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diff --git a/old/53725-0.txt b/old/53725-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 2122c6d..0000000 --- a/old/53725-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,5275 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, From Palmerston to Disraeli (1856-1876), by -Various, Edited by Ewing Harding - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: From Palmerston to Disraeli (1856-1876) - - -Author: Various - -Editor: Ewing Harding - -Release Date: December 12, 2016 [eBook #53725] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FROM PALMERSTON TO DISRAELI -(1856-1876)*** - - -E-text prepared by Charlie Howard and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by -Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/cu31924028050833 - - -Transcriber’s note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). - - - - - -BELL’S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS - -General Editors: S. E. Winbolt, M.A., and Kenneth Bell, M.A. - - -FROM PALMERSTON TO DISRAELI - - - * * * * * * - -BELL’S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS. - - -_Volumes now Ready. 1s. net each._ - - =449–1066. The Welding of the Race.= Edited by the Rev. JOHN - WALLIS, M.A. - - =1066–1154. The Normans in England.= Edited by A. E. BLAND, - M.A. [_In preparation_ - - =1154–1216. The Angevins and the Charter.= Edited by S. M. TOYNE, - M.A. - - =1216–1307. The Struggle for the Charter.= Edited by W. D. - ROBIESON, M.A. [_In preparation_ - - =1307–1399. War and Misrule.= Edited by A. A. LOCKE. - - =1399–1485. The Last of Feudalism.= Edited by W. GARMON JONES, M.A. - - =1485–1547. The Reformation and the Renaissance.= Edited by F. W. - BEWSHER, B.A. - - =1547–1603. The Age of Elizabeth.= Edited by ARUNDELL ESDAILE, M.A. - - =1603–1660. Puritanism and Liberty.= Edited by KENNETH BELL, M.A. - - =1660–1714. A Constitution in Making.= Edited by G. B. PERRETT, M.A. - - =1714–1760. Walpole and Chatham.= Edited by K. A. ESDAILE. - - =1760–1801. American Independence and the French Revolution.= - Edited by S. E. WINBOLT, M.A. - - =1801–1815. England and Napoleon.= Edited by S. E. WINBOLT, M.A. - - =1815–1837. Peace and Reform.= Edited by A. C. W. EDWARDS, M.A., - Christ’s Hospital. - - =1856–1876. Palmerston to Disraeli.= Edited by EWING HARDING, B.A. - - =1876–1887. Imperialism and Mr. Gladstone.= Edited by R. H. - GRETTON, M.A. - - =1563–1913. Canada.= Edited by JAMES MUNRO, Lecturer at Edinburgh - University. - - _Other volumes, covering the whole range of English History from - Roman Britain, are in active preparation, and will be issued at - short intervals._ - -LONDON: G. BELL AND SONS, LTD. - - * * * * * * - - - -FROM PALMERSTON TO DISRAELI - -(1856–1876) - -Compiled by - -EWING HARDING, B.A. (Lond.) - -Senior Master of the Modern School, Southport - - - - - - - -[Illustration] - -London -G. Bell and Sons, Ltd. -1913 - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with -any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively -shown that such apparatus is a valuable--nay, an indispensable--adjunct -to the history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by -way of lively illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of -inference-drawing, before the textbook is read, at the beginning of -the lesson. The kind of problems and exercises that may be based on -the documents are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a _History -of England for Schools_, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377–381. -However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the manner in -which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to provide him and his -pupils with materials hitherto not readily accessible for school -purposes. The very moderate price of the books in this series should -bring them within the reach of every secondary school. Source books -enable the pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the -history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we -leave to teacher and taught. - -Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades -of historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys -in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What -differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not -so much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can -read into or extract from it. - -In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the -natural demand for certain “stock” documents of vital importance, we -hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention -that the majority of the extracts should be lively in style--that is, -personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan--and -should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for -inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under -contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates, -and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life -generally, and local history, are represented in these pages. - -The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being -numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is -modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties -in reading. - -We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us -suggestions for improvement. - - S. E. WINBOLT. - KENNETH BELL. - - -NOTE TO THIS VOLUME. - -In dealing with a period of comparatively recent date, I have been -dependent in several instances upon the courtesy of the proprietors -of the copyright. I acknowledge with many thanks the kind permission -of Mr. Henry Gladstone to quote the extracts from Lord Morley’s _Life -of Gladstone_ on pp. 75, 78, 83. I also acknowledge with thanks the -kindness of Messrs. Macmillan and Co. for granting permission to -reprint the extracts from the _Life of Professor Huxley_ on p. 87, -and from Ashley’s _Life of Lord Palmerston_ on pp. 33, 50; of Messrs. -Smith, Elder and Co. for the extract from the _Diary of Henry Greville_ -on p. 32; of Mr. Edward Arnold for the extract from Leader’s _Life of -Roebuck_ on p. 65; of Messrs. Chapman and Hall for the extracts from -Reid’s _Life of Forster_ on pp. 81, 89. I acknowledge also with thanks -the kind permission of the proprietors of _Punch_ for the extracts -on pp. 37, 103; and of the proprietors of _The Times_, _Illustrated -London News_, and _Brighton Herald_ for the various extracts from those -journals. - -I am also indebted to Messrs. Longmans, Green and Co. for permission to -reprint the extracts on pp. 12, 25 from the _Greville Memoirs_; also to -Mr. John Murray for similar permission to reprint the extracts from the -_Letters of Queen Victoria_ on pp. 17, 30, and the _Life of the Duke of -Argyll_ on p. 41. - - E. H. - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS - - - PAGE - INTRODUCTION v - DATE - 1856. NEUTRALITY OF THE BLACK SEA 1 - 1856. AN UP-TO-DATE MAIL STEAMER 2 - 1857. RUBINSTEIN IN LONDON 3 - 1857. FIRST DISTRIBUTION OF THE VICTORIA CROSS 4 - 1857. REINFORCEMENTS FOR INDIA 5 - 1857. SIEGE AND RELIEF OF LUCKNOW 9 - 1858. “CONSPIRACY TO MURDER” BILL 12 - 1858. FORCING OF THE PEIHO RIVER 13 - 1858. ADMISSION OF JEWS TO PARLIAMENT 16 - 1858. AN INADEQUATE NAVY 17 - 1859. VOLUNTEER RIFLE CORPS 18 - 1859. NAPOLEON III. AND ENGLAND 20 - 1859. PROGRESS OF VOLUNTEER MOVEMENT 22 - 1860. COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH FRANCE 25 - 1860. ANTI-RITUAL RIOTS 27 - 1860. CHINESE WAR: CAPTURE OF PEKIN 29 - 1860. THE FIRST BRITISH IRONCLAD 29 - 1861. GARIBALDI AND THE GOVERNMENT 30 - 1861. THE BUDGET: ABOLITION OF THE PAPER DUTY 31 - 1861. BRITAIN AND ITALIAN UNITY 32 - 1861. LOSS OF THE COTTON-SUPPLY 33 - 1861. THE CASE OF THE “TRENT” 34 - 1861. THE AFFAIR OF THE “TRENT” 37 - 1862. THE PEABODY TRUST FORMED 38 - 1862. THE “ALABAMA” CRUISER 40 - 1863. WAR BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH 41 - 1863. THE BUDGET: EATING THE LEEK 42 - 1863. DISTRESS IN THE COTTON MANUFACTURING DISTRICTS 44 - 1863. BRITAIN AND THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA (I.) 46 - 1863. BRITAIN AND THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA (II.) 47 - 1864. A POLICY OF MEDDLE AND MUDDLE 48 - 1864. ENGLAND AND THE ATTACK ON DENMARK 50 - 1865. THE ATLANTIC CABLE: SCENE IN IRELAND 52 - 1865. THE FENIAN CONSPIRACY (I.) 55 - 1865. THE FENIAN CONSPIRACY (II.) 57 - 1865. DEATH OF LORD PALMERSTON 57 - 1866. THE CAVE OF ADULLAM 58 - 1866. SUCCESSFUL LAYING OF THE ATLANTIC CABLE 60 - 1866. REFORM DEMONSTRATION AT MANCHESTER 61 - 1867. ATTEMPTED FENIAN RAID AT CHESTER 62 - 1867. REFORM BILL: THREE CORNERED CONSTITUENCIES 65 - 1867. ABYSSINIAN CAPTIVES 67 - 1868. DISRAELI’S “MAUNDY THURSDAY” LETTER 69 - 1868. ABYSSINIAN WAR: CAPTURE OF MAGDALA 71 - 1868. DISESTABLISHMENT OF THE IRISH CHURCH 73 - 1869. IRISH CHURCH BILL: CRITICAL DAYS 75 - 1870. THE IRISH LAND BILL 78 - 1870. EDUCATION BILL: THE COWPER-TEMPLE CLAUSE 81 - 1870. THE GOVERNMENT AND THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR 83 - 1871. MR. LOWE’S BUDGET: THE MATCH-TAX (I.) 84 - 1871. MR. LOWE’S BUDGET: THE MATCH-TAX (II.) 84 - 1871. PURCHASE IN THE ARMY ABOLISHED BY ROYAL WARRANT 85 - 1871. FIRST AUGUST BANK HOLIDAY 86 - 1871. BIBLE READING IN SCHOOLS 87 - 1872. THE GENEVA ARBITRATION: THE INDIRECT CLAIMS 89 - 1872. AN EARLY ELECTION UNDER THE BALLOT ACT 90 - 1872. THE “ALABAMA” ARBITRATION AWARD 93 - 1873. REFUSAL OF DISRAELI TO TAKE OFFICE WITHOUT A MAJORITY 94 - 1873. FIRST LONDON HOSPITAL SUNDAY 98 - 1874. THE ASHANTEE WAR: FALL OF COOMASSIE 99 - 1874. FUNERAL OF DR. LIVINGSTONE 103 - 1874. DISRAELI ON PARTIES IN THE CHURCH 104 - 1875. THE ARCTIC EXPEDITION 106 - 1875. PURCHASE OF SUEZ CANAL SHARES (AN OPPOSITION VIEW) 110 - 1876. DISRAELI’S AIMS IN POLITICS 114 - 1876. A SPIRITED SPEECH BY DISRAELI 114 - 1876. THE EASTERN QUESTION: SOME FIERY SPEECHES 115 - - - - -FROM PALMERSTON TO DISRAELI - -(1856–1876) - - - - -NEUTRALITY OF THE BLACK SEA (1856). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1856, vol. 98; _State Papers_, pp. -310–312. - - -TREATY OF PARIS. - -ARTICLE XI.--The Black Sea is neutralised; its waters and its ports -thrown open to the mercantile marine of every nation, are formally and -in perpetuity interdicted to the flag of war, either of the Powers -possessing its coasts, or of any other Power, with the exceptions -mentioned in Articles XIV. and XIX. of the present Treaty. - -ARTICLE XII.--Free from any impediment, the commerce in the ports -and waters of the Black Sea shall be subject only to the regulations -of health, customs, and police, framed in a spirit favourable to the -development of commercial transactions. - -In order to afford to the commercial and maritime interests of every -nation the security which is desired, Russia and the Sublime Porte will -admit Consuls into their ports situated upon the coast of the Black -Sea, in conformity with the principles of international law. - -ARTICLE XIII.--The Black Sea being neutralised according to the terms -of Article XI., the maintenance or establishment upon its coast of -military-maritime arsenals becomes alike unnecessary and purposeless; -in consequence, His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias and His -Imperial Majesty the Sultan engage not to establish or maintain upon -that coast any military-maritime arsenal. - -ARTICLE XIV.--Their Majesties the Emperor of all the Russias and the -Sultan having concluded a convention for the purpose of settling -the force and the number of light vessels necessary for the service -of their coasts which they reserve to themselves to maintain in the -Black Sea, that convention is annexed to the present Treaty, and shall -have the same force and validity as if it had formed an integral part -thereof. It cannot be either annulled or modified without the assent of -the Powers signing the present Treaty. - -ARTICLE XIX.--In order to insure the execution of the regulations which -shall have been established by common agreement, in conformity with the -principles declared above, each of the contracting Powers shall have -the right to station, at all times, two light vessels at the mouth of -the Danube. - - * * * * * - -Convention between the Emperor of Russia and the Sultan limiting their -naval force in the Black Sea. - -ARTICLE I.--The High Contracting Parties mutually engage not to have in -the Black Sea any other vessels of war than those of which the number, -the force, and the dimensions are hereinafter stipulated. - -ARTICLE II.--The High Contracting Parties reserve to themselves each to -maintain in that sea 6 steamships of 50 metres in length at the time of -flotation, of a tonnage of 800 tons at the maximum, and 4 light steam -or sailing vessels of a tonnage which shall not exceed 200 tons each. - - - - -AN UP-TO-DATE MAIL STEAMER (1856). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1856, vol. 98; _Chronicle_, p. 1. - - -A magnificent iron paddle-wheel steamship the _Persia_, built by Napier -and Sons, of Glasgow, for the Cunard Company, has made her trial trip. -This ship will be the largest steamship afloat in the world, until -another shall have been built which shall surpass her. Such have been -the advances made in our ideas of ships, and especially of steamships -of late years, that the giant of to-day is the pigmy of to-morrow; -and the chief use of these records is to show what was a magnificent -ship at the commencement of 1856. The _Persia_ is built of iron; her -dimensions are: Length from figurehead to taffrail, 390 feet; length in -the water, 360 feet; breadth of the hull, 45 feet; breadth over all, 71 -feet; depth, 32 feet; burden, 3,600 tons; diameter of paddle-wheels, 40 -feet. - -By the Government rule of measure, her steam-power would be equal to -900 horses; according to Watt’s mode of reckoning it would be equal to -4,000 horses at least. The ship is of beautiful model, and combined so -as to secure the greatest mechanical strength. Her keel-plates are of -sheet-iron, 11/16 of an inch thick; the bottom plates 15/16; up to the -water-line, 11/16. She is divided into seven water-tight compartments, -besides which she has, in effect, a double bottom. She has two engines -and eight boilers. She will afford separate and roomy accommodation -for 260 passengers, and will carry a crew of 150 men. Besides splendid -saloons and all other requisite apartments for her passengers, she has -a bakery, butcher’s shambles, scullery, cow-house, carpenter’s shop, -doctor’s shop, ice-houses, bath-rooms, and twenty water-closets. The -builders’ calculations as to her speed were not disappointed, for on -her voyage round from Glasgow to Liverpool she made an average of more -than 16 knots, or 19 miles an hour. - - - - -RUBINSTEIN IN LONDON: FIRST APPEARANCE AT A PHILHARMONIC CONCERT (1857). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, May 19, 1857. - - -Of Herr Rubinstein, his compositions, and his performances, we would -rather not speak, but just now that there is so much charlatanism -abroad, to the detriment of genuine art, silence is not permitted. We -never listened before to such music--if music it may be called--at -the Philharmonic Concerts, and fervently trust we may never again. So -strange and chaotic a jumble as the Concerto in G defies analysis. -Not a single subject fit to be designated “phrase” or “melody” can -be traced throughout the whole dreary length of the composition; -while, to atone for the absence of every musical attribute, we look -in vain even for what abounds in the pianoforte writings of Liszt -and others of the same school--viz., the materials for displaying -mechanical facility to advantage.... As a player, Herr Rubinstein -(who, when a mere boy, paid London a visit in 1843–4) may lay claim to -the possession of extraordinary manual dexterity. His execution (more -particularly when he has passages in octaves to perform) is prodigious, -and the difficulties he surmounts with apparent ease are manifold and -astonishing. But his mechanism is by no means invariably pure; nor is -his manner of attacking the notes at all favourable to the production -of legitimate tone. A pianist should treat his instrument rather as -a friend than as an enemy, caress rather than bully it; but Herr -Rubinstein seats himself at the piano with a seeming determination to -_punish_ it, and his endeavours to extort the power of an orchestra -from that which is, after all, but an unpretending row of keys, -hammers, and strings, result in an exaggeration of style entirely -antagonistic to real musical expression. - - - - -FIRST DISTRIBUTION OF THE VICTORIA CROSS (1857). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, June 27, 1857. - - -A new epoch in our military history was yesterday inaugurated in Hyde -Park. The old and much abused campaign medal may now be looked upon as -a reward, but it will cease to be sought after as a distinction for a -new order is instituted--an order for merit and valour, open without -regard to rank or title, to all whose conduct in the field has rendered -them prominent for courage even in the British Army. A path is left -open to the ambition of the humblest soldier--a road is open to honour -which thousands have toiled, and pined, and died in the endeavour to -attain; and private soldiers may now look forward to wearing a real -distinction which kings might be proud to have earned the right to bear. - -The display of yesterday in point of numbers was a great metropolitan -gathering--it was a concourse such as only London could send forth.... -A very large space--at least half a mile broad by three-quarters of -a mile long--was enclosed on the northern side of the park for the -evolution of the troops. On the side of this, nearest to Grosvenor -Gate, galleries were erected for the accommodation of 7,000 persons. -The station for the Queen was in the centre of the galleries, which -formed a huge deal semicircle, enclosing at least one-third of the -space in which the troops were formed.... It was evident, from the -arrangements made, that it was expected Her Majesty would dismount -and distribute the crosses at the table. The Queen, however, did not -dismount, but with her charger a little in advance of the suite, with -the Prince of Prussia on her right hand, and the Prince Consort on her -left, awarded the crosses from her seat on horseback. The form observed -was simple in the extreme. The order was handed to Her Majesty, and -the name and corps to which each recipient belonged mentioned as he -presented himself. The officers and men passed before the Queen in -single file, advancing close while she affixed to the breast of each -in turn the plain bronze cross, with a red riband for the army, and -a blue one for the navy. So quietly and expeditiously was this done -in every case that the whole ceremony scarcely occupied ten minutes. -There were 61 in all, of whom 12 belonged to the Royal Navy, 2 to the -Marines, 4 to the Cavalry, 5 to the Artillery, 4 to the Engineers, -and the remainder to various regiments of Infantry. Of all, 25 were -commissioned officers, 15 were warrant and non-commissioned officers, -and the others privates and common seamen. - - - - -REINFORCEMENTS FOR INDIA (1857). - -=Source.=--Sir Theodore Martin’s _Life of the Prince Consort_, 4th -edit., vol. iv., pp. 78–80. (London: Smith, Elder and Co.) - - -LETTER FROM QUEEN VICTORIA TO LORD PALMERSTON. - - OSBORNE, - _July 19, 1857_. - -The Queen is anxious to impress in the most earnest manner upon her -Government the necessity of our taking a comprehensive view of our -military position at the present momentous crisis, instead of going on -without a plan, living from hand to mouth, and taking small isolated -measures without reference to each other. Contrary to the Queen’s -hopes and expectations, immediately after the late war the army was -cut down to a state even _below_ the Peace Establishment recognised -by the Government and Parliament in their own estimates, to meet the -Parliamentary pressure for economy, and this in spite of the fearful -lesson just taught by the late war, and with two wars on hand--one with -Persia, and the other with China! Out of this miserably reduced Peace -Establishment, already drawn upon for the service in China, we are now -to meet the exigencies of the Indian crisis, and the Government, as it -always has done on such occasions, has up to this time contented itself -with sending out the few regiments left at home, putting off the day -for reorganising its forces. When the regiments ordered out shall have -gone, we shall be left with 18 battalions out of 105, of which the army -is composed, to meet all home duty, to protect our own shores, to act -as the reserves and reliefs for the regiments abroad, and to meet all -possible emergencies! The regiments in India are allowed one company, -raised by the last decision of the Cabinet, to 100 men as their depot -and reserve! - -A serious contemplation of such a state of things must strike everybody -with the conviction, that some _comprehensive_ and _immediate_ measure -must be taken by the Government--its _principle_ settled by the -Cabinet, and its details left to the _unfettered_ execution of the -military authorities, instead of which the Cabinet have as yet agreed -only upon recruiting certain battalions up to a certain strength, -to get back some of the men recently discharged and have measured -the extent of their plans by a probable estimate of the amount of -recruits to be obtained in a given time, declaring at the same time -to Parliament that the militia will not be called out, which would -probably have given the force required. - -The Commander-in-Chief has laid a plan before the Government which the -Queen thinks upon the whole very moderate, inexpensive, and efficient. -The principle which the Queen thinks ought to be adopted is this: That -the force which has been absorbed by the Indian demand be replaced to -its full extent and in the same kind, not whole battalions by a mere -handful of recruits added to the remaining ones. This will not only -cost the Government nothing because the East India Company will pay the -battalions transferred, and the money voted for them by Parliament will -be applicable to the new ones, but it will give a considerable saving, -as all the officers reduced from the War Establishment and receiving -half-pay will be thus absorbed and no longer be a burden upon the -Exchequer. Keeping these new battalions on a low establishment, which -will naturally be the case at first, the depots and reserves should -be raised in men, the Indian depots keeping at least two companies of -one hundred men each. [The Crimean battalions of eight companies had -eight others in reserve, which, with the aid of the militiamen, could -not keep up the strength of the Service companies. In India there are -_eleven_ to be kept up by _one_ in reserve!] - -No possible objection can be urged against this plan except two: - -1. That we shall not get the men. This is an hypothesis and not an -argument. Try and you will see. If you do not succeed and the measure -is necessary, you will have to adopt means to make it succeed. If you -conjure up the difficulties yourself, you cannot of course succeed. - -2. That the East India Company will demur to keeping permanently -so large an addition to the Queen’s army in India. The Company is -empowered, it is true, to refuse to take any Queen’s troops whom it -has not asked for, and to send back any it may no longer want. But the -Company _has_ asked for the troops now sent at great inconvenience to -the Home Government, and the commonest foresight will show that for -at least three years to come this force cannot possibly be dispensed -with--if at all. Should the time, however, arrive, the Government will -simply have to reduce the additional battalions, and the officers will -return to the half-pay list from which they were taken, the country -having had the advantage of the saving in the meantime. But the Queen -thinks it next to impossible that the European force could again be -decreased in India. After the present fearful experience, the Company -could only send back Queen’s regiments, in order to raise new European -ones of their own. This they cannot do without the Queen’s sanction, -and she must at once make her most solemn protest against such a -measure. It would be dangerous and unconstitutional to allow private -individuals to raise an army of Queen’s subjects larger than her own -in any part of the British dominions. The force would be inferior to -one continually renewed from the Mother Country, and would form no -link in the general military system of England all over the globe of -which the largest force will always be in India. The raising of new -troops for the Company in England would most materially interfere with -the recruiting of the Queen’s army, which meets already with such -great difficulties. The Company could not complain that it was put to -expense by the Home Government in having to keep so many more Queen’s -regiments; for as it cannot be so insane as to wish to reform the old -Bengal army of Sepoys, for every two of these regiments now disbanded -and one of the Queen’s substituted it would save £4,000 (a regiment -of Sepoys costing £27,000, and a Queen’s regiment £50,000). The ten -battalions to be transferred to the Company for twenty Sepoy regiments -disbanded would therefore save £40,000, instead of costing anything; -but in reality the saving to the Company would be greater, because the -half-pay and superannuation of the officers, and therefore the whole -dead weight, would fall upon the Mother Country. The only motive, -therefore, which could actuate the Company would be a palpable love of -power and patronage to which the most sacred interests of the country -ought not to be sacrificed. The present position of the Queen’s army -is a pitiable one. The Queen has just seen, in the camp at Aldershot, -regiments, which, after eighteen years’ foreign service in most trying -climates, had come back to England to be sent out after seven months to -the Crimea. Having passed through this destructive campaign, they have -not been home for a year before they are to go to India for perhaps -twenty years! This is most cruel and unfair to the gallant men who -devote their services to the country, and the Government is in duty and -humanity bound to alleviate their position. - -“The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to communicate this memorandum to the -Cabinet.” - - - - -SIEGE AND RELIEF OF LUCKNOW (1857). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, vol. 99; _Public Documents_, pp. 455, 456. - - -DESPATCH FROM BRIGADIER-GENERAL HAVELOCK TO THE CHIEF OF THE STAFF TO -THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. - - RESIDENCY, - LUCKNOW, - _September 30, 1857_. - - SIR, - -Major-General Sir James Outram having, with characteristic generosity -of feeling, declared that the command of the force should remain in my -hands, and that he would accompany it as Civil Commissioner only, until -a junction could be effected with the gallant and enduring garrison -of this place, I have to request that you will inform His Excellency -the Commander-in-Chief that this purpose was effected on the evening -of the 25th instant. But before detailing the circumstances, I must -refer to antecedent events. I crossed the Sye on the 22nd instant, the -bridge at Bunnee not having been broken. On the 23rd I found myself in -the presence of the enemy, who had taken a strong position, his left -resting on the enclosure of the Alum Bagh and his centre and right -drawn up behind a chain of hillocks. The head of my column at first -suffered from the fire of his guns as it was compelled to pass along -the trunk road between morasses; but as soon as my regiments could be -deployed along his front and his right enveloped by my left, victory -declared for us, and we captured five guns. Sir James Outram, with his -accustomed gallantry, passed on in advance close down to the canal. -But as the enemy fed his artillery with guns from the city, it was -not possible to maintain this, or a less advanced position for a time -taken up; but it became necessary to throw our right on the Alum Bagh, -and re-form our left, and even then we were incessantly cannonaded -throughout the 24th, and the enemy’s cavalry, 1,500 strong, crept round -through lofty cultivation, and made a sudden irruption upon the baggage -massed in our rear. The soldiers of the 90th forming the baggage-guard -received them with great gallantry, but lost some brave officers and -men, shooting down, however, twenty-five of the troopers, and putting -the whole body to flight. They were finally driven to a distance by two -guns of Captain Olpherts’ battery. - -The troops had been marching for three days under a perfect deluge of -rain, irregularly fed, and badly housed in villages. It was thought -necessary to pitch tents and permit them to halt on the 24th. The -assault on the city was deferred until the 25th. That morning our -baggage and tents were deposited in the Alum Bagh under an escort, -and we advanced. The 1st Brigade, under Sir James Outram’s personal -leading, drove the enemy from a succession of gardens and walled -enclosures, supported by the 2nd Brigade, which I accompanied. Both -brigades were established on the canal at the bridge of Char Bagh. - -From this point the direct road to the Residency was something less -than two miles; but it was known to have been cut by trenches, and -crossed by palisades at short intervals, the houses also being -loop-holed. Progress in this direction was impossible; so the united -columns pushed on, detouring along the narrow road which skirts the -left bank of the canal. Its advance was not seriously interrupted -until it had come opposite the King’s Palace, or the Kaiser Bagh, -where two guns and a body of mercenary troops were entrenched. From -this entrenchment a fire of grape and musketry was opened under -which nothing could live. The artillery and troops had to pass a -bridge partially under its influence; but were then shrouded by the -buildings adjacent to the Fureed Buksh. Darkness was coming on, and -Sir James Outram at first proposed to halt within the Courts of the -Mehal for the night; but I esteemed it to be of such importance to -let the beleaguered garrison know that succour was at hand, that, -with his ultimate sanction, I directed the main, both of the 78th -Highlanders and regiment of Ferozepore, to advance. This column rushed -on with desperate gallantry, led by Sir James Outram and myself, -and Lieutenants Hudson and Hargood, of my staff, through streets of -flat-roofed, loop-holed houses, from which a perpetual fire was being -kept up, and, overcoming every obstacle, established itself within -the enclosures of the Residency. The joy of the garrison may be more -easily conceived than described; but it was not till the next evening -that the whole of my troops, guns, tumbrils, and sick and wounded, -continually exposed to the attacks of the enemy, could be brought step -by step within this “enceinte” and the adjacent palace of the Fureed -Buksh. To form an adequate idea of the obstacles overcome, reference -must be made to the events that are known to have occurred at Buenos -Ayres and Saragossa. Our advance was through streets of houses which -I have described, and thus each forming a separate fortress. I am -filled with surprise at the success of the operation which demanded the -efforts of 10,000 good troops. The advantage gained has cost us dear. -The killed, wounded, and missing, the latter being wounded soldiers, -who, I much fear--some or all--have fallen into the hands of a -merciless foe, amounted, up to the evening of the 26th, to 535 officers -and men. Brigadier-General Neill, commanding 1st Brigade; Major -Cooper, Brigadier, commanding Artillery; Lieutenant-Colonel Bazely, -a volunteer with the force, are killed. Colonel Campbell, commanding -90th Light Infantry, Lieutenant-Colonel Tytler, my Deputy Assistant -Quartermaster-General; and Lieutenant Havelock, my Deputy Assistant -Adjutant-General, are severely, but not dangerously, wounded. Sir James -Outram received a flesh-wound in the arm in the early part of the -action near Char Bagh, but nothing could subdue his spirit; and, though -faint from loss of blood, he continued to the end of the action to sit -on his horse, which he only dismounted at the gate of the Residency. -As he has now assumed the command, I leave to him the narrative of all -events subsequent to the 26th. - - I have, etc., - H. HAVELOCK, - _Brigadier-General_, - _Commanding Oude Field Force_. - -Total casualties appended: - - 119 officers and men killed. - 339 officers and men wounded. - 77 men missing. - - - - -CONSPIRACY TO MURDER BILL (1858). - -=Source.=--_The Greville Memoirs_, edited by Henry Reeve, C.B., D.C.L., -vol. viii., p. 164. (Longmans, Green and Co., 1888.) - - -_February 14 [1858]._--Last week saw the debates in the House of -Commons about the Conspiracy Bill, and the first act of the India Bill. -The first is very unpopular, but it will be carried nevertheless. -John Russell has taken it up with extraordinary vehemence and anger. -His opposition to it is furious on high constitutional grounds, which -appear to me absurd and uncalled for. If I were in Parliament I should -be puzzled how to vote, for there is much to be said against the Bill, -and much against voting against it, particularly against leave to -bring it in. Almost all the Tories voted with the Government, and John -Russell carried very few with him, and neither of his own nephews. -He is more than ever exasperated against Palmerston for bringing it -in. The apology tended by the Emperor, which was read to the House, -reconciled a great many to the Bill, but I have no notion that it will -do any good, or that the French Government will be satisfied with it. -After such a Bill, which will certainly be carried, the British lion -must put his tail between his legs, and, “Civis Romanus,” give up -swaggering so loftily. If Aberdeen had attempted such a measure when -Louis Philippe was King and Guizot minister, what would Palmerston have -said? and what would not have been the indignant outcry throughout the -country? - -[NOTE.--On February 19 the Government were defeated on the Conspiracy -Bill in the House of Commons by a majority of 234 to 215. The majority -consisted of 146 Conservatives and 84 Liberals. Mr. Gladstone, Lord -John Russell, Sir James Graham, and Mr. Sidney Herbert voted against -the Bill. Lord Palmerston immediately resigned.] - - - - -FORCING OF THE PEIHO RIVER (1858). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1858, vol. 100; _Public Documents_, pp. -248–250. - - - EXTRACT FROM A DESPATCH RECEIVED BY THE ADMIRALTY FROM REAR-ADMIRAL - SIR MICHAEL SEYMOUR, K.C.B., COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF ON THE EAST - INDIAN STATION, DATED MAY 21, 1858: - -From the arrival of the ambassadors on the 14th April, the Chinese -have used every exertion to strengthen the forts at the entrance of -the Peiho; earthworks, sandbag batteries, and parapets for the heavy -gingalls have been erected on both sides for a distance of nearly a -mile in length, upon which 87 guns in position were visible, and the -whole shore had been piled to oppose a landing. As the channel is only -about 200 yards wide, and runs within 400 yards of the shore, these -defences presented a formidable appearance. Two strong mud batteries, -mounting respectively 33 and 16 guns, had also been constructed about -1,000 yards up the river, in a position to command our advance. In -the rear several entrenched camps were visible, defended by flanking -bastions, and it was known that large bodies of troops had arrived -from Pekin. All the forts and the camps were covered with the -various-coloured flags under which the “troops of the eight banners,” -as the Tartar soldiers are styled, range themselves. - -At 8 a.m. yesterday the notification to the Imperial Commissioner -Tan, and the summons to deliver up the forts within two hours, were -delivered by Captain Hall, my flag-captain, and Capitaine Reynaud, -flag-captain of the French Admiral. - -No answer having been returned by 10 o’clock to the summons, the -signal agreed upon was made, and the gunboats advanced in the -prescribed order, led by the _Cormorant_. The Chinese opened fire -immediately, and the signal to engage was made a few minutes afterwards -from the _Slaney_. By the time all the vessels had anchored in their -respective stations, the effects of our well-directed fire had become -very apparent. The first fort was entirely dismantled and abandoned, -and the second partially so, while those on the north side had been -completely subdued by the _Cormorant_ and two French gunboats. At the -short range within which we engaged every shot told, and many of the -massive embrasures of mud were levelled by shells. At the end of an -hour and a quarter the enemy’s fire ceased. Landing parties were then -pushed on shore. - -Owing to the destructive fire from the gunboats, but little opposition -was made to our landing, and the Chinese troops were observed moving -off in masses, whilst our people were in the boats. The flags of the -Allied Powers soon replaced those of the Chinese. On the south side -200 large gingalls were found in position near the landing-place on an -embankment. Having obtained possession, the dismantling of the works -was commenced, and field-pieces landed for the protection of the forces -against the possible attacks of the Chinese. Shortly after the landing -our gallant allies sustained a melancholy and heavy loss of men, killed -and wounded, by the accidental explosion of a magazine. - -When all the vessels had taken up their positions, a bold attempt was -made to send down upon them a long array of junks, filled with straw in -flames, and drawn across the river; but they fortunately grounded, and -though the people, guiding them down the river with ropes, made great -efforts to get them off, a few shells from the _Bustard_ drove them -away, and the vessels burnt out without doing any damage. - -Much skill and labour had been expended in the construction of these -forts. The guns were much better cast than, and not so unwieldy as, -those in the Canton River, and were better equipped in every respect. -They had good canister shot, and the hollow 8-inch shot appeared -imitations from our own. There were several English guns in the -batteries. Directions were now sent to Captain Sir F. Nicholson and -Capitaine Leveque to advance and capture the two forts up the river, -which had kept up a smart fire. This movement was successfully executed -under the supporting fire from the _Bustard_, _Staunch_, and _Opossum_. - -Several entrenched camps were also destroyed. - -The Chinese stood well to their guns, notwithstanding shot, shell, and -rockets were flying thickly around them. Most of the gunboats were -hulled, some several times, whilst boats, spars, and rigging were cut -by roundshot, grape, and gingall balls. This signal success, after the -Chinese had ample time to fortify their position, and were confident of -their strength, may probably have a greater moral effect on the Chinese -Government than if we had attacked them in the first instance, when -they were less prepared. - -The necessary arrangements at the entrance of the river having been -completed, a further advance was made to the village of Takoo, where -we found a barrier of junks filled with combustible matter, moored by -chains right across the river, whilst seven similar obstructions to -our progress were observed within a mile higher up. Captain Hall and -a party of men landed and took possession of eighteen field-pieces -in front of an abandoned encampment at Takoo. Whilst on shore, the -residence of the High Commissioner, Tan, was visited and found -deserted, though a significant proof of his recent presence was found -in a beheaded Chinaman near his gate. It was ascertained here that the -main body of the Chinese troops had retired with Tan to a position -about eight miles up the river. The barrier at Takoo, offering good -security to our vessels below, was made our advanced position for the -night, in charge of Sir F. Nicolson and Capitaine Thoyon. - -Arrangements are making for a further advance up the river towards -Tientsin. - - M. SEYMOUR, - _Rear-Admiral and Commander-in-Chief_. - - - - -ADMISSION OF JEWS TO PARLIAMENT (1858). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, July 27, 1858. - - -Baron Rothschild presented himself at the bar where he was met by Lord -John Russell and Mr. Abel Smith, who, amid considerable cheering from -the Opposition benches, led him to the table. - -The clerk offered to Baron Rothschild a copy of the new oath required -to be taken by members. - -BARON ROTHSCHILD: I beg to state, sir, that I have conscientious -objection to take the oath in the form in which it is now tendered to -me. - -LORD JOHN RUSSELL (after Baron Rothschild had retired) rose and said: -My object in rising, sir, is to move a resolution in conformity with an -Act recently passed. It is as follows: - -“That it appears to this House that Baron Lionel de Rothschild, a -person professing the Jewish religion, being otherwise entitled to sit -and vote in this House, is prevented from so sitting and voting by his -conscientious objection to take the oath which, by an Act passed in the -present session of Parliament, has been substituted for the oaths of -allegiance, supremacy, and abjuration, in the form therein required.” - -The resolution was agreed to. - -LORD J. RUSSELL: I now rise, sir, to move a resolution in pursuance -of the Act which received the assent of Her Majesty in the 23rd -instant; and which is entitled “An Act to Provide for the Relief of Her -Majesty’s Subjects Professing the Jewish Religion.” In order that the -House may be fully in possession of the words of that Act I shall now -read them. By the first clause it is enacted that: - -“Where it shall appear to either House of Parliament that a person -professing the Jewish religion, otherwise entitled to sit and vote in -such House, is prevented from so sitting and voting by conscientious -objection to take the oath, ... such House, if it think fit, may -resolve that thenceforth any person professing the Jewish religion, in -taking the said oath to entitle him to sit and vote as aforesaid, may -omit the words, ‘and I make this declaration upon the true faith of a -Christian.’” - -LORD J. RUSSELL then moved a resolution embodying the above. - -After some debate the House divided-- - - For the Resolution 69 - Against 37 - -- - Majority 32 - -Baron Rothschild then advanced to the table, conducted as before by -Lord J. Russell and Mr. Smith, and as he walked up the floor of the -House was greeted with loud cheering from the Opposition benches. He -desired to be sworn upon the Old Testament, and his request being -at once complied with by the Speaker, he took the new form of oath, -omitting the words, “and I make this declaration upon the true faith of -a Christian.” The hon. gentleman then signed the roll of Parliament, -and during the course of the subsequent proceedings he exercised the -most important function of a legislator by voting twice upon the -Corrupt Practices’ Prevention Act Continuance Bill. - - - - -AN INADEQUATE NAVY (1858). - -=Source.=--_Letters of Queen Victoria_, edited by A. C. Benson, M.A., -and Viscount Esher, vol. iii., pp. 378, 379. (John Murray, 1907.) - - -QUEEN VICTORIA TO THE EARL OF DERBY. - - OSBORNE, - _August 2, 1858_. - -The Queen feels it her duty to address a few lines to Lord Derby on the -subject of the reports made to Sir John Pakington on the subject of the -French naval preparations, to which she has already verbally adverted -when she saw Lord Derby last. These reports reveal a state of things of -the greatest moment to this country. It will be the first time in her -history that she will find herself in an absolute minority of ships on -the sea! and this inferiority will be much greater in reality than even -apparent, as our fleet will have to defend possessions and commerce -all over the world, and has even in Europe a strategical line to hold, -extending from Malta to Heligoland, whilst France keeps her fleet -together and occupies the centre of that line in Europe. - -The Queen thinks it irreconcilable with the duty which the Government -owes to the country to be aware of this state of things without -straining every nerve to remedy it. With regard to men in whom we -are also totally deficient in case of an emergency, a Commission of -Enquiry is sitting to devise a remedy; but with regard to our ships and -dockyards we require action and immediate action. The plan proposed by -the Surveyor to the Navy appears to the Queen excessively moderate and -judicious, and she trusts that the Cabinet will not hesitate to empower -its execution, bearing in mind that £200,000 spent now will probably -do more work during the six or nine months for working before us than -£2,000,000 would if voted in next year’s estimate, letting our arrears -in the dockyards, already admitted to be very great, accumulate in the -interval. Time is most precious under these circumstances! - -It is true that this sum of money would be in excess of the estimates -of last Session, but the Queen feels sure that on the faith of the -reports made by the Admiralty the Government would find no difficulty -in convincing Parliament that they have been good stewards of the -public money in taking courageously the responsibility upon themselves -to spend judiciously what is necessary, and that the country will be -deeply grateful for the honesty with which they have served her. - -The Queen wishes Lord Derby to communicate this letter to the Cabinet. - - - - -VOLUNTEER RIFLE CORPS (1859). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, vol. 101; _Public Documents_, pp. 262–264. - - -LETTER FROM THE WAR OFFICE TO THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT. - - WAR OFFICE, - PALL MALL, - _May 12, 1859_. - -Her Majesty’s Government having had under consideration the propriety -of permitting the formation of volunteer rifle corps, under the -provisions of the Act of 44 George III., cap. 54, as well as of -artillery corps and companies in maritime towns in which there may be -forts and batteries, I have the honour to inform you that I shall be -prepared to receive through you, and consider any proposal with that -object, which may emanate from the county under your charge. - -The principal and most important provisions of the Act are: - -That the corps be formed under officers bearing the commission of the -lieutenant of the county. - -That its members must take the oath of allegiance before a -deputy-lieutenant or justice of the peace, or a commissioned officer of -the corps. - -That it be liable to be called out in case of actual invasion, or -appearance of an enemy in force on the coast, or in case of rebellion -arising out of either of those emergencies. - -That while thus under arms its members are subject to military law -and entitled to be billeted and to receive pay in like manner as the -regular army. - -That all commissioned officers disabled in actual service are entitled -to half pay, and non-commissioned officers and privates to the benefit -of Chelsea Hospital, and widows of commissioned officers, killed in -service, to such pensions for life as are given to widows of officers -of Her Majesty’s regular forces. - -That members cannot quit the corps when on actual service, but may do -at any other time by giving fourteen days’ notice. - -That members who have attended eight days in each four months, or a -total of twenty-four days’ drill and exercise in the year, are entitled -to be returned as effectives. - -That members so returned are exempt from militia ballot, or from being -called upon to serve in any other levy. - -That all property of the corps is legally vested in the commanding -officer, and subscriptions and fines under the rules and regulations -are recoverable by him before a magistrate. - -The conditions on which Her Majesty’s Government will recommend to Her -Majesty the acceptance of any proposal are: - -That the formation of the corps be recommended by the lord-lieutenant -of the county. - -That the corps be subject to the provisions of the Act already quoted. - -That its members undertake to provide their own arms and equipments, -and to defray all expenses attending the corps, except in the event of -its being assembled for actual service. - -That the rules and regulations which may be thought necessary be -submitted to me, in accordance with the fifty-sixth section of the Act. - -The uniform and equipments of the corps may be settled by the members, -subject to your approval, but the arms, though provided at the expense -of the members, must be furnished under the superintendence and -according to the regulations of this department, in order to secure a -perfect uniformity of gauge. - -The establishment of officers and non-commissioned officers will be -fixed by me, and recorded in the books of this office, and in order -that I may be enabled to determine the proportion, you will be pleased -to specify the precise number of private men which you will recommend, -and into how many companies you propose to divide them. - -I have only to add that I shall look to you, as Her Majesty’s -lieutenant, for the nomination of proper persons to be appointed -officers, subject to the Queen’s approval. - - I have the honour to be, etc., - Your most obedient servant, - J. PEEL. - - TO HER MAJESTY’S LIEUTENANT FOR - THE COUNTY OF ----. - - - - -NAPOLEON III. AND ENGLAND (1859). - -=Source.=--Sir Theodore Martin’s _Life of the Prince Consort_, vol. -iv., pp. 471, 472. - - -LETTER FROM LORD COWLEY (ENGLISH AMBASSADOR AT PARIS) TO LORD J. -RUSSELL. - - _August 7, 1859._ - -More than once, in the course of the evening, His Majesty [Napoleon -III.] referred to the state of public opinion in England with regard -to himself. He asked whether there was any change for the better, -observing that he could not comprehend the suspicions entertained of -him--that he had done nothing to provoke them, and that they were most -unjust. The idea of his invading England was, he said, so preposterous -that he could laugh at it, were it not evident to him that there were -people in England who seriously believed it. - -I replied, that an agent must never shrink from telling the truth, -however disagreeable, and I must admit, therefore, the existence -in some minds of the suspicions to which his Majesty had referred! -nor could I say that I saw much diminution of them as yet. There -were many causes that had given rise to them: His Majesty’s sudden -intimacy with Russia after the Crimean War; his sudden quarrel with -Austria; the equally sudden termination of the war which made people -suppose that he might wish to carry it elsewhere; the name he bore -with its antecedents; the extraordinary rapidity with which the late -armaments had been made; the attention devoted to the Imperial Navy; -its increase; the report of the Naval Commission of 1848, which showed -plainly that the augmentation of the navy was directed against England. -All these matters had made people look about them, and their eyes -had been suddenly opened to the fact that within easy reach of the -British shores were 500,000 men, with a steam fleet as powerful, or -more powerful than any that could be brought against them. This state -of things had created a great deal of alarm; more perhaps than was -necessary. But a great nation could not leave her fate to the chapter -of accidents, and we were in fact merely resuming that place by sea -which we had before the invention of steam. “In fact, Sire,” I said, -“the whole question lies in a very narrow compass. England and France -are the two most powerful nations of the world. Neither can, nor will -submit to the supremacy of the other. France is a military Power. -England, as compared with France, is not. England is a naval Power. So -is France. If the balance of power between them is to be preserved, -England must be the stronger by sea, as France is by land, otherwise -England would be at the mercy of France.” - -The Emperor somewhat disputed the justice of these remarks, observing -that his 500,000 men were required to hold his position upon the -Continent, and that I had not taken into account the insular position -of Great Britain, which made her, as it were, a large fortress. But -upon my observing that an insular position was of little value unless -there was a fleet to keep off marauders, His Majesty said he would not -dispute the point any longer; but all he hoped was that our Press would -not pervert facts, and say that the extra armaments of England were -called for by the armaments of France, _for it was not true that France -had armed_. - -I did not pursue this delicate matter further, but I said I was -convinced that it was in His Majesty’s power, if he desired it, to -recover the confidence of England. Let him appeal to the common sense -of the English people by facts rather than by words, and he would soon -see common sense get the better of suspicions. The Emperor replied -that he desired no more, and that, if he had spoken on the subject, -it was because he was afraid that the feelings of the British people -would arouse the corresponding sentiments in France, and this was not -desirable. - -“I defy anyone to listen to the Emperor,” Lord Cowley adds, “when he -is speaking of the English Alliance, without attaining the conviction -that the preservation of it is that which he has most at heart. I feel -equally certain that he does not dream of a war with England, and that -his _amour propre_ is wounded by our suspicions of his intentions; but, -as I observed to him, no man can tell what unforeseen circumstances may -produce, and that it is not so much with the events of the day, as with -the possible contingencies of the future, that we have to deal.” - - - - -PROGRESS OF THE VOLUNTEER MOVEMENT (1859). - -=Source.=--_The Brighton Herald_, November 19, 1859. - - -The Volunteer movement goes on with increased vigour in all directions. -In our own county, Chichester, the centre of a large agricultural -district, which ought to furnish a large number of first-rate shots, -has at length moved. The Mayor has called a meeting for Tuesday next. -The Brighton Rifle and Artillery Corps commence drill next week. The -Cinque Ports, Hastings, Rye, and Dover, have been in the field some -time as clubs, and are now about to be enrolled as corps under their -Warden. - -Our neighbouring and equally exposed county, Kent, has at length grown -ashamed of its apathy, and various corps--among them the Weald of -Kent Corps--are in course of formation. But the North of Britain is -at present ahead of the South. Glasgow numbers its 2,000 volunteers, -and the West of Scotland alone boasts that it could turn out 30,000 to -meet an invader. We hear upon good authority that 20,000 volunteers -are actually under drill within 20 miles of London, but for the heart -of the Empire this number should be quintupled. But Manchester is now -“up.” Captain Denman, an old Parliamentary candidate, has desired that -£400 subscribed for a memorial to him may be applied to the purposes -of a Rifle Corps; other contributions on the same scale have been -made, and Manchester is soon likely to possess its little army of home -defenders. The present state of feeling in France towards England tends -not a little to promote this defensive movement. - -That the French Army was ripe two years ago for a dash at England we -know through the Colonels’ addresses; and the French Army is not a bad -index of the feelings of the population with which it mixes so freely, -and of which it forms so large a proportion. But we know--and it has -been known for some time by all who have relations with France--that -this feeling--the belief in the inevitability of an invasion of England -by France, and a perfect confidence in the result--is not confined to -the army. It pervades the mass of Frenchmen; it has taken possession -of the host of officials who overrun France, and who are the great -engine of Government influence; it extends even to Frenchmen living in -England, and who, whilst inimical to Louis Napoleon’s Government, are -not indisposed to accept him as a champion of French grievances against -England. Of the unfounded nature of these it is useless to argue to -Frenchmen. They may go back to the days of Joan of Arc, or they may -date from Waterloo, but at whatever point they commence there is no -doubt that they rankle in the breasts of Frenchmen much more than we -have been in the habit of supposing; that it is easy to irritate these -old wounds, and that process has been going on for some time, side by -side with an assumption of friendship on the part of the Government. -It may not be intended to put the match to this magazine of national -passion, but we, who would be the victims of the explosion, cannot -ignore its existence. We cannot shut our eyes and ears to the daily -accumulating evidence of a growing belief in the minds of all Frenchmen -that the day must come when all old scores of France against England -will be wiped off; that they now possess the ability to execute this -work of retribution, as they regard it, and that the man who, above -all others, is most interested in accomplishing it, and so working -out his destiny, is at the head of the Government with unbounded -power--with enormous resources--and, above all, that this man takes -no pains to check the growing feeling of hostility in the breasts of -his subjects, but contents himself to-day with taking credit with us -for not gratifying it, as, to-morrow, he may take credit with his own -subjects for giving way to it. In such a state of things it is not -to be wondered at that men hitherto the most pacific in this country -are thinking how they can best defend their homes, wives, children, -and property, and that, at no small inconvenience, thousands are -volunteering their service as a home militia. We are glad to see the -movement so well afoot, and hope it may spread until the English soil -is so covered with armed men that a Frenchman would as little dare to -come here on a warlike errand as he would to thrust his ungloved hand -into a hornets’ nest. - - - - -THE COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH FRANCE (1860). - -=Source.=--_The Greville Memoirs_, edited by Henry Reeve, C.B., vol. -viii., pp. 290–292, 293, 294. (Longmans, Green and Co., 1888.) - - -_January 24._--Clarendon called on me yesterday and told me various -things more or less interesting about passing events, about Cobden and -the Commercial Treaty. Cobden went over to Paris with letters from -Palmerston to Cowley, begging Cowley would give him all the aid he -could in carrying out his object of persuading the leading people there -to adopt Free Trade principles, saying he went without any mission and -as “a free lance.” Cowley did what he could for him, and he went about -his object with great zeal, meanwhile putting himself in correspondence -with Gladstone, who eagerly backed him up, but all this time nothing -was said to the Cabinet on the subject. At length one day Walewski sent -for Cowley, and asked him whether he was to understand that Cobden was -an agent of the British Government, and authorised by it to say all he -was saying in various quarters. Cowley denied all knowledge of Cobden’s -proceedings, but wrote a despatch to John Russell stating what had -occurred, and at the same time a private letter, saying he did not know -whether he would wish such a despatch to be recorded, and therefore to -number it and place it in the Foreign Office, or put it in the fire as -he thought fit. John Russell accepted the despatch, and at the same -time told him he might endorse whatever Cobden did in the matter of -commercial engagements. - -Clarendon said that when he was at Paris four years ago for the -Congress, the Emperor one day said to him: “I know you are a great Free -Trader, and I suppose you mean to take this opportunity of advancing -Free Trade principles here as far as you can.” Clarendon said certainly -such was his intention, when the Emperor said he was happy to be able -to take the initiative with him on this subject, and that he would tell -him that it had just been settled in the Council of State that a great -change in their commercial and prohibitive system should be proposed -to the Chambers, which it was his intention to carry out as soon as -possible. But not long after the Emperor renewed the subject, and told -him he found the Opposition so strong to his contemplated measures, and -the difficulties so great, that he had been obliged to abandon them for -the present, and as there is no reason to doubt that the elements of -opposition will be found as strong now as they were then, it is by no -means certain that His Majesty will be able now to do all he wishes and -has announced. - -_January 27._--There is apparently a strong feeling of doubt and -quasi-hostility getting up against the Commercial Treaty, and it -looks as if both the English and French Governments would have great -difficulties in the matter. Public opinion here remains suspended till -the Treaty is produced, and till we are informed what the immediate -sacrifices may be that we shall have to make for it, and what are the -prospective advantages we obtain in return. The French Protectionists -are more impatient, and have begun to pour out their complaints and -indignation without waiting to see the obnoxious Convention. Thiers -is said to be furious. So far from any Commercial Treaty like this -cementing the alliance, and rendering war between the two countries -more difficult, it is much more likely to inflame the popular antipathy -in France, to make the alliance itself odious, and render the chances -of war between the two countries more probable. In maturing his scheme -Louis Napoleon has given it all the appearance of a conspiracy, which -is in accordance with his character and his tastes. The whole thing was -carried on with the most profound secrecy, and the secret was confined -to a very few people, viz. the Emperor himself, Fould, Rouher (Minister -of Commerce), Michel Chevalier, and Cobden. All the documents were -copied by Madame Rouher, and Rouher was so afraid that some guesses -might be made if he was known to be consulting books and returns that -were preserved in the Library of the Council of State, that he never -would look at any of them, and made Chevalier borrow all that he had -occasion to refer to. Now the Emperor springs this Treaty upon his -reluctant Chambers and the indignant Protectionist interest. His -manner of doing the thing, which he thinks is the only way by which -it can be done at all, naturally adds to the resentment the measure -excites. They feel themselves in a measure taken in. The objections -here are of a different kind and on other grounds, but Gladstone kept -his design nearly as close as the Emperor did, never having imparted -it to the Cabinet till the last moment before Parliament met. I do not -know how the Cabinet looked at it, only that they were not unanimous. - - - - -ANTI-RITUAL RIOTS (1860). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, Monday, January 30, 1860. - - -Yesterday evening there was a frightful riot, resulting in the -destruction of much of the church property in the parish church of St. -George’s-in-the-East. Unhappily, notorious as this parish has become -in consequence of the religious differences which prevail, and serious -as have been the disturbances which have taken place, everything which -has previously occurred sinks into insignificance when compared with -the terrible scene which was witnessed there last night. The morning -service ... was comparatively tranquil, but at the evening service -there was a scene as it would be impossible for any language adequately -to describe. The conduct of the congregation, to use the only phrase at -all applicable to it, was “devilish.” - -Evening service commenced at seven o’clock, and at quarter of an hour -before that time the church was densely packed, there being at least -3,000 persons present, of whom 1,000 were boys, who took possession -of the galleries.... There was cat-calling, cock-crowing, yelling, -howling, hissing, shouting of the most violent kind, snatches of -popular songs were sung, loud cries of “Bravo” and “Order” came from -every part of the church, caps, hats and bonnets were thrown from the -galleries into the body of the church and back again, while pew-doors -were slammed, lucifer-matches struck, and attempts were more than once -made to put out the gas.... - -At seven o’clock a procession of priests and choristers entered the -church and advanced to their accustomed place in front of the altar. -It was headed by the Rev. Bryan King, the Rector, who was followed by -the Rev. C. F. Lowder and ten or twelve choristers, habited in their -white robes. Their appearance in the church caused intense excitement. -People jumped on to their seats, pew-doors were violently slammed, and -loud shouts of execration proceeded from every part of the church. -Mr. Lowder said the first portion of the prayers, Mr. King the last. -Scarcely a word was audible. Hitherto the congregation had contented -themselves with “saying” the responses, in opposition to the choristers -who sang them, but last night they indulged in responses which are -not in the Prayer-Book, and which were nothing short of blasphemous -mockery. At the close of the prayers Mr. Lowder ascended the pulpit, -and was hissed and yelled at by the people with tremendous energy.... -After the sermon, Mr. King, Mr. Lowder and the choristers made their -way to the vestry room with great difficulty, being more than once -subjected to personal violence. - -At this moment a cry was raised for the demolition of the altar, which -was elaborately decorated, and the threat would have been carried -out had not the altar-gate been gallantly defended by Mr. Stutfield, -one of the choristers. Over the apse, or quasi-altar, is a beautiful -candelabrum, and this at once became an object of attack. Hassocks were -collected from the pews and hurled at it. Many of them struck it, and -every moment it was expected that it would come down. As it was, it was -seriously damaged. Another object of attack was the large cross over -the altar, at which hassocks and cushions were thrown from the gallery. -All this time there was fighting, shouting, and singing in all parts of -the church, with no one in authority to repress it. The scene at this -time was perfectly frightful, and would, in all probability, have ended -in bloodshed, had not Inspector Alison, upon his own authority, entered -the church with a dozen policemen and ordered it to be cleared. Turned -out of the church, the rioters suggested an attack on Mr. King’s house, -and many persons who went there were very roughly handled. In the -course of an hour Inspector Alison had got the whole of the disorderly -mob into the street. A considerable amount of church furniture has -been destroyed, the cushions in the galleries were torn up, and thrown -into the body of the church, Bibles and Prayer-Books flew about in all -directions, and many of the altar decorations were injured. - - - - -CHINESE WAR: CAPTURE OF PEKIN (1860). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, December, 1860. - - -REUTER’S TELEGRAMS. - - PEKIN, - _October 13_. - -Pekin surrendered to the Allies this day, yielding to all demands. -Thirteen soldiers have also been released. - -The Emperor and the Tartar army have fled, and none of the enemy are to -be seen at Pekin. - -The Emperor’s Summer Palace was taken and looted on the 6th of October. -The quantity of spoil was enormous. - -The Pekin gates have been given up to the troops, who are all healthy -and encamped on the wall. - -The Allied Army will winter in the North. - -Lord Elgin and Baron Gros are at Pekin. - -Indemnity ready when demanded. - - - - -THE FIRST BRITISH IRONCLAD FRIGATE (1860). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, December 29, 1860. - - -From the yard of the Thames Iron Shipbuilding Company will this day -be launched the first armour-plated steam frigate in the possession -of Britain. The dimensions of the _Warrior_ are, extreme length over -all, 420 feet; ditto breadth, 58 feet; depth from spar deck to keel, -41 feet 6 inches. Her tonnage is no less than 6,177 tons builders’ -measurement. The engines have just been completed by Messrs. Penn and -Sons. They are of 1,250 nominal horse-power, and are probably the -most magnificent specimens of machinery that ever left even Mr. Penn’s -celebrated works. Their total weight with boilers will be 950 tons, -and for these the _Warrior_ is only able to stow 950 tons of coal, or -little more than enough for six days’ steaming. The armament, reckoning -her as a 50-gun frigate, will weigh from 1,200 to 1,500 tons, or about -the weight of the hull of the _Great Eastern_ when launched. With the -fine lines, great length, and immense horse-power of the _Warrior_, a -speed of not less than 14 knots is counted upon as certain. One row of -the armour-plates with which the greater part of the broadside will -hereafter be covered is already in its place, covering a space of 5 -feet deep by 213 feet long on either side. Only the lowest row has been -thus bolted, and more than this it would be unwise to place, as the -immense weight might strain the ship during the launch. The others will -be bolted in her piece by piece while in the Victoria Dock. - - -=Source.=--_The Times_, Monday, December 31, 1860. - -This formidable ironclad frigate (the _Warrior_), the largest -man-of-war ever built, was safely launched into the river on Saturday. - - - - -GARIBALDI AND THE GOVERNMENT (1861). - -=Source.=--_Letters of Queen Victoria_, edited by A. C. Benson, M.A., -and Viscount Esher, vol. iii., p. 550. (John Murray, 1907.) - - -QUEEN VICTORIA TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL. - - _February 10, 1861._ - -The Queen has received Lord John Russell’s letter enclosing the -draft of one to General Garibaldi, which she now returns. She had -much doubt about its being altogether safe for the Government to -get into correspondence, however unofficial, with the General, and -thinks that it would be better for Lord John _not_ to write to him. -Lord Palmerston, who was here this afternoon on other business, has -undertaken to explain the reasons in detail to Lord John--in which he -fully concurs. - - - - -THE BUDGET: ABOLITION OF THE PAPER DUTY (1861). - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated London News_, April 20, 1861. - - -MR. GLADSTONE’S SPEECH ON THE BUDGET. - -The estimate of revenue for the year he took as follows: In the customs -the duty on chicory would be doubled, bringing in £15,000; and the -estimate of the customs was £23,585,000; excise, £19,463,000; stamps, -£8,460,000. It was proposed to reduce the hawker’s licence duty for the -year from £4 to £2; and to allow half-yearly licences. There was to be -a change in the licensing of wine and refreshment houses, which would -produce about £20,000. There was to be an alteration in the mode of -licensing for the selling of spirits: that is, the wholesale dealers, -by paying a duty of £3 3s. would be allowed to sell spirits retail, -which would bring in about £5,000. Stamps on agreements for furnished -houses for a part of the year would be only five shillings instead -of _ad valorem_, as now; and house agents would have to take out a -£2 licence. Stamps on foreign bills of exchange would be levied in a -different manner. The revenue from taxes would be £3,050,000; income -tax, £11,200,000, Post Office £3,500,000, Crown Lands £295,000, and -miscellaneous £1,400,000; and the indemnity from China received in the -financial year £750,000, making a total revenue of £71,823,000, being a -surplus of £1,923,000, over an estimated expenditure of £69,900,000. - -The Government had come to the conclusion that it would not be -justified in keeping so large a balance in hand and it was proposed to -apply it to the diminution of taxation. There were four articles which -would at once present themselves to notice--viz., the tea and sugar -duties, the tenth penny of the income tax, and the paper duty. It was -proposed to remit the penny on the income tax which was imposed last -year. This remission would cause a loss in the present financial year -of £850,000. The rate would be 9d. in the pound on incomes above £150 a -year, and 6d. in the pound on those above £100. - -It was next proposed to repeal the duty on paper on October 1, making -a loss of revenue in the year of about £665,000. The surplus for the -year would be £408,000.... - -Referring to what were called the minor charges on commercial -operations, he stated that the charges were about £320,000, and the -Exchequer could not surrender that sum. - -As to the portions of the reduced income tax and the duty on paper, the -loss of which would fall on the year 1862–3, to the extent of about -£800,000, that would probably be provided for by the sum payable for -indemnity from China, and reductions in military estimates. It was only -proposed to re-enact the income tax and tea and sugar duties for one -year. - - - - -BRITAIN AND ITALIAN UNITY (1861). - -=Source.=--_Leaves from the Diary of Henry Greville_, Third Series, pp. -369, 370. (Smith, Elder and Co., 15, Waterloo Place.) - - -_Saturday, April 20, 1861._--There was an interesting debate last -night in the House of Lords, brought on by Lord Ellenborough, on the -Roman question, in which Clarendon and Lord Derby also took part. He -asked whether our Government was engaged in any correspondence with -the object of reconciling the spiritual independence of the See of -Rome with the exercise of temporal sovereignty by the King of Italy -within the Roman territory. He thought Rome was the fitting capital -of a united Italy, and that the occupation by the French of that city -precluded that unity. - -He then discussed the Venetian question, and though he admitted the -right of Austria to maintain herself in Italy, by virtue of the -Congress of Vienna, he considered the time was come when she should -reconcile herself with the Italian people. Holding these views, -however, he deprecated the interference of the Italians in Hungary. -Lord Wodehouse replied that we were not in any correspondence on the -Roman question, and that H.M.’s Government considered it was neither -becoming nor desirable for a Protestant country to take the initiative -in the matter. The whole question depended upon the withdrawal of -the French troops from Rome, and H.M.’s Government had not disguised -their opinion that it was desirable those troops should be withdrawn. -Clarendon thought Rome the proper capital, and believed the Emperor -Napoleon to be sincerely desirous of withdrawing his troops whenever -it would be safe for him to do so, both as regarded the Pope and his -own position in France, where popular opinion was in favour of their -remaining. Derby said much the same thing, but expressed his opinion -that it would have been far better to establish a Northern and Southern -Kingdom of Italy, in which case Rome would have lain between the two -countries and the solution of the difficulty would have been easy. -As, however, there was only one kingdom, the desire to have Rome for -their capital was quite natural; but it was a desire that created the -greatest embarrassment. - - - - -LOSS OF THE COTTON SUPPLY (1861). - -=Source.=--Ashley’s _Life of Viscount Palmerston_, vol. ii., pp. 210, -211. (Richard Bentley and Son, 1874.) - - -LETTER FROM LORD PALMERSTON TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF TRADE. - - _June 7, 1861._ - - MY DEAR MILNER GIBSON. - -It is wise when the weather is fine to put one’s house in wind and -watertight condition against the time when foul weather may come on. -The reports from our manufacturing districts are at present good; the -mills are all working, and the people are in full employment. But we -must expect a change towards the end of next autumn, and during the -winter and the spring of next year. The civil war in America must -infallibly diminish to a great degree our supply of cotton, unless, -indeed, England and France should, as suggested by M. Mercier, the -French Minister at Washington, compel the Northern States to let -the cotton come to Europe from the South; but this would almost be -tantamount to a war with the North, although not perhaps a very -formidable thing for England and France combined. But even then this -year’s crop must be less plentiful than that of last year. Well, then, -has the Board of Trade, or has any other department of the Government, -any means of procuring or of helping to procure anywhere in the wide -world a subsidiary supply of cotton? As to our manufacturers themselves -they will do nothing unless directed and pushed on. They are some of -the most helpless and shortsighted of men. They are like the people -who held out their dishes and prayed that it might rain plum-puddings. -They think it is enough to open their mill-gates, and that cotton will -come of its own accord. They say they have for years been looking to -India as a source of supply; but their looks seem to have only the -first effect of the eyes of the rattlesnake, viz., to paralyse the -objects looked at, and as yet it has shown no signs of falling into -their jaws. The western coast of Africa, the eastern coast of Africa, -India, Australia, the Fiji Islands, Syria, and Egypt, all grow great -quantities of cotton, not to mention China, and probably Japan. If -active measures were taken in time to draw from these places such -quantities of cotton as might be procured, some portion at least of -the probable falling off of this next year might be made good, and our -demand this year would make a better supply spring up for future years. -I do not know whether you can do anything in this matter; but it is an -important one, and deserves early attention. - - Yours sincerely, - PALMERSTON. - - - - -THE CASE OF THE “TRENT” (1861). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, vol. 103; _Public Documents_, pp. 288, -289. - - -LETTER FROM COMMANDER WILLIAMS TO CAPTAIN PATEY. - - “TRENT,” - AT SEA, - _November 9, 1861_. - - SIR, - -There devolves on me the painful duty of reporting to you a wanton act -of aggression on this ship by the United States war screw-steamer _San -Jacinto_, carrying a broadside of seven guns, and a shell pivot-gun of -heavy calibre on the forecastle, which took place on the 8th instant, -in the Bahama Channel, abreast of the Paredon lighthouse. The _Trent_ -left Havana at 8 a.m. on the 7th instant, with Her Majesty’s mails for -England, having on board a large freight of specie, as well as numerous -passengers, amongst whom were Messrs. Mason and Slidell, the former -accredited with a special mission from the Confederate States to the -Government of Great Britain, and the latter to the French Government, -with their respective secretaries, Messrs. McFarland and Eustis. - -Shortly after noon, on the 8th, a steamer, having the appearance of a -man-of-war, but not showing colours, was observed ahead, hove to; we -immediately hoisted our ensign at the peak, but it was not responded to -until, on nearing her, at 1.15 p.m., she fired a round shot from her -pivot-gun across our bows, and showed American colours. Our engines -were immediately slowed, and we were still approaching her, when she -discharged a shell from her pivot-gun immediately across our bows, -exploding half a cable’s length ahead of us. We then stopped, when an -officer with an armed guard of marines boarded us and demanded a list -of passengers, which demand being refused, the officer said that he had -orders to arrest Messrs. Mason, Slidell, McFarland, and Eustis, and -that he had sure information of their being passengers in the _Trent_. -Declining to satisfy him whether such persons were on board or not, -Mr. Slidell stepped forward, and announced that the four persons he -had named were then standing before him, under British protection, and -that if they were taken on board the _San Jacinto_, they must be taken -_vi et armis_; the commander of the _Trent_ and myself at the same time -protesting against this illegal act, this act of piracy, carried out by -brute force, as we had no means of resisting the aggression, the _San -Jacinto_ being at the time on our port beam, about 200 yards off, her -ship’s company at quarters, ports open, and tompions out. Sufficient -time being given for such necessaries as they might require being sent -to them, these gentlemen were forcibly taken out of the ship, and then -a further demand was made that the commander of the _Trent_ should go -on board the _San Jacinto_, but as he expressed his determination not -to go, unless forcibly compelled likewise, this latter demand was not -carried into execution. - -At 3.40 we parted company, and proceeded on our way to St. Thomas, on -our arrival at which place I shall deliver to the Consul duplicates of -this letter to Lord Lyons, Sir Alexander Milne, Commodore Dunlop, and -the Consul-General at Havana. - - I have, etc., - (Signed) RICHARD WILLIAMS, - _Commander, R.N._ - -Memorandum made by Commander Williams at the Admiralty on November 27, -1861, relative to the forcible seizure of Messrs. Slidell and Mason and -their secretaries from on board the _Trent_. - -On Mr. Slidell’s announcing that the four persons inquired for were -then standing before Lieutenant Fairfax under British protection, and -that if taken on board the _San Jacinto_ they must be taken _vi et -armis_, I addressed that officer in the following terms: “In this ship -I am the Representative of Her Britannic Majesty’s Government, and, in -the name of that Government I protest against this illegal act--this -violation of international law--this act of piracy, which you would -not dare to attempt on a ship capable of resisting such aggression.” -It was then that Lieutenant Fairfax waved his hand towards the _San -Jacinto_, and additional force was sent. The marines were drawn up -at the entry-port--bayonets fixed; and on Miss Slidell’s uttering an -hysterical scream on being separated from her father--that is, on -his breaking the window of his cabin, and thrusting his body through -to escape from the distressing scene of forcible separation from his -family, they rushed into the passage at the charge. There were upwards -of sixty armed men in all, and the aforesaid gentlemen were then taken -out of the ship, an armed guard on either side of each seizing them -by the collar of the coat. Every inducement was held out, so far as -importunate persuasion would go, to prevail on Mrs. Slidell and Mrs. -Eustis to accompany their husbands, but as they did not wish their -wives to be subjected to imprisonment (Lieutenant Fairfax having -replied to Mrs. Slidell’s inquiry as to their disposal, if they did -accompany them, that they would be sent to Washington), they remained -on board the _Trent_, and came on to England in _La Plata_. - -The ships getting somewhat farther apart than when the affair -commenced, a boat came from the _San Jacinto_ to request us to approach -nearer; to which I replied that they had the same power as ourselves, -and if they wished to be nearer to us they had their own remedy. - - - - -THE AFFAIR OF THE “TRENT” (1861). - -=Source.=--_Punch_, December 14, 1861. (Reprinted by special permission -of the proprietors of _Punch_.) - - -WAITING FOR AN ANSWER. - - 1. - - Britannia waits an answer, sad and stern, - Her weapons ready, but unsheathed they lie; - In her deep eye, suppressed, the lightnings burn, - Still the war-signal waits her word to fly. - - 2. - - Wrong has been done that flag whose stainless folds - Have carried freedom wheresoe’er they flew: - She knows sharp words fit slaves and shrewish scolds, - She but bids those who can, that wrong undo. - - 3. - - She has been patient; will be patient still. - Who more than she knows war, its curse and woe? - Harsh words, scant courtesy, loud-mouthed ill-will, - She meets as rocks meet ocean’s fretful flow. - - 4. - - All war she knows drags horrors in its train, - Whate’er the foes, the cause for which they stand; - But worst of all the war that leaves the stain, - Of brother’s blood upon a brother’s hand. - - 5. - - The war that brings two mighty powers in shock-- - Powers ’tween whom fair commerce shared her crown - By kinship knit, and interest’s golden lock, - One blood, one speech, one past, of old renown. - - 6. - - All this she feels, and therefore, sad of cheer, - She waits an answer from across the sea: - Yet hath her sadness no alloy of fear, - No thought to count the cost what it may be. - - 7. - - Dishonour has no equipoise in gold, - No equipoise in blood, in loss, in pain; - Till they whom force has ta’en from ’neath the fold - Of her proud flag, stand ’neath its fold again. - - 8. - - She waits in arms; and in her cause is safe. - Not fearing war, yet hoping peace the end. - Nor heeding those her mood who’d check or chafe: - The Right she seeks, the Right God will defend. - - - - -THE PEABODY TRUST FORMED (1862). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, vol. 104; _Chronicle_, p. 41. - -This great merchant (Mr. George Peabody), mindful of his reception in -this city of his long sojourn, has made to its citizens the splendid -gift of £150,000, with the one only condition, the exclusion from -its management of all sectarianism in regard to religion, and of all -exclusion in regard to politics. The following is the letter which -conveyed this noble gift: - - LONDON, - _March 12, 1862_. - - GENTLEMEN, - -In reference to the intention which it is the object of this letter -to communicate, I am desirous to explain that, from a comparatively -early period of my commercial life, I had resolved in my own mind that, -should my labours be blessed with success, I would devote a portion -of the property thus acquired to promote the intellectual, moral, -and physical welfare and comfort of my fellow-men, wherever, from -circumstances or location, their claims upon me would be the strongest. - -... It is now twenty-five years since I commenced my residence and -business in London as a stranger, but I did not long feel myself a -“stranger” or in a “strange land,” for in all my commercial and social -intercourse with my British friends during that long period, I have -constantly received courtesy, kindness, and confidence.... My object -being to ameliorate the condition of the poor and needy of this great -metropolis, and to promote their comfort and happiness, I take pleasure -in apprising you that I have determined to transfer to you the sum of -£150,000 which now stands available for this purpose on the books of -Messrs. George Peabody and Co. - -... I have few instructions to give or conditions to impose, but there -are some fundamental principles from which it is my solemn injunction -that those entrusted with its application shall never, under any -circumstances, depart. - -First and foremost among them is the limitation of its uses absolutely -and exclusively to such purposes as may be calculated directly to -ameliorate the condition and augment the comforts of the poor, who, -either by birth or established residence, form a recognised portion of -the population of London. - -Secondly, it is my intention that now and for all time there shall be -a rigid exclusion from the management of this fund of any influences -calculated to impart to it a character either sectarian as regards -religion, or exclusive in relation to local or party politics. - -Thirdly, in conformity with the foregoing conditions it is my wish -and intention that the sole qualifications for a participation in the -benefits of this fund shall be an ascertained and continued condition -of life such as brings the individual within the description (in -the ordinary sense of the word) of “the poor” of London, combined -with moral character and good conduct as a member of society. It -must therefore be held to be a violation of my intentions if any -duly-qualified and deserving claimant were to be excluded either on the -ground of religious belief or of political bias. - - - - -THE “ALABAMA” CRUISER (1862). - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated London News_, November 15, 1862. - - -The Confederate screw-steamer _Alabama_, Captain Semmes, is the -notorious vessel whose doings on the Newfoundland banks have -frightened northern merchants out of their propriety, and occasioned a -remonstrance from the New York Chamber of Commerce addressed to British -merchants. - -The _Alabama_, formerly the 290, was built in Mr. Laird’s yard -at Birkenhead. She is a wooden vessel of 1,200 tons burden, -copper-bottomed, 210 feet long, rather narrow, painted black outside, -carries three long 32-pounders on a side, has a 100-pounder rifled -pivot-gun forward of the bridge, and a 68-pounder on the main-deck. -These are of the Blakely pattern, made by Wesley and Preston of -Liverpool. She is barque-rigged, and is represented to go thirteen -knots under sail and fifteen under steam. She sailed from the Mersey -in August. Her officers are Americans, but her present crew are -Englishmen. Captain Semmes was the dashing commander of the Confederate -steamer _Sumter_. The _Alabama_ is, we believe, the only vessel which -the Confederate States now have on the high seas.... - -The ship _Tonowanda_, which recently arrived at Liverpool from -Philadelphia, reports that she was captured by the _Alabama_ (290) on -the 9th of October at 4 p.m., in lat. 41, long. 55. - -Captain Julius was taken on board, and found there Captain Harmon and -crew of the late barque _Wave Crest_ from New York for Cardiff, and -Captain Johnson and crew of the late brig _Dunkirk_ from New York to -Lisbon, all prisoners and in irons on deck, their vessels having been -burnt two days previous. The next day the prisoners were transferred -to the _Tonowanda_, and Captain Julius alone remained on board the -_Alabama_ as hostage. On the 11th of October they captured and burnt -the ship _Manchester_ from New York for Liverpool. Her captain and crew -were also put on board the _Tonowanda_. No more prizes were taken till -the evening of the 13th, and, there being every appearance of thick -weather, Captain Julius was put on board the _Tonowanda_ and allowed to -proceed after having given a ransom bond. All the captains, officers -and crews are “paroled” prisoners of war. - - - - -THE WAR BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH (1863). - -=Source.=--_The Duke of Argyll’s Autobiography and Memoirs_, vol. ii., -pp. 196, 197. (John Murray, 1906.) - - -SPEECH BY THE DUKE OF ARGYLL AT A BANQUET TO LORD PALMERSTON IN -EDINBURGH, APRIL 1ST, 1863. - -As my noble friend at the head of the Government told the meeting -he addressed last night at Glasgow, we may all have our individual -opinions as to the merits of the contest in America. - -I, for one, have never concealed my own. As a Government and a people, -we must be what we have already been--absolutely neutral. We must -take no part whatever in that contest; only, let me remind you, the -peace and good will we are all desirous should be maintained between -these two great countries does not depend only--nay, does not depend -principally--upon the conduct of the Government. My noble friend [Lord -Palmerston] has spoken of the miseries of civil war, as well he may; -but no word has ever fallen from his lips which implies that anyone was -entitled to cast censure on the American Government for the contest in -which they are engaged. - -Who are we that we should speak of civil war as in no circumstance -possible or permissible? Do we not remember that our own liberties -have been secured through every form and variety of civil war? How -much blood has been shed in the streets of this ancient capital of -Edinburgh! How many gory heads have been nailed up in its streets! -How many victims of civil war crowd our churchyards in every portion -of the country! How many lie upon our mountains with nothing to mark -them but the heath or the cairn! What do we say of these men? Do we -consider their course to have been an evil one? Do we not rather turn -back to those pages of history with the loving chisel of Old Mortality, -to refresh in our minds the recollection of their immortal names? -Yes, gentlemen, if it be true--and it is true--that the blood of the -martyrs has been the seed of the Church, it is equally true that the -blood of the patriots has been the foundation of the liberties of our -country. Let us extend, then, to our brethren in America the liberal -interpretation which we seek to be given to our own former annals. I, -for one, have not learned to be ashamed of that ancient combination of -the Bible and the sword. Let it be enough for us to pray and hope that -the contest whenever it may be brought to an end, shall bring with it -that great blessing to the white race which shall consist in the final -freedom of the black. - - - - -THE BUDGET: EATING THE LEEK (1863). - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated London News_, May 9, 1863. - - -SKETCHES IN PARLIAMENT. - -When a tremendous House expressed in various ways its approbation of -the Budget a fortnight ago, few, if any, persons imagined that an -equally great House would assemble to behold Mr. Gladstone go through -the humiliating operation of eating a financial leek. Everybody knows -the story of the tax on charities, which created such a monster -opposition that a Chancellor of the Exchequer could not get into his -own room to meet a deputation, because it was so blocked up with Royal -Dukes, Archbishops, Peers, M.P.’s, and vested interests personified -in every shape. Most people knew on Monday last that this part of the -Budget had been “mobbed” out of the Chancellor of the Exchequer’s -hands; and no one could have been surprised at the deadly pallor of -his cheek, the sternness of his brow, his ghastly attempts at smiles, -and his palpable efforts to appear cool and unconcerned. When Lord -Palmerston came in he sat himself next to Mr. Gladstone and entered -into earnest but apparently airy conversation with him; and one could -not help fancying that in his humorous way the Prime Minister was -asking whether Mr. Gladstone really objected to the flavour of leeks, -and assuring him that when he became as accustomed to them as he, the -Premier was, from eating them two or three times a week this Session, -their pungency and disagreeable flavour would be found more fanciful -than real.... At length the eventful moment came, and Mr. Gladstone, -with the light of battle in his eye, as Mr. Kinglake would say, -rose, and with unnatural calmness proceeded to deliver, all things -considered, one of the greatest speeches that were ever uttered in -Parliament. Conceive a Chancellor of the Exchequer honestly impressed -with the belief that he had lighted on an accumulation of abuse ... and -erroneously, as we think, supposing that he was striking at the abuse -by taxing it, stopped short by an impassable barrier of public opinion, -and having to come down to the House to give up the most darling part -of his financial scheme, and oh, worst of all, with it just half of -that surplus which he had announced his determination to defend against -all comers. He did not part with it, however, without such a crushing -denunciation of the abuse as will prove to be its knell; and as for -ingenuity in illustration and power of language in holding up to scorn -and derision the subject-matter of that denunciation, none but himself -could have been his parallel. As to giving up his scheme, he did -nothing of the kind; he hurled it at his opponents with the fierceness -and scathing force of a thunderbolt.... - -... Later on in the debate Mr. Gladstone, in a low voice, and with a -resigned expression of countenance, announced the withdrawal of his -proposition. Mr. Disraeli, who has long ceased to contend on financial -matters with Mr. Gladstone, and who had been, as usual, quiescent -and nearly motionless all the evening, merely paying Sir Stafford -Northcote the high compliment of turning slightly towards him when he -was speaking, instantly rose with the leap of a tiger, and every one -expected a burst of the old philippic style which made him what he is. -But nothing of the sort came. - -The first sentence was well enough, but the rest was all the first -sentence over again, and diluted and weakened by repetition; and -perhaps the only real consolation Mr. Gladstone received that night was -from the poverty of that attempt at giving a kick when he was down. - - - - -DISTRESS IN THE COTTON MANUFACTURING DISTRICTS (1863). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1863; _English History_, pp. 140, 141. - - -The maximum pressure of the distress occasioned by the stoppage, -partial or total, of the cotton mills of Lancashire and Cheshire had -been attained a short time prior to Christmas, 1862. In the month of -December the number of persons receiving regular relief was supposed -to be little short of 500,000. The weekly loss of wages at the same -time was estimated at about £168,000. In the last two or three weeks -of the year a partial improvement took place, and in January, 1863, -according to the statement officially made to the Manchester Relief -Committee, the number of persons receiving aid from the rates and from -the contributions of the public together was 456,786. From this time a -progressive decrease took place, the numbers relieved during the five -months following being as follows: - - In February 440,529 - ” March 426,411 - ” April 364,419 - ” May 294,281 - ” June 256,230 - -It thus appears that the number of persons dependent on parochial -rates and on voluntary contributions became reduced at the end of the -first half of 1863, as compared with the maximum amount in December, -1862, by almost one-half. This favourable result was due partly to the -resumption of work in some of the factories, owing to an increased -supply of the raw material, and partly to the absorption which had -taken place to some extent of the surplus hands in other employments, -and to the removal and emigration of some part of the population. This -decrease in the number of unemployed operatives continued with little -variation during the summer. In July the number relieved had fallen -to 214,155; in August to 205,261; and in September to 184,625. The -list of persons relieved at that time exhibited a steady decrease of -1,500 per week. In that month it was computed that out of the 530,000 -operatives of all ages whose industry depended upon cotton, there -were 362,000 in employ, of whom nearly 250,000 were at full work, and -120,251 working short time, while 171,535 were entirely out of employ. -It was apprehended that, as winter approached, a reaction would take -place, and that the relief lists would again begin to show a serious -augmentation. But this expectation was only to a small extent realised. -The number relieved in the month of October was 168,170. In November -it increased in a trifling degree, being 170,859; and in December it -showed an addition of about 10,000, the total being 180,900. Still, -upon a comparison of the number of persons in receipt of relief in -the first and last months of the year respectively, the improvement -was very marked, the last week of December, as compared with January, -showing the very large decrease of 275,877. The average percentage of -pauperism on the population of twenty-seven unions in the last week -of December, 1863, was 6·8; whereas in the corresponding week of 1862 -it had been 13·2. It was further shown by a report of the Special -Commissioners of the Poor Law Board on the 4th of January, 1864, -that at that date, as compared with the last week in March, 1863, a -reduction had taken place of 33,963 in the actual number of operatives -in the cotton districts, the surplus having been transferred to other -fields of employment--viz., 18,244 having emigrated to the Colonies or -to the United States, and 15,725 having found other occupations within -the districts. - - - - -BRITAIN AND THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA (1863). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1863, pp. 128, 129. - - -MR. ROEBUCK’S SPEECH ON MOTION IN FAVOUR OF RECOGNISING THE SOUTHERN -STATES AS A GOVERNMENT. - -_June._--Mr. Roebuck repudiated with scorn the argument that the cause -of the North was the cause of the slave. We are met by the assertion: -“Oh, England cannot acknowledge a State in which slavery exists.” -Indeed, I ask, is that really the case, and is any man so weak as to -believe it? Have we not acknowledged Brazil? Are we not in constant -communication with Russia? And is there not slavery in both those -countries? Moreover, does anybody believe that the black slave would be -at all improved in his condition by being placed in the same position -as the free black in the North? I ask whether the North, hating -slavery, if you will, does not hate the slave still more? (“No, no!”) I -pity the ignorance of the gentleman who says “No.” The blacks are not -permitted to take an equal station in the North. They are not permitted -to enter the same carriage, to pray to God in the same part of the -church, or to sit down at the same table as the whites. They are like -the hunted dog whom everybody may kick. But in the South the feeling -is very different. There black children and white children are brought -up together. In the South there is not that hatred, that contempt, of -the black man which exists in the North. There is a kindly feeling in -the minds of the Southern planters towards those whom England fixed -there in a position of servitude. England forced slavery upon the -Southern States of America. It was not their doing. They prayed and -entreated England not to establish slavery in their dominions, but -we did it because it suited our interests, and the gentlemen who now -talk philanthropy talked the other way. Every man who has studied -the question will distinctly understand the difference between the -feeling of the Northern gentleman and that of the Southern planter -towards the black. There is a sort of horror--a sort of shivering in -the Northerner when he comes across a black. He feels as if he were -contaminated by the very fact of a black man being on an equality with -him. That is not the case in the South. I am not now speaking in favour -of slavery. Slavery is to me as distasteful as it is to anyone; but I -have learnt to bear with other men’s infirmities, and I do not think -every man a rogue or a fool who differs from me in opinion. But though -I hate slavery I cannot help seeing the great distinction between the -condition of the black in the North and his condition in the South. I -believe that if to-morrow you could make all the blacks in the South -like the free negroes in the North, you would do them a great injury. -The cry of the North in favour of the black is a hypocritical cry, and -to-morrow the North would join with the South, and fasten slavery on -the necks of the blacks, if the South would only re-enter the Union. -But the South will never come into the Union, and, what is more, I hope -it never may. I will tell you why I say so. America, while she was one, -ran a race of prosperity unparalleled in the world. In eighty years, -not America, but Europe, made the Republic such a Power that, if she -had continued as she was a few years ago, she would have been the great -bully of the world. Why, sir, she-- - - “... bestrode the narrow world, - Like a Colossus; and we petty men - Walked under her huge legs, and peeped about - To find ourselves dishonourable graves.” - -As far as my influence goes, I am determined to do all I can to prevent -the reconstruction of the Union, and I hope that the balance of power -on the American Continent will in future prevent any one State from -tyrannising over the world as the Republic did. - -[For opposing view see next extract.] - - - - -OPPOSITION TO MR. ROEBUCK’S MOTION (1863). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1863; _English History_, pp. 130, 131. - - -Mr. Bright animadverted severely upon the speech of Mr. Roebuck.... - -Mr. Roebuck, he said, would help to break up a friendly nation, and -create an everlasting breach between the two nations, because he deemed -it for the interest of England. The whole case rested upon either a -miserable jealousy or a base fear. He looked upon the interest of -England from a different point of view. He believed the war was more -likely than anything else to abolish slavery. The supply of cotton -under slavery must always be insecure. It was the interest of England -that the supply of cotton should be by free labour rather than by -that of slaves. As to the political aspect of the question, the more -he considered this war, the more improbable he thought it that the -United States would be broken into separate Republics. The conclusion -to which he had come was that if there should be a separation, the -interests, the sympathies and the necessities, perhaps the ambition, -of the whole Continent were such that it would be reunited under a -Central Government. And this Government might be in the hands of the -South. Having dwelt at considerable length upon the hideous features -of Southern slavery, and eulogised the Northern institutions, it was -against such a Government, he observed, in such a contest with such -a foe, that Mr. Roebuck asked the House to throw into the scale the -weight of the hostility of England. - - - - -A POLICY OF MEDDLE AND MUDDLE (1864). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, vol. 106; _English History_, p. 7. - - -ATTACK ON EARL RUSSELL’S FOREIGN POLICY BY LORD DERBY (FEBRUARY 4). - -He then called the attention of the House to the portion of the -Queen’s speech relating to foreign affairs. Her Majesty’s Government -had for two or three years past mainly rested their claim to public -confidence on their foreign policy. They had abandoned the question -of Parliamentary Reform the moment it had served the purpose of -putting them in office. The fulfilment of the promises they had made -was defeated by Lord Russell, and when he was transferred to the more -serene atmosphere of the House of Lords, he pronounced the funeral -oration of Reform. He had told them ... “to rest and be thankful,” -and from that time their foreign policy had been the groundwork of -the claim of Her Majesty’s Government to public confidence. I think, -proceeded Lord Derby, that at the commencement the foreign policy -of the noble Earl opposite might be summed up in the affirmation of -the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other -countries, the extension of Liberal principles by the exercise of our -moral interference, and, above all, the maintenance of uninterrupted -and cordial relations with the Emperor of the French. We were told more -than once that the present Government was the only one to maintain -a good understanding with the Emperor of the French, or, at least, -that its predecessor could not possibly have done so, and that, if -the country desired to preserve cordial relations between itself and -France, Her Majesty’s present advisers, and especially the noble Earl -opposite, were the only persons qualified to secure that most desirable -object. - -Now, my lords, as to non-intervention in the internal affairs of other -countries, when I look around me I fail to see what country there is, -in the internal affairs of which the noble Earl has not interfered. - -“_Nihil intactum reliquit, nihil tetigit quod_”--I cannot say, “_non -ornavit_,” but “_non conturbavit_.” The foreign policy of the noble -Earl, as far as the principle of non-intervention is concerned, may be -summed up in two homely but expressive words--“meddle” and “muddle.” -During the whole course of his diplomatic correspondence, wherever -he has interfered--and he has interfered everywhere--he has been -lecturing, scolding, blustering, and retreating. Seriously--for though -there may be something ludicrous about it, the matter is of too great -importance to be treated only in a light and jocular manner--I cannot -but feel as an Englishman that I am lowered and humiliated in my own -estimation, and in that of other nations, by the result of the noble -Earl’s administration of foreign affairs. Thanks to the noble Earl -and the present Government, we have at this moment not one single -friend in Europe, and, more than that, this country, the chief fault -of which was that it went too direct and straightforward at what it -aimed, which never gave a promise without the intention of performing, -which never threatened without a full determination of striking, which -never made a demand without being prepared to enforce it, this country -is now in such a position, that its menaces are disregarded, its -magniloquent language is ridiculed, and its remonstrances are treated -with contemptuous indifference by the small as well as by the great -Powers of the Continent. With regard to the policy of keeping up a good -understanding with France, there is hardly a single question in which -Her Majesty’s Ministers have not thwarted the policy of the Emperor. -From the Mexican expedition it had withdrawn, and it had not supported -the Emperor’s policy in relation to the Confederate States of America. -It had also declined the Emperor’s proposition of a Congress. - - - - -ATTITUDE OF ENGLAND TOWARDS THE AUSTRO-PRUSSIAN ATTACK ON DENMARK -(1864). - -=Source.=--_Ashley’s Life of Viscount Palmerston_, vol. ii., pp. -249–251. (Richard Bentley and Son.) - - -LETTER FROM LORD PALMERSTON TO LORD J. RUSSELL. - - 94, PICCADILLY, - _May 1, 1864_. - - MY DEAR RUSSELL, - -I felt so little satisfied with the decision of the Cabinet on -Saturday, that I determined to make a notch off my own bat, and -accordingly I wrote this morning to Apponyi, asking him to come here -and give me half an hour’s conversation. He came accordingly. I said I -wished to have some friendly and unreserved conversation with him, not -as between an English Minister, and the Austrian Ambassador, but as -between Palmerston and Apponyi, that what I was going to say related to -serious matters; but I begged that nothing I might say should be looked -upon as a threat, but only as a frank explanation between friends on -matters which might lead to disagreements, and with regard to which, -unless timely explanation were given as to possible consequences -of certain things, a reproach might afterwards be made that timely -explanation might have averted disagreeable results. I said that we -have from the beginning taken a deep interest in favour of Denmark--not -from family ties, which have little influence on English policy, and -sometimes act unfavourably--but, first, that we have thought from the -beginning that Denmark has been harshly and unjustly treated; and, -secondly, we deem the integrity and independence of the State, which -commands the entrance to the Baltic, objects of interest to England. -That we abstained from taking the field in defence of Denmark for many -reasons--from the season of the year; from the smallness of our army, -and the great risk of failure in a struggle with all Germany by land. -That with regard to operations by sea, the positions would be reversed: -we are strong, Germany is weak; and the German ports in the Baltic, -North Sea, and Adriatic would be greatly at our command. Speaking for -myself personally, and for nobody else, I must frankly tell him that, -if an Austrian squadron were to pass along our coasts and ports, and -go into the Baltic to help in any way the German operations against -Denmark, I should look upon it as an affront and insult to England. -That I could not, and would not stand such a thing; and that, unless -in such case a superior British squadron were to follow, with such -orders for acting as the case might require, I would not continue -to hold my present position; and such a case would probably lead to -collision--that is, war; and in my opinion Germany, and especially -Austria, would be the sufferer in such a war. I should deeply regret -such a result, because it is the wish of England to be well with -Austria; but I am confident that I should be borne out by public -opinion. I again begged that he would not consider this communication -as a threat, but simply as a friendly reminder of consequences which -might follow a possible course of action. - -Apponyi having listened with great attention to what I said, replied -that the considerations which I had pointed out were not new to his -mind; that they had been forcibly dwelt upon, among other persons, by -the King of the Belgians. That he was quite aware that, if the Austrian -ships entered the Baltic, an English squadron would follow them; that -in all probability one of two things would happen--either that the -Austrian squadron would be destroyed, or that it would be compelled by -orders from the English Admiral, to leave the Baltic. Thus they would -run the risk of a catastrophe or a humiliation, and they did not wish -for either. That, therefore, whatever may have been said by Rechberg in -his note, we might be sure that the Austrian squadron will not enter -the Baltic. This is satisfactory as far as Apponyi may be considered -the organ of the Austrian Government; but I think we ought to have -something more positive in writing than we have got. - -I shall state to the Cabinet to-morrow the substance of my conversation -with Apponyi. - - Yours sincerely, - PALMERSTON. - - - - -LAYING OF THE ATLANTIC CABLE: SCENE IN IRELAND (1865). - -=Source.=--_The Brighton Herald_, July 29, 1865. - - -The _Great Eastern_ left Valentia on Sunday afternoon on her voyage -across the Atlantic. - -On the Saturday the operation of laying the shore-end of the cable -was successfully performed, though not without considerable risk. Not -only had the cable to be landed, but quite a mile in excess was to -be hauled on the shore from the _Caroline_, a tender of the _Great -Eastern_, to pass up the cliff and across a couple of fields which led -to the Telegraph House, and gave communication through the land lines -to London. But no sooner was the first end of the cable seen near -the shore than a wild “Hooroo” arose from those on land who saw it -coming. With a contagion, characteristic of the people, the enthusiasm -passed rapidly downwards from those on the cliffs to the groups on -the winding path, and thence, like a current of electricity, into the -cable-boats themselves, the crews of which joined in the shouting, and -seeing the end so near the land, and concluding their work well done, -at once proceeded to heave the massive rope into the sea. From boat to -boat the first bad example was followed by all until, to the dismay of -the cablemen, who could not gain a hearing amid the continued cheers, -every fathom up to the stern of the _Caroline_ was thrown overboard. - -The result of this touching enthusiasm was that every foot had to be -underrun preparatory to the whole operation beginning _de novo_. It -took some time to effect this, during which, it is but fair to say, -the Irish were silent and dispirited enough, and in reply to the -admonitions of the Knight of Kerry, promised to refrain from cheering -till at least all was done--a promise which they kept faithfully. When -the cable had been underrun, hauled into the boats again, and the -shore end really began to come on land and was stowed away in gigantic -circles at the foot of the cliff, the scene was one of real animation. -Numbers of men were in the water up to their waists or shoulders, -easing the cable over the rocks, while along the steep path up the -cliffs was a close row of figures, men and boys, of every rank, from -the well-to-do farmer down to the poorest cottier, all pulling at the -cable with a will, and as if in atonement for their first fault of -enthusiasm, obeying with silent and almost childlike docility every -signal made by Mr. Glass or Mr. Canning as to when they were to haul or -to slack away. Above them and dangerously near the edges of the heights -was a fringe of eager lookers-on, while the slopes beyond were dotted -with bright groups of the county gentry who had ridden or driven in -to see the “landing.” By 12 o’clock the cable was well up the groove, -which had been cut in the face of the cliff for its reception, and from -this point the work of carrying the massive coils across the meadows -to the Receiving House beyond was soon accomplished, and at a little -before one o’clock, the end taken over roads, hedges, and ditches was -safely housed in the _sanctum sanctorum_--the testing-room. Here -the batteries were at once applied and showed both conductivity and -insulation to the last fathom in the hold of the _Caroline_ absolutely -perfect. - -On Sunday the delicate task of splicing the end of the deep sea cable -on board the _Great Eastern_ to the shore end, laid the day before by -the _Caroline_, was performed on board the latter vessel. The joint -was then immersed in cold water for testing, and the signals proving -perfect, the last protection of hemp and outside wire was added and the -joint sunk again into the sea that its perfectness as to conductivity -and insulation might be ascertained from the extreme end of the whole -length of the cable on board the _Great Eastern_. It was past four -o’clock when the last of these tests was concluded. By that time the -_Great Eastern_, which had always kept moving her paddles at intervals, -had forged ahead of the _Caroline_ some two or three miles, paying out -the cable slowly as she went on, and leaving the latter vessel the -only float by which one portion of the wire was kept above water. The -instant, however, the flags went down, the last fastenings which held -it to the _Caroline_ were cast adrift, and with a great splash the -final joint of the Atlantic Telegraph and the first thirty miles or -so of its length went slowly down into the blue water and were out of -sight. - -The _Great Eastern_ fired two guns from her bows at 5.30 to mark the -commencement of her journey, and Sir Robert Peel, mounting to the -little quarter-deck of the _Hawk_, marked time, while three small -but earnest cheers were given by the select company on board to the -success of the great enterprise. In return came back a swelling hearty -roar from all on the cable ship, as with the last salute of waving -hats and caps and handkerchiefs, the tender dropped astern leaving -the _Great Eastern_ dipping slowly but steadily ahead at the rate of -about six knots an hour. As long as signs could be made, or hats waved, -the vessel was anxiously watched; but she soon hid herself in her own -smoke, and when the _Hawk_ neared the Irish coast a mere brown cloud in -the horizon was all that showed where the greatest ship in the world -was steaming away to endeavour to accomplish the realisation of an idea -even more important than that which she herself embodies. May she be -successful! Several telegrams of a satisfactory character have been -received. We give the latest. - - “_Thursday morning._ - - The _Great Eastern_ telegraphs that 300 miles were paid out at - 5.30 a.m. to-day, and that 300 miles were run at 9.50 a.m. - - All is going well. - - The signals are perfect.” - - - - -THE FENIAN CONSPIRACY (1865). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1865; _English History_, pp. 172–174. - - -The new conspiracy, commonly known by the name of “Fenian,” was only -another development of that deep-seated disaffection and alienation -from England which had been in past times the source of so many crimes -and outrages, so many secret societies and smouldering insurrections, -which had made coercive laws and a standing garrison the indispensable -instruments of government in Ireland. The conspiracy which was this -year brought to light, but was happily checked before it arrived at any -outbreak, was larger in extent, more daring in its objects and, in some -respects, more formidable in nature than any similar movement of late -years. Of the name by which it was distinguished, various explanations -have been given, but the most probable is that it was derived from -Fionn, a celebrated chieftain who lived before the conversion of -Ireland to Christianity, and who is the same as the hero of Macpherson, -Fingal. By the modern Irish this individual is styled Finn Mac Cool. -The Fenians were the men or people of Finn. They formed in the period -above mentioned a sort of standing militia or warlike caste, whose -office it was to protect the country from aggression, and support -the power of the kings, in return for which service they received a -certain allotment of land and other privileges. The leaders of the -present movement, no doubt, saw an advantage in connecting their party -with the historical and traditionary glories of Ireland. But whatever -may have been the origin of the name, the thing itself was simply a -scheme of rebellion against the English Government, organised in the -United States, having its centre of rule and administration there, -and intended to combine the numerous Irish settlers in that country, -men for the most part bitterly hostile to English rule, with the -disaffected in various parts in Ireland, in a great effort to throw off -by force the yoke of the British Crown, and to take the whole power and -property of the island into their own hands.... - -The Fenian Society had its chiefs, its officers, both civil and -military, its common funds and financial agencies, its secret oaths, -passwords, and emblems, its laws and penalties, its stores of concealed -arms and weapons, its nightly drills and trainings of men, its -correspondents and agents in various quarters, its accredited journals, -and even its popular songs and ballads, all designed to extend its -influence and to gain adherents from various quarters, not excepting -the soldiers in the British army, and the warders in the gaols.... By -their vain parade, their boastful language, and the unseemly squabbles -among their rival factions, the Fenian leaders in America exposed -their association to no little ridicule and contempt.... There was one -feature in this form of disaffection which distinguished it in a marked -manner from preceding combinations. Most of the plots and fraternities -which have for some time back menaced the peace of Ireland have had -more or less of a theological character. They have been animated by a -fierce hostility to the Protestant Church and its partisans, while they -have professed submission and respect to the Roman Catholic faith and -priesthood. But the Fenian movement made no such profession. It did -not seek any countenance from the spiritual authorities of the popular -creed, nor any aid from religious zeal and fanaticism. On the contrary -its members openly proclaimed their enmity to the Romish hierarchy and -priesthood, including them as well as all holders of political power, -and all owners of property, of whatever creed in their denunciations, -as the enemies of the nation, who were to be swept away and destroyed. - - - - -THE FENIAN CONSPIRACY: GENERAL PLEDGE OF THE FENIAN BROTHERHOOD (1865). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1865; _English History_, p. 183. - - -“I, ... solemnly pledge my sacred word of honour, as a truthful and -honest man, that I will labour with earnest zeal for the liberation of -Ireland from the yoke of England, and for the establishment of a free -and independent Government on the Irish soil; that I will implicitly -obey the commands of my superior officers in the Fenian Brotherhood; -that I will faithfully discharge my duties of membership as laid down -in the constitution and by-laws thereof; that I will do my utmost to -promote feelings of love, harmony, and kindly forbearance among all -Irishmen; and that I will foster, defend, and propagate the aforesaid -Fenian Brotherhood, to the utmost of my power.” - - - - -DEATH OF LORD PALMERSTON (1865). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, October 19, 1865, p. 8. - - -One of the most popular statesmen, one of the kindliest gentlemen, and -one of the truest Englishmen that ever filled the office of Premier is -to-day lost to the country. The news of Lord Palmerston’s death will -be received in every home throughout these islands, from the palace to -the cottage, with a feeling like that of personal bereavement. There is -not a province in our vast colonial empire, and there are few civilised -nations in the world, which will hear without an emotion of regret that -Lord Palmerston no longer guides the policy of England. Never again -will that familiar voice be heard in the councils of Europe, or in the -British Senate, of which he almost seemed a part, never again will that -native gaiety of spirits enliven the social circle in which he loved to -move. The death of no other subject could have left such a void in the -hearts of his countrymen, for no other has been identified so long or -so closely with our national life.... - -His name will not be remembered in connection with the triumph of a -grand cause, nor was his life devoted to the development of a single -idea, and yet he was a great man unless that title be confined by an -arbitrary limitation to a prescribed class of moral and intellectual -virtues.... In familiarity with the labyrinthine complications of -modern European diplomacy he excelled all living politicians, both at -home and abroad. In the art of distinguishing the prevailing current -of public opinion, in readiness of tact, in versatility of mind and -humour, in the masterly ease with which he handled the reins of -Government, and in the general felicity of his political temperament, -he had no rival in his own generation. To these gifts, however, he -added an unwearied application to duty, which would itself have earned -him a high position in the State. - -The secret and source of his great popularity was his boundless -sympathy with all classes of his countrymen. He was a truly -large-hearted man, and moved among men and women of every rank as one -of themselves. - - - - -THE CAVE OF ADULLAM: SPEECH OF MR. BRIGHT ON THE FIRST READING OF THE -REFORM BILL OF 1866. - -=Source.=--_The Times_, March 14, 1866. - - -Why, Sir, the right hon. gentleman below me (Mr. Horsman) who said a -little against the Government, and a little against this Bill, last -night made an attack upon so humble an individual as I am. He is -the first member of this new party who expressed by his actions his -great grief. He retired into what may be called his political Cave of -Adullam, to which he invited everyone who was in distress, and everyone -who was discontented. He has long been anxious to found a party in this -House, and there is scarcely a member at this end of the House who is -able to address us with effect, or to take much part in our debates -whom he has not tried to bring over to his party and his cabal. At last -he has succeeded in hooking the right hon. gentleman, the member for -Calne (Mr. Lowe). I know it was the opinion many years ago of a member -of the Cabinet that two men could make a party; and a party formed of -two men so amiable, so genial as both of those right hon. gentlemen, -we may hope to see for the first time in Parliament a party perfectly -harmonious and distinguished by a mutual and an unbroken trust. But -there is one great difficulty in the way. It is very much like the case -of the Scotch terrier which was so covered with hair that you could not -tell which was head and which was tail. Sir, the right hon. gentleman, -the member for Calne, told us that he had had some peculiar election -experiences.... - -Now, the constituency which the right hon. gentleman represents -nominally consists of 174 members, seven of whom are working men, but -his real constituency is a member of the other House of Parliament who -could have sent here his butler or his groom. Sir, I think that in one -sense, looking on the right hon. gentleman as an intellectual gladiator -in this House, we are much indebted to the Marquis of Lansdowne that he -did not do that. I have said that I wanted to explain the particulars -of this Bill, and to appeal to the good sense and the patriotism of the -gentlemen opposite not lightly to reject it. I ask them not to take the -disparaging description of their countrymen which has been offered to -the House by the member for Calne, and the hon. member for Salisbury, -who, I presume, from their association at the Antipodes, seem to take -only a Botany Bay view of this subject, and of the character of the -great bulk of their fellow-countrymen. Why, the right hon. gentleman -said on one night, when I was not here, that I, even in the matter -of the cattle plague, set class against class. I ask any man in this -House: Is it possible to do a thing that is more perilous than that -which is done by the right hon. gentleman and his Australian colleague, -the member for Salisbury, viz., to make it appear that there is a gulf -which shall not be passed by legislation, between the highest, the most -powerful and the most numerous portion of the middle class, and the -great body of the working people who are really the very heart of this -great country? Now, is it not inconceivably better to show trust in -the people, for of all the follies, all the crimes which individuals -commit, that of constant distrust of their fellow-subjects, of all the -citizens of their country, is about the wildest and the most foolish. - - - - -SUCCESSFUL LAYING OF THE ATLANTIC TELEGRAPH CABLE (1866). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1866; _Chronicle_, pp. 102, 103. - - -_July 27._--This evening at about 5 o’clock English time, the cable was -completed between Europe and America. Conversations had been carried on -throughout the day, until word was sent to Valentia to cease signalling -as they were about to make the splice with the shore end at Trinity -Bay. This was effected soon after dusk. One of the earliest messages -transmitted by the cable was the following: - - FROM THE QUEEN, OSBORNE, TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, - WASHINGTON. - - “The Queen congratulates the President on the successful - completion of an undertaking which she hopes may serve as an - additional bond of union between the United States and England.” - -The President replied as follows: - - FROM ANDREW JOHNSON, THE EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, TO HER - MAJESTY THE QUEEN OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND - IRELAND. - - _July 30, 11.30 a.m._ - - “The President of the United States acknowledges with profound - gratification the receipt of Her Majesty’s despatch, and - cordially reciprocates the hope that the cable that now unites - the eastern and western hemispheres may serve to strengthen and - perpetuate peace and amity between the Government of England and - the Republic of the United States.” - -President Johnson’s reply to the Queen occupied only one hour and nine -minutes in its transit from Newfoundland to Osborne. - - THE FOLLOWING MESSAGE WAS SENT BY THE EARL OF CARNARVON TO - VISCOUNT MONK, OTTAWA, CANADA. - - “I am commanded by the Queen to convey to the Governor-General - of her North-American Provinces Her Majesty’s congratulations on - the completion of the Atlantic telegraph and the strengthening - thereby of the unity of the British Empire. - - Her Majesty includes her ancient colony of Newfoundland in these - congratulations to all her faithful subjects.” - - CARNARVON. - - _July 28, 1866._ - - - - -GREAT REFORM DEMONSTRATION AT MANCHESTER (1866). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register_, 1866; _Chronicle_, p. 137. - - -This afternoon a meeting, supposed to be larger than any hitherto -assembled in England, was held at Manchester. During the morning -many local divisions marched into the town from the various populous -districts around, carrying flags inscribed with the words “Nation -Reform Union,” and proceeded to the square called Campfield, a -centre surrounded by ten acres, in which six platforms were erected. -Notwithstanding the torrents of rain which continued throughout the -day, the numbers assembled were estimated by the reporters both of the -local and of the London Press at between 100,000 and 200,000 persons. -At each of the above sections three resolutions were carried, namely: - -1. That this meeting protests against the perpetuation of class -government to the exclusion of the great majority of the people from -the franchise; refuses to allow itself to be made an instrument to -further the means of contending parties or the selfish interests -of any class; and pledges itself to adopt all means of organising -and agitating for the only just basis of representation--registered -residential manhood suffrage and the ballot. - -2. That this meeting rejoices in the formation of the northern -department of the Reform League, and pledges its support to the -executive council in the organisation of branches throughout the North -of England, and hereby declares its confidence in Mr. Edmund Beales, -and the executive of the Reform League in London. - -3. That this meeting tenders its warmest and most grateful thanks to -Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, John Bright, Esq., John Stuart Mill, Esq., -and all friends of Reform, who, throughout the late discussions in -Parliament, vindicated the character and protected the rights of the -people; and further, expresses confidence in the honesty and ability of -Mr. John Bright to champion the people’s cause in Parliament during the -coming Parliamentary struggle. - -At the evening meeting in the Free Trade Hall, the following resolution -was carried by acclamation: - -“That this meeting, while recording its indignation at the insults -offered in Parliament and by the Press to the working classes and their -advocates, calls on the people of this country to allow themselves no -longer to be trifled with by an oligarchic few, and to rally round -those men who have upheld their cause.” - - - - -ATTEMPTED FENIAN RAID AT CHESTER (1867). - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated Times_, February 16, 1867. - - -Much alarm has been caused this week by an apprehended raid of Fenians -upon the ancient city. The following summary is obtained from Mr. -Fenwick, the chief constable of Chester. - -The Fenians have recently organised in New York a band of fifty, whose -special mission it is to proceed to England and Ireland and endeavour -to resuscitate the dying brotherhood. These men are understood to have -arrived in England. Fifteen of them are stationed in the metropolis, -and there form a Directory. Eight of them are ex-officers of the -American army.... A meeting was called for Sunday at Liverpool, and it -was then resolved to attack Chester Castle the following day, seize the -arms deposited there, cut the telegraph wires, tear up the rails, and -make good their escape by rail to Holyhead, and trust to fortune to -get across to Ireland. It was also understood that they would attack -the banks and jewellers’ shops. It was also given out freely at the -meeting why Chester Castle was selected. Up to midnight on Sunday -Chester was not protected by more than half a dozen soldiers on guard -at the Castle, and twice as many unarmed policemen in the city. Under -their protection were no less than 9,000 stand of arms, 4,000 swords, -and 900,000 rounds of ammunition, in addition to powder in bulk. There -were also stored in another part of the Castle 900 stand of arms -belonging to the militia; and in a small building in the city were 200 -stand of arms belonging to the volunteers. It was stated that the whole -force stationed at the Castle was one company of the 54th Regiment, and -that they were disaffected. The first intimation received in Chester of -the intended raid was at 12.30 a.m. by Mr. Fenwick from Superintendent -Ryde of Liverpool, and was to the effect that an ex-officer of the -American army, who produced his commission as an officer in the Fenian -service, had revealed the whole plot to them. Prompt measures were -taken and the commandant telegraphed to Manchester for reinforcements. -Mr. Fenwick next went to the station and gave instructions for the -trains to be watched as they arrived. At 2.30 a batch of thirty fellows -arrived from Liverpool, and were evidently under the command of an -officer. They marched up and down the platform by twos and threes, and -at length took possession of the first-class refreshment room. They -were soon followed by further detachments of from thirty to sixty from -Liverpool, and some from Manchester, all of similar appearance. These -dispersed quietly into the town. Early in the morning the volunteers -were called out. They were sworn in as special constables. By the -assistance of the police at Liverpool and Manchester, the Chester -police were kept apprised of the different departures of suspected -bodies of men. At three o’clock it was ascertained that over five -hundred of these men had arrived, and that a number of their officers -had been in Chester over night. Early in the afternoon the strangers -became much bolder and assembled in threatening bodies. Fortunately -at this time a company of the 54th Regiment arrived from Manchester, -and the police are strongly inclined to think that this fact saved the -Castle from an attack early in the evening. Affairs went very quietly -up to four o’clock, when a train from Manchester and Stalybridge -brought a reinforcement of four hundred in one batch. Later on forty -men arrived from Halifax and seventy from Leeds. Shortly after five it -was ascertained that the Fenians numbered from 1,400 to 1,500. A number -of men who were supposed to be their leaders collected at a house where -the police had been informed they would meet for orders. - -Spies and scouts had been sent out among the Fenians early in the day, -but found them extremely reticent, and could get no clue from them. At -6 p.m. these scouts brought information that the men were forming in -column on the Liverpool and other principal roads. - -Captain Smith, the county chief constable, had drafted a body of the -county constabulary into the Castle to assist the military. A copy -of the following anonymous letter sent to the chief of the Liverpool -police was received by Major Fenwick in the evening, and coincided -singularly with the information already in his possession: - - DEAR SIR, - - You could do your country much service, as at present there are - 600 men in Chester, to be increased by night to 700, to take - the arms and ammunition of the garrison; and as the garrison is - disaffected, it is supposed they will do it with little loss. - They are to leave Birkenhead by every train from the first in the - morning. All to be there by seven at the latest. They leave in - numbers of from thirty to sixty in every train. - -At night the Mayor convened a public meeting, which was most earnest; -and over 500 citizens were sworn in as special constables, and paraded -the town in large bodies throughout the night. It was deemed desirable -to call out the yeomanry, and for that purpose the permission of Earl -Grosvenor and Lord de Tabley was telegraphed for. Earl Grosvenor -replied that he would come down by the night mail, and accordingly -he and Lord Richard Grosvenor arrived in Chester at 12.48 on Tuesday -morning and remained with the magistrates through the night. - -Before leaving London, Earl Grosvenor communicated with the -Commander-in-Chief, who at once telegraphed that he had ordered a -battalion of Guards by special train to Chester. During the night the -Fenians evidently came to the conclusion that the preparations were too -much for them, and as the night advanced, parties of tens and twenties -were seen leaving, on foot, for Warrington and other neighbouring towns. - -Although all danger of any serious attempt had died away after the -town’s meeting, the police were kept on duty, as many suspicious -characters were still to be seen in the streets. About nine o’clock on -Tuesday morning two haversacks with green bands and a quantity of ball -cartridges of private make were discovered on a piece of vacant land -close to the railway-station. - - - - -REFORM BILL: THREE-CORNERED CONSTITUENCIES (1867). - -=Source.=--Leader’s _Life of the Right Hon. J. A. Roebuck, M.P._, pp. -313–315. (By permission.) (London: Edward Arnold, 1897.) - - -After the Bill, turned inside out by Liberal effort, and presenting -as an Act scarcely any possible resemblance to its original shape, -had established household suffrage, Mr. Roebuck at Sheffield further -explained and justified his course by saying: - -“I made a resolution with myself that, having got Lord Derby into -power, we would, if it were possible, screw out of him a real reform of -Parliament. It always appeared to me that the Whigs never could carry -a second Reform Bill. I stated so in 1859. I was hooted and yelled at -in this very town because I so stated. Then came Lord Derby again, and -then I recollected my old determination. ‘If ever a Reform Bill is -carried,’ I said to myself, ‘it will be by those men, and so sure as -they bring it in, I will support them.’ I steadily supported that Bill, -and what has been the result? We have got a more Liberal Bill than -ever Whig proposed. We have got a Bill that has frightened, I believe, -the very persons who proposed it. It has not frightened me. I believe -we shall now find what the people of England really mean. I have great -confidence in the right-heartedness of my own countrymen. I have no -dread of the future.... We have got a great deal more good out of the -Tory administration than out of anybody else. This Reform Bill is -before us. We have now to work it.... I am sure there can be no harm to -England while we have a free Press, a free people; but with that Press -and constant inter-communication of thought, it will render the passing -of the Reform Bill one of the greatest boons ever conferred upon the -people of this country.” - -On the question of the three-cornered constituencies, Mr. Roebuck -subsequently explained his course in the following letter: - - TO A CONSTITUENT. - - 19, ASHLEY PLACE, S.W. - - The story of the three members’ constituencies is a simple one - and can soon be told. Many attempts to stop and destroy the - Reform Bill were made under the guise of liberality. The project - respecting the three members was one of them. It was thought - that Mr. Disraeli had got to the length of his tether, that - his party would go no further, and that if at this time they - could be induced to recalcitrate, the Liberals who had hitherto - supported the Government must vote with the real enemies of the - Bill, that the Government would be put into a minority, must - go out, and that the Bill would then be defeated. Mr. Disraeli - said in the debate that the Government could not accede to the - proposal, and that the defeat of the Government in the motion - would seriously endanger the Bill. We knew what this meant--viz., - that his party could not be induced to go further in the way of - concession. Seeing this we said: “We will not throw away the - good we have attained for the purpose of adding six members to - large constituencies, and taking away six from small ones. This - benefit, if it should be desired, can easily be obtained from the - new Parliament when it meets. In the meantime we will insure the - Bill.” We voted for the Government, put them into a majority, - and saved the Bill. But Mr. Disraeli, upon consulting his party - again, found that they deemed the trouble of the contest a - greater evil than yielding the point, and they yielded so far as - four members were concerned. I complained of this, and strove for - Sheffield; but I was told that the party of Mr. Disraeli would - go no further than four members, and so, according to my own - expression, Sheffield was left out in the cold. This is the plain - history of the case. It is a story that could be told of many - other similar attempts to defeat the Bill, which attempts were - defeated by our steady determination to carry the Bill, spite of - calumny, spite of threats, spite of abuse. The Bill is now law, - and is law because a number of Liberals were more far-sighted, - ay, and more disinterested, than those who called themselves - leaders of the Liberal party. - - - - -ABYSSINIAN CAPTIVES (1867). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, July 9, 1867. - - -LETTER RECEIVED BY MRS. STERN FROM HER HUSBAND, ONE OF THE CAPTIVES IN -ABYSSINIA. - - MAGDALA, - _May 1, 1867_. - -Another month has passed since I wrote to you, a month like all the -rest in this miserable prison life, full of anxious care and wearisome -inactivity. Sometimes I squat down and try to beguile the tedious -hours by writing sketches of sermons, and by diffusing on closely -written pages the varied incidents of our painful captivity.... In our -immediate neighbourhood matters have not mended much since my last. The -King is still pursuing his work of devastation in the provinces that -are subject to his doubtful sway. The rebels, too, with the disaffected -peasantry for their allies, are doing their utmost to resent the -cruelties of their lately owned ruler and acknowledged chief. The -ruthless ferocity of the King has exhausted the patience of the most -timid and servile, and all appear now to be animated by one deep and -ardent passion--viz., the overthrow of the tyrant. The army he once had -at his behest is scattered in bands of rebels all over the country; -and as he can never recruit again his incredibly diminished hordes, -he will be forced to make this Amba his last asylum and tomb, or, -followed by a few faithful adherents and the most valuable captives, -seek a home in the marshy jungles and entangled feverish villages of -the lowlands. Whatever the issue of the contest may be, our prospects, -humanly speaking, are anything but bright. We have friends near and -around us, but in this land cupidity and avarice dissolve every bond, -even the most tender and sacred; and after all that has transpired, -the pettiest and most contemptible chieftain, if he gets us into his -power, may think that by retaining in his clutches a few defenceless -Europeans he will make his fortune.... About a fortnight ago all the -European employés, with the exception of two old men, were, together -with their wives and children and their property, with Mrs. Rosenthal -and Mrs. Flad, seized. The motives which prompted His Majesty to adopt -such measures of severity towards individuals who have always been most -subservient and obsequious to his whims is still a mystery. The King -brought various trumpery charges against them, which they repelled -with energy. Their property has been partially restored to them, but -they are confined in Debra Tabir, where they are guarded, but not -chained. It is said that the report of Mr. Flad’s returning without the -artisans, etc., furnished the ostensible cause for their imprisonment. -This outburst of unprovoked resentment augurs nothing auspicious for -us, and probably our position, as the majority of us expected, will -not be enhanced by Mr. Flad’s return. Negotiations and delays might -have averted the storm, but now as it seems looming nearer and nearer, -we say, “Thy will be done.” You and all interested in our liberation, -notwithstanding all that has been written from hence, must have been -grievously deceived about the character of the King. Presents with -another man might have effected our deliverance, but King Theodorus, -though not loath to accept the one, wants the hostages as well--a -security, as he imagines, for ever-increasing concessions. - - - _May 2._ - -I just add a line to my letter of yesterday, as it is doubtful whether -the opportunity for writing will not before many days have elapsed -become exceedingly difficult, if not utterly impossible. The return of -Mr. Flad, the disappointment of the King in not obtaining the requested -accession to his white victims, and the consciousness that neither -intrigue nor cunning will avail him to extort fresh concessions from -the British Government, or the generosity of the British Christians, -all, I believe, combine to bring before long our melancholy and doleful -history to a crisis. Every day, nay, every hour, we expect to be -transferred to the common prison, and to get hand-chains again. Only -a week ago upwards of 200 prisoners, among whom are many persons of -high rank, were ordered to be executed. This indiscriminate massacre, -which has probably been prompted by the want of guards to protect them, -indicates no improvement in the tyrant’s temper. We fear that wilful, -wicked misrepresentations, and cruel, unpardonable selfishness united -in concealing the true state of our position and the well-known designs -of the King.... - - HENRY A. STERN. - - - - -DISRAELI’S “MAUNDY THURSDAY” LETTER (1868). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, April 14, 1868. - - -_The following letter, addressed to the Rev. Arthur Baker, was sent to -the “Times” for publication_: - - HUGHENDEN MANOR, - _Maundy Thursday, 1868_. - - REVEREND SIR, - -I have just received your letter, in which, as one of my constituents, -you justify your right to ask for some explanation of my alleged -assertion that the High Church Ritualists had been long in secret -combination, and were now in open confederacy with Irish Romanists for -the destruction of the union between Church and State.... - -You are under a misapprehension if you suppose that I intended to cast -any slur upon the High Church party. I have the highest respect for the -High Church party; I believe there is no body of men in this country to -which we have been more indebted, from the days of Queen Anne to the -days of Queen Victoria, for the maintenance of the orthodox faith, the -rights of the Crown, and the liberties of the people. - -In saying this I have no wish to intimate that the obligations of -the country to the other great party in the Church are not equally -significant. I have never looked upon the existence of parties in -the Church as a calamity; I look upon them as a necessity, and as a -beneficent necessity. They are the natural and inevitable consequences -of the mild and liberal principles of our ecclesiastical polity, and of -the varying and opposite elements of the human mind and character. - -When I spoke, I referred to an extreme faction in the Church, of -very modern date, that does not conceal its ambition to destroy the -connection between Church and State, and which I have reason to believe -has been for some time in secret combination, and is now in open -confederacy, with the Irish Romanists for the purpose. - -The Liberation Society, with its shallow and short-sighted fanaticism, -is a mere instrument in the hands of this confederacy, and will -probably be the first victim of the spiritual despotism the Liberation -Society is now blindly working to establish. - -As I hold that the dissolution of the union between Church and State -will cause permanently a greater revolution in this country than -foreign conquest, I shall use my utmost energies to defeat these fatal -machinations. - -Believe me, Rev. Sir, your faithful member and servant, - - B. DISRAELI. - - THE REV. ARTHUR BAKER, A.M., - RECTOR OF ADDINGTON. - - - - -ABYSSINIAN WAR: CAPTURE OF MAGDALA (1868). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, April 28, 1868. - - -DESPATCHES FROM THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF (SIR ROBERT NAPIER). - - _Without date._ - -1. An Engagement took place before Magdala on Good Friday between our -troops and the army of Theodore, in which the latter was defeated with -heavy loss. - -Casualties on our side--Captain Roberts, fourth Foot, wounded in the -arm, and fifteen rank and file wounded. - -No one killed. - -On the two following days Theodore sent into our camp every European -that he had in his power, both captives and employés. - -Theodore has not yet surrendered himself, according to my demand. He -has been given twenty-four hours to decide. The King’s troops are -completely demoralised. - - ROBERT NAPIER. - - - _April 14._ - -2. Theodore’s army much disheartened by the severe losses of the 10th -instant. - -A portion of the chiefs surrendered the most formidable position of -Shilasse(?), and many thousand fighting men laid down their arms. - -Theodore retired to Magdala with all who remained faithful. - -Magdala taken by assault on the 13th under cover of Armstrong steel -guns, eight-inch mortars, and rocket battery. - -Ascent to gates most formidable. Theodore killed, defending to the -last; our loss small. - -Army will return immediately. About--guns and mortars taken. - - ROBERT NAPIER. - - -DESPATCHES FROM “TIMES” SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT. - - _April 12._ - -King Theodore attacked the First Brigade near Magdala on Good Friday, -but was repulsed with heavy loss--about 500 men being killed.... -Darkness stopped the pursuit. - -The enemy left their wounded on the field. On Saturday King Theodore -sent in a flag of truce and offered to treat for unconditional -surrender of the English prisoners. The captives have joined the camp. - -It is believed the remaining Europeans will be surrendered. - -The Abyssinian troops are utterly disheartened. - -Theodore has attempted suicide. - - _April 14._ - -Magdala was stormed yesterday. Theodore was deserted by nearly all his -army, but made a desperate resistance with a few devoted followers. - -Theodore killed himself with his pistol as the British troops -approached him. - -The British loss was about ten men wounded.... - - -DESPATCH FROM SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT OF “NEW YORK HERALD.” - - MAGDALA, - _April 13_. - -The truce ended this morning. King Theodore had not surrendered. -Fallas Fellasse(?) Islange had surrendered at once without fighting. -Theodore had retreated to Magdala. He planted five guns at the base of -the ascent. When General Napier came in sight, the King opened fire. -The English replied with ten-pounder Armstrong guns, and seven-pounder -rockets. The King left his guns, barricaded the sally-ports, and opened -with musketry. He gave no signs of surrendering. The bombardment -lasted three hours. An assault was then ordered. The fortress was -carried after vigorous resistance. The Abyssinian loss, is 68 killed -and 200 wounded. The English loss is 15 wounded, rank and file. King -Theodore was found dead, shot in the head. His body was recognized by -the Europeans who had been released. Some say he was killed in battle, -and others that he committed suicide. His two sons have been taken -prisoners. The fortress presents many evidences of barbaric splendour. -Among the trophies taken are 4 gold crowns, 20,000 dollars, 1,000 -silver plates, many jewels and other articles, 5,000 stands of arms, -28 pieces of artillery, 10,000 shields and 10,000 spears. The European -prisoners [numbering 60 men, women, and children] will depart for the -sea-coast to-morrow. The army will depart immediately. - - - - -DISESTABLISHMENT OF THE IRISH CHURCH (1868). - -=Source.=--_Speeches of John Bright_, edited by J. E. Thorold Rogers, -pp. 219, 220. (Macmillan and Co., 1869.) - - -SPEECH ON MR. GLADSTONE’S RESOLUTIONS FOR DISESTABLISHING THE IRISH -CHURCH. - -Now I challenge any hon. gentleman on the other side to deny this: -that out of half a million Episcopalians in Ireland there are -many--there are some in the Irish nobility, some landed proprietors, -some magistrates, even some of the clergy, a great many Irishmen--who -believe at this moment that it is of the very first importance that -the proposition of the right hon. gentleman, the Member for South -Lancashire, should be carried. I am not going to overstate my case. I -do not say that all of them are of that opinion. Of that half-million -say that one-fourth--I will state no number--but of this I am quite -certain, that there is an influential, a considerable, and, as I -believe, a wise minority, who are in favour of distinct and decided -action on the part of Parliament with regard to this question. But if -you ask the whole Roman Catholic population of Ireland, be they nobles, -or landed proprietors, or merchants, or farmers, or labourers--the -whole number of the Catholic population in Ireland being, I suppose, -eight or nine times the number of Episcopalians--these are probably, -without exception, of opinion that it would be greatly advantageous -and just to their country if the proposition submitted on this side -of the House should receive the sanction of Parliament. Now, if some -Protestants and all Catholics are agreed that we should remove this -Church, what would happen if Ireland were 1,000 miles away and we were -discussing it as we might discuss the same state of affairs in Canada? -If we were to have in Canada and in Australia all this disloyalty among -the Roman Catholic population owing to the existence of a State Church -there, the House would be unanimous that the State Church in those -Colonies should be abolished, and that perfect freedom in religion -should be given. - -But there is a fear in the mind of the right hon. gentleman the Home -Secretary that the malady which would exist in Ireland might cross -the Channel and appear in England; that, in fact, the disorder of -Voluntaryism, as he deems it, in Ireland, like any other contagious -disorder, might cross the Channel by force of the west wind, lodging -first in Scotland, and then crossing the Tweed and coming south to -England. I think the right hon. gentleman went so far as to say that -he was so much in favour of religious equality that if you went so -far as to disestablish the Church in Ireland, he would recommend the -same policy for England. Now, with regard to that, I will give you -an anecdote which has reference to Scotland. Some years ago I had -the pleasure of spending some days in Scotland at the house of the -late Earl of Aberdeen after he had ceased to be Prime Minister. He -was talking of the disruption of the Church of Scotland, and he said -that nothing in the course of his public life had given him so much -pain as the disruption and the establishment of the Free Church in -that country; but he said he had lived long enough to discover that -it was one of the greatest blessings that had ever come to Scotland. -He said that they had a vast increase in the number of churches, a -corresponding increase in the number of manses or ministers’ houses, -and that schools had increased, also, to an extraordinary extent; -that there had been imparted to the Established Church a vitality and -energy which it had not known for a long period; and that education, -morality, and religion had received a great advancement in Scotland in -consequence of that change. Therefore, after all, it is not the most -dreadful thing in the world--not so bad as a great earthquake--or as -many other things that have happened. I am not quite sure that the -Scottish people themselves may not some day ask you--if you do not -yourselves introduce and pass it without their asking--to allow their -State Church to be disestablished. - -I met only the other day a most intelligent gentleman from the north of -Scotland, and he told me that the minister of the church he frequented -had £250 a year from the Establishment Funds, which he thought very -much too little, and he felt certain that if the Establishment were -abolished and the Church made into a Free Church, the salary of the -minister would be immediately advanced to at least £500 a year. That is -a very good argument for the ministers, and we shall see, by-and-by, if -the conversion of Scotland proceeds much further, that you may be asked -to disestablish their Church. - - - - -THE IRISH CHURCH BILL: CRITICAL DAYS (1869). - -=Source.=--Morley’s _Life of Gladstone_, vol. ii., pp. 273–276. -(Macmillan and Co.) - - -On July 16, the Bill, restored substantially to its first shape, was -again back on the table of the Lords, and shipwreck seemed for five -days to be inevitable. On July 20, at eleven o’clock, by a majority of -175 to 93, the Lords once more excluded from the preamble the words -that the Commons had placed and replaced there, in order to declare -the policy of Parliament on matters ecclesiastical in Ireland. This -involved a meaning which Mr. Gladstone declared that no power on earth -could induce the Commons to accept. The crisis was of unsurpassed -anxiety for the Prime Minister. He has left his own record of its -phases: - -_Saturday, July 17._--By desire of the Cabinet I went to Windsor in -the afternoon and represented to H. M. what it was in our power to -do--namely, although we had done all we could do upon the merits, yet, -for the sake of peace and of the House of Lords, [we were willing] -(_a_) to make some one further pecuniary concession to the Church -of sensible though not very large amount; (_b_) to make a further -concession as to curates, slight in itself; (_c_) to amend the residue -clause so as to give to Parliament the future control, and to be -content with simply declaring the principle on which the property -should be distributed.... - -The further pecuniary concession we were prepared to recommend would be -some £170,000 or £180,000. - -_Sunday, July 18._--In the afternoon Lord Granville called on me and -brought me a confidential memorandum, containing an overture which Mr. -Disraeli had placed in the hands of Lord Bessborough for communication -to us.... While the contention as to the residue was abandoned, and -pecuniary concessions alone were sought, the demand amounted, according -to our computation, to between £900,000 and £1,000,000. This it was -evident was utterly inadmissible. I saw no possibility of approach to -it, and considered that a further quarter of a million or thereabouts -was all that the House of Commons could be expected or asked further to -concede. - -_Monday, July 19._--Those members of the Government who had acted as a -sort of Committee in the Irish Church question met in the afternoon. -We were all agreed in opinion that the Disraeli overture must be -rejected, though without closing the door, and a reply was prepared in -this sense, which Lord Granville undertook to send. [Draft in the above -sense that no sum approaching £1,000,000 could be entertained]. - -_Tuesday, July 20._--The Archbishop (Dr. Tait), who had communicated -with Lord Cairns in the interval, came to me early to-day and brought -a memorandum as a basis of agreement, which, to my surprise, demanded -higher terms than those of Mr. Disraeli. I told the Archbishop the -terms in which we had already expressed ourselves to Mr. Disraeli. -Meanwhile an answer had come from Mr. Disraeli stating that he could -not do more. Then followed the meeting of the opposition peers at the -Duke of Marlborough’s. - -_Wednesday, July 21._--The Cabinet met at eleven, and I went to it -in the mind of last night. [Not to abandon the Bill absolutely, but -only to suspend the Government’s responsibility for it, leaving the -Opposition to work their own will, and with the intention, when this -had been done, of considering the matter further]. We discussed, -however, at great lengths all possible methods of proceeding that -occurred to us. The course adopted was to go through the endowment -amendments, and if they were carried adversely, then to drop their -responsibility. - -_Thursday, July 22._--I was laid up to-day and the transactions were -carried on by Lord Granville, in communication with me from time to -time at my house. - -The proceedings of this critical day are narrated by Lord Granville in -a memorandum to Mr. Gladstone dated August 4. - -“After seeing you, I met Lord Cairns at the Colonial Office. He offered -me terms.... I asked him whether, in his opinion, he, the Archbishop, -and I could carry anything we agreed upon. He said, ‘Yes, certainly.’ -After seeing you, I met Lord Cairns a second time in his room in the -House of Lords. I asked, as a preliminary to giving any opinion on his -amendments, how he proposed to deal with the preamble. He said, ‘To -leave it as amended by the Lords.’ I then proposed the words which were -afterwards adopted in the 68th clause. He was at first taken aback, -but admitted that he had personally no objection to them.... We agreed -upon the commutation clause if the 7 and the 5 per cent. were lumped -together. On the curates’ clause we could come to no agreement. He -proposed to see Lord Salisbury and the Archbishop, and to meet again -at four at the Colonial Office. He spoke with fairness as to the -difficulty of his position, and the risk he ran with his own party. -I again saw you, and asked the Irish Attorney-General to be present -at the last interview. I stated to him in Lord Cairns’ presence how -far we agreed, and expressed my regret that on the last point--the -curates--our difference was irreconcilable. Lord Cairns said he hoped -not, and proceeded to argue strongly in favour of his proposal. He at -last, however, at 4.30, compromised the matter by accepting five years -instead of one. I shook his hand, which was trembling with nervousness. -We discussed the form of announcing the arrangement to the House. We -at once agreed it was better to tell the whole truth, and soon settled -that it would be better for its success that he should announce the -details. I was afterwards apprehensive that this latter arrangement -might be disadvantageous to us, but nothing could be better or fairer -than his statement.” - -“The news was brought to me on my sofa,” Mr. Gladstone says, “and -between five and six o’clock I was enabled to telegraph to the Queen. -My telegram was followed up by a letter at 7 p.m., which announced that -the arrangement had been accepted by the House of Lords, and that a -general satisfaction prevailed.” - -To the Queen he wrote (July 22): - -“Mr. Gladstone is at a loss to account for the great change in the tone -and views of the Opposition since Sunday and Monday and even Tuesday -last, but on this topic it is needless to enter. As to the principal -matters, the basis of the arrangement on the side of the Government -is much the same as was intended when Mr. Gladstone had the honour -of an audience at Windsor on Saturday; but various minor concessions -have been added. Mr. Gladstone does not doubt that, if the majority -of the House of Lords should accede to the advice of Lord Cairns, the -Government will be able to induce the House of Commons to agree on the -conditions proposed. Mr. Gladstone would in vain strive to express to -your Majesty the relief, thankfulness, and satisfaction with which he -contemplates not only the probable passing of what many believe to be a -beneficent and necessary measure, but the undoubted and signal blessing -of an escape from a formidable constitutional conflict.” - - - - -THE IRISH LAND BILL (1870). - -=Source.=--Morley’s _Life of Gladstone_, vol. ii., pp. 293, 294. -(Macmillan and Co.) - - -Public opinion was ripening. The _Times_ made a contribution of the -first importance to the discussion, in a series of letters from a -correspondent, that almost for the first time brought the facts of -Irish land before the general public. A pamphlet from Mill, then at -the height of his influence, upon both writers and readers, startled -them by the daring proposition, that the only plan was to buy out the -landlords. The whole host of Whig economists and lawyers fell heavily -upon him in consequence. The new voters showed that they were not -afraid of new ideas. It was not until January 25 that peril was at an -end inside the Government. - -_January 25, 1870._--Cabinet. The great difficulties of the Irish Land -Bill THERE are now over. Thank God! - -_February 7._--With the Prince of Wales 3¼–4¼ explaining to him the -Land Bill and other matters. He has certainly much natural intelligence. - -_February 15._--Introduced the Irish Land Bill in a speech of 3¼ hours. -Well received by the House at large. - -The policy of the Bill as tersely explained by Mr. Gladstone in a -letter to Manning was “to prevent the landlord from using the terrible -weapon of undue and unjust eviction by so framing the handle that it -shall cut his hands with the sharp edge of pecuniary damages. The man -evicted without any fault, and suffering the usual loss by it, will -receive whatever the custom of the country gives, and where there is -no custom, according to a scale, besides whatever he can claim for -permanent buildings or reclamation of land. Wanton eviction will, -as I hope, be extinguished by provisions like these. And if they -extinguish wanton eviction, they will also extinguish those demands -for _unjust_ augmentations of rent, which are only formidable to -the occupier, because the power of wanton or arbitrary eviction is -behind them.” What seems so simple, and what was so necessary, marked -in truth a vast revolutionary stride. It transferred to the tenant -a portion of the absolute ownership, and gave him something like an -estate in his holding. The statute contained a whole code of minor -provisions, including the extension of Mr. Bright’s clauses for peasant -proprietorship in the Church Act; but this transfer was what gave the -Act its place in solid legal form. The second reading was carried -by 442 to 11, the minority being composed of eight Irish members of -advanced type and three English Tories. The Bill was at no point fought -high by the Opposition. Mr. Disraeli moved an amendment, limiting -compensation to unexhausted improvements. The Government majority fell -to 76, “a result to be expected,” Mr. Gladstone reports, “considering -the natural leanings of English and Scotch members to discount in -Ireland what they would not apply in Great Britain. They are not very -familiar with land tenures.” One fact of much significance he notes in -these historic proceedings. “Disraeli,” he writes to the Duke of Argyll -(April 21, 1870), “has not spoken one word against valuation of rents -or perpetuity of tenure.” It was from the House of his friends that -danger came. - -_April 4._--H. of C. Spoke on Disraeli’s amendment. A majority of 76, -but the navigation is at present extremely critical. - -_April 7._--H. of C. A most ominous day from end to end. Early in the -evening I gave a review of the state of the Bill, and later another -menace of overturn if the motion of Mr. W. Fowler [a Liberal banker] -should be carried. We had a majority of only 32. - -To Lord Russell he writes (April 12): - -“I am in the hurry-scurry of preparation for a run into the country, -but I must not omit to thank you for your kind and welcome letter. We -have had a most anxious time in regard to the Irish Land Bill. The fear -that our Land Bill may cross the water creates a sensitive state of -mind among all Tories, many Whigs, and a few Radicals.” - -Phillimore records a visit in these critical days: - -_April 8._--Gladstone looked worn and fagged. Very affectionate and -confidential, Gladstone feels keenly the want of support in debate. -Bright ill. Lowe no moral weight. “I feel when I have spoken, that I -have not a shot in my locker.” - -As a very accomplished journalist of the day wrote, there was -something almost painful in the strange phenomenon of a Prime Minister -fighting as it were all but single-handed the details of his own -great measure through the ambuscades and charges of a numerous and -restless enemy--and of an enemy determined apparently to fritter away -the principle of the measure under the pretence of modifying its -details. “No Prime Minister has ever attempted any task like it--a -task involving the most elaborate departmental readiness, in addition -to the general duties and fatigues of a Prime Minister, and that too -in a session when questions are showered like hail upon the Treasury -bench.”[A] Then the Government put on pressure and the majority sprang -up to eighty. - -The debate in the Commons lasted over three and a half months; or about -a fortnight longer than had been taken by the Church Bill. The third -reading was carried without a division. In the Lords the Bill was read -a second time without a division. Few persons clearly foresaw that it -was the first step of a vast transfer of property, and that in a few -years it would become customary for Ministers of the Crown to base all -their legislation on the doctrine that Irish land is not an undivided -ownership, but a simple partnership.[B] - - [A] _Spectator._ - - [B] Lecky, _Democracy and Liberty_, vol. i., p. 165. - - - - -EDUCATION BILL: THE COWPER-TEMPLE CLAUSE (1870). - -=Source.=--_Life of the Right Hon. W. E. Forster, M.P._, by T. Wemyss -Reid, vol. i., pp. 501–503. (Chapman and Hall, 1888.) - - -The fate of the Bill was still in suspense. No one could be quite -sure that Mr. Gladstone intended to press forward with it during that -session. Mr. Gladstone himself held strongly to the Bill in the shape -in which it had first been introduced; but he had been startled and -alarmed by the rising of the Liberal party against it, and he did not -appear to share the robust self-confidence with which Mr. Forster -faced the formidable flank attacks that were being delivered upon the -Government from the benches below the gangway. On June 12 Mr. Forster -submitted to Mr. Gladstone a Memorandum on the subject of the measure -and the rival amendments which had been proposed by the representatives -of the different sections of their own party. - -“The first question which suggests itself,” said Mr. Forster in this -Memorandum, “is, Why listen to either of their amendments? Why -not stick to our Bill as it stands? Our proposal that the majority -should have what religious teaching it pleases, while the minority is -protected, is logical and impartial in theory, and would work well -in practice. Can we not, then, carry it? Yes, with the help of the -Opposition; but I fear a majority of our side of the House would vote -against it. All the Radicals--not merely men like Fawcett, but earnest -supporters of the Bill like Mundella--all the Dissenters from Baines -to Richards, would find themselves forced to oppose us, and they would -be followed, or rather led, into the lobby by the Whigs, by Sir George -Grey and Whitbread; and all our best friends, like Brand, would beg us -to prevent a division which would break up the party.” - -Clearly Mr. Forster, when he penned this Memorandum, had no liking -for the idea of carrying the Bill by means of the votes of the -Opposition and against those of his party. After discussing the various -amendments, he declared himself in favour of one proposed by Mr. -Cowper-Temple, which was virtually identical with his own suggestion to -Lord Ripon in the letter of May 18. By this amendment it was ordered -that no catechism or religious formulary distinctive of any particular -denomination should be taught in the public schools. - -“It may be said,” continued Mr. Forster in his Memorandum, “that this -plan is unjust inasmuch as it does not give the majority which prefers -catechisms the same chance as the majority which does not, and it is -insufficient because it still leaves the Boards free to quarrel as to -whether they will have the Scriptural teaching or purely secular, or -the quasi-secular schools suggested by Richards. To the last objection -the sole reply, and to my mind the sufficient reply, is that this plan -will be acceptable to a large majority in the House and in the country, -because by excluding the Catechism it silences the rallying-cries of -controversy and limits the range for dispute; and because it binds, by -Act of Parliament, to have none of the theoretical character teaching -which would naturally be given by the schoolmaster to young children -in a common school, but to which the local bodies wish to be guided by -Parliament. - -“With regard to the majorities which decidedly prefer catechisms, -especially the Catholics, I think we can and should meet their case. -I confess I cannot but think this would have been easier to do if we -had framed the Bill in accordance with my original Memorandum, and, -prescribing Bible lessons as a rule, had then made allowance for -exceptional localities, desiring either purely secular or distinctive -schools.” - -On June 16 the debate on the Bill was at last resumed, and Mr. -Gladstone then made a statement which in substance was merely an -amplification of Mr. Forster’s suggestion. - - - - -THE GOVERNMENT AND THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR (1870). - -=Source.=--Morley’s _Life of Gladstone_, vol. ii., p. 341. (Macmillan -and Co., 1903.) - - -LETTER FROM MR. GLADSTONE TO JOHN BRIGHT (AUGUST 1, 1870). - -Although some members of the Cabinet were inclined on the outbreak -of this most miserable war to make military preparations, others, -Lord Granville and I among them, by no means shared that disposition, -nor I think was the feeling of Parliament that way inclined. But the -publication of the Treaty has altered all this, and has thrown upon -us the necessity either of doing something fresh to secure Belgium, -or else of saying that under no circumstances would we take any step -to secure her from absorption. This publication [text of a projected -agreement between the French and Prussian Governments] has wholly -altered the feeling of the House of Commons, and no Government could -at this moment venture to give utterance to such an intention about -Belgium. But neither do we think it would be right, even if it were -safe, to announce that we would in any case stand by with folded arms -and see actions done which would amount to a total extinction of public -right in Europe. - - - - -MR. LOWE’S BUDGET: THE MATCH-TAX (1871). - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated London News_, April 22, 1871. - - -On Thursday the Chancellor of the Exchequer made his usual financial -statement. It appeared that the deficiency this year amounted to -£2,800,000, and the right hon. gentleman proposes to meet it by -increasing the probate and legacy duty; in the first degree from 1 to -2 per cent.; in the second degree from 3 to 3½ per cent., and in the -third degree from 3½ to 5 per cent., estimating the gain to the revenue -of about £1,000,000. He also proposed to equalise the duties payable -on testate and intestate property, making it in all 2 per cent. He -next proposed to put a halfpenny stamp on each box of lucifer matches -containing not more than one hundred, and a penny on each box of vesta -matches containing not more than one hundred. By the former he expected -to gain £550,000, and £300,000 by the latter. This, he estimated, would -reduce his deficit to £1,950,000, and that he proposed to make up by -increasing the income-tax from £1 13s. 4d. to £2 4s. per cent., which -he calculated would make up the remaining deficit. - - - - -OPPOSITION TO THE MATCH-TAX. - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated London News_, April 29, 1871. - - -A numerous gathering of persons employed in the manufacture of matches -was held on Sunday afternoon in Victoria Park, at which a resolution -was unanimously passed condemning Mr. Lowe’s proposed impost in strong -terms. According to one of the speakers, the daily bread of 15,000 -persons in the east of London depends upon the trade in matches. -Several thousand persons engaged in the match trade on Monday assembled -in the Bow Road, and having formed a procession, set out to march -to the House of Commons, there to present a petition against the -threatened duty on matches. At a short distance from its starting-point -the procession was broken up by the police, but the people managed in -some degree to re-form their ranks, and, after many difficulties (more -especially in their progress along the Thames Embankment), they arrived -at the Houses of Parliament. This, however, was not accomplished -without another collision with the police, in which one or two arrests -were made. One party of the processionists even succeeded in making -their way into Westminster Hall, but they were speedily removed. - - - - -PURCHASE IN THE ARMY ABOLISHED BY ROYAL WARRANT (1871). - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated London News_, July 22, 1871. - - -On Thursday (July 20) Sir George Grey asked the Government whether -that House, having sanctioned their proposal for the indemnification -of officers on the abolition of purchase in the Army, they intend to -take measures to prevent the future violation of the law involved -in the continued payment of over-regulation prices for commissions. -Mr. Gladstone made a long reply, in the course of which he stated -that, after consideration, the Government had resolved to advise Her -Majesty to take the decisive step of cancelling the warrant under which -purchase was legal. That advice had been accepted and acted upon by Her -Majesty, and a new warrant had now been framed in terms conformable -to the law, so that it was his duty to announce, on the part of the -Government, that at present purchase in the Army no longer existed. -(Loud and continued cheers.) - -When he said that purchase no longer existed, he was reminded by his -right hon. friend (Mr. Cardwell) to explain that it did not mean -that it was extinguished from the present moment, but a day had been -named--November 1 of the present year--from and after which there could -be no purchase or sale of commissions in the British Army. Although -the amendment of the Duke of Richmond had been carried in the House of -Lords [155 for the amendment, which was against the second reading, -130 against], he was advised that that would not prevent the Bill -from being proceeded with; and it would now remain to be seen how the -House of Lords would act under the circumstances which he had stated, -and whether, purchase being abolished, they would go on with the other -portions of the Bill. - -In conclusion, he begged to say that, come what might, under all -circumstances the Government would use the best means in their power, -mindful of the honourable pledges they had given, to secure at the -hands of Parliament just and liberal terms for the officers. - -Mr. Disraeli entered his protest against the course the Prime Minister -had taken, and said that Minister was most unwise, who, being baffled -in passing an important measure through one House of the Legislature, -took upon himself the responsibility and danger of advising the Queen -to exercise her prerogative and set the opinion of that House at -defiance. - - - - -THE FIRST AUGUST BANK HOLIDAY (1871). - -=Source.=--_The Illustrated London News_, August 19, 1871. - - -The first statute holiday of the first Monday in August, under the -Bank Holidays Act, was very generally observed on the 7th; and another -year this holiday will probably be still more general. The name of -Sir John Lubbock and the first Monday in August will henceforth be -associated with pleasant recollections in the minds of the clerks -of the bankers, brokers, merchants, and traders of the city. At all -events, the principal employers of labour in the City, many in the east -and a few in the west, took advantage of the provision contained in the -new Act, and closed their establishments. The Government offices in -the City remained open, but all the warehouses and offices of public -companies, the Royal Exchange and Lloyd’s, and nearly all the retail -shops in Cannon Street, the Poultry, and Cornhill, were closed. The -holiday having been wisely fixed for Monday, a large number of those -for whose benefit the measure was more especially passed were able to -leave town on Saturday afternoon, and thus to secure two clear days in -the country. But still many thousands thronged to the railway stations -in the morning. Notwithstanding this exodus of pleasure-seekers, the -principal exhibitions and places of amusement had fully the average -number of visitors.... - -In the east end of the town many of the manufactories were closed, and -several of the great capitalists, who give their workmen an annual -“treat,” engaged fields in which the workmen, with their wives and -families, were entertained and amused with outdoor sports. By rail -and by river more than 10,000 Oddfellows of the North London District -of the Manchester Unity went down to the North Woolwich Gardens to -take part in a fête held for the benefit of the widows and orphans of -deceased members. On Monday night the great thoroughfares in the City -leading from the railways--especially at Ludgate Hill, the Bank, and -Gracechurch Street--were filled with holiday folks “homeward bound.” -Several schools gave a whole holiday to the pupils, and children of all -ages formed part of most of the groups. Not a tipsy or ill-conducted -person could be seen. The day had been glorious, and the sum of -happiness and social and domestic enjoyment evidently conferred by this -first Bank Holiday in August testifies to the wisdom of the Legislature. - - - - -BIBLE READING IN SCHOOLS (1871). - -=Source.=--_Life of Thomas Henry Huxley_, by his Son, vol. ii., pp. -342, 343. (Macmillan and Co., 1900.) - - -At the first meeting of the Education Committee of the London School -Board, Mr. W. H. Smith, M.P., proposed, and Mr. Samuel Morley, M.P., -seconded a resolution in favour of religious teaching. “That in the -schools provided by the Board, the Bible shall be read, and there -shall be given therefrom such explanations and such instruction in the -principles of religion and morality as are suited to the capacities -of children,” with certain provisos. Several antagonistic amendments -were proposed; but Professor Huxley gave his support to Mr. Smith’s -resolutions, which, however, he thought might “be trimmed and amended -in a way that the Rev. Dr. Angus had suggested. His speech, defining -his own position, was a very remarkable one. He said it was assumed -in the public mind that this question of religious instruction was a -little family quarrel between the different sects of Protestantism -on the one hand, and the old Catholic Church on the other. Side by -side with this much shivered and splintered Protestantism of theirs, -and with the united fabric of the Catholic Church (not so strong -temporally as she used to be, otherwise he might not have been -addressing them at that moment), there was a third party growing -up into very considerable and daily increasing significance, which -had nothing to do with either of those great parties, and which was -pushing its own way independent of them, having its own religion and -morality, which rested in no way whatever on the foundations of the -other two.” He thought that “the action of the Board should be guided -and influenced very much by the consideration of this third great -aspect of things,” which he called the scientific aspect, for want of a -better name. “It had been very justly said that they had a great mass -of low, half-instructed population which owed what little redemption -from ignorance and barbarism it possessed mainly to the efforts of -the clergy of the different denominations. Any system of gaining the -attention of these people to these matters must be a system connected -with, or not too rudely divorced from, their own system of belief. He -wanted regulations, not in accordance with what he himself thought was -right, but in the direction in which thought was moving.” He wanted an -elastic system that did not oppose any obstacle to the free play of the -public mind. Huxley voted against all the proposed amendments, and in -favour of Mr. Smith’s motion. There were only three who voted against -it; while the three Roman Catholic members refrained from voting. This -basis of religious instruction, practically unaltered, has remained the -law of the Board ever since. - -There was a controversy in the papers between Professor Huxley and -the Rev. W. H. Freemantle as to the nature of the explanation of the -Bible lessons. Huxley maintained that it should be purely grammatical, -geographical, and historical in its nature; Freemantle that it should -include some species of distinct religious teaching, but not of a -denominational character. - - - - -GENEVA ARBITRATION: THE INDIRECT CLAIMS (1872). - -=Source.=--_Life of the Right Hon. W. E. Forster, M.P._, by T. Wemyss -Reid, vol. ii., pp. 22, 23. (Chapman and Hall, 1888.) - - -But when everything seemed to be settled, and there was at last -good hope of the final removal of the long-standing obstacle to the -friendship of the two peoples, a new difficulty made its appearance in -a very unexpected quarter. This was the claim for indirect damages, -which were set forth in the “case” of America, as it was presented -to the Court of Arbitration at Geneva. Great was the indignation in -England when, at the close of January, 1872, it first became known -that the American Government was prepared to prefer this demand. The -Cabinet was at once summoned to consider the question, and some of -the members were for forthwith withdrawing from the arbitration. Mr. -Forster was in favour of a more moderate and prudent course, but at the -same time he felt strongly as to the unfairness of the demand made by -America. “Clearly,” he writes in his diary (January 30, 1872), “this -claim is sharp practice by the Americans, as the protocols prove that -they had waived the indirect claims. Our Press is very indignant and -exigeant, the _Daily News_ leading. A cool head and a cool temper -wanted. I asked Tenterden to dinner to talk the matter over with him. -He is strong against diplomatic negotiations, and recommends a protest -and refusal to submit the indirect claims to the arbitration to be -delivered through our agent to the tribunal to the United States agent, -both being appointed by Article 2 of the Treaty. Thereby diplomatic -wrangling would be avoided, and the Yankees would not be forced to -immediate reply while the Presidential caucus is at its height. I -never felt any matter so serious. (January 31.) Drew up a memorandum -urging communication through the agents rather than by despatch, on -the ‘Alabama’ hitch. Took it to Granville; then sent it to Gladstone, -asking him whether he would object to its circulation. Found a note -from G---- assenting to circulation, so sent F---- off with the box. -(February 2.) My box returned. All the Ministers’ minutes against me, -except Gladstone, Granville, Ripon, and Chancellor.” - -The question was discussed in the Cabinet, but the opinion was not -favourable to Mr. Forster’s proposal, who had to give way. - -(P. 26.) In February General Schenck [the leader of the American House -of Representatives, who was in England] unofficially proposed four -possible plans by way of settling the difficulty: (1) A lump sum paid -by England; (2) a maximum sum paid by England to cover all claims, -direct or indirect, supposing the arbitrators found against us; (3) -proceeding with our arbitration under our protest that we did not -consider the indirect claims within the Treaty, and could not abide by -any decision against us as respected them, or pay in respect of them -any gross sum or portion thereof; (4) an exchange of Vancouver’s Island -for the indirect claims, upon the principle that both treaties were -open to two interpretations.... - -Eventually ministers agreed to fall in with the American suggestion of -a supplemental treaty, or, rather, of a supplemental article to the -existing treaty. - -[NOTE.--On June 19 the arbitrators rejected altogether the indirect -claims.] - - - - -AN EARLY ELECTION UNDER THE BALLOT ACT (1872). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, September 14, 1872. - - -Usually an election day here has been a day of great political tumult -and uproar. But to-day the general aspect of things was changed. When -the poll opened the principal streets of the town were almost as -quiet as usual. At the polling-booths, thirty-seven in number, there -was very little crowding, and generally the town seemed to have got -up no earlier than usual this morning, though in an extreme state of -mystification. At each polling-booth there was erected, under contract -with the Corporation, the compartments prescribed by the Act to secure -privacy to the voter while marking his ballot paper. These compartments -consisted of an open movable box, with four stalls or recesses, each -supplied with a small ledge to serve as a desk, and placed back to -back, so that four voters might be engaged in marking their papers at -one and the same time. The size of the partition prevents a voter from -overlooking his neighbour either at his side or in front of him. Each -of these compartments was supplied with a pencil, secured by a string, -like those in the telegraphic departments at the post-office. - -The Conservatives appeared to be infinitely more active with their -agents at the various polling-booths than the Liberals, and both tried -to get an insight into the way affairs were going by means of tickets. -Each elector had sent to him previously--the Conservatives ostensibly -began this and the Liberals followed them--a ticket with a request that -he would vote for Holker or German, as the case might be, and that -after voting he would, if a Conservative, hand it over to the agent -who would be at the door, and if a Liberal, would give it up at the -nearest committee-room. The Conservative agents had blue cards fastened -in front of their hats, and upon each card there was printed the words -“Conservative agent.” As a rule two of them stood close to the door of -egress at each polling-booth. In one instance a couple of them managed -to get into a booth, but being detected by a Liberal, were ordered out. -In other instances the Conservative agents were upon the premises of -the polling-booth, and at one of the booths a couple were seen in the -back-yard within a foot of the door leading out of it, their object -being to ask for the tickets of the voters as they left the room. The -Liberals did not push themselves so keenly within the precincts of -the booths, but seemed to be anxious to get as near as they could. -In the end the ticket system got thoroughly confused--Liberals, in -mistake, gave their tickets to the Conservative agents; Conservatives -gave them to those on the Liberal side, so that it became impossible -accurately to test what was being done by the plan. The voting went -on rather slowly; four voters were admitted at a time to each booth, -and after receiving their papers proceeded to the “stalls” behind -the officials, marked their papers, and then returned, putting them -into a large sealed tin box, with a narrow slit at the top, as they -passed out. The general business was very quietly transacted; there -was even a dead calm about it at times. Some of the working men, of -the ordinary labouring class, seemed to have no proper idea at all of -the Ballot; odd ones of them would, on entering the booth, ask the -constable at the door where they had to tell the name of the candidate -they wanted to vote for, and others were very stupid in their folding -up of the voting-papers. They crumpled them up occasionally or doubled -them in such a way as to hide the stamp on the back, This bungling was -chiefly the work of the more illiterate classes. One or two cases of -personations were early reported, but the guilty parties made a clear -escape. There has been more of novelty than of difficulty in working -the Ballot here; and excepting the cases of stupidity mentioned, no -awkwardness or hitch has occurred. As the morning advanced the booths -became thronged, and at noon the work of vote-recording was at its -greatest pitch of activity; but the increase in it then in no way -deranged the general mechanism adopted. From about eleven o’clock -in the forenoon till five this afternoon the streets have been very -crowded, the bulk of the people being of the working-class order. Even -the most sapient and experienced could not tell which way the wind -was blowing--could not tell whether German or Holker was ahead. There -was, however, a very general impression among Conservatives that their -candidate was first, and a very strong apprehension on the part of -the Liberals that this really was the case. Bills, etc., professing -to show the state of the poll were occasionally put out, but only the -most stupid placed any reliance upon them. Cheers and counter-cheers -have been heard in the streets as the respective candidates and -their friends have been noticed passing along them. There have been -no displays of colours, no bands of music, and even in St. John’s -ward an astonishing degree of order and sobriety has been observable. -The Ballot, whatever it may not effect, has clearly from to-day’s -experience conduced in a striking degree to the general sobriety and -good order of the people. There is much talk about bribery and some -about personation. At 8.30 the result of the election was announced -by a card at the Town Hall. The figures were--Holker, 4,542; German, -3,824; showing, as there are 10,214 eligible voters on the register, -that 1,848 had not recorded their votes. - - - - -“ALABAMA” ARBITRATION AWARD (1872). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, September 16, 1872. - - -SUMMARY OF THE AWARD. - -The Arbitrators at Geneva have given their Award. They unanimously -find Great Britain liable for the acts committed by the _Alabama_; -by a majority of the Italian, Swiss, Brazilian, and United States -Arbitrators against the Arbitrator appointed by Great Britain, they -find Great Britain liable for the acts committed by the _Florida_; and -by a majority of the Italian, Swiss, and United States Arbitrators -against the Arbitrators appointed by Great Britain and Brazil, they -find Great Britain liable for the acts committed by the _Shenandoah_ -after leaving Melbourne. They unanimously decided that, in the cases -in which Great Britain was held responsible, the acts of the tenders -should be considered to follow the judgment given in regard to the -cruisers to which they were attached. They decided that Great Britain -was not responsible for the acts committed by the _Georgia_ or by any -other of the Confederate cruisers except the three above named. - -They rejected altogether the claim of the United States Government for -the expenditure incurred in pursuit and capture of the cruisers. - -They decided that interest should be allowed, and have awarded a -gross sum of 15,500,000 dollars in gold (about £3,229,166 13s. 4d.) in -satisfaction and final settlement of all claims, including interest. - -The amount of the claims preferred before the Tribunal, as appears from -the Revised Statement of Claims presented on the part of the United -States in April last, was 19,732,095 dollars in gold, to which was -added a claim for expenses of pursuit and capture to the amount of -7,080,478 dollars, with interest at 7 per cent. on the whole amount -for about ten years, or in all, 45,500,000 dollars in gold (or about -£9,479,166 13s. 4d.). - - - - -REFUSAL OF MR. DISRAELI TO TAKE OFFICE WITHOUT A MAJORITY (1873). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register, 1873_; _English History_, pp. 35–37. - - -SPEECH OF MR. DISRAELI IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS (MARCH 20, 1873). - -Mr. Disraeli, who was warmly cheered by his supporters, next gave his -account of what had passed between him and the Queen after receiving -the letter which first summoned him to Buckingham Palace. In his -audience, in reply to an inquiry from the Queen, he informed Her -Majesty that he should be ready to form a Government which would carry -on the affairs of the country efficiently and in a manner entitled to -her confidence, but that he would not undertake it with the present -House of Commons. In giving his reasons for this decision, Mr. Disraeli -said he had represented to the Queen that, though recent elections -had been favourable to the Conservative party, Mr. Gladstone had -still a majority of close upon ninety, and that the division which -overthrew the Government offered no elements which could lead to -an expectation that this numerical position would be modified. He -pointed out, also, that the majority against the Government the other -night was created by a considerable section of the Liberal party--the -Irish Roman Catholic members--with whom he had no bond of union. If -he had appealed to them for support, they would have repeated their -demands for a Roman Catholic University--a demand which he believed -was decisively condemned at the last election, and by the subsequent -disendowment of the Irish Church. Of office under such circumstances -Mr. Disraeli said he had some personal experience, and it had convinced -him that such an experiment weakened authority and destroyed public -confidence. Consequently, he had prayed Her Majesty to relieve him of -the task. Replying to the question why he had not advised the Queen to -dissolve, he remarked that there was much misconception about the act -of dissolving. - -“It is supposed [said Mr. Disraeli] to be an act which can be performed -with very great promptitude, and that it is a resource to which any -Minister may recur with the utmost facility. That is a grave mistake. -Dissolution of Parliament is a different instrument in different -hands. It is an instrument of which a Minister who is in office, with -his Government established, can avail himself with a facility which a -Minister who is only going to accede to office is deprived of. There -may be circumstances which may render it imperative on a Minister -in office to advise the Sovereign to exercise the prerogative of -dissolving Parliament; but he always has the opportunity of disposing -of the public business before that dissolution takes place. The -position of the Minister who is about to accede to office is very -different. In the first place he has to form his Administration. -This is a work of great time and of heavy responsibility. It is not -confined merely to the construction of a Cabinet. Before a Ministry -can be formed, whoever undertakes the task of its construction must -see some fifty individuals whom he has to appoint to offices of trust -and consideration. It is a duty which he can delegate to no one. He -must see each of those individuals personally, and must communicate -with them by himself. And this is a matter which--irrespective of the -knowledge of human nature, which whoever undertakes to form a Cabinet -ought to possess--requires time, and materially affects the business -of the country. In the present case it would not have been possible -to form a Government before Easter. Then the holidays would have -intervened. After the holidays we might, by having recourse to measures -of which I greatly disapprove--namely, provisional finance, the taking -votes on credit and votes on account, and by accepting the estimates -of my predecessors--have been able to dissolve Parliament in the early -part of May. But when the month of May arrived, this question would -have occurred: What are you going to dissolve Parliament about? There -was no issue before the country. At least, it cannot be pretended for -a moment that there was one of those issues before the country which -would justify an extraordinary dissolution of Parliament--that is, some -question upon which the country would passionately wish to decide. I -ask the House to consider impartially what was the real condition of -affairs. Her Majesty’s Ministers had resigned; the Queen had called -upon a member of this House to form a Ministry in a house in which he -had nearly ninety majority arrayed against him. Suppose it was in his -opinion necessary to appeal to the country, by which the majority might -be returned--probably of ninety--in his favour. - -“Well, the Irish University Bill was not a Bill on which any Ministry -could resign. But we could not carry on affairs without appealing -to the country; and is it not clear that we could not appeal to the -country without having a policy? (Laughter.) Hon. gentleman may laugh -at the word ‘policy,’ but I maintain that it is totally impossible for -gentlemen sitting on the Opposition bench suddenly to have a matured -policy to present to the people of this country in case Parliament -dissolves. The position of any party in opposition is essentially a -critical position. On all great questions of the day gentlemen on this -side of the House have certain principles which guide them on the -subjects before Parliament; but on these questions we cannot rival in -the possession of information those who hold the seals of Government.” - -This point Mr. Disraeli elaborated at some length, mentioning Central -Asia, the Three New Rules, and the French Treaty of Commerce as matters -on which no body of men, suddenly created a Government, could have any -policy until they had studied the official information. Local taxation, -too, was a question which they must have fully considered before going -to the country; but the strongest obstacle to an immediate dissolution -would have been the necessity of carefully scrutinising the estimates, -which, he maintained, were just as large as his own which were so -vehemently denounced in 1868. The upshot was that the session would -have been one of ordinary length, and he knew, from experience, the -consequences to a party and to the public interests of endeavouring to -carry on the Government in the face of a hostile majority. - -“I know well (added Mr. Disraeli), and those around me know well, -what will occur when a Ministry takes office and attempts to carry -on Government with a minority during the session, with a view of -ultimately appealing to the people. A right hon. gentleman will come -down here, he will arrange his thumb-screws and other instruments of -torture, and we shall never ask for a vote without a lecture; we shall -never perform the most ordinary routine office of Government without -there being annexed to it some pedantic and ignominious condition. (No, -no.) I wish to express nothing but what I know from painful personal -experience. No observation of the kind I have encountered could divest -me of the painful memory; I wish it could. I wish it was not my duty -to take this view of the case. For a certain time we should enter -into the paradise of abstract motions. One day hon. gentlemen cannot -withstand the golden opportunity of asking the House to assert that -the income-tax should no longer form one of the features of Ways and -Means. Of course, a proposition of that kind would be scouted by the -right hon. gentleman and all his colleagues; but they might dine out -on that day, and the resolution might be carried, as resolutions of -that kind have been. Perhaps another gentleman, distinguished for his -knowledge of ‘men and things’ (Mr. Rylands), moves that the Diplomatic -Service should be abolished. While hon. gentlemen opposite may laugh -in their sleeves at the mover, they vote for the motion in order to -put the Government into a minority. So it would go very hard with -us if on some sultry afternoon some member should ‘rush in where -angels fear to tread’ (Mr. Trevelyan) and successfully assimilate the -borough and the county franchise. And so things would go on until the -bitter end--until at last even the Appropriation Bill has passed, -Parliament is dissolved, and we appeal to those millions who, perhaps, -six months before might have looked upon us as the vindicators of -their intolerable grievances, but who now receive us as a defeated, -discredited, and a degraded Ministry, whose services can no longer be -of value to the Crown or a credit to the nation.” - -Under these circumstances, with the concurrence of all his friends, he -had represented to the Queen that it was not for the public interest -that he should attempt to form a Government. - - - - -FIRST LONDON HOSPITAL SUNDAY (1873). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, Monday, June 16, 1873. - - -The Metropolis has just witnessed the success of an undertaking without -parallel in the social and religious history of modern times. The -congregations of the great majority of the places of worship in London -and its suburbs, reinforced moreover by many who do not habitually -attend places of worship at all, were united in the pursuit of a common -object, and in the acknowledgment of a common obligation. The claims -of the sick poor were urged from several hundred pulpits, not on any -ground of expediency, or of economy, or even of benevolence, but mainly -on the broad principle that their recognition forms an essential part -of the life dictated by every form of Christianity. - -The appeal had gone home to the hearts of all classes of the community, -and in the Metropolitan Cathedral the eye ranged easily from the Heir -Apparent, and from the representatives of civic wealth and munificence, -to an assemblage largely composed of persons manifestly of humble -station, but who were neither less devout nor less liberal than those -whom fortune had more highly favoured. - -So far everything is well, and there can be no doubt that Hospital -Sunday from this time forward will be an established institution. It -is possible that it may lead to many indirect advantages, and that -the bond now for the first time established among the charities to be -assisted may ultimately produce beneficial changes in various points -connected with their management. Hospitals have hitherto been in some -sense rival institutions; and their rivalry has been a prolific source -of wasteful and unnecessary expenditure. - -NOTE.--The amount collected was £28,000. - - - - -THE ASHANTEE WAR: FALL OF COOMASSIE (1874). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register, 1874_; _English History_, pp. 29–31. - - -On entering Coomassie the General strictly forbade all plundering on -the part of his men; but the darkness of night coming on, the camp -followers could not always be restrained, and a policeman taken in the -act was hung. Here and there, too, attempts were made to set fire to -the town. Coomassie was found to be a large place, with wide streets, -and houses with verandahs, built round courtyards. It bore tokens -of desolation in patches of waste land, covered with grass, and the -absence of domestic poultry, etc., the despotism of the King making -property as well as life insecure among the Ashantees. The King’s -palace was larger than that of the chief of Fommanah, and consisted -of many courts, each a house in itself. Upstairs were several small -rooms, each of which was a perfect old curiosity shop, containing books -in all languages, English newspapers, Bohemian glass, Kidderminster -carpets, pictures, furniture, etc. The King’s sitting-room was a court -with a tree growing in it, which was covered with fetish objects, and -hung with spiders’ webs. In the royal bedroom adjacent was an English -General’s sword, bearing the inscription: “From Queen Victoria to -the King of Ashantee,” a gift probably of Her Majesty to Calcalli’s -predecessor. Besides the King’s palace there was a grand building, -called the “Bantoma,” where the ashes of former monarchs were entombed, -and which was considered the most sacred spot in all Ashanteeland. Sir -Garnet Wolseley sent word to the King that his desire was to spare -Coomassie, and if he would come into the town and sign the peace a -smaller indemnity would be accepted than that at first specified. But -if not, a sign should be given of Great Britain’s power which should be -known throughout the length and breadth of Africa. The King promised -to come, but came not. The General waited throughout the whole day of -the 5th in vain. The envoys sent with deceitful promises by the monarch -were caught surreptitiously removing property. The General then gave -orders to burn the Bantoma, but on second thoughts he recalled them. -The destruction of so strong and vast a fortress would have taken -too much time, and perhaps in their despair the Ashantees would have -rallied round their sacred mausoleum in inconvenient force. In fact, -it was very necessary to think of a speedy retreat. Heavy rain had -fallen, and if the streams in rear of the British army should be much -swollen, its backward march might be seriously impeded. It was coming -short of the entire triumph anticipated, to leave Coomassie without the -treaty and the royal signature; but the subjugation of the capital was -a sufficient blow to Ashantee prestige, and, that it might never be -forgotten by the nation, Sir Garnet gave orders to set fire to the city -and to the royal palace. - -“The demolition of the place was complete,” said Sir Garnet, in his -despatch to the Colonial Secretary. “From all that I can gather, I -believe that the result will be such a diminution in the prestige and -military power of the Ashantee monarch as may result in the break-up -of the kingdom altogether. This I had been anxious to avoid, because -it seems impossible to foresee what Power can take this nation’s -place among the feeble races of this coast. I certainly believe that -your lordship may be well convinced that no more utterly atrocious -Government than that which has thus, perhaps, fallen, ever existed -on the face of the earth. Their capital was a charnel-house; their -religion a combination of cruelty and treachery; their policy the -natural outcome of their religion. I cannot think that, whatever may be -the final fate of the people of this country, the absolute annihilation -of such a rule, should it occur, would be a subject for unmixed regret. -In any case, I believe that the main object of my expedition has been -perfectly secured. The territories of the Gold Coast will not again -be troubled by the warlike ambition of this restless power. I may add -that the flag of England from this moment will be received throughout -Western Africa with respectful awe, a treatment which has been of late -years by no means its invariable fate among the savage tribes of this -region.” - -It was Sir Garnet’s good fortune not to bring his enterprise to an end -without the rounding off of complete success. The return march of the -British troops towards the coast commenced on the 6th. At Fommanah, -where the General halted for four days, he was again visited by envoys -from Koffee Calcalli, bearing in their hands a thousand ounces of -gold, and asking for a draft of the treaty, to be signed forthwith -by the defeated monarch. The draft was accordingly given to them, -and was actually signed a month later. What had brought the King to -this tardy and, as it would seem, unnecessary submission now that -Wolseley had done his worst, and was retreating? It was the march of -Captain Glover that had occasioned the step. That officer, working up -from the East, with troops drawn from the native tribes of the Akims, -Yorubas, and Houssas--between three thousand and four thousand in -number--had arrived within eighteen miles of Coomassie, when he heard -of the capture and destruction of the place. His difficulties had been -great. Many of the men with whom he originally set out had deserted, -and he had failed to make the junction with Wolseley, which, had it -taken place a few days earlier, must have crushed the foe effectually. -Nevertheless, his advance had operated as a useful diversion on the -left of the Ashantee forces; and when he, too, arrived near the ruined -city, the monarch’s spirit altogether left him. Thinking that some of -the British forces might still be in Coomassie, Glover sent on Captain -Reginald Sartorius with twenty men to reconnoitre. Then occurred one -of the most dashing exploits of the war. Sartorius found the capital -deserted. None of the inhabitants had returned to try and secure their -property, or view their burned homesteads. But they might be lurking -anywhere--in fact, Sartorius heard that the King and his attendants -were near at hand, weeping over the ruins of Coomassie. With his -little band of twenty men, Sartorius rode boldly through the deserted -precincts, and then onwards through fifty miles of hostile territory, -to join the British army, passing one burnt village after another, but -not meeting any human form till, at Fommanah, they came up with the -main body of Sir Garnet’s forces. Captain Glover followed in the track -of Sartorius first to Coomassie and then to Fommanah. - -The treaty, finally signed by King Koffee Calcalli, stipulated that he -should renounce all rights of Protectorate over the petty monarchs in -alliance with the British Queen, and formerly tributary to the kingdom -of Ashantee; also over any of the tribes formerly connected with the -Dutch Government on the Gold Coast; that free trade should be permitted -between Ashantee and the British ports; that the road between Coomassie -and the Prah should always be kept open; that the King should use his -best efforts to check the practice of human sacrifice; and that he -should pay in instalments a war indemnity of 50,000 ounces of approved -gold, beginning with 1,000 ounces forthwith. - -The cost of the war to the British Government was estimated at 900,000 -pounds sterling. To Sir Garnet Wolseley, who declined titular honours, -a sum of 25,000 pounds was awarded in recognition of his services. - - - - -FUNERAL OF DR. LIVINGSTONE (1874). - -=Source.=--_Punch_, April 25, 1874. (Reprinted by the special -permission of the proprietors of _Punch_.) - - -DAVID LIVINGSTONE, DIED ON THE SHORES OF LAKE BEMBA, MAY 4, 1873; -BURIED IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY, APRIL 18, 1874. - - Droop half-mast colours, bow, bareheaded crowds - As this plain coffin o’er the side is slung, - To pass by woods of masts and ratlined shrouds - As erst by Afric’s trunks, liana-hung. - - ’Tis the last mile of many thousands trod - With failing strength but never-failing will - By the worn frame, now at its rest with God, - That never rested from its fight with ill. - - Or if the ache of travel and of toil - Would sometimes wring a short, sharp cry of pain - From agony of fever, blain, and boil, - ’Twas but to crush it down, and on again. - - He knew not that the trumpet he had blown - Out of the darkness of that dismal land, - Had reached and roused an army of its own - To strike the chains from the slave’s fettered hand. - - Now we believe he knows, sees all is well; - How God had stayed his will and shaped his way, - To bring the light to those that darkling dwell - With gains that life’s devotion will repay. - - Open the Abbey door and bear him in - To sleep with King and statesman, chief and sage, - The missionary come of weaver-kin, - But great by work that brooks no lower wage. - - He needs no epitaph to guard a name - Which men shall prize while worthy work is known - He lived and died for good--be that his fame; - Let marble crumble: this is Living-stone. - - - - -DISRAELI ON PARTIES IN THE CHURCH (1874). - -=Source.=--_Hansard_, “Debates,” vol. 221, p. 78. - - -_Speech on Public Worship Regulation Bill._ - -I look upon the existence of parties in the Church as a necessary and -beneficial consequence. They have always existed even from Apostolic -times; they are a natural development of the religious sentiment in -man; and they represent fairly the different conclusions at which, upon -subjects that are the most precious to him, the mind of man arrives. -Ceremony, enthusiasm, and free speculation are the characteristics -of the three great parties in the Church, some of which have modern -names, and which the world is too apt to imagine are in their character -original. The truth is that they have always existed in different -forms or under different titles. Whether they are called High Church -or Low Church or Broad Church, they bear witness, in their legitimate -bounds, to the activity of the religious mind of the nation, and in -the course of our history this country is deeply indebted to the -exertions and the energy of all those parties. The High Church party, -totally irrespective of its religious sentiment, fills a noble page in -the history of England, for it has vindicated the liberties of this -country in a memorable manner; no language of mine can describe the -benefits which this country has experienced from the exertions of the -Evangelical school at the commencement of this century; and in the case -of the Broad Church it is well that a learned and highly disciplined -section of the clergy should show at the present day that they are -not afraid of speculative thought, or are appalled by the discoveries -of science. I hold that all these schools of religious feeling can -pursue their instincts consistently with a faithful adherence to -the principles and practices of the Reformation as exhibited and -represented in its fairest and most complete form--the Church of -England. I must ask myself, What then, sir, is the real object of the -Bill? and I will not attempt to conceal my impressions upon it, for I -do not think that our ability to arrive at a wise decision to-day will -be at all assisted by a mystical dissertation on the subject-matter -of it. I take the primary object of this Bill, whose powers, if it -be enacted, will be applied and extended impartially to all subjects -of Her Majesty, to be this--to put down Ritualism. The right hon. -gentleman the Member for Greenwich [Mr. Gladstone] says he does not -know what Ritualism is, but there I think the right hon. gentleman is -in an isolated position. That ignorance is not shared by the House of -Commons or by the country. What the House and the country understand by -Ritualism is--practices of a portion of the clergy, avowedly symbolic -of doctrines, which the same clergy are bound in the most solemn manner -to refute and repudiate. Therefore, I think there can be no mistake -among practical men as to what is meant when we say that it is our -desire to discourage Ritualism.... - -Believing as I do that those principles [those of the Reformation] were -never so completely and so powerfully represented as by the Church -of England; believing that without the authority, the learning, the -wealth, and the independence of the Church of England, the various -sects of the Reformation would by this time have dwindled into nothing, -I called the attention of the country, so far as I could, to the -importance of rallying around the institution of the Church of England, -based upon those principles of the Reformation which that Church -was called into being to represent.... I wish most sincerely that -all should understand that, if I make the slightest allusion to the -dogmas and ceremonies which are promulgated by the English Ritualists, -I am anxious not to make a single observation which could offend -the convictions of any hon. gentleman in this House. Whether those -doctrines which were quoted from authoritative writings apply to the -worship of the Virgin, to the Confessional, or to the various subjects -which were quoted by the hon. Member, so long as those doctrines are -held by Roman Catholics, I am prepared to treat them with reverence; -but what I object to is that they should be held by Ministers of our -Church, who, when they enter the Church, enter it at the same time with -a solemn contract with the nation that they will oppose those doctrines -and utterly resist them. What I do object to is Mass in masquerade. -To the solemn ceremonies of our Roman Catholic friends I am prepared -to extend that reverence which my mind and conscience always give to -religious ceremonies sincerely believed in; but the false position in -which we have been placed by, I believe, a small but a powerful and -well-organised body of those who call themselves English clergymen in -copying these ceremonies, is one which the country thinks intolerable, -and of which we ought to rid ourselves. - - - - -THE ARCTIC EXPEDITION (1875). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register, 1875_; _Public Documents_, pp. 214, 215. - - -LETTERS FROM THE CAPTAINS. - -_No. 1._ - - H.M.S. “DISCOVERY,” - AT SEA - - (Lat. 64° 43´ N.; long. 52° 52´ W.), - _July 2, 1875._ - - SIR,-- - -I have the honour to inform you since parting company with H.M.S. -_Alert_ on the night of June 13, during a heavy westerly gale, I made -the best of my way to rendezvous 4, 5, and 6, in accordance with your -instructions to Captain Jones of H.M.S. _Valorous_, a copy of which you -forwarded for my guidance. - -On the afternoon of the 13th, at 3 p.m., while still in company, a -heavy sea struck the starboard whale-boat (waist), and, detaching -the foremost fall, the boat filled, and in swinging round was cut in -half by the stay of the after-davit, which necessitated her being cut -away. We experienced strong westerly breezes and head winds until we -rounded Cape Farewell on Sunday, June 27. On the morning of the 28th, -we made the land about Cape Desolation ahead, and fell in with the -land ice and some bergs. We tacked on the edge of the ice, and stood -to the north-west. On the 29th (lat. 61° N., long. 50° 43´ W.), during -the morning, we steamed through a quantity of loose sailing ice. A -strong breeze springing up from the eastward towards the afternoon, -which freshened to a gale from the northward, obliged us to stand off -the land amongst a great quantity of heavy field ice, after laying to -during the night, under close-reefed topsails, and occasionally nearing -to avoid the driving pack, which was going to the southward in heavy -streams at the rate of two or three knots. Some of the ice, however, -was loose enough to be sailed through, and, there being no opening into -clear water, I got up steam on the morning of the 30th, and, under -close-reefed topsails and reefed courses, beat to windward through it, -with the object of reaching the land water. The weather moderating, -this was accomplished in the evening of the same day, having passed -through some heavy pack ice. On the 1st instant, we again steamed -through some large fields of sailing ice. When abreast of Goathaab, on -the 2nd instant, at 7 p.m., we sighted the _Alert_, and closed this -morning, as per signal. With the exception of the loss of the one boat -before mentioned, I have no defects or damage to report, and have the -honour to enclose a copy of the ship’s log from June 13 to the 1st -instant. - - I have the honour to be, Sir, - Your obedient servant, - H. F. STEPHENSON, - _Captain_. - - -_No. 2._ - - “ALERT,” - AT DISCO, - _July 15, 1875_ - - SIR,-- - -I have the honour to inform you that H.M. ships under my command left -Bantry Bay on June 2. The _Valorous_ arrived at this port on the 4th, -and the _Alert_ and _Discovery_ on the 6th instant. After leaving the -Irish coast, finding that the _Valorous_ could not keep station while -we were under sail alone, I directed her to part company, and make -her voyage independently. During the passage we encountered three -consecutive gales from the westward, and after passing Cape Farewell -one from the northward, each accompanied with high seas. Owing to the -heavy lading of the Arctic ships they were extremely wet and uneasy, -which necessitated the hatchways to be frequently battened down; -otherwise they behaved well. The _Alert_ and _Discovery_ each lost a -whale-boat during a heavy gale on June 13; beyond this loss I am happy -to say that the defects of the ships are merely nominal. The _Valorous_ -will supply two boats to replace those lost. On the night of June 13 -(while the _Alert_ was wearing) the _Discovery_ was lost sight of -during a heavy squall, and the two ships did not again join company -until the 30th, in Davis Strait. The _Valorous_ having economised her -coal as much as possible, has been able to complete each of the Arctic -ships with as much as they can carry, and has remaining for her return -voyage a quantity equal to that expended during her outward voyage. All -the provisions and stores brought here by the _Valorous_ for our use -have been taken aboard, and we are now complete in all respects for -three years from July 1, 1875. - -After passing Cape Farewell, each ship fell in with loose pack ice -from fifty to sixty miles south-west of Cape Desolation, with a clear -sea to the westward of it--it was the débris of very thick ice, and -had evidently been carried round Cape Farewell, from the east coast of -Greenland. The ice extended north as far as latitude 62° 30´, since -which none has been sighted within sixty miles of the coast; there has -also been a remarkable absence of icebergs. - -Mr. Krarup Smith, the inspector of North Greenland, and the other -Danish officials have been extremely obliging in giving me every -information in their power, and in providing for our wants. Mr. Smith -has arranged for my being supplied with all the dogs we require. -Twenty-five have been received from Disco, and twenty are to be ready -on our arrival at Ritenberk; the rest will be taken on board at -Uppernivik. An Esquimaux accompanies the expedition from Disco, and -I think it probable that Hans, who was in the _Polaris_ with Captain -Hall, and is now at Proven, will also be willing to join me. I would -respectfully suggest that Mr. Smith should be officially thanked for -his ready compliance with all our requirements, and his courteous -behaviour. - -Finding that it was absolutely necessary that at least one -Assistant-Paymaster should accompany the expedition, I have ordered -Mr. Thomas Mitchell of the _Discovery_ to remain on board that ship -to superintend the victualling of the two vessels. I have ordered Mr. -George Egerton, sub-Lieutenant of the _Alert_, to take charge of the -provisions of this ship, with the same remuneration as the officer in -charge of stores received. - -I leave this port for Ritenberk to-morrow, and intend to call at Proven -and Uppernivik on my passage north. Letters will be left at the latter -settlement for conveyance to Europe, via Copenhagen. It is reported -that the last winter has been mild in this neighbourhood, but the -spring very backward, which I trust will prove to have been caused by -the early break-up of the ice farther to the north. - -The health of the expedition is excellent. There is no one sick on -board either vessel, and the utmost hope and enthusiasm for the success -of the work allotted to us prevails. - -In the orders for the guidance of the expedition it is directed that -documents are to be deposited due north of the cairn marking their -position. As a mistake might arise in calculating the variation of -the compass, I have issued directions that the documents are to be -deposited magnetic north, and twenty feet magnetic north of the cairns. - -During my stay at Disco I inspected the store of provisions belonging -to the American Government, but had not time to open any of the -packages to ascertain if the contents were in good order, but from the -appearance of the outside, I should expect them to be in a fair state -of preservation, considering the time they had been exposed. The store -is dry and each package is clear of the ground. As the United States -Government may like to know what is in the store, I enclose a nominal -list of the packages obtained from the Danish officials and inspected -by the officers of this ship. The former have taken great trouble to -prevent the stores deteriorating. - -I have the honour to enclose a copy of the log and track-chart of -H.M.S. _Alert_ and proceedings of H.M.S. _Discovery_, while absent from -June 13 to July 1, 1875. - - I have the honour to be, Sir, - Your obedient servant, - J. S. NARES, - _Captain_. - - - - -PURCHASE OF THE SUEZ CANAL SHARES: AN OPPOSITION VIEW (1875). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register, 1875_; _English History_, pp. 123–125. - - -“You will expect,” said Sir William Harcourt at Oxford, on December -30, “that I should say something to you on the subject of the Suez -Canal shares. Well, that is a matter on which no prudent politician -in our present state of information will hazard a competent opinion. -At the same time, after all that has been said on the matter, to be -wholly silent would be an affectation of reserve. For my part, if the -matter had been allowed to remain in the regions of high policy, I -should have been content to abstain from criticising it altogether. -I am not unfavourable to a far-seeing and a bold policy in the -conduct of great affairs. We have had somewhat too little of that -spirit of late. But all reticence upon that score is at an end. The -most contradictory and, in some respects, the most absurd surmises -with respect to this transaction were afloat some weeks ago. Lord -Hartington, at the beginning of this month, invited a declaration from -the Government of the real meaning and object of their policy, and Lord -Derby accepted the challenge with perfect frankness. Since the speech -of the Foreign Secretary the whole aspect of the question has been -completely changed both at home and abroad. Up to that time a sort of -glamour had invested a very plain business with the unnatural haze that -distorts the true proportion of things. There was something Asiatic in -this mysterious melodrama. It was like ‘The Thousand and One Nights,’ -when, in the midst of the fumes of incense, a shadowy Genie astonished -the bewildered spectators. The public mind was dazzled, fascinated, -mystified. We had done we did not know exactly what--we were not -told precisely why--_omne ignotum pro magnifico_. The Government -maintained an imposing and perplexing silence. But our daily and -weekly instructors gave free rein to their imagination. We were told -by those who assumed the patronage of the grand arcanum that a great -blow had been struck, that a new policy had been inaugurated, and that -England had at length resumed her lead among the nations. The Eastern -Question had been settled by a _coup d’état_ on the Stock Exchange, -and Turkey was abandoned to her fate. Egypt was annexed. The Bulls of -England had vanquished the Bears of Russia. Moab was to be our washpot -and over Edom we had cast our shoe. France and M. de Lesseps were -confounded. We were a very great people; we had done a very big thing, -and, to consummate the achievement, a Satrap from Shoreham, attended -by a plump of financial Janissaries, was despatched to administer the -subject provinces of the English protectorate on the Nile. All this, -if somewhat nebulous, was in the grand manner, and if any inquisitive -person, like the troublesome little boy on the field of Blenheim, -was disposed to ask ‘what good came of it at last,’ we could always -answer, like the judicious Kasper-- - - “‘Why, that I cannot tell,’ said he, - ‘But ’twas a glorious victory.’ - -“We all of us felt some six inches taller than before. We spread our -tails like peacocks to the sun, and were as pleased as children at our -soap-bubble, iridescent with many hues. But, all of a sudden, this -beautiful vision melted away; the Egyptian mirage evaporated; the -great political phantasmagoria faded like a dissolving view. There -is nothing so delightful as magic, until, in an unhappy moment, the -conjuror consents to reveal the apparatus to us by which our senses -have been deluded, and shows us how it is done. Lord Derby is a great -master of prose, and he has translated the Eastern romance into -most pedestrian English. But the Foreign Secretary is a responsible -statesman. He has widely warned us against ‘cant’ and against ‘rant,’ -and he cannot afford to indulge in the exaggerated visions in which -journalists may, with impunity, amuse themselves and their readers. -It was not his affair to mystify England, but to reassure Europe; and -therefore with that straightforwardness and common sense for which he -is eminent, he told us at Edinburgh that the affair which had created -so much sensation at home and abroad was not at all the sort of thing -it had been represented to be; that, if it had been capable of the -construction which had been put upon it, it would have been neither a -wise nor a honest transaction. He repudiated with scorn the idea that -England aspired to an Egyptian protectorate; they had not reversed -their Eastern policy; still less had they contemplated to appropriate -the territories of the Khedive as our share in a scramble for general -plunder. What had really been accomplished was a very ordinary affair. -The Khedive had certain shares in the Suez Canal. So far from being -ambitious to get hold of them, Lord Derby would have much preferred -that the ruler of Egypt should have kept them in his own hands; but, -as he found himself obliged to part with them, the English Government -thought it better to purchase them than to let them go elsewhere. They -have acquired them, not to give England any special or predominant -foreign influence, nor to secure any exclusive advantage, but to -keep open a communication for the benefit of all, which to England -is of supreme importance. And with these explanations, tendered on -the good faith of an English Minister, upon the credit of which Lord -Derby justly relies, he tells us that the European Powers are amply -satisfied. And so the nine days’ wonder is over, the enchantment is at -an end, the chariot of Cinderella relapses into its original pumpkins -and mice. Since Lord Derby has so pitilessly dowsed with cold water the -heated enthusiasm of visionary journalists, they have never ceased to -weep and to wail over the ruins of their pet toy, which has collapsed -like a pricked bladder or a broken drum. They beg us to believe that -the Foreign Minister does not understand the meaning of his own acts, -or the scope of his own policy; that, in spite of all his protestations -to the contrary, we are the veritable _perfide Albion_. - -“For my own part I cannot refuse to respond to the appeal of Lord -Derby, when he says, ‘We have told Europe what we want, and why we -want it, and Europe is in the habit of believing what we say.’ I hope -the day will never come when an English Government will be justly -charged with saying one thing and meaning another. I therefore gladly -take Lord Derby at his word. But now that this grand affair is reduced -to the moderate dimensions of a sort of post-office subsidy, we may -criticise it in a manner and upon grounds which might in another -aspect of the question have been inappropriate. Of course, if this -transaction had been really of the magnitude which was represented, -the Government would have been deeply responsible for not inviting at -once the judgment of Parliament upon a policy which vitally involved -the interests and the future of the country, but being what it is, we -may well wait a few weeks for fuller explanations of some points which -still remain very obscure. There will be no disposition, I imagine, -in any quarter to approach the discussion in a spirit of carping or -of captious criticism. Upon the main ground by which this purchase is -justified--namely, the determination to secure a free passage between -the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean, there will be no conflict of -opinion. That is a policy in which England is profoundly interested; -and for that, statesmen of all parties will be prepared to make common -efforts, and, if necessary, great sacrifices. No one, I think, will -contend that even 4,000,000 pounds of money is too large a sum for the -accomplishment of such an end. But that which has not hitherto been -explained, and what remains to be shown, is in what manner and to what -extent this investment really does conduce to that desirable object.” - - - - -DISRAELI’S AIMS IN POLITICS (1876). - -=Source.=--_Annual Register, 1876_; _English History_, p. 113. - - -On the 22nd of August, Mr. Disraeli, now Lord Beaconsfield, issued -his farewell address to his former constituents. “Throughout my -public life,” wrote the Premier, “I have aimed at two chief results. -Not insensible to the principle of progress, I have endeavoured to -reconcile change with that respect for tradition, which is one of the -main elements of our social strength; and, in external affairs, I -have endeavoured to develop and strengthen our Empire, believing that -combination of achievement and responsibility elevates the character -and condition of a people.” - - - - -A SPIRITED SPEECH BY THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD (1876). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, November 10, 1876. - - -THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD AT THE LORD MAYOR’S BANQUET. - -The Earl of Beaconsfield, who was received with repeated plaudits, -said.... - -“During these twelve months of anxiety and agitation, my Lord Mayor, I -would take this opportunity of stating what have been the two great -objects which Her Majesty’s Government have proposed with reference to -those critical circumstances which have occurred since I had the honour -of addressing your predecessor. The first has been the maintenance -of the general peace of Europe, which involves almost every other -consideration that may affect the interests of this country and the -general welfare of humanity. We have believed that that peace would be -best maintained by an observance of the treaties in which all the Great -Powers of Europe have joined. Those treaties are not antique and dusty -obsolete documents. They are not instruments devised under a state of -circumstances different from those that exist, and ill adapted to the -spirit of the age in which we live.... - -“... As the Lord Mayor has told us to-night, there is no country so -interested in the maintenance of peace as England. Peace is especially -an English policy. She is not an aggressive Power, for there is nothing -that she desires. She covets no cities and no provinces. What she -wishes is to maintain and to enjoy the unexampled Empire which she -has built up, and which it is her pride to remember exists as much -upon sympathy as upon force. But, although the policy of England is -peace, there is no country so well prepared for war as our own. If she -enters into conflict in a righteous cause--and I will not believe that -England will go to war except for a righteous cause--if the contest is -one which concerns her liberty, her independence, or her Empire, her -resources, I feel, are inexhaustible. She is not a country that, when -she enters into a campaign, has to ask herself whether she can support -a second or a third campaign. She enters into a campaign which she will -not terminate till right is done.” - - - - -THE EASTERN QUESTION: FIERY SPEECHES AT ST. JAMES’S HALL (1876). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, December 9, 1876. - - -THE DUKE OF WESTMINSTER: The worst Government now remaining in Europe -is that of Constantinople, and it seems to us a most extraordinary -thing that men in this country and a portion of the Press seem to think -that the Turks have still a power of regeneration within themselves. -We hear them say, and with some justice, that the Turks are peaceful -citizens and warlike soldiers. The warlike qualities for which they -are distinguished seem to me not the best calculated to work for the -happiness and the contentment of the people under the fell sway of -Turkish dominion.... - -After all our sacrifices during the Crimean War, after having shed the -blood of thousands of our fellow-countrymen and expended millions of -treasure, England surely has some right to say now what should be done, -and how it should be done. The situation, though in some respects very -similar to that which existed in 1854, is entirely changed as regards -the state of public opinion in this country. Although it may be said -that Russia is thundering at the gates of Constantinople, England is -determined that she will not go to war against Russia for Turkey. - -MR. GEORGE HOWELL (late Secretary to the Trades Parliamentary -Committee) said that throughout the length and breadth of the land -they would not find among the working classes such an opinion on this -question as was entertained in the clubs among educated gentlemen. -He might inform the educated classes present that they represented -the intensified feelings of the working classes when they pronounced -an opinion altogether averse from going to war, under any pretext -whatever, for the purpose of propping up Turkey. We ought to stand by -the other European Powers, and to insist that justice should be done to -the Christian provinces of Turkey, and to tell her plainly that if this -were not done, she must, at whatever cost, pack up, bag and baggage, -and leave Europe. - -MR. EVELYN ASHLEY, M.P.: In his opinion the path of honour and of -safety lay in the active co-operation of England with Russia. Turkey -must be told that if she refused to give the necessary guarantees for -the safety of her Christian subjects, we would send our fleet to take -her fleet in pawn until she gave way. As to the fear of what might -be the result of Mussulman fanaticism if such a course were taken, he -could only say that the fanaticism of the Mussulman never broke out -when he was beaten, while he had no apprehension that our prestige -would be diminished among the Mussulman population of India.... Great -nations, like great ships, could ride in safety only on the high seas, -and although Russia might have her ambitions, which it might one day -be our duty to resist, we should be able to do so all the better if -we could but succeed in obtaining freedom for those down-trodden -populations of Turkey. - -PROFESSOR BRYCE: Turkey would not yield so long as an atom of hope of -help from England was held out to her. The Porte believed it in the -very name of Constantinople, a spell which could call up the fleets of -England in the Bosphorus when it chose. That spell had never failed it -yet, and it had in it most implicit confidence. If, then, war was to be -averted, Turkey must be at once undeceived, and must be told that we -not only will not support her, but that we are prepared to coerce her, -and that she shall not be allowed to run a new race of tyranny. - -CANON LIDDON: If the Christian provinces were to be really reformed, -there must be a new law which would secure equal rights to every human -being in the Turkish Empire. It was impossible to suppose, however, -that any legislation of this kind would be voluntarily accepted by -Turkey. There must be something in the nature of a military occupation. - -LORD SHAFTESBURY: The Emperor of Russia has given us his personal -word of honour that he desires no territorial aggrandisement. Take -every precaution, surround yourselves by every legitimate defence, but -let us go with him as far as he will go with us, and let us reserve -our quarrel until we have something to quarrel about. But now let -us rejoice in the attitude of the United Kingdom this day. It is -majestic--a free and mighty people demand nothing for themselves, -neither power, nor commerce, nor extended empire. They seek simply the -welfare of others and the solidarity of nations. - -PROFESSOR E. A. FREEMAN: From amid the clatter of wine-cups a voice of -defiance went forth, conveying the brag which all the world had heard, -that England would fight a first, a second, and a third campaign rather -than permit another Power to do the work which she herself ought to -accomplish. Were they prepared to wage war for a single hour, or to -shed one drop of English blood in order to prop up as foul and bloody a -fabric of wrong as ever a shuddering world had gazed upon? Would they -consent to draw the sword to protect the sovereign rights of those -whose hands were steeped in blood as their tongues were in falsehood? -Would they fight to uphold the integrity and independence of Sodom? -Should it be said that England, which had used every effort to put -down the slave trade, was ready to go to war in order that the Eastern -traffic in human flesh might still go on and supply our barbarous ally -with the victims of his hideous lusts? Was it, indeed, for such an -object that the countrymen of Canning and Wilberforce were to be called -upon to fight? - -But it was said that we were bound by treaties to maintain the -independence and integrity of Turkey. He, however, did not so read the -treaties to which reference had been made, and which already had been -broken; and as for our interests in India being in peril, he would only -say let duty come first and interest after, and perish our dominion in -India rather than that we should strike a blow in such a cause as that -of the Porte! Besides, it was not through Constantinople that the road -to India lay; nor was it for Constantinople that the Emperor of Russia -was ready to draw the sword. - -MR. FAWCETT, M.P.: If the Government went to war on behalf of Turkey, -he hoped the Liberal party would use every form allowed by Parliament -to prevent them from having one sixpence until they had ascertained by -an appeal to the country whether it was their wish that the blood and -treasure of England should be spilt, and the reputation of England cast -away in order to prop up a wretched, effete, and dissolute despotism. - -MR. GLADSTONE, who was received with prolonged cheering: - -“... What are we to say to the question of the Treaty of Paris? I will -give you my opinion in the most distinct manner. The Ottoman Porte has -in a most signal and conspicuous manner broken and trampled under foot -the Treaty of Paris. The meaning of this Guildhall speech was to set -forth that we were all bound by this Treaty to suggest that the Ottoman -Porte would be entitled to appeal to it; and whatever theoretical -acknowledgment there might be about affording assistance to the -Christian populations, yet in practice the appeal would have resolved -itself into the old practice of remonstrances and expostulations, with -results either none whatever, or confined to idle and empty words. -The Treaty of Paris in regard to the Porte I affirm to be no binding -Treaty at all. I am as far as possible from saying that the Treaty of -Paris is not binding as between the other Powers, but I stand simply -upon this broad, clear, and I think incontrovertible proposition--that -one who has broken a Treaty is no longer in a position to appeal to -it.... I now come to the conclusion of the Guildhall speech which -carried its sting, and a sting indeed it was, charged and overcharged -with venom. Why was it necessary to say that when England enters into -a war she has not to ask herself whether she can support a second or a -third campaign? Cannot that reference be understood? After her second -campaign in the Crimea Russia had to ask herself the question whether -she could enter upon a third? Why, then, was that particular form given -to a declaration which was perfectly unnecessary, of the capacity of -this country to go to war? Do not suppose that the capacity of this -country to go to war is increased by these idle vaunts. We know what -effect these words had in Russia; but a more important question was, -What was their effect in Constantinople? According to the reports of -those who have seen it, Constantinople is a Paradise of Nature; but -there are other paradises, one of which is called a Fool’s Paradise. I -am afraid that the Ottoman Porte, relying on the assistance of England -in the last extremity in all circumstances, has for a long time been in -a Fool’s Paradise, and it would have been much greater kindness not -to use words which were calculated to delude the Porte into the belief -that such were the intentions of England. We know that the Turk has -been relying on British aid, and although we do not think very highly -of his intelligence, has he no warrant for so relying? Why was the -squadron sent to Besika Bay, augmented into a fleet, in imitation of -the step taken in 1853?” - - -BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber’s note: - -Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a -predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not -changed. - -Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unpaired -quotation marks were corrected. - -Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FROM PALMERSTON TO DISRAELI -(1856-1876)*** - - -******* This file should be named 53725-0.txt or 53725-0.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/3/7/2/53725 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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