Argyll (April 21, 1870), “has not spoken one word against -valuation of rents or perpetuity of tenure.” It was from the -House of his friends that danger came.</p> - -<p><i>April 4.</i>—H. of C. Spoke on Disraeli’s amendment. A -majority of 76, but the navigation is at present extremely -critical.</p> - -<p><i>April 7.</i>—H. of C. A most ominous day from end to end. -Early in the evening I gave a review of the state of the -Bill, and later another menace of overturn if the motion of -Mr. W. Fowler [a Liberal banker] should be carried. We -had a majority of only 32.</p> - -<p>To Lord Russell he writes (April 12):</p> - -<p>“I am in the hurry-scurry of preparation for a run into the -country, but I must not omit to thank you for your kind and -welcome letter. We have had a most anxious time in regard -to the Irish Land Bill. The fear that our Land Bill may -cross the water creates a sensitive state of mind among all -Tories, many Whigs, and a few Radicals.”</p> - -<p>Phillimore records a visit in these critical days:</p> - -<p><i>April 8.</i>—Gladstone looked worn and fagged. Very affectionate -and confidential, Gladstone feels keenly the want of support -in debate. Bright ill. Lowe no moral weight. “I feel when -I have spoken, that I have not a shot in my locker.”</p> - -<p>As a very accomplished journalist of the day wrote, there was -something almost painful in the strange phenomenon of a Prime -Minister fighting as it were all but single-handed the details of -his own great measure through the ambuscades and charges of -a numerous and restless enemy—and of an enemy determined -apparently to fritter away the principle of the measure under -the pretence of modifying its details. “No Prime Minister has<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81">81</a></span> -ever attempted any task like it—a task involving the most -elaborate departmental readiness, in addition to the general -duties and fatigues of a Prime Minister, and that too in a -session when questions are showered like hail upon the Treasury -bench.”<a id="FNanchor_A" href="#Footnote_A" class="fnanchor">A</a> Then the Government put on pressure and the -majority sprang up to eighty.</p> - -<p>The debate in the Commons lasted over three and a half -months; or about a fortnight longer than had been taken by -the Church Bill. The third reading was carried without a -division. In the Lords the Bill was read a second time without -a division. Few persons clearly foresaw that it was the -first step of a vast transfer of property, and that in a few years -it would become customary for Ministers of the Crown to base -all their legislation on the doctrine that Irish land is not an -undivided ownership, but a simple partnership.<a id="FNanchor_B" href="#Footnote_B" class="fnanchor">B</a></p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_A" href="#FNanchor_A" class="fnanchor">A</a> <cite>Spectator.</cite></p> - -<p><a id="Footnote_B" href="#FNanchor_B" class="fnanchor">B</a> Lecky, <cite>Democracy and Liberty</cite>, vol. i., p. 165.</p> -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_48">EDUCATION BILL: THE COWPER-TEMPLE CLAUSE (1870).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Life of the Right Hon. W. E. Forster, M.P.</cite>, by T. Wemyss -Reid, vol. i., pp. 501–503. (Chapman and Hall, 1888.)</p> - -<p>The fate of the Bill was still in suspense. No one could be -quite sure that Mr. Gladstone intended to press forward with it -during that session. Mr. Gladstone himself held strongly to -the Bill in the shape in which it had first been introduced; but -he had been startled and alarmed by the rising of the Liberal -party against it, and he did not appear to share the robust self-confidence -with which Mr. Forster faced the formidable flank -attacks that were being delivered upon the Government from -the benches below the gangway. On June 12 Mr. Forster submitted -to Mr. Gladstone a Memorandum on the subject of the -measure and the rival amendments which had been proposed -by the representatives of the different sections of their own -party.</p> - -<p>“The first question which suggests itself,” said Mr. Forster -in this Memorandum, “is, Why listen to either of their amendments?<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82">82</a></span> -Why not stick to our Bill as it stands? Our proposal -that the majority should have what religious teaching it pleases, -while the minority is protected, is logical and impartial in theory, -and would work well in practice. Can we not, then, carry it? -Yes, with the help of the Opposition; but I fear a majority of -our side of the House would vote against it. All the Radicals—not -merely men like Fawcett, but earnest supporters of the -Bill like Mundella—all the Dissenters from Baines to Richards, -would find themselves forced to oppose us, and they would be -followed, or rather led, into the lobby by the Whigs, by Sir -George Grey and Whitbread; and all our best friends, like -Brand, would beg us to prevent a division which would break -up the party.”</p> - -<p>Clearly Mr. Forster, when he penned this Memorandum, -had no liking for the idea of carrying the Bill by means of the -votes of the Opposition and against those of his party. After -discussing the various amendments, he declared himself in -favour of one proposed by Mr. Cowper-Temple, which was -virtually identical with his own suggestion to Lord Ripon in -the letter of May 18. By this amendment it was ordered that -no catechism or religious formulary distinctive of any particular -denomination should be taught in the public schools.</p> - -<p>“It may be said,” continued Mr. Forster in his Memorandum, -“that this plan is unjust inasmuch as it does not give the -majority which prefers catechisms the same chance as the -majority which does not, and it is insufficient because it still -leaves the Boards free to quarrel as to whether they will have -the Scriptural teaching or purely secular, or the quasi-secular -schools suggested by Richards. To the last objection the sole -reply, and to my mind the sufficient reply, is that this plan will -be acceptable to a large majority in the House and in the -country, because by excluding the Catechism it silences the -rallying-cries of controversy and limits the range for dispute; -and because it binds, by Act of Parliament, to have none of the -theoretical character teaching which would naturally be given -by the schoolmaster to young children in a common school, but -to which the local bodies wish to be guided by Parliament.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83">83</a></span> -“With regard to the majorities which decidedly prefer catechisms, -especially the Catholics, I think we can and should -meet their case. I confess I cannot but think this would have -been easier to do if we had framed the Bill in accordance with -my original Memorandum, and, prescribing Bible lessons as a -rule, had then made allowance for exceptional localities, desiring -either purely secular or distinctive schools.”</p> - -<p>On June 16 the debate on the Bill was at last resumed, and -Mr. Gladstone then made a statement which in substance was -merely an amplification of Mr. Forster’s suggestion.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_49">THE GOVERNMENT AND THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR -(1870).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—Morley’s <cite>Life of Gladstone</cite>, vol. ii., p. 341. -(Macmillan and Co., 1903.)</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Letter from Mr. Gladstone to John Bright -(August 1, 1870).</span></h3> - -<p>Although some members of the Cabinet were inclined on the -outbreak of this most miserable war to make military preparations, -others, Lord Granville and I among them, by no means -shared that disposition, nor I think was the feeling of Parliament -that way inclined. But the publication of the Treaty has -altered all this, and has thrown upon us the necessity either of -doing something fresh to secure Belgium, or else of saying that -under no circumstances would we take any step to secure her -from absorption. This publication [text of a projected agreement -between the French and Prussian Governments] has -wholly altered the feeling of the House of Commons, and no -Government could at this moment venture to give utterance to -such an intention about Belgium. But neither do we think it -would be right, even if it were safe, to announce that we would -in any case stand by with folded arms and see actions done -which would amount to a total extinction of public right in -Europe.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84">84</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_50">MR. LOWE’S BUDGET: THE MATCH-TAX (1871).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Illustrated London News</cite>, April 22, 1871.</p> - -<p>On Thursday the Chancellor of the Exchequer made his -usual financial statement. It appeared that the deficiency this -year amounted to £2,800,000, and the right hon. gentleman -proposes to meet it by increasing the probate and legacy duty; -in the first degree from 1 to 2 per cent.; in the second degree -from 3 to 3½ per cent., and in the third degree from 3½ to 5 per -cent., estimating the gain to the revenue of about £1,000,000. -He also proposed to equalise the duties payable on testate and -intestate property, making it in all 2 per cent. He next proposed -to put a halfpenny stamp on each box of lucifer matches -containing not more than one hundred, and a penny on each -box of vesta matches containing not more than one hundred. -By the former he expected to gain £550,000, and £300,000 by -the latter. This, he estimated, would reduce his deficit to -£1,950,000, and that he proposed to make up by increasing the -income-tax from £1 13s. 4d. to £2 4s. per cent., which he -calculated would make up the remaining deficit.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_51">OPPOSITION TO THE MATCH-TAX.</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Illustrated London News</cite>, April 29, 1871.</p> - -<p>A numerous gathering of persons employed in the manufacture -of matches was held on Sunday afternoon in Victoria -Park, at which a resolution was unanimously passed condemning -Mr. Lowe’s proposed impost in strong terms. -According to one of the speakers, the daily bread of 15,000 -persons in the east of London depends upon the trade in -matches. Several thousand persons engaged in the match -trade on Monday assembled in the Bow Road, and having -formed a procession, set out to march to the House of -Commons, there to present a petition against the threatened -duty on matches. At a short distance from its starting-point -the procession was broken up by the police, but the people<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85">85</a></span> -managed in some degree to re-form their ranks, and, after -many difficulties (more especially in their progress along the -Thames Embankment), they arrived at the Houses of Parliament. -This, however, was not accomplished without another -collision with the police, in which one or two arrests were -made. One party of the processionists even succeeded in -making their way into Westminster Hall, but they were -speedily removed.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_52">PURCHASE IN THE ARMY ABOLISHED BY ROYAL -WARRANT (1871).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Illustrated London News</cite>, July 22, 1871.</p> - -<p>On Thursday (July 20) Sir George Grey asked the Government -whether that House, having sanctioned their proposal for -the indemnification of officers on the abolition of purchase in -the Army, they intend to take measures to prevent the future -violation of the law involved in the continued payment of over-regulation -prices for commissions. Mr. Gladstone made a long -reply, in the course of which he stated that, after consideration, -the Government had resolved to advise Her Majesty to take the -decisive step of cancelling the warrant under which purchase -was legal. That advice had been accepted and acted upon by -Her Majesty, and a new warrant had now been framed in -terms conformable to the law, so that it was his duty to -announce, on the part of the Government, that at present -purchase in the Army no longer existed. (Loud and continued -cheers.)</p> - -<p>When he said that purchase no longer existed, he was -reminded by his right hon. friend (Mr. Cardwell) to explain -that it did not mean that it was extinguished from the present -moment, but a day had been named—November 1 of the -present year—from and after which there could be no purchase -or sale of commissions in the British Army. Although the -amendment of the Duke of Richmond had been carried in the -House of Lords [155 for the amendment, which was against -the second reading, 130 against], he was advised that that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86">86</a></span> -would not prevent the Bill from being proceeded with; and -it would now remain to be seen how the House of Lords would -act under the circumstances which he had stated, and whether, -purchase being abolished, they would go on with the other -portions of the Bill.</p> - -<p>In conclusion, he begged to say that, come what might, -under all circumstances the Government would use the best -means in their power, mindful of the honourable pledges they -had given, to secure at the hands of Parliament just and liberal -terms for the officers.</p> - -<p>Mr. Disraeli entered his protest against the course the Prime -Minister had taken, and said that Minister was most unwise, -who, being baffled in passing an important measure through -one House of the Legislature, took upon himself the responsibility -and danger of advising the Queen to exercise her -prerogative and set the opinion of that House at defiance.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_53">THE FIRST AUGUST BANK HOLIDAY (1871).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Illustrated London News</cite>, August 19, 1871.</p> - -<p>The first statute holiday of the first Monday in August, -under the Bank Holidays Act, was very generally observed on -the 7th; and another year this holiday will probably be still -more general. The name of Sir John Lubbock and the first -Monday in August will henceforth be associated with pleasant -recollections in the minds of the clerks of the bankers, brokers, -merchants, and traders of the city. At all events, the principal -employers of labour in the City, many in the east and a few in -the west, took advantage of the provision contained in the new -Act, and closed their establishments. The Government offices -in the City remained open, but all the warehouses and offices -of public companies, the Royal Exchange and Lloyd’s, and -nearly all the retail shops in Cannon Street, the Poultry, and -Cornhill, were closed. The holiday having been wisely fixed -for Monday, a large number of those for whose benefit the -measure was more especially passed were able to leave town<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87">87</a></span> -on Saturday afternoon, and thus to secure two clear days in -the country. But still many thousands thronged to the railway -stations in the morning. Notwithstanding this exodus of -pleasure-seekers, the principal exhibitions and places of -amusement had fully the average number of visitors....</p> - -<p>In the east end of the town many of the manufactories were -closed, and several of the great capitalists, who give their -workmen an annual “treat,” engaged fields in which the -workmen, with their wives and families, were entertained and -amused with outdoor sports. By rail and by river more than -10,000 Oddfellows of the North London District of the -Manchester Unity went down to the North Woolwich Gardens -to take part in a fête held for the benefit of the widows and -orphans of deceased members. On Monday night the great -thoroughfares in the City leading from the railways—especially -at Ludgate Hill, the Bank, and Gracechurch Street—were -filled with holiday folks “homeward bound.” Several schools -gave a whole holiday to the pupils, and children of all ages -formed part of most of the groups. Not a tipsy or ill-conducted -person could be seen. The day had been glorious, -and the sum of happiness and social and domestic enjoyment -evidently conferred by this first Bank Holiday in August -testifies to the wisdom of the Legislature.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_54">BIBLE READING IN SCHOOLS (1871).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Life of Thomas Henry Huxley</cite>, by his Son, vol. ii., -pp. 342, 343. (Macmillan and Co., 1900.)</p> - -<p>At the first meeting of the Education Committee of the -London School Board, Mr. W. H. Smith, M.P., proposed, and -Mr. Samuel Morley, M.P., seconded a resolution in favour of -religious teaching. “That in the schools provided by the -Board, the Bible shall be read, and there shall be given therefrom -such explanations and such instruction in the principles -of religion and morality as are suited to the capacities of -children,” with certain provisos. Several antagonistic amendments -were proposed; but Professor Huxley gave his support<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88">88</a></span> -to Mr. Smith’s resolutions, which, however, he thought might -“be trimmed and amended in a way that the Rev. Dr. Angus -had suggested. His speech, defining his own position, was -a very remarkable one. He said it was assumed in the public -mind that this question of religious instruction was a little -family quarrel between the different sects of Protestantism on -the one hand, and the old Catholic Church on the other. Side -by side with this much shivered and splintered Protestantism -of theirs, and with the united fabric of the Catholic Church -(not so strong temporally as she used to be, otherwise he might -not have been addressing them at that moment), there was a -third party growing up into very considerable and daily increasing -significance, which had nothing to do with either of -those great parties, and which was pushing its own way independent -of them, having its own religion and morality, -which rested in no way whatever on the foundations of the -other two.” He thought that “the action of the Board should -be guided and influenced very much by the consideration of -this third great aspect of things,” which he called the scientific -aspect, for want of a better name. “It had been very justly -said that they had a great mass of low, half-instructed population -which owed what little redemption from ignorance and -barbarism it possessed mainly to the efforts of the clergy of -the different denominations. Any system of gaining the attention -of these people to these matters must be a system connected -with, or not too rudely divorced from, their own system -of belief. He wanted regulations, not in accordance with -what he himself thought was right, but in the direction in -which thought was moving.” He wanted an elastic system -that did not oppose any obstacle to the free play of the public -mind. Huxley voted against all the proposed amendments, -and in favour of Mr. Smith’s motion. There were only three -who voted against it; while the three Roman Catholic members -refrained from voting. This basis of religious instruction, -practically unaltered, has remained the law of the Board ever -since.</p> - -<p>There was a controversy in the papers between Professor<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89">89</a></span> -Huxley and the Rev. W. H. Freemantle as to the nature of -the explanation of the Bible lessons. Huxley maintained that -it should be purely grammatical, geographical, and historical in -its nature; Freemantle that it should include some species -of distinct religious teaching, but not of a denominational -character.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_55">GENEVA ARBITRATION: THE INDIRECT CLAIMS (1872).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Life of the Right Hon. W. E. Forster, M.P.</cite>, by T. Wemyss -Reid, vol. ii., pp. 22, 23. (Chapman and Hall, 1888.)</p> - -<p>But when everything seemed to be settled, and there was at -last good hope of the final removal of the long-standing obstacle -to the friendship of the two peoples, a new difficulty made its -appearance in a very unexpected quarter. This was the claim -for indirect damages, which were set forth in the “case” of -America, as it was presented to the Court of Arbitration at -Geneva. Great was the indignation in England when, at the -close of January, 1872, it first became known that the American -Government was prepared to prefer this demand. The Cabinet -was at once summoned to consider the question, and some of -the members were for forthwith withdrawing from the arbitration. -Mr. Forster was in favour of a more moderate and -prudent course, but at the same time he felt strongly as to the -unfairness of the demand made by America. “Clearly,” he -writes in his diary (January 30, 1872), “this claim is sharp -practice by the Americans, as the protocols prove that they had -waived the indirect claims. Our Press is very indignant and -exigeant, the <cite>Daily News</cite> leading. A cool head and a cool -temper wanted. I asked Tenterden to dinner to talk the matter -over with him. He is strong against diplomatic negotiations, -and recommends a protest and refusal to submit the indirect -claims to the arbitration to be delivered through our agent to -the tribunal to the United States agent, both being appointed -by Article 2 of the Treaty. Thereby diplomatic wrangling -would be avoided, and the Yankees would not be forced to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90">90</a></span> -immediate reply while the Presidential caucus is at its height. -I never felt any matter so serious. (January 31.) Drew up a -memorandum urging communication through the agents rather -than by despatch, on the ‘Alabama’ hitch. Took it to Granville; -then sent it to Gladstone, asking him whether he would -object to its circulation. Found a note from G—— assenting -to circulation, so sent F—— off with the box. (February 2.) -My box returned. All the Ministers’ minutes against me, -except Gladstone, Granville, Ripon, and Chancellor.”</p> - -<p>The question was discussed in the Cabinet, but the opinion -was not favourable to Mr. Forster’s proposal, who had to -give way.</p> - -<p>(P. 26.) In February General Schenck [the leader of the -American House of Representatives, who was in England] unofficially -proposed four possible plans by way of settling the -difficulty: (1) A lump sum paid by England; (2) a maximum -sum paid by England to cover all claims, direct or indirect, -supposing the arbitrators found against us; (3) proceeding with -our arbitration under our protest that we did not consider the -indirect claims within the Treaty, and could not abide by any -decision against us as respected them, or pay in respect of -them any gross sum or portion thereof; (4) an exchange of -Vancouver’s Island for the indirect claims, upon the principle -that both treaties were open to two interpretations....</p> - -<p>Eventually ministers agreed to fall in with the American -suggestion of a supplemental treaty, or, rather, of a supplemental -article to the existing treaty.</p> - -<p>[<span class="smcap">Note.</span>—On June 19 the arbitrators rejected altogether the -indirect claims.]</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_56">AN EARLY ELECTION UNDER THE BALLOT ACT (1872).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, September 14, 1872.</p> - -<p>Usually an election day here has been a day of great political -tumult and uproar. But to-day the general aspect of things -was changed. When the poll opened the principal streets of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91">91</a></span> -the town were almost as quiet as usual. At the polling-booths, -thirty-seven in number, there was very little crowding, and -generally the town seemed to have got up no earlier than usual -this morning, though in an extreme state of mystification. At -each polling-booth there was erected, under contract with the -Corporation, the compartments prescribed by the Act to secure -privacy to the voter while marking his ballot paper. These -compartments consisted of an open movable box, with four -stalls or recesses, each supplied with a small ledge to serve -as a desk, and placed back to back, so that four voters might -be engaged in marking their papers at one and the same time. -The size of the partition prevents a voter from overlooking his -neighbour either at his side or in front of him. Each of these -compartments was supplied with a pencil, secured by a string, -like those in the telegraphic departments at the post-office.</p> - -<p>The Conservatives appeared to be infinitely more active with -their agents at the various polling-booths than the Liberals, -and both tried to get an insight into the way affairs were going -by means of tickets. Each elector had sent to him previously—the -Conservatives ostensibly began this and the Liberals -followed them—a ticket with a request that he would vote for -Holker or German, as the case might be, and that after voting -he would, if a Conservative, hand it over to the agent who -would be at the door, and if a Liberal, would give it up at the -nearest committee-room. The Conservative agents had blue -cards fastened in front of their hats, and upon each card there -was printed the words “Conservative agent.” As a rule two -of them stood close to the door of egress at each polling-booth. -In one instance a couple of them managed to get into a booth, -but being detected by a Liberal, were ordered out. In other -instances the Conservative agents were upon the premises of -the polling-booth, and at one of the booths a couple were seen -in the back-yard within a foot of the door leading out of it, -their object being to ask for the tickets of the voters as they -left the room. The Liberals did not push themselves so keenly -within the precincts of the booths, but seemed to be anxious to -get as near as they could. In the end the ticket system got<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92">92</a></span> -thoroughly confused—Liberals, in mistake, gave their tickets -to the Conservative agents; Conservatives gave them to those -on the Liberal side, so that it became impossible accurately to -test what was being done by the plan. The voting went on -rather slowly; four voters were admitted at a time to each -booth, and after receiving their papers proceeded to the “stalls” -behind the officials, marked their papers, and then returned, -putting them into a large sealed tin box, with a narrow slit at -the top, as they passed out. The general business was very -quietly transacted; there was even a dead calm about it at times. -Some of the working men, of the ordinary labouring class, -seemed to have no proper idea at all of the Ballot; odd ones of -them would, on entering the booth, ask the constable at the -door where they had to tell the name of the candidate they -wanted to vote for, and others were very stupid in their folding -up of the voting-papers. They crumpled them up occasionally -or doubled them in such a way as to hide the stamp on the back, -This bungling was chiefly the work of the more illiterate -classes. One or two cases of personations were early reported, -but the guilty parties made a clear escape. There has been -more of novelty than of difficulty in working the Ballot here; -and excepting the cases of stupidity mentioned, no awkwardness -or hitch has occurred. As the morning advanced the booths -became thronged, and at noon the work of vote-recording was -at its greatest pitch of activity; but the increase in it then in no -way deranged the general mechanism adopted. From about -eleven o’clock in the forenoon till five this afternoon the streets -have been very crowded, the bulk of the people being of the -working-class order. Even the most sapient and experienced -could not tell which way the wind was blowing—could not tell -whether German or Holker was ahead. There was, however, -a very general impression among Conservatives that their -candidate was first, and a very strong apprehension on the part -of the Liberals that this really was the case. Bills, etc., professing -to show the state of the poll were occasionally put out, -but only the most stupid placed any reliance upon them. Cheers -and counter-cheers have been heard in the streets as the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93">93</a></span> -respective candidates and their friends have been noticed -passing along them. There have been no displays of colours, -no bands of music, and even in St. John’s ward an astonishing -degree of order and sobriety has been observable. The Ballot, -whatever it may not effect, has clearly from to-day’s experience -conduced in a striking degree to the general sobriety and good -order of the people. There is much talk about bribery and -some about personation. At 8.30 the result of the election -was announced by a card at the Town Hall. The figures were—Holker, -4,542; German, 3,824; showing, as there are 10,214 -eligible voters on the register, that 1,848 had not recorded their -votes.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_57">“ALABAMA” ARBITRATION AWARD (1872).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, September 16, 1872.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Summary of the Award.</span></h3> - -<p>The Arbitrators at Geneva have given their Award. They -unanimously find Great Britain liable for the acts committed -by the <i>Alabama</i>; by a majority of the Italian, Swiss, Brazilian, -and United States Arbitrators against the Arbitrator appointed -by Great Britain, they find Great Britain liable for the acts -committed by the <i>Florida</i>; and by a majority of the Italian, -Swiss, and United States Arbitrators against the Arbitrators -appointed by Great Britain and Brazil, they find Great Britain -liable for the acts committed by the <i>Shenandoah</i> after leaving -Melbourne. They unanimously decided that, in the cases in -which Great Britain was held responsible, the acts of the -tenders should be considered to follow the judgment given in -regard to the cruisers to which they were attached. They -decided that Great Britain was not responsible for the acts -committed by the <i>Georgia</i> or by any other of the Confederate -cruisers except the three above named.</p> - -<p>They rejected altogether the claim of the United States -Government for the expenditure incurred in pursuit and capture -of the cruisers.</p> - -<p>They decided that interest should be allowed, and have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94">94</a></span> -awarded a gross sum of 15,500,000 dollars in gold (about -£3,229,166 13s. 4d.) in satisfaction and final settlement of all -claims, including interest.</p> - -<p>The amount of the claims preferred before the Tribunal, as -appears from the Revised Statement of Claims presented on -the part of the United States in April last, was 19,732,095 -dollars in gold, to which was added a claim for expenses of -pursuit and capture to the amount of 7,080,478 dollars, with -interest at 7 per cent. on the whole amount for about ten years, -or in all, 45,500,000 dollars in gold (or about £9,479,166 -13s. 4d.).</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_58">REFUSAL OF MR. DISRAELI TO TAKE OFFICE WITHOUT -A MAJORITY (1873).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register, 1873</cite>; <cite>English History</cite>, pp. 35–37.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Speech of Mr. Disraeli in the House of Commons -(March 20, 1873).</span></h3> - -<p>Mr. Disraeli, who was warmly cheered by his supporters, -next gave his account of what had passed between him and -the Queen after receiving the letter which first summoned him -to Buckingham Palace. In his audience, in reply to an inquiry -from the Queen, he informed Her Majesty that he should be -ready to form a Government which would carry on the affairs -of the country efficiently and in a manner entitled to her confidence, -but that he would not undertake it with the present -House of Commons. In giving his reasons for this decision, -Mr. Disraeli said he had represented to the Queen that, though -recent elections had been favourable to the Conservative party, -Mr. Gladstone had still a majority of close upon ninety, and -that the division which overthrew the Government offered no -elements which could lead to an expectation that this numerical -position would be modified. He pointed out, also, that the -majority against the Government the other night was created -by a considerable section of the Liberal party—the Irish -Roman Catholic members—with whom he had no bond of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95">95</a></span> -union. If he had appealed to them for support, they would -have repeated their demands for a Roman Catholic University—a -demand which he believed was decisively condemned at -the last election, and by the subsequent disendowment of the -Irish Church. Of office under such circumstances Mr. Disraeli -said he had some personal experience, and it had convinced -him that such an experiment weakened authority and destroyed -public confidence. Consequently, he had prayed Her Majesty -to relieve him of the task. Replying to the question why he -had not advised the Queen to dissolve, he remarked that there -was much misconception about the act of dissolving.</p> - -<p>“It is supposed [said Mr. Disraeli] to be an act which can -be performed with very great promptitude, and that it is a -resource to which any Minister may recur with the utmost -facility. That is a grave mistake. Dissolution of Parliament -is a different instrument in different hands. It is an instrument -of which a Minister who is in office, with his Government -established, can avail himself with a facility which a Minister -who is only going to accede to office is deprived of. There -may be circumstances which may render it imperative on a -Minister in office to advise the Sovereign to exercise the prerogative -of dissolving Parliament; but he always has the -opportunity of disposing of the public business before that -dissolution takes place. The position of the Minister who is -about to accede to office is very different. In the first place -he has to form his Administration. This is a work of great -time and of heavy responsibility. It is not confined merely -to the construction of a Cabinet. Before a Ministry can be -formed, whoever undertakes the task of its construction must -see some fifty individuals whom he has to appoint to offices -of trust and consideration. It is a duty which he can delegate -to no one. He must see each of those individuals personally, -and must communicate with them by himself. And this is a -matter which—irrespective of the knowledge of human nature, -which whoever undertakes to form a Cabinet ought to possess—requires -time, and materially affects the business of the -country. In the present case it would not have been possible<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96">96</a></span> -to form a Government before Easter. Then the holidays -would have intervened. After the holidays we might, by -having recourse to measures of which I greatly disapprove—namely, -provisional finance, the taking votes on credit and -votes on account, and by accepting the estimates of my predecessors—have -been able to dissolve Parliament in the early -part of May. But when the month of May arrived, this -question would have occurred: What are you going to dissolve -Parliament about? There was no issue before the country. -At least, it cannot be pretended for a moment that there was -one of those issues before the country which would justify an -extraordinary dissolution of Parliament—that is, some question -upon which the country would passionately wish to decide. I -ask the House to consider impartially what was the real condition -of affairs. Her Majesty’s Ministers had resigned; the -Queen had called upon a member of this House to form a -Ministry in a house in which he had nearly ninety majority -arrayed against him. Suppose it was in his opinion necessary -to appeal to the country, by which the majority might be -returned—probably of ninety—in his favour.</p> - -<p>“Well, the Irish University Bill was not a Bill on which any -Ministry could resign. But we could not carry on affairs -without appealing to the country; and is it not clear that we -could not appeal to the country without having a policy? -(Laughter.) Hon. gentleman may laugh at the word ‘policy,’ -but I maintain that it is totally impossible for gentlemen sitting -on the Opposition bench suddenly to have a matured policy to -present to the people of this country in case Parliament -dissolves. The position of any party in opposition is essentially -a critical position. On all great questions of the day gentlemen -on this side of the House have certain principles which guide -them on the subjects before Parliament; but on these questions -we cannot rival in the possession of information those who -hold the seals of Government.”</p> - -<p>This point Mr. Disraeli elaborated at some length, mentioning -Central Asia, the Three New Rules, and the French Treaty -of Commerce as matters on which no body of men, suddenly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97">97</a></span> -created a Government, could have any policy until they had -studied the official information. Local taxation, too, was a -question which they must have fully considered before going -to the country; but the strongest obstacle to an immediate -dissolution would have been the necessity of carefully scrutinising -the estimates, which, he maintained, were just as large as -his own which were so vehemently denounced in 1868. The -upshot was that the session would have been one of ordinary -length, and he knew, from experience, the consequences to a -party and to the public interests of endeavouring to carry on -the Government in the face of a hostile majority.</p> - -<p>“I know well (added Mr. Disraeli), and those around me -know well, what will occur when a Ministry takes office and -attempts to carry on Government with a minority during the -session, with a view of ultimately appealing to the people. -A right hon. gentleman will come down here, he will arrange -his thumb-screws and other instruments of torture, and we -shall never ask for a vote without a lecture; we shall never -perform the most ordinary routine office of Government without -there being annexed to it some pedantic and ignominious condition. -(No, no.) I wish to express nothing but what I know -from painful personal experience. No observation of the kind -I have encountered could divest me of the painful memory; I -wish it could. I wish it was not my duty to take this view of -the case. For a certain time we should enter into the paradise -of abstract motions. One day hon. gentlemen cannot withstand -the golden opportunity of asking the House to assert that the -income-tax should no longer form one of the features of Ways -and Means. Of course, a proposition of that kind would be -scouted by the right hon. gentleman and all his colleagues; but -they might dine out on that day, and the resolution might -be carried, as resolutions of that kind have been. Perhaps -another gentleman, distinguished for his knowledge of ‘men -and things’ (Mr. Rylands), moves that the Diplomatic Service -should be abolished. While hon. gentlemen opposite may -laugh in their sleeves at the mover, they vote for the motion in -order to put the Government into a minority. So it would go<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98">98</a></span> -very hard with us if on some sultry afternoon some member -should ‘rush in where angels fear to tread’ (Mr. Trevelyan) -and successfully assimilate the borough and the county franchise. -And so things would go on until the bitter end—until -at last even the Appropriation Bill has passed, Parliament -is dissolved, and we appeal to those millions who, perhaps, -six months before might have looked upon us as the vindicators -of their intolerable grievances, but who now receive us as a -defeated, discredited, and a degraded Ministry, whose services -can no longer be of value to the Crown or a credit to the -nation.”</p> - -<p>Under these circumstances, with the concurrence of all his -friends, he had represented to the Queen that it was not for the -public interest that he should attempt to form a Government.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_59">FIRST LONDON HOSPITAL SUNDAY (1873).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, Monday, June 16, 1873.</p> - -<p>The Metropolis has just witnessed the success of an undertaking -without parallel in the social and religious history of -modern times. The congregations of the great majority of the -places of worship in London and its suburbs, reinforced moreover -by many who do not habitually attend places of worship -at all, were united in the pursuit of a common object, and in -the acknowledgment of a common obligation. The claims of -the sick poor were urged from several hundred pulpits, not -on any ground of expediency, or of economy, or even of benevolence, -but mainly on the broad principle that their recognition -forms an essential part of the life dictated by every form of -Christianity.</p> - -<p>The appeal had gone home to the hearts of all classes of the -community, and in the Metropolitan Cathedral the eye ranged -easily from the Heir Apparent, and from the representatives of -civic wealth and munificence, to an assemblage largely composed -of persons manifestly of humble station, but who were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99">99</a></span> -neither less devout nor less liberal than those whom fortune -had more highly favoured.</p> - -<p>So far everything is well, and there can be no doubt that -Hospital Sunday from this time forward will be an established -institution. It is possible that it may lead to many indirect -advantages, and that the bond now for the first time established -among the charities to be assisted may ultimately produce -beneficial changes in various points connected with their -management. Hospitals have hitherto been in some sense -rival institutions; and their rivalry has been a prolific source -of wasteful and unnecessary expenditure.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Note.</span>—The amount collected was £28,000.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_60">THE ASHANTEE WAR: FALL OF COOMASSIE (1874).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register, 1874</cite>; <cite>English History</cite>, pp. 29–31.</p> - -<p>On entering Coomassie the General strictly forbade all -plundering on the part of his men; but the darkness of night -coming on, the camp followers could not always be restrained, -and a policeman taken in the act was hung. Here and there, -too, attempts were made to set fire to the town. Coomassie -was found to be a large place, with wide streets, and houses -with verandahs, built round courtyards. It bore tokens of -desolation in patches of waste land, covered with grass, and -the absence of domestic poultry, etc., the despotism of the King -making property as well as life insecure among the Ashantees. -The King’s palace was larger than that of the chief of Fommanah, -and consisted of many courts, each a house in itself. -Upstairs were several small rooms, each of which was a perfect -old curiosity shop, containing books in all languages, English -newspapers, Bohemian glass, Kidderminster carpets, pictures, -furniture, etc. The King’s sitting-room was a court with a tree -growing in it, which was covered with fetish objects, and hung -with spiders’ webs. In the royal bedroom adjacent was an -English General’s sword, bearing the inscription: “From -Queen Victoria to the King of Ashantee,” a gift probably of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100">100</a></span> -Her Majesty to Calcalli’s predecessor. Besides the King’s -palace there was a grand building, called the “Bantoma,” -where the ashes of former monarchs were entombed, and which -was considered the most sacred spot in all Ashanteeland. Sir -Garnet Wolseley sent word to the King that his desire was to -spare Coomassie, and if he would come into the town and sign -the peace a smaller indemnity would be accepted than that at -first specified. But if not, a sign should be given of Great -Britain’s power which should be known throughout the length -and breadth of Africa. The King promised to come, but came -not. The General waited throughout the whole day of the 5th -in vain. The envoys sent with deceitful promises by the -monarch were caught surreptitiously removing property. The -General then gave orders to burn the Bantoma, but on second -thoughts he recalled them. The destruction of so strong and -vast a fortress would have taken too much time, and perhaps -in their despair the Ashantees would have rallied round their -sacred mausoleum in inconvenient force. In fact, it was very -necessary to think of a speedy retreat. Heavy rain had fallen, -and if the streams in rear of the British army should be much -swollen, its backward march might be seriously impeded. It was -coming short of the entire triumph anticipated, to leave Coomassie -without the treaty and the royal signature; but the -subjugation of the capital was a sufficient blow to Ashantee -prestige, and, that it might never be forgotten by the nation, -Sir Garnet gave orders to set fire to the city and to the royal -palace.</p> - -<p>“The demolition of the place was complete,” said Sir Garnet, -in his despatch to the Colonial Secretary. “From all that -I can gather, I believe that the result will be such a diminution -in the prestige and military power of the Ashantee monarch as -may result in the break-up of the kingdom altogether. This -I had been anxious to avoid, because it seems impossible to -foresee what Power can take this nation’s place among the -feeble races of this coast. I certainly believe that your -lordship may be well convinced that no more utterly atrocious -Government than that which has thus, perhaps, fallen, ever<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101">101</a></span> -existed on the face of the earth. Their capital was a charnel-house; -their religion a combination of cruelty and treachery; -their policy the natural outcome of their religion. I cannot -think that, whatever may be the final fate of the people of this -country, the absolute annihilation of such a rule, should it -occur, would be a subject for unmixed regret. In any case, -I believe that the main object of my expedition has been -perfectly secured. The territories of the Gold Coast will not -again be troubled by the warlike ambition of this restless -power. I may add that the flag of England from this moment -will be received throughout Western Africa with respectful -awe, a treatment which has been of late years by no -means its invariable fate among the savage tribes of this -region.”</p> - -<p>It was Sir Garnet’s good fortune not to bring his enterprise -to an end without the rounding off of complete success. The -return march of the British troops towards the coast commenced -on the 6th. At Fommanah, where the General halted -for four days, he was again visited by envoys from Koffee -Calcalli, bearing in their hands a thousand ounces of gold, and -asking for a draft of the treaty, to be signed forthwith by the -defeated monarch. The draft was accordingly given to them, -and was actually signed a month later. What had brought the -King to this tardy and, as it would seem, unnecessary submission -now that Wolseley had done his worst, and was retreating? -It was the march of Captain Glover that had -occasioned the step. That officer, working up from the East, -with troops drawn from the native tribes of the Akims, Yorubas, -and Houssas—between three thousand and four thousand in -number—had arrived within eighteen miles of Coomassie, -when he heard of the capture and destruction of the place. -His difficulties had been great. Many of the men with whom -he originally set out had deserted, and he had failed to make -the junction with Wolseley, which, had it taken place a few days -earlier, must have crushed the foe effectually. Nevertheless, -his advance had operated as a useful diversion on the left of -the Ashantee forces; and when he, too, arrived near the ruined<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102">102</a></span> -city, the monarch’s spirit altogether left him. Thinking that -some of the British forces might still be in Coomassie, Glover -sent on Captain Reginald Sartorius with twenty men to reconnoitre. -Then occurred one of the most dashing exploits of the -war. Sartorius found the capital deserted. None of the -inhabitants had returned to try and secure their property, or -view their burned homesteads. But they might be lurking -anywhere—in fact, Sartorius heard that the King and his -attendants were near at hand, weeping over the ruins of Coomassie. -With his little band of twenty men, Sartorius rode -boldly through the deserted precincts, and then onwards -through fifty miles of hostile territory, to join the British army, -passing one burnt village after another, but not meeting -any human form till, at Fommanah, they came up with the -main body of Sir Garnet’s forces. Captain Glover followed -in the track of Sartorius first to Coomassie and then to -Fommanah.</p> - -<p>The treaty, finally signed by King Koffee Calcalli, stipulated -that he should renounce all rights of Protectorate over the -petty monarchs in alliance with the British Queen, and -formerly tributary to the kingdom of Ashantee; also over any -of the tribes formerly connected with the Dutch Government -on the Gold Coast; that free trade should be permitted between -Ashantee and the British ports; that the road between -Coomassie and the Prah should always be kept open; that the -King should use his best efforts to check the practice of human -sacrifice; and that he should pay in instalments a war indemnity -of 50,000 ounces of approved gold, beginning with -1,000 ounces forthwith.</p> - -<p>The cost of the war to the British Government was estimated -at 900,000 pounds sterling. To Sir Garnet Wolseley, who -declined titular honours, a sum of 25,000 pounds was awarded -in recognition of his services.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103">103</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_61">FUNERAL OF DR. LIVINGSTONE (1874).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Punch</cite>, April 25, 1874. (Reprinted by the special -permission of the proprietors of <cite>Punch</cite>.)</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">David Livingstone, Died on the Shores of Lake -Bemba, May 4, 1873; Buried in Westminster Abbey, -April 18, 1874.</span></h3> - -<div class="poem-container"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Droop half-mast colours, bow, bareheaded crowds<br /></span> -<span class="i2">As this plain coffin o’er the side is slung,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">To pass by woods of masts and ratlined shrouds<br /></span> -<span class="i2">As erst by Afric’s trunks, liana-hung.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">’Tis the last mile of many thousands trod<br /></span> -<span class="i2">With failing strength but never-failing will<br /></span> -<span class="i0">By the worn frame, now at its rest with God,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">That never rested from its fight with ill.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Or if the ache of travel and of toil<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Would sometimes wring a short, sharp cry of pain<br /></span> -<span class="i0">From agony of fever, blain, and boil,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">’Twas but to crush it down, and on again.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">He knew not that the trumpet he had blown<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Out of the darkness of that dismal land,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Had reached and roused an army of its own<br /></span> -<span class="i2">To strike the chains from the slave’s fettered hand.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Now we believe he knows, sees all is well;<br /></span> -<span class="i2">How God had stayed his will and shaped his way,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">To bring the light to those that darkling dwell<br /></span> -<span class="i2">With gains that life’s devotion will repay.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Open the Abbey door and bear him in<br /></span> -<span class="i2">To sleep with King and statesman, chief and sage,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">The missionary come of weaver-kin,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">But great by work that brooks no lower wage.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">He needs no epitaph to guard a name<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104">104</a></span><br /></span> -<span class="i2">Which men shall prize while worthy work is known<br /></span> -<span class="i0">He lived and died for good—be that his fame;<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Let marble crumble: this is Living-stone.<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_62">DISRAELI ON PARTIES IN THE CHURCH (1874).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Hansard</cite>, “Debates,” vol. 221, p. 78.</p> - -<h3><i>Speech on Public Worship Regulation Bill.</i></h3> - -<p>I look upon the existence of parties in the Church as a -necessary and beneficial consequence. They have always -existed even from Apostolic times; they are a natural development -of the religious sentiment in man; and they represent -fairly the different conclusions at which, upon subjects that are -the most precious to him, the mind of man arrives. Ceremony, -enthusiasm, and free speculation are the characteristics of the -three great parties in the Church, some of which have modern -names, and which the world is too apt to imagine are in their -character original. The truth is that they have always existed -in different forms or under different titles. Whether they are -called High Church or Low Church or Broad Church, they -bear witness, in their legitimate bounds, to the activity of the -religious mind of the nation, and in the course of our history -this country is deeply indebted to the exertions and the energy -of all those parties. The High Church party, totally irrespective -of its religious sentiment, fills a noble page in the -history of England, for it has vindicated the liberties of this -country in a memorable manner; no language of mine can -describe the benefits which this country has experienced from -the exertions of the Evangelical school at the commencement -of this century; and in the case of the Broad Church it is well -that a learned and highly disciplined section of the clergy -should show at the present day that they are not afraid of -speculative thought, or are appalled by the discoveries of -science. I hold that all these schools of religious feeling can<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105">105</a></span> -pursue their instincts consistently with a faithful adherence to -the principles and practices of the Reformation as exhibited -and represented in its fairest and most complete form—the -Church of England. I must ask myself, What then, sir, is the -real object of the Bill? and I will not attempt to conceal my -impressions upon it, for I do not think that our ability to arrive -at a wise decision to-day will be at all assisted by a mystical -dissertation on the subject-matter of it. I take the primary -object of this Bill, whose powers, if it be enacted, will be -applied and extended impartially to all subjects of Her Majesty, -to be this—to put down Ritualism. The right hon. gentleman -the Member for Greenwich [Mr. Gladstone] says he does not -know what Ritualism is, but there I think the right hon. gentleman -is in an isolated position. That ignorance is not shared -by the House of Commons or by the country. What the -House and the country understand by Ritualism is—practices -of a portion of the clergy, avowedly symbolic of doctrines, -which the same clergy are bound in the most solemn -manner to refute and repudiate. Therefore, I think there -can be no mistake among practical men as to what is -meant when we say that it is our desire to discourage -Ritualism....</p> - -<p>Believing as I do that those principles [those of the Reformation] -were never so completely and so powerfully represented -as by the Church of England; believing that without the -authority, the learning, the wealth, and the independence of -the Church of England, the various sects of the Reformation -would by this time have dwindled into nothing, I called the -attention of the country, so far as I could, to the importance -of rallying around the institution of the Church of England, -based upon those principles of the Reformation which that -Church was called into being to represent.... I wish most -sincerely that all should understand that, if I make the slightest -allusion to the dogmas and ceremonies which are promulgated -by the English Ritualists, I am anxious not to make a single -observation which could offend the convictions of any hon. -gentleman in this House. Whether those doctrines which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106">106</a></span> -were quoted from authoritative writings apply to the worship -of the Virgin, to the Confessional, or to the various subjects -which were quoted by the hon. Member, so long as those -doctrines are held by Roman Catholics, I am prepared to treat -them with reverence; but what I object to is that they should -be held by Ministers of our Church, who, when they enter the -Church, enter it at the same time with a solemn contract with -the nation that they will oppose those doctrines and utterly -resist them. What I do object to is Mass in masquerade. To -the solemn ceremonies of our Roman Catholic friends I am -prepared to extend that reverence which my mind and conscience -always give to religious ceremonies sincerely believed -in; but the false position in which we have been placed by, I -believe, a small but a powerful and well-organised body of -those who call themselves English clergymen in copying these -ceremonies, is one which the country thinks intolerable, and -of which we ought to rid ourselves.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_63">THE ARCTIC EXPEDITION (1875).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register, 1875</cite>; <cite>Public Documents</cite>, pp. 214, 215.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Letters from the Captains.</span></h3> - -<h4><i>No. 1.</i></h4> - -<div class="sig-container"><div class="sig"> -<span class="smcap">H.M.S. “Discovery,”<br /> -At Sea</span><br /> -(Lat. 64° 43´ N.; long. 52° 52´ W.),<br /> -<i>July 2, 1875.</i> -</div></div> - -<p> -<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,— -</p> - -<p class="let">I have the honour to inform you since parting company -with H.M.S. <i>Alert</i> on the night of June 13, during a heavy -westerly gale, I made the best of my way to rendezvous 4, 5, -and 6, in accordance with your instructions to Captain Jones -of H.M.S. <i>Valorous</i>, a copy of which you forwarded for my -guidance.</p> - -<p>On the afternoon of the 13th, at 3 p.m., while still in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107">107</a></span> -company, a heavy sea struck the starboard whale-boat (waist), -and, detaching the foremost fall, the boat filled, and in swinging -round was cut in half by the stay of the after-davit, which -necessitated her being cut away. We experienced strong -westerly breezes and head winds until we rounded Cape Farewell -on Sunday, June 27. On the morning of the 28th, we -made the land about Cape Desolation ahead, and fell in with -the land ice and some bergs. We tacked on the edge of the -ice, and stood to the north-west. On the 29th (lat. 61° N., -long. 50° 43´ W.), during the morning, we steamed through a -quantity of loose sailing ice. A strong breeze springing up -from the eastward towards the afternoon, which freshened to -a gale from the northward, obliged us to stand off the land -amongst a great quantity of heavy field ice, after laying to -during the night, under close-reefed topsails, and occasionally -nearing to avoid the driving pack, which was going to the -southward in heavy streams at the rate of two or three knots. -Some of the ice, however, was loose enough to be sailed -through, and, there being no opening into clear water, I got -up steam on the morning of the 30th, and, under close-reefed -topsails and reefed courses, beat to windward through it, -with the object of reaching the land water. The weather -moderating, this was accomplished in the evening of the same -day, having passed through some heavy pack ice. On the -1st instant, we again steamed through some large fields of -sailing ice. When abreast of Goathaab, on the 2nd instant, -at 7 p.m., we sighted the <i>Alert</i>, and closed this morning, as -per signal. With the exception of the loss of the one boat -before mentioned, I have no defects or damage to report, and -have the honour to enclose a copy of the ship’s log from -June 13 to the 1st instant.</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l4">I have the honour to be, Sir,</span><br /> -<span class="l2">Your obedient servant,</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">H. F. Stephenson</span>,<br /> -<span class="l2"><i>Captain</i>.</span> -</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108">108</a></span></p> - -<h4><i>No. 2.</i></h4> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l4">“<span class="smcap">Alert,”</span></span><br /> -<span class="l2">At Disco,</span><br /> -<i>July 15, 1875</i> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,— -</p> - -<p class="let">I have the honour to inform you that H.M. ships -under my command left Bantry Bay on June 2. The <i>Valorous</i> -arrived at this port on the 4th, and the <i>Alert</i> and <i>Discovery</i> on -the 6th instant. After leaving the Irish coast, finding that the -<i>Valorous</i> could not keep station while we were under sail alone, -I directed her to part company, and make her voyage independently. -During the passage we encountered three -consecutive gales from the westward, and after passing Cape -Farewell one from the northward, each accompanied with -high seas. Owing to the heavy lading of the Arctic ships -they were extremely wet and uneasy, which necessitated the -hatchways to be frequently battened down; otherwise they -behaved well. The <i>Alert</i> and <i>Discovery</i> each lost a whale-boat -during a heavy gale on June 13; beyond this loss I am happy -to say that the defects of the ships are merely nominal. The -<i>Valorous</i> will supply two boats to replace those lost. On the -night of June 13 (while the <i>Alert</i> was wearing) the <i>Discovery</i> -was lost sight of during a heavy squall, and the two ships did -not again join company until the 30th, in Davis Strait. The -<i>Valorous</i> having economised her coal as much as possible, has -been able to complete each of the Arctic ships with as much as -they can carry, and has remaining for her return voyage -a quantity equal to that expended during her outward voyage. -All the provisions and stores brought here by the <i>Valorous</i> for -our use have been taken aboard, and we are now complete in -all respects for three years from July 1, 1875.</p> - -<p>After passing Cape Farewell, each ship fell in with loose -pack ice from fifty to sixty miles south-west of Cape Desolation, -with a clear sea to the westward of it—it was the débris -of very thick ice, and had evidently been carried round Cape -Farewell, from the east coast of Greenland. The ice extended -north as far as latitude 62° 30´, since which none has been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109">109</a></span> -sighted within sixty miles of the coast; there has also been -a remarkable absence of icebergs.</p> - -<p>Mr. Krarup Smith, the inspector of North Greenland, and -the other Danish officials have been extremely obliging in -giving me every information in their power, and in providing -for our wants. Mr. Smith has arranged for my being supplied -with all the dogs we require. Twenty-five have been received -from Disco, and twenty are to be ready on our arrival at -Ritenberk; the rest will be taken on board at Uppernivik. -An Esquimaux accompanies the expedition from Disco, and I -think it probable that Hans, who was in the <i>Polaris</i> with -Captain Hall, and is now at Proven, will also be willing to join -me. I would respectfully suggest that Mr. Smith should be -officially thanked for his ready compliance with all our -requirements, and his courteous behaviour.</p> - -<p>Finding that it was absolutely necessary that at least one -Assistant-Paymaster should accompany the expedition, I have -ordered Mr. Thomas Mitchell of the <i>Discovery</i> to remain on -board that ship to superintend the victualling of the two -vessels. I have ordered Mr. George Egerton, sub-Lieutenant -of the <i>Alert</i>, to take charge of the provisions of this ship, with -the same remuneration as the officer in charge of stores -received.</p> - -<p>I leave this port for Ritenberk to-morrow, and intend to call -at Proven and Uppernivik on my passage north. Letters will -be left at the latter settlement for conveyance to Europe, via -Copenhagen. It is reported that the last winter has been mild -in this neighbourhood, but the spring very backward, which I -trust will prove to have been caused by the early break-up of -the ice farther to the north.</p> - -<p>The health of the expedition is excellent. There is no -one sick on board either vessel, and the utmost hope and -enthusiasm for the success of the work allotted to us -prevails.</p> - -<p>In the orders for the guidance of the expedition it is directed -that documents are to be deposited due north of the cairn marking -their position. As a mistake might arise in calculating the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110">110</a></span> -variation of the compass, I have issued directions that the -documents are to be deposited magnetic north, and twenty feet -magnetic north of the cairns.</p> - -<p>During my stay at Disco I inspected the store of provisions -belonging to the American Government, but had not time to -open any of the packages to ascertain if the contents were in -good order, but from the appearance of the outside, I should -expect them to be in a fair state of preservation, considering -the time they had been exposed. The store is dry and each -package is clear of the ground. As the United States Government -may like to know what is in the store, I enclose a nominal -list of the packages obtained from the Danish officials and -inspected by the officers of this ship. The former have taken -great trouble to prevent the stores deteriorating.</p> - -<p>I have the honour to enclose a copy of the log and track-chart -of H.M.S. <i>Alert</i> and proceedings of H.M.S. <i>Discovery</i>, while -absent from June 13 to July 1, 1875.</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l4">I have the honour to be, Sir,</span><br /> -<span class="l2">Your obedient servant,</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">J. S. Nares</span>,<br /> -<span class="l1"><i>Captain</i>.</span> -</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_64">PURCHASE OF THE SUEZ CANAL SHARES: AN -OPPOSITION VIEW (1875).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register, 1875</cite>; <cite>English History</cite>, pp. 123–125.</p> - -<p>“You will expect,” said Sir William Harcourt at Oxford, on -December 30, “that I should say something to you on the -subject of the Suez Canal shares. Well, that is a matter on -which no prudent politician in our present state of information -will hazard a competent opinion. At the same time, after all -that has been said on the matter, to be wholly silent would be -an affectation of reserve. For my part, if the matter had been -allowed to remain in the regions of high policy, I should have -been content to abstain from criticising it altogether. I am not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111">111</a></span> -unfavourable to a far-seeing and a bold policy in the conduct -of great affairs. We have had somewhat too little of that spirit -of late. But all reticence upon that score is at an end. The -most contradictory and, in some respects, the most absurd -surmises with respect to this transaction were afloat some weeks -ago. Lord Hartington, at the beginning of this month, invited -a declaration from the Government of the real meaning and -object of their policy, and Lord Derby accepted the challenge -with perfect frankness. Since the speech of the Foreign -Secretary the whole aspect of the question has been completely -changed both at home and abroad. Up to that time a sort of -glamour had invested a very plain business with the unnatural -haze that distorts the true proportion of things. There was -something Asiatic in this mysterious melodrama. It was like -‘The Thousand and One Nights,’ when, in the midst of the -fumes of incense, a shadowy Genie astonished the bewildered -spectators. The public mind was dazzled, fascinated, mystified. -We had done we did not know exactly what—we were not told -precisely why—<i xml:lang="la" lang="la">omne ignotum pro magnifico</i>. The Government -maintained an imposing and perplexing silence. But our daily -and weekly instructors gave free rein to their imagination. We -were told by those who assumed the patronage of the grand -arcanum that a great blow had been struck, that a new policy -had been inaugurated, and that England had at length resumed -her lead among the nations. The Eastern Question had been -settled by a <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">coup d’état</i> on the Stock Exchange, and Turkey was -abandoned to her fate. Egypt was annexed. The Bulls of -England had vanquished the Bears of Russia. Moab was to -be our washpot and over Edom we had cast our shoe. France -and M. de Lesseps were confounded. We were a very great -people; we had done a very big thing, and, to consummate the -achievement, a Satrap from Shoreham, attended by a plump of -financial Janissaries, was despatched to administer the subject -provinces of the English protectorate on the Nile. All this, -if somewhat nebulous, was in the grand manner, and if -any inquisitive person, like the troublesome little boy on the -field of Blenheim, was disposed to ask ‘what good came<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112">112</a></span> -of it at last,’ we could always answer, like the judicious -<span class="locked">Kasper—</span></p> - -<div class="poem-container"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="iq">“‘Why, that I cannot tell,’ said he,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">‘But ’twas a glorious victory.’<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p>“We all of us felt some six inches taller than before. We -spread our tails like peacocks to the sun, and were as pleased -as children at our soap-bubble, iridescent with many hues. -But, all of a sudden, this beautiful vision melted away; the -Egyptian mirage evaporated; the great political phantasmagoria -faded like a dissolving view. There is nothing so delightful -as magic, until, in an unhappy moment, the conjuror -consents to reveal the apparatus to us by which our senses -have been deluded, and shows us how it is done. Lord Derby -is a great master of prose, and he has translated the Eastern -romance into most pedestrian English. But the Foreign -Secretary is a responsible statesman. He has widely warned -us against ‘cant’ and against ‘rant,’ and he cannot afford -to indulge in the exaggerated visions in which journalists may, -with impunity, amuse themselves and their readers. It was -not his affair to mystify England, but to reassure Europe; and -therefore with that straightforwardness and common sense for -which he is eminent, he told us at Edinburgh that the affair -which had created so much sensation at home and abroad was -not at all the sort of thing it had been represented to be; that, -if it had been capable of the construction which had been put -upon it, it would have been neither a wise nor a honest transaction. -He repudiated with scorn the idea that England aspired -to an Egyptian protectorate; they had not reversed their -Eastern policy; still less had they contemplated to appropriate -the territories of the Khedive as our share in a scramble for -general plunder. What had really been accomplished was -a very ordinary affair. The Khedive had certain shares in the -Suez Canal. So far from being ambitious to get hold of them, -Lord Derby would have much preferred that the ruler of -Egypt should have kept them in his own hands; but, as he -found himself obliged to part with them, the English Government -thought it better to purchase them than to let them<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113">113</a></span> -go elsewhere. They have acquired them, not to give England -any special or predominant foreign influence, nor to secure any -exclusive advantage, but to keep open a communication for the -benefit of all, which to England is of supreme importance. -And with these explanations, tendered on the good faith of an -English Minister, upon the credit of which Lord Derby justly -relies, he tells us that the European Powers are amply satisfied. -And so the nine days’ wonder is over, the enchantment is at an -end, the chariot of Cinderella relapses into its original pumpkins -and mice. Since Lord Derby has so pitilessly dowsed with -cold water the heated enthusiasm of visionary journalists, they -have never ceased to weep and to wail over the ruins of their -pet toy, which has collapsed like a pricked bladder or a broken -drum. They beg us to believe that the Foreign Minister does -not understand the meaning of his own acts, or the scope of his -own policy; that, in spite of all his protestations to the contrary, -we are the veritable <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">perfide Albion</i>.</p> - -<p>“For my own part I cannot refuse to respond to the appeal -of Lord Derby, when he says, ‘We have told Europe what we -want, and why we want it, and Europe is in the habit of -believing what we say.’ I hope the day will never come when -an English Government will be justly charged with saying -one thing and meaning another. I therefore gladly take -Lord Derby at his word. But now that this grand affair is -reduced to the moderate dimensions of a sort of post-office -subsidy, we may criticise it in a manner and upon grounds -which might in another aspect of the question have been -inappropriate. Of course, if this transaction had been really -of the magnitude which was represented, the Government -would have been deeply responsible for not inviting at once -the judgment of Parliament upon a policy which vitally -involved the interests and the future of the country, but being -what it is, we may well wait a few weeks for fuller explanations -of some points which still remain very obscure. There -will be no disposition, I imagine, in any quarter to approach -the discussion in a spirit of carping or of captious criticism. -Upon the main ground by which this purchase is justified—<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114">114</a></span>namely, -the determination to secure a free passage between -the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean, there will be no -conflict of opinion. That is a policy in which England is -profoundly interested; and for that, statesmen of all parties -will be prepared to make common efforts, and, if necessary, -great sacrifices. No one, I think, will contend that even -4,000,000 pounds of money is too large a sum for the accomplishment -of such an end. But that which has not hitherto -been explained, and what remains to be shown, is in what -manner and to what extent this investment really does conduce -to that desirable object.”</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_65">DISRAELI’S AIMS IN POLITICS (1876).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register, 1876</cite>; <cite>English History</cite>, p. 113.</p> - -<p>On the 22nd of August, Mr. Disraeli, now Lord Beaconsfield, -issued his farewell address to his former constituents. -“Throughout my public life,” wrote the Premier, “I have -aimed at two chief results. Not insensible to the principle of -progress, I have endeavoured to reconcile change with that -respect for tradition, which is one of the main elements of our -social strength; and, in external affairs, I have endeavoured to -develop and strengthen our Empire, believing that combination -of achievement and responsibility elevates the character and -condition of a people.”</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_66">A SPIRITED SPEECH BY THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD -(1876).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, November 10, 1876.</p> - -<h3><span class="smcap">The Earl of Beaconsfield at the Lord Mayor’s -Banquet.</span></h3> - -<p>The Earl of Beaconsfield, who was received with repeated -plaudits, said....</p> - -<p>“During these twelve months of anxiety and agitation, my -Lord Mayor, I would take this opportunity of stating what<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115">115</a></span> -have been the two great objects which Her Majesty’s Government -have proposed with reference to those critical circumstances -which have occurred since I had the honour of -addressing your predecessor. The first has been the maintenance -of the general peace of Europe, which involves almost -every other consideration that may affect the interests of this -country and the general welfare of humanity. We have -believed that that peace would be best maintained by an -observance of the treaties in which all the Great Powers of -Europe have joined. Those treaties are not antique and -dusty obsolete documents. They are not instruments devised -under a state of circumstances different from those that exist, -and ill adapted to the spirit of the age in which we live....</p> - -<p>“... As the Lord Mayor has told us to-night, there is no -country so interested in the maintenance of peace as England. -Peace is especially an English policy. She is not an -aggressive Power, for there is nothing that she desires. She -covets no cities and no provinces. What she wishes is to -maintain and to enjoy the unexampled Empire which she has -built up, and which it is her pride to remember exists as much -upon sympathy as upon force. But, although the policy of -England is peace, there is no country so well prepared for war -as our own. If she enters into conflict in a righteous cause—and -I will not believe that England will go to war except for a -righteous cause—if the contest is one which concerns her -liberty, her independence, or her Empire, her resources, I feel, -are inexhaustible. She is not a country that, when she enters -into a campaign, has to ask herself whether she can support -a second or a third campaign. She enters into a campaign -which she will not terminate till right is done.”</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="hdr_67">THE EASTERN QUESTION: FIERY SPEECHES AT -ST. JAMES’S HALL (1876).</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p0 center"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, December 9, 1876.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Duke of Westminster</span>: The worst Government now -remaining in Europe is that of Constantinople, and it seems to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116">116</a></span> -us a most extraordinary thing that men in this country and a -portion of the Press seem to think that the Turks have still -a power of regeneration within themselves. We hear them -say, and with some justice, that the Turks are peaceful citizens -and warlike soldiers. The warlike qualities for which they are -distinguished seem to me not the best calculated to work for -the happiness and the contentment of the people under the fell -sway of Turkish dominion....</p> - -<p>After all our sacrifices during the Crimean War, after having -shed the blood of thousands of our fellow-countrymen and expended -millions of treasure, England surely has some right to -say now what should be done, and how it should be done. The -situation, though in some respects very similar to that which -existed in 1854, is entirely changed as regards the state of -public opinion in this country. Although it may be said that -Russia is thundering at the gates of Constantinople, England -is determined that she will not go to war against Russia for -Turkey.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. George Howell</span> (late Secretary to the Trades Parliamentary -Committee) said that throughout the length and -breadth of the land they would not find among the working -classes such an opinion on this question as was entertained in -the clubs among educated gentlemen. He might inform the -educated classes present that they represented the intensified -feelings of the working classes when they pronounced an -opinion altogether averse from going to war, under any pretext -whatever, for the purpose of propping up Turkey. We ought -to stand by the other European Powers, and to insist that -justice should be done to the Christian provinces of Turkey, -and to tell her plainly that if this were not done, she must, -at whatever cost, pack up, bag and baggage, and leave -Europe.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Evelyn Ashley, M.P.</span>: In his opinion the path of honour -and of safety lay in the active co-operation of England with -Russia. Turkey must be told that if she refused to give the -necessary guarantees for the safety of her Christian subjects, -we would send our fleet to take her fleet in pawn until she gave<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117">117</a></span> -way. As to the fear of what might be the result of Mussulman -fanaticism if such a course were taken, he could only say that -the fanaticism of the Mussulman never broke out when he was -beaten, while he had no apprehension that our prestige would -be diminished among the Mussulman population of India.... -Great nations, like great ships, could ride in safety only on the -high seas, and although Russia might have her ambitions, -which it might one day be our duty to resist, we should -be able to do so all the better if we could but succeed in -obtaining freedom for those down-trodden populations of -Turkey.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Professor Bryce</span>: Turkey would not yield so long as an -atom of hope of help from England was held out to her. The -Porte believed it in the very name of Constantinople, a spell -which could call up the fleets of England in the Bosphorus -when it chose. That spell had never failed it yet, and it had -in it most implicit confidence. If, then, war was to be averted, -Turkey must be at once undeceived, and must be told that we -not only will not support her, but that we are prepared to coerce -her, and that she shall not be allowed to run a new race of -tyranny.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Canon Liddon</span>: If the Christian provinces were to be really -reformed, there must be a new law which would secure equal -rights to every human being in the Turkish Empire. It was -impossible to suppose, however, that any legislation of this kind -would be voluntarily accepted by Turkey. There must be -something in the nature of a military occupation.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Lord Shaftesbury</span>: The Emperor of Russia has given us -his personal word of honour that he desires no territorial -aggrandisement. Take every precaution, surround yourselves -by every legitimate defence, but let us go with him as far as -he will go with us, and let us reserve our quarrel until we have -something to quarrel about. But now let us rejoice in the -attitude of the United Kingdom this day. It is majestic—a -free and mighty people demand nothing for themselves, neither -power, nor commerce, nor extended empire. They seek simply -the welfare of others and the solidarity of nations.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118">118</a></span> -<span class="smcap">Professor E. A. Freeman</span>: From amid the clatter of -wine-cups a voice of defiance went forth, conveying the brag -which all the world had heard, that England would fight a first, -a second, and a third campaign rather than permit another -Power to do the work which she herself ought to accomplish. -Were they prepared to wage war for a single hour, or to shed -one drop of English blood in order to prop up as foul and -bloody a fabric of wrong as ever a shuddering world had gazed -upon? Would they consent to draw the sword to protect the -sovereign rights of those whose hands were steeped in blood as -their tongues were in falsehood? Would they fight to uphold -the integrity and independence of Sodom? Should it be said -that England, which had used every effort to put down the -slave trade, was ready to go to war in order that the Eastern -traffic in human flesh might still go on and supply our barbarous -ally with the victims of his hideous lusts? Was it, indeed, for -such an object that the countrymen of Canning and Wilberforce -were to be called upon to fight?</p> - -<p>But it was said that we were bound by treaties to maintain -the independence and integrity of Turkey. He, however, did -not so read the treaties to which reference had been made, and -which already had been broken; and as for our interests in -India being in peril, he would only say let duty come first and -interest after, and perish our dominion in India rather than that -we should strike a blow in such a cause as that of the Porte! -Besides, it was not through Constantinople that the road to -India lay; nor was it for Constantinople that the Emperor -of Russia was ready to draw the sword.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Fawcett, M.P.</span>: If the Government went to war on -behalf of Turkey, he hoped the Liberal party would use every -form allowed by Parliament to prevent them from having one -sixpence until they had ascertained by an appeal to the country -whether it was their wish that the blood and treasure of -England should be spilt, and the reputation of England cast -away in order to prop up a wretched, effete, and dissolute -despotism.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Gladstone</span>, who was received with prolonged cheering:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119">119</a></span> -“... What are we to say to the question of the Treaty of -Paris? I will give you my opinion in the most distinct -manner. The Ottoman Porte has in a most signal and conspicuous -manner broken and trampled under foot the Treaty of -Paris. The meaning of this Guildhall speech was to set forth -that we were all bound by this Treaty to suggest that the -Ottoman Porte would be entitled to appeal to it; and whatever -theoretical acknowledgment there might be about affording -assistance to the Christian populations, yet in practice the -appeal would have resolved itself into the old practice of -remonstrances and expostulations, with results either none -whatever, or confined to idle and empty words. The Treaty of -Paris in regard to the Porte I affirm to be no binding Treaty -at all. I am as far as possible from saying that the Treaty of -Paris is not binding as between the other Powers, but I stand -simply upon this broad, clear, and I think incontrovertible -proposition—that one who has broken a Treaty is no longer in -a position to appeal to it.... I now come to the conclusion -of the Guildhall speech which carried its sting, and a sting -indeed it was, charged and overcharged with venom. Why -was it necessary to say that when England enters into a war -she has not to ask herself whether she can support a second or -a third campaign? Cannot that reference be understood? -After her second campaign in the Crimea Russia had to ask -herself the question whether she could enter upon a third? -Why, then, was that particular form given to a declaration -which was perfectly unnecessary, of the capacity of this country -to go to war? Do not suppose that the capacity of this -country to go to war is increased by these idle vaunts. We -know what effect these words had in Russia; but a more -important question was, What was their effect in Constantinople? -According to the reports of those who have seen -it, Constantinople is a Paradise of Nature; but there are other -paradises, one of which is called a Fool’s Paradise. I am -afraid that the Ottoman Porte, relying on the assistance of -England in the last extremity in all circumstances, has for -a long time been in a Fool’s Paradise, and it would have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120">120</a></span> -been much greater kindness not to use words which were -calculated to delude the Porte into the belief that such were -the intentions of England. We know that the Turk has been -relying on British aid, and although we do not think very highly -of his intelligence, has he no warrant for so relying? Why -was the squadron sent to Besika Bay, augmented into a fleet, -in imitation of the step taken in 1853?”</p> - -<p class="p2 center small">BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD</p> -</div> - -<div class="chapter"><div class="transnote"> -<h2 class="nobreak p1" id="transnote">Transcriber’s Note</h2> - -<p>Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a predominant -preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed.</p> - -<p>Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unpaired -quotation marks were corrected.</p> - -<p>Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. -</p> -</div></div> - -<p> </p> -<p> </p> -<hr class="full" /> -<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FROM PALMERSTON TO DISRAELI (1856-1876)***</p> -<p>******* This file should be named 53725-h.htm or 53725-h.zip *******</p> -<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br /> -<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/3/7/2/53725">http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/7/2/53725</a></p> -<p> -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed.</p> - -<p>Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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