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+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
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+status under the laws that apply to them.
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #52588 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/52588)
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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Influence of sea Power upon the French
-Revolution and Empire 1793-1812, vol I, by Alfred Thayer Mahan
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
-almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
-re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
-with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
-
-
-Title: The Influence of sea Power upon the French Revolution and Empire 1793-1812, vol I
-
-Author: Alfred Thayer Mahan
-
-Release Date: July 21, 2016 [EBook #52588]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER, VOL I ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by StevenGibbs, Christian Boissonnas and the
-Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
- THE
-
- INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER
-
- UPON THE
-
- FRENCH REVOLUTION AND EMPIRE
-
- 1793-1812
-
- BY
-
- CAPTAIN A. T. MAHAN, U.S.N.
-
- PRESIDENT UNITED STATES NAVAL WAR COLLEGE
-
- AUTHOR OF "THE INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER UPON HISTORY, 1660-1783"
- OF "THE GULF AND INLAND WATERS," AND OF A
- "LIFE OF ADMIRAL FARRAGUT"
-
- IN TWO VOLUMES
-
- VOL. I.
-
- FOURTH EDITION.
-
- LONDON
-
- SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON, SEARLE, & RIVINGTON
- (LIMITED)
-
-
-
-
-UNIVERSITY PRESS: JOHN WILSON AND SON, CAMBRIDGE, U.S.A.
-
-
-
-
-PREFACE.
-
-
-The present work, like its predecessor, "The Influence of Sea Power
-upon History, 1660-1783," is wholly a result of the author's connection
-with the United States Naval War College as lecturer upon Naval History
-and Naval Tactics.
-
-When first asked to undertake that duty, the question naturally arose
-how to impart to the subject of Naval History an aspect which, in
-this very utilitarian age, should not be open to the ready reproach
-of having merely archæological interest, and possessing no practical
-value for men called upon to use the changed materials of modern naval
-war. "You won't have much to say about history," was then the somewhat
-discouraging comment of a senior officer of his own service.
-
-In pondering this matter, it occurred to the author—whose acquaintance
-with naval history was at that time wholly superficial—that the part
-played by navies, and by maritime power generally, as a factor in the
-results of history, and as shaping the destinies of nations and of the
-world, had received little or no particular attention. If this were
-so, an analysis of the course of events through a series of years,
-directed to show the influence of Sea Power upon History, would at
-least serve to imbue his hearers with an exalted sense of the mission
-of their calling; and might also, by throwing light upon the political
-bearings of naval force, contribute to give the service and the country
-a more definite impression of the necessity to provide a fleet adequate
-to great undertakings, lest, if an occasion should arise for what he
-has ventured to call "statesmanship directing arms," we should be found
-unprepared, through having no sufficient armed force to direct.
-
-In avowing this as the original, and, for a time at least, almost the
-sole motive of his work, the author practically confesses that he at
-the beginning had no scientific appreciation or reasoned knowledge
-of the naval history of the past. Upon giving this the attention
-required by his new duties, and collating the various incidents with
-the teachings of recognized authorities upon land warfare, he soon came
-to recognize that the principles which they claimed to be of general
-application in their own specialty received also ample and convincing
-illustration in naval annals; although the development of the Art of
-War at sea has been slower, and is now less advanced, than on shore.
-This backward result has been due, partly, to uncertainties peculiar to
-the sea, and partly to a contempt for the study of the past, and of
-its experience, as "not practical," from which the naval profession has
-not yet wholly rid itself.
-
-Thus, in its course, the author's former work, without abandoning its
-first simple motive, expanded into an attempt to analyze the strategic
-conduct of the naval campaigns, as well as the tactical features of the
-various battles—all too few—in which any clear tactical purpose was
-shown by the commanders engaged. The cordial reception given to the
-work by his professional brethren, in Great Britain as well as at home,
-has been to him not only most gratifying, but wholly unexpected. Its
-chief significance is, however, not personal. The somewhat surprised
-satisfaction testified is virtually an admission that, in the race
-for material and mechanical development, sea-officers as a class have
-allowed their attention to be unduly diverted from the systematic study
-of the Conduct of War, which is their peculiar and main concern. For,
-if the commendation bestowed be at all deserved, it is to be ascribed
-simply to the fact that the author has been led to give to the most
-important part of the profession an attention which it is in the power
-of any other officer to bestow, but which too few actually do.
-
-That the author has done so is due, wholly and exclusively, to the
-Naval War College, which was instituted to promote such studies.
-If further success attend his present venture, it is his hope that
-this avowal may help to assure the long uncertain fortunes of the
-College, to which,—and to its founder, Rear-Admiral Stephen B. Luce,—he
-gratefully acknowledges his indebtedness for guiding him into a path he
-would not himself have found.
-
-The term of this work is fixed at the year 1812; a date signalized by
-Napoleon's invasion of Russia, which wrecked his empire,—or at least
-gave the outward and visible token of the wreck,—and also by the
-outbreak of war between Great Britain and the United States. To the
-latter, as a subject of particular national interest, the author hopes
-in the near future to devote a special study.
-
- A. T. MAHAN.
-
- OCTOBER, 1892.
-
-
-
-
-CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
-
-
- CHAPTER I.
-
- INTRODUCTORY
-
- OUTLINE OF EVENTS IN EUROPE, 1783-1793.
-
- PAGE
-
- Prominence of the year 1793 1
-
- Leading features and results of the war of 1778 2
-
- Condition of the different belligerents at its termination 3
-
- Success of the second Pitt as a peace minister 5
-
- Advantage to Great Britain arising from his secure tenure of power 6
-
- Desire of Western Europe for peace 7
-
- Causes of disturbance 7
-
- Accession of Joseph II. to crown of Austria 7
-
- Commercial expansion of Austrian Netherlands during war of 1778 8
-
- Question of the navigation of the Scheldt 9
-
- Wide-spread interests therein involved 10
-
- The Eastern Question, 1780-1790 11
-
- Change of relations between Great Britain and Russia from
- 1770 to 1785 12
-
- Interests of France and of Great Britain in the Levant and
- Baltic 14
-
- Importance of Antwerp as a naval station 15
-
- Interests of European States in Holland and the Netherlands 16
-
- Relations between Russia and France, 1780-1790 17
-
- Preponderance of French influence in Dutch politics 17
-
- Joseph II. drops the question of the Scheldt 18
-
- Treaty of alliance between France and Holland, 1785 18
-
- Armed interference of Prussia in Holland, 1787 19
-
- British party regains ascendency in Holland, 1787 19
-
- Meeting of the Notables in France, February, 1787 19
-
- Turkey declares war against Russia, August, 1787 19
-
- Austria declares war against Turkey, February, 1788 19
-
- Great Britain and Holland proclaim a strict neutrality 20
-
- Consequent effect upon Russia's maritime projects 20
-
- Sweden attacks Russian Finland, June, 1788 21
-
- Defensive alliance between Great Britain, Prussia, and Holland,
- 1788 21
-
- Denmark attacks Sweden 21
-
- Interposition of Great Britain and Prussia in the Baltic 21
-
- Significance of this action 22
-
- Dawn of the modern Eastern Question 22
-
- Conflicting views of British statesmen about Russia, 1791 23
-
- External influence of France paralyzed by home troubles 24
-
- Progress of the war in southeastern Europe 24
-
- Renewed interference of Great Britain and Prussia in the Baltic 25
-
- Meeting of the States-General in France, 1789 25
-
- Cessation of hostilities between Austria and Turkey, September,
- 1790 26
-
- Storming of Ismail by Suwarrow, Christmas, 1790 26
-
- Peace of Galatz between Russia and Turkey, August, 1791 27
-
- General peace in eastern Europe, 1791 27
-
- Progress of the Revolution in France, 1789-1791 28
-
- Flight of the King, 1791 28
-
- Declaration of Pilnitz, August, 1791 28
-
- Significant coincidence of this date with Peace of Galatz 29
-
- France declares war against Austria, April, 1792 29
-
- Disorders in Paris, June-September, 1792 30
-
- Suspension of the King, August, 1792 30
-
- Battle of Valmy, September 20, 1792 30
-
- Meeting of National Convention, September 22, 1792 31
-
- Royalty abolished in France 31
-
- Battle of Jemappes, November 6, 1792 31
-
- The French occupy Austrian Netherlands and open the Scheldt 31
-
- Decree of Fraternity, November 19, 1792 31
-
- Decree extending the French system with their armies, December
- 15, 1792 32
-
- Strained relations between Great Britain and France 32
-
- Execution of Louis XVI., January 21, 1793 32
-
- Dismissal of the French minister by the British court 34
-
- France declares war against Great Britain and Holland, February
- 1, 1793 34
-
-
- CHAPTER II.
-
- THE CONDITION OF THE NAVIES IN 1793—AND ESPECIALLY THE
- FRENCH NAVY.
-
- Causes of the deterioration of the French navy after 1789 35
-
- Ignorance of maritime conditions among French administrators 37
-
- Value of the lessons derivable from this experience 38
-
- Factors conditioning the effects of any form of military activity 38
-
- The gun the one sea-weapon of the period in question 39
-
- A ship is a mobile battery 39
-
- It is handled by an organic body, whose members are mutually
- dependent 39
-
- Necessity of special training to such an organization 40
-
- Blindness of the French Legislature to these facts 41
-
- Rise and growth of insubordination in the navy 41
-
- The disturbances in Toulon, 1789 42
-
- Maltreatment of Commodore D'Albert de Rions 43
-
- Weakness of the National (Constituent) Assembly 43
-
- The Nootka Sound trouble between Spain and Great Britain, 1790 44
-
- France prepares to support Spain 45
-
- De Rions ordered to command the Brest fleet 45
-
- Mutiny in the Brest fleet 45
-
- De Rions leaves the navy 46
-
- His services and distinguished professional reputation 46
-
- Disorders in the navy abroad 47
-
- Disastrous effects upon the French colonies 48
-
- Emigration of French naval officers 49
-
- Reorganization of the navy by the Constituent Assembly, 1791 50
-
- Previous measures of the monarchical government, 1786 51
-
- Reorganization decrees of the Assembly, April, 1791 52
-
- Essential spirit of this legislation 53
-
- The Second (Legislative) Assembly lowers the qualifications for
- officers 54
-
- Naval officers in the Reign of Terror 54
-
- Further legislation by Third Assembly (National Convention), 1793 55
-
- Results of the successive measures 56
-
- Action of the Assemblies touching enlisted men 57
-
- Singular arguments based on equality of rights 58
-
- Extravagancies of the period 59
-
- Direct results of these measures as shown in battle 60
-
- Indirect effects of the laxness of the Assemblies upon discipline 60
-
- Mutiny in the Brest fleet, 1793 62
-
- Disorders in the Mediterranean fleet, 1792 63
-
- Deterioration of the material of the navy 64
-
- Misery of officers and seamen 64
-
- Want of naval supplies and equipment 67
-
- Effect of these disadvantages upon naval efficiency 68
-
- Effect of naval inefficiency upon the general results of the war 68
-
- Endurance and success of Great Britain due to her Sea Power 69
-
- Condition of the British navy in 1793 69
-
- Possesses a body of trained officers having a continuous
- tradition 69
-
- Embarrassment of Great Britain for seamen 70
-
- Condition and health of the crews 71
-
- Mutinies in the British navy. How characterized 72
-
- Character of the material in the British navy 73
-
- Comparative force of the French and British navies 75
-
- Numbers and condition of the Spanish navy 75
-
- Inefficiency of its officers and seamen 76
-
- Navies of Holland, Naples, and Portugal 78
-
- Of Turkey and the Baltic States 78
-
-
- CHAPTER III.
-
- THE GENERAL POLITICAL AND STRATEGIC CONDITIONS, AND THE
- EVENTS OF 1793.
-
- France declares war against Spain, March 7, 1793 79
-
- Character of the governments arrayed against France 79
-
- Mutual jealousy of Austria and Prussia 80
-
- Attitude of the smaller German States 80
-
- Military and naval situation of Spain 81
-
- Policy of Great Britain 82
-
- Attitude of Russia 82
-
- Second Partition of Poland 82
-
- Course of Sweden and Denmark 83
-
- Internal dissensions and external dangers of Holland 83
-
- Dutch colonies 83
-
- Relations between Portugal and Great Britain 84
-
- Attitude of the Italian States 84
-
- Extent and disorganization of the Turkish Empire 85
-
- Strategic importance of the Mediterranean islands 85
-
- Their political distribution 86
-
- Value of Malta and of Port Mahon 87
-
- Corsica in the beginning of the French Revolution 88
-
- Internal commotions in France 89
-
- Reverses in Belgium and treason of Dumouriez 89
-
- Reorganization of the Committee of Public Safety 90
-
- Revolt of Lyon against the Convention 90
-
- Fall of the Girondists 90
-
- Risings of their followers throughout France 90
-
- Siege of Lyon by Conventional troops 91
-
- Toulon delivered to the British and Spanish fleets 92
-
- French reverses on the eastern and northeastern frontiers 93
-
- Desperate state of France 93
-
- Mistakes of the allies 94
-
- Energy of the Convention and its commissioners 94
-
- Effect upon the armies 94
-
- Failure to attain similar results in the navy 95
-
- Causes of this failure 96
-
- Naval unpreparedness of Great Britain in 1793 96
-
- Difficulty in manning the fleet 96
-
- Distribution of the British naval forces 96
-
- Military and naval problem before Great Britain 97
-
- Military value of insurrections in an enemy's country 98
-
- Measures to compel the French navy to leave port 99
-
- Difficulty of blockading French ports 99
-
- Maritime claims of Great Britain 100
-
- Military character of Lord Howe 101
-
- His views of naval policy 101
-
- Proper strategic use of the British fleet 102
-
- Effects of inactivity upon a naval force 102
-
- Successes of the French armies toward the close of 1793 103
-
- Disasters of the Vendean insurgents 104
-
- Fall of Lyon 105
-
- The allies abandon Toulon, Dec. 19, 1793 105
-
- Disadvantages of Toulon for the allies 106
-
- End of the maritime year 1793 106
-
-
- CHAPTER IV.
-
- THE WEST INDIES, 1793-1810.
-
- Present importance of the West India islands 109
-
- Their value at the end of the eighteenth century 109
-
- Control of a maritime region dependent upon the navy 110
-
- Interests of Great Britain in the Caribbean Sea 110
-
- Condition of Haïti 111
-
- Relation of Haïti to the routes of commerce 112
-
- Mistaken policy of the British in Haïti 113
-
- Military and commercial value of the Lesser Antilles 114
-
- Their political distribution in 1793 114
-
- Naval weakness of Great Britain in that region 115
-
- Expedition of Jervis and Grey in 1794 115
-
- Capture of the French islands 115
-
- The French retake Guadaloupe 116
-
- Disastrous results to British possessions and commerce 117
-
- Expedition of Christian and Abercromby, 1796 117
-
- Its successes 118
-
- Criticism of British military policy in 1794 119
-
- Injury to Great Britain of Spanish and Dutch alliance with France 120
-
- Capture of Trinidad by the British 121
-
- Subsequent events in the West Indies 121
-
-
- CHAPTER V.
-
- THE NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF MAY, 1795, AND BATTLE OF THE
- FIRST OF JUNE.
-
- Distress in France in 1793 and 1794 122
-
- Food supplies ordered from the United States 123
-
- Ships of war sent to convoy them to France 123
-
- Squadrons of Nielly and Villaret sent to meet the convoy 124
-
- Determination of British government to intercept it 125
-
- Sailing of the Channel Fleet under Lord Howe 125
-
- Howe meets the French fleet under Villaret Joyeuse, May 28 126
-
- Partial engagement of May 28 127
-
- Manœuvres of May 29 129
-
- Partial engagement of May 29 130
-
- Lord Howe breaks the French line 131
-
- Villaret loses the advantage of the wind 131
-
- Summary of the results of the two days' engagements 133
-
- Merits of Howe's tactics 135
-
- Strategic mistake by which Montagu's squadron was not on hand 135
-
- Events of May 30 and 31 135
-
- Preparations for battle, June 1 136
-
- Character of Howe's attack 137
-
- Opening of the battle 138
-
- Howe's flag-ship again breaks the French line 139
-
- General success of the first attack 140
-
- The contest between the "Vengeur" and the "Brunswick" 140
-
- Sinking of the "Vengeur" 143
-
- Results of the encounter 144
-
- Villaret's manœuvre to rescue his crippled ships 145
-
- Howe's manœuvre to preserve his prizes 146
-
- Incomplete results of the British victory 147
-
- Physical prostration of Lord Howe 147
-
- Tactical analysis of the action 149
-
- Inferences deduced therefrom 152
-
- Conduct of the French captains 153
-
- Study of the strategic conduct of the two admirals 155
-
- Howe's tactical success neutralized by strategic error 160
-
- Termination of the campaign 161
-
- Safe arrival of the convoy at Brest 161
-
-
- CHAPTER VI.
-
- THE YEAR 1794 IN THE ATLANTIC AND ON THE CONTINENT.
-
- Inaction of the British Channel fleet 162
-
- Capture of the "Alexander," 74 162
-
- Disastrous winter cruise of the French Brest fleet 163
-
- Continued inactivity of the British Channel fleet 164
-
- Howe leaves the command afloat 165
-
- Succeeded by Bridport 165
-
- Change in the British Admiralty 165
-
- Little change of system 165
-
- Dangers incurred by faulty dispositions 166
-
- Reign of Terror in France 167
-
- Fall of Robespierre, July 27, 1794 167
-
- French successes on north-east frontier 168
-
- Divergent retreat of Austrians and Anglo-Dutch 169
-
- Conquest of Holland by the French 170
-
- Establishment of Batavian Republic 170
-
- Effect of this event upon the coalition 170
-
- War between Great Britain and Holland 170
-
- Fall of Dutch colonies 171
-
- French successes on the Rhine and in the Pyrenees 171
-
- Peace made with France by Prussia, Holland, and Spain 172
-
- Treaties of Great Britain with Austria and Russia 172
-
-
- CHAPTER VII.
-
- THE YEAR 1795 IN THE ATLANTIC AND ON THE CONTINENT.
-
- The year 1795 one of reaction in France 173
-
- Reactionary measures 174
-
- Counter-revolutionary disorders 175
-
- Constitution of 1795 175
-
- Dissolution of the National Convention 176
-
- Six French ships-of-the-line transferred from Brest to Toulon 176
-
- Action between Villaret Joyeuse and Cornwallis 177
-
- Bridport's action off Île Groix 178
-
- French adopt policy of commerce-destroying and withdraw their
- fleets from the ocean 179
-
- Criticism of this decision 179
-
- Military conclusions derivable from Napoleon's naval policy 180
-
- Weakness of French military action in 1795 180
-
- Serious reverses in Germany 181
-
- Suspension of arms in Germany 182
-
- Narrative shifts to the Mediterranean 183
-
- Summary of results in 1795 183
-
-
- CHAPTER VIII.
-
- THE MEDITERRANEAN AND ITALY.—FROM THE EVACUATION OF
- TOULON IN 1793 TO THE BRITISH WITHDRAWAL FROM THAT
- SEA, IN 1796, AND BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT, IN FEBRUARY,
- 1797.—AUSTRIA FORCED TO MAKE PEACE.
-
- Requirements of a base of operations 184
-
- Policy and objects of Great Britain in the Mediterranean 185
-
- Inadequacy of Gibraltar to these ends 185
-
- Advantages of Corsica as a base 186
-
- Expulsion of the French from Corsica 187
-
- The crown of Corsica offered to the king of Great Britain 188
-
- Strained relations between Paoli and the viceroy 188
-
- French Toulon fleet puts to sea, in March, 1795 189
-
- Action with the British Mediterranean fleet, March 14 190
-
- Lethargy of Admiral Hotham 192
-
- Losses in the two fleets 192
-
- French re-enforced by a detachment from Brest 192
-
- Disturbances in Toulon 193
-
- Brush between the fleets off the Hyères Islands 194
-
- Military events in Italy, 1795 195
-
- Difficulty of suppressing coasting trade along the Riviera of
- Genoa 196
-
- Sluggish movements of the Austrian general Devins 197
-
- Decisive defeat of the Austrians at the battle of Loano 198
-
- They retire across the Apennines 198
-
- Criticism of the management of the British navy 199
-
- Importance of Nelson's services 200
-
- Commerce-destroying by the French 201
-
- Admiral Jervis assumes command in the Mediterranean, and
- General Bonaparte in Italy 203
-
- Professional Characteristics of Jervis 203
-
- Disastrous results of Hotham's inactivity 207
-
- Share of the French flotilla in maintaining Bonaparte's
- communications 207
-
- Bonaparte's Italian campaign of 1796 208
-
- Sardinia forced to peace 209
-
- Successive defeats of the Austrians 210
-
- Bonaparte occupies the line of the Adige, and blockades Mantua 210
-
- Political results of the campaign 211
-
- Naples abandons the Coalition, and the French occupy Leghorn 211
-
- Consequent effects upon the British fleet 212
-
- Bonaparte's designs upon Corsica 213
-
- The British seize Elba 213
-
- Offensive and defensive alliance between Spain and France 214
-
- Singular conduct of Rear-Admiral Mann 214
-
- Critical position of the British Mediterranean fleet 215
-
- Ordered to evacuate Corsica 215
-
- Junction of French and Spanish fleets 215
-
- Jervis withdraws his fleet to Gibraltar 216
-
- Policy of thus evacuating the Mediterranean 217
-
- Influence of Naples upon Bonaparte's plans 218
-
- Succession of disasters to Jervis's fleet 219
-
- He repairs with it to Lisbon, January, 1797 219
-
- Nelson's detached expedition to evacuate Elba 219
-
- Events leading to the battle of Cape St. Vincent 220
-
- Battle of Cape St. Vincent 221
-
- Nelson's brilliant action 226
-
- Merit of Sir John Jervis 228
-
- Results of the battle 229
-
- Sir John Jervis created Earl St. Vincent 229
-
- Public depression in Great Britain at this time 230
-
- Influence upon public feeling of the news of the battle 231
-
- St. Vincent establishes the blockade of Cadiz 232
-
- Critical condition of discipline in the British navy 232
-
- Bonaparte's position in Italy 233
-
- Capitulation of Mantua 233
-
- Bonaparte advances through Carinthia into Austria 234
-
- Preliminaries of peace signed at Leoben, April, 1797 234
-
- Conditions, both open and secret 235
-
- Austria treats alone, apart from Great Britain 235
-
- Advantage to Great Britain from her Sea Power 236
-
- Note,—incident of the mutinies of 1797 occurring in the fleet
- of Earl St. Vincent 236-239
-
-
- CHAPTER IX.
-
- THE MEDITERRANEAN IN 1797 AND 1798.
-
- BONAPARTE'S EGYPTIAN EXPEDITION—THE RETURN OF THE
- BRITISH TO THE MEDITERRANEAN AND THE BATTLE OF THE
- NILE.—GREAT BRITAIN RESUMES CONTROL OF THE MEDITERRANEAN
- AND THE SECOND COALITION IS FORMED.
-
- Negotiations for peace between Great Britain and France, 1796 240
-
- The British envoy ordered to quit France 241
-
- Difficulties between the United States and France 242
-
- Death of Catharine II. of Russia and accession of Paul I. 243
-
- Reactionary results of the French elections in 1797 243
-
- Coup d'État of September 3-4, 1797 244
-
- Reactionary members exiled from France 245
-
- Renewed negotiations with Great Britain, 1797 245
-
- The British envoy again dismissed 246
-
- Bonaparte's Eastern projects 246
-
- Insidious treatment of Venice 247
-
- Nelson's expedition against Teneriffe 249
-
- He is repulsed, loses his right arm, and returns to England 250
-
- Peace of Campo Formio between France and Austria 250
-
- Conditions of the peace 251
-
- Venice ceases to exist, and France acquires the Ionian islands 251
-
- Bonaparte leaves Italy and returns to Paris 252
-
- Commands army intended to invade England 252
-
- Difficulties of this enterprise 252
-
- The expedition to Egypt determined in its stead 253
-
- Absence of the British fleet from the Mediterranean in 1797 254
-
- Nelson rejoins the fleet off Cadiz, April, 1798 256
-
- Sent with three ships to watch the preparations in Toulon 256
-
- Bonaparte sails with expedition for Egypt, May 19, 1798 256
-
- Nelson joined by a re-enforcement of ten ships-of-the-line 257
-
- Bonaparte seizes Malta, and sails again for Alexandria 257
-
- Perplexity of Nelson as to the enemy's designs 258
-
- Pursues to Alexandria, but fails to find the French 259
-
- Cause of this disappointment 259
-
- Retraces his steps to the westward 260
-
- Bonaparte anchors off Alexandria, and at once disembarks troops 260
-
- Nelson anchors at Syracuse, and again sails for Alexandria 261
-
- Discovers the French fleet anchored in Aboukir Bay 261
-
- Indecision and lethargy of the French admiral Brueys 262
-
- Neglect of Bonaparte's orders 263
-
- Description of Aboukir Bay 263
-
- Brueys's inadequate preparations against attack 264
-
- Comparison with those made by Hood in a like position 265
-
- Battle of the Nile 266
-
- Concentration upon the head of the French column 268
-
- Grounding of the "Culloden" 269
-
- Arrival of the British reserve and concentration on the French
- centre 270
-
- The French flag-ship blows up 271
-
- Only two French ships-of-the-line escape 271
-
- Discussion of Nelson's claims to the credit of this action 273
-
- Successes of Bonaparte in Egypt 277
-
- Effect upon French troops of the battle of the Nile 277
-
- Effect of the battle upon foreign powers 277
-
- Aggressive action of France upon the continent of Europe 278
-
- Intervention in Switzerland and Rome 279
-
- Dissatisfaction of Naples and Austria 280
-
- Hostile attitude of Paul I. of Russia 281
-
- Alliance between Russia and Austria 282
-
- Effect of the tidings of the battle of the Nile 282
-
- Influence of the battle in India 283
-
- Nelson ordered to Naples 284
-
- Blockade of Malta by the British 285
-
- Disposition of the British Mediterranean fleet 286
-
- Russo-Turkish attack upon the Ionian islands 286
-
- Minorca captured by the British 287
-
- Maritime results of the year 1798 287
-
-
- CHAPTER X.
-
- THE MEDITERRANEAN FROM 1799 TO 1801.
-
- BONAPARTE'S SYRIAN EXPEDITION AND SIEGE OF ACRE.—THE
- INCURSION OF THE FRENCH BREST FLEET UNDER ADMIRAL
- BRUIX.—BONAPARTE'S RETURN TO FRANCE.—THE FRENCH
- LOSE MALTA AND EGYPT.
-
- Bonaparte's hopes from the Egyptian expedition 288
-
- Weakness of Egyptian institutions 289
-
- Conquest of Upper Egypt 289
-
- The Pasha of Syria advances against Egypt 290
-
- Isolation of the French in Egypt 290
-
- Consequent embarrassment of Bonaparte 291
-
- Bonaparte hears of the Turkish preparations against him 292
-
- Resolves to invade Syria 292
-
- The French capture El Arish and advance to Acre 293
-
- Character of Sir Sidney Smith, commanding the British squadron
- off Acre 294
-
- His naval and diplomatic mission to the Levant 296
-
- Annoyance thereby caused to Nelson and St. Vincent 297
-
- Smith assumes command off Alexandria 298
-
- Importance of Acre 299
-
- Smith arrives at Acre from Alexandria 299
-
- Captures a convoy with Bonaparte's siege train 300
-
- Siege of Acre 300
-
- Arrival of Turkish re-enforcements from Rhodes 301
-
- Final assault by the French 302
-
- They raise the siege and retreat to Egypt 302
-
- Services of Sir Sidney Smith at Acre 303
-
- The French fleet of twenty-five ships-of-the-line, under Admiral
- Bruix, escapes from Brest 304
-
- Conduct of Lord Bridport 305
-
- Excitement in Great Britain 306
-
- Bruix appears off Cadiz, and enters the Mediterranean 307
-
- Exposed position of the British naval detachments 308
-
- Anxieties of Earl St. Vincent 309
-
- Measures taken by him 309
-
- Action of Nelson 310
-
- Activity and sagacity shown by St. Vincent 311
-
- The Spanish fleet leaves Cadiz and reaches Cartagena 312
-
- St. Vincent's health fails, and he gives up command to Keith 312
-
- Bruix eludes Keith's pursuit and joins Spaniards in Cartagena 313
-
- The allied fleets pass the Straits and reach Brest 316
-
- Keith pursues to Brest and then goes to Torbay 316
-
- Discussion of the French objects in this cruise 316
-
- Conduct of the British admirals at the same time 318
-
- The Turkish army lands in Aboukir Bay to attack the French 321
-
- It is destroyed by Bonaparte 322
-
- Bonaparte quits Egypt and returns to France 323
-
- Criticism of the Egyptian expedition 324
-
- Absolute control of the Mediterranean by the British navy 328
-
- Surrender of Malta 330
-
- Isolation of Egypt 330
-
- Convention of El Arish for the evacuation of Egypt by the French 332
-
- Ratification refused by British government, because unauthorized 333
-
- Abercromby's expedition. Final loss of Egypt by the French 334
-
- Assassination of Kleber 334
-
-
- CHAPTER XI.
-
- THE ATLANTIC, 1796-1801.—THE BREST BLOCKADES.—THE
- FRENCH EXPEDITIONS AGAINST IRELAND.
-
- The French resolution to depend upon commerce-destroying 335
-
- Consequent effect upon naval war and upon the control of the sea 336
-
- Resulting dispositions of French and British navies 337
-
- Inefficient character of the blockade of Brest 338
-
- Conditions of the maritime problem before Great Britain stated 339
-
- Measures proper to be adopted 340
-
- Mutual relations of the elements of a defensive system 341
-
- Two aspects under which the military value of Brest should be
- considered 342
-
- Description of the port and its surroundings 342
-
- Strategic importance of the winds 344
-
- Anchorages available to the British fleets as bases of operations
- against Brest 344
-
- Theory of the Brest blockade 345
-
- Fitness of the British bases relative to this theory 345
-
- Policies of St. Vincent, Howe, and Bridport 346
-
- Causes leading to the Irish expedition of 1796 347
-
- Preparations for the expedition 348
-
- Hoche appointed to command it 349
-
- Villaret Joyeuse appointed to command the fleet 349
-
- His distaste for the enterprise 349
-
- He is superseded by Morard de Galles 350
-
- Inefficiency of the French navy at this time 350
-
- Departure of the expedition 351
-
- Its dispersal on the night of starting 353
-
- Reunion of the greater part of the ships 354
-
- Absence of the two commanders-in-chief 354
-
- The expedition reaches the coast of Ireland 355
-
- Mishaps in Bantry Bay 356
-
- The ships return to France 357
-
- Shipwreck of the "Droits de l'Homme" 358
-
- Misfortunes of the ship carrying Hoche and Morard 359
-
- Inefficiency of the British dispositions against invasion 360
-
- Analysis of these dispositions 361
-
- Consequent impunity of the French 367
-
- St. Vincent succeeds, in 1800, to the command of the Channel
- fleet 368
-
- His strategic management of the general operations 369
-
- His tactical dispositions to maintain the watch of the port 371
-
- Dependence of the admiralty upon the commander-in-chief 373
-
- St. Vincent's provisions in case of the blockade being forced 374
-
- Decisive effects of the system introduced by him 375
-
- Paralysis of Brest under this watch 376
-
- Napoleon in consequence adopts Antwerp as his chief dockyard 377
-
- Purposed expedition against Ireland from the Texel 378
-
- Naval battle of Camperdown 378
-
- Death of Hoche 378
-
- The expeditions of 1798 against Ireland 379
-
- Cessation of the attempts upon Ireland 380
-
-
-
-
-LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
-
-
- VOLUME I.
-
- MAPS AND BATTLE PLANS.
-
- PAGE
-
- I. Manœuvres of May 29, 1794, Figures 1 and 2 129
-
- II. Manœuvres of May 29, 1794, Fig. 3 131
-
- III. Battle of June 1, 1794 137
-
- IV. Map of Northern Italy 195
-
- V. Battle of Cape St. Vincent 223
-
- VI. Map of the Mediterranean 257
-
- VII. Coast Map, Alexandria to the Nile 263
-
- VIII. Battle of the Nile 266
-
- IX. Map of English Channel and North Sea 335
-
- X. Map of Brest and its Approaches 342
-
-
-
-
-THE
-
-INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER
-
-UPON THE
-
-FRENCH REVOLUTION AND EMPIRE.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER I.
-
-INTRODUCTORY.
-
-OUTLINE OF EVENTS IN EUROPE, 1783-1793.
-
-
-The ten years following the Peace of Versailles, September 3, 1783,
-coming between the two great wars of American Independence and of the
-French Revolution, seem like a time of stagnation. The muttering and
-heaving which foretold the oncome of the later struggle were indeed to
-be heard by those whose ears were open, long before 1793. The opening
-events and violences which marked the political revolution were of
-earlier date, and war with Austria and Prussia began even in 1792;
-but the year 1793 stands out with a peculiar prominence, marked as it
-is by the murder of the king and queen, the beginning of the Reign
-of Terror, and the outbreak of hostilities with the great Sea Power,
-whose stubborn, relentless purpose and mighty wealth were to exert the
-decisive influence upon the result of the war. Untiring in sustaining
-with her gold the poorer powers of the Continent against the common
-enemy, dogged in bearing up alone the burden of the war, when one by
-one her allies dropped away, the year in which Great Britain, with her
-fleets, her commerce, and her money, rose against the French republic,
-with its conquering armies, its ruined navy, and its bankrupt
-treasury, may well be taken as the beginning of that tremendous strife
-which ended at Waterloo.
-
-To the citizen of the United States, the war whose results were summed
-up and sealed in the Treaty of Versailles is a landmark of history
-surpassing all others in interest and importance. His sympathies are
-stirred by the sufferings of the many, his pride animated by the noble
-constancy of the few whose names will be forever identified with the
-birth-throes of his country. Yet in a less degree this feeling may
-well be shared by a native of Western Europe, though he have not the
-same vivid impression of the strife, which, in so distant a land and
-on so small a scale, brought a new nation to life. This indeed was the
-_great_ outcome of that war; but in its progress, Europe, India, and
-the Sea had been the scenes of deeds of arms far more dazzling and at
-times much nearer home than the obscure contest in America. In dramatic
-effect nothing has exceeded the three-years siege of Gibraltar,
-teeming as it did with exciting interest, fluctuating hopes and
-fears, triumphant expectation and bitter disappointment. England from
-her shores saw gathered in the Channel sixty-six French and Spanish
-ships-of-the-line,—a force larger than had ever threatened her since
-the days of the Great Armada, and before which her inferior numbers had
-to fly, for the first time, to the shelter of her ports. Rodney and
-Suffren had conducted sea campaigns, fought sea fights, and won sea
-victories which stirred beyond the common the hearts of men in their
-day, and which still stand conspicuous in the story of either navy. In
-one respect above all, this war was distinguished; in the development,
-on both sides, of naval power. Never since the days of De Ruyter and
-Tourville had so close a balance of strength been seen upon the seas.
-Never since the Peace of Versailles to our own day has there been such
-an approach to equality between the parties to a sea war.
-
-The three maritime nations issued wearied from the strife, as did also
-America; but the latter, though with many difficulties still to meet,
-was vigorous in youth and unfettered by bad political traditions. The
-colonists of yesterday were thoroughly fitted to retrieve their own
-fortunes and those of their country; to use the boundless resources
-which Divine Providence had made ready to their hands. It was quite
-otherwise with France and Spain; while Great Britain, though untouched
-with the seeds of decay that tainted her rivals, was weighed down with
-a heavy feeling of overthrow, loss and humiliation, which for the
-moment hid from her eyes the glory and wealth yet within her reach.
-Colonial ambition was still at its loftiest height among the nations
-of Europe, and she had lost her greatest, most powerful colony. Not
-only the king and the lords, but the mass of the people had set their
-hearts upon keeping America. Men of all classes had predicted ruin to
-the Empire if it parted with such a possession; and now they had lost
-it, wrung from them after a bitter struggle, in which their old enemies
-had overborne them on the field they called their own, the Sea. The Sea
-Power of Great Britain had been unequal to the task laid upon it, and
-so America was gone. A less resolute people might have lost hope.
-
-If the triumph of France and Spain was proportionate to their
-rival's loss, this was no true measure of their gains, nor of the
-relative positions of the three in the years after the war. American
-Independence profited neither France nor Spain. The latter had indeed
-won back the Floridas and Minorca; but she had utterly failed before
-Gibraltar, and Jamaica had not even been attacked. Minorca, as Nelson
-afterwards said, was always England's when she wanted it. It belonged
-not to this power or that, but to the nation that controlled the
-sea; so England retook it in 1798, when her fleets again entered the
-Mediterranean. France had gained even less than Spain. Her trading
-posts in India had been restored; but they, even more than Minorca,
-were defenceless unless in free communication with and supported by the
-sea power of the mother-country. In the West Indies she returned to
-Great Britain more than the latter did to her. "France," says a French
-historian, "had accomplished the duties of her providential mission"
-(in freeing America); "her moral interests, the interests of her glory
-and of her ideas were satisfied. The interests of her material power
-had been badly defended by her government; the only solid advantage she
-had obtained was depriving England of Minorca, that curb on Toulon, far
-more dangerous to us when in their hands than is Gibraltar."[1]
-
-Unfortunately at this moment France was far richer in ideas, moral
-and political, and in renown, than in solid power. The increasing
-embarrassment of the Treasury forced her to stay her hand, and to yield
-to her rival terms of peace utterly beyond what the seeming strength
-of either side justified. The French navy had reaped glory in the five
-years of war; not so much, nearly, as French writers claim for it,
-but still it had done well, and the long contest must have increased
-the efficiency of its officers along with their growing experience. A
-little more time only was wanted for France, allied to Spain, to gain
-lasting results as well as passing fame. This time poverty refused her.
-
-Spain, as for centuries back, still depended for her income almost
-wholly upon her treasure ships from America. Always risked by war,
-this supply became more than doubtful when the undisputed control of
-the sea passed to an enemy. The policy of Spain, as to peace or war,
-was therefore tied fast to that of France, without whose navy her
-shipping lay at England's mercy; and, though the national pride clung
-obstinately to its claim for Gibraltar, it was forced to give way.
-
-Great Britain alone, after all her losses, rested on a solid foundation
-of strength. The American contest by itself had cost her nearly
-£100,000,000, and rather more than that amount had during the war
-been added to the national debt; but two years later this had ceased
-to increase, and soon the income of the State was greater than the
-outgo. Before the end of 1783, the second William Pitt, then a young
-man of twenty-four, became prime minister. With genius and aims
-specially fitted to the restorative duties of a time of peace, the
-first of British finance ministers in the opinion of Mr. Gladstone,[2]
-he bent his great powers to fostering the commerce and wealth of the
-British people. With firm but skilful hand he removed, as far as the
-prejudices of the day would permit and in the face of much opposition,
-the fetters, forged by a mistaken policy, that hampered the trade
-of the Empire. Promoting the exchange of goods with other nations,
-simplifying the collection of taxes and the revenue, he added at once
-to the wealth of the people and to the income of the State. Although
-very small in amount, as compared with the enormous figures of later
-years, the exports and imports of Great Britain increased over fifty
-per cent between the years 1784 and 1792. Even with the lately severed
-colonies of North America the same rate of gain, as compared with the
-trade before the war, held good; while with the old enemy of his father
-and of England, with France, there was concluded in 1786 a treaty of
-commerce which was exceedingly liberal for those days, and will, it
-is said, bear a favorable comparison with any former or subsequent
-treaty between the two countries. "In the course of little more than
-three years from Mr. Pitt's acceptance of office as First Lord of the
-Treasury," says the eulogist of his distinguished rival, Fox, "great
-commercial and financial reforms had been effected.... The nation
-overcoming its difficulties, and rising buoyant from depression, began
-rapidly to increase its wealth, to revive its spirit, and renew its
-strength."[3]
-
-Such was the home condition of the British people; but fully to
-appreciate the advantageous position to which it was rising, in
-preparation for the great conflict still unforeseen, it must be
-remembered that all things worked together to centre and retain the
-political executive power in the hands of Pitt. The feelings of the
-king, then a very real force in the nation; the confidence of the
-people, given to his father's son and fixed by the wisdom of his
-own conduct and the growth of the moneyed prosperity so dear to the
-British heart; the personal character of his only rival in ability,—all
-combined to commit the political guidance of the State to one man at
-the great crisis when such unity of action was essential to strength.
-Whether the great peace minister was equal to the wisest direction of
-war has been questioned, and has been denied. Certainly it was not
-the office he himself would have chosen; but it was a great gain for
-England that she was at this time able to give herself wholly to a
-single leader. He took office with a minority of one hundred in the
-House of Commons, held it for two months constantly out-voted, and then
-dissolving Parliament appealed to the country. The election gave him a
-majority of over a hundred,—a foretaste of the unwavering support he
-received from the representatives of the people during the early and
-critical years of the French Revolution, when the yet fluid opinions
-of the nation were gradually being cast and hardened into that set
-conviction and determination characteristic of the race.
-
-How different the state of France is well known. The hopeless
-embarrassment of the finances, hopeless at least under the political
-and social conditions, the rapid succession of ministers, each sinking
-deeper in entanglements, the weak character of the king, the conflict
-of opinions, the lack of sympathy between classes, all tending to the
-assembling of the Notables in February, 1787, and the yet more pregnant
-meeting of the States General, May 4, 1789, which was the beginning of
-the end. France was moneyless and leaderless.
-
-But while the Western countries of Europe were by these circumstances
-disposed or constrained to wish for the continuance of peace,
-restlessness showed itself in other quarters and in ways which, from
-the close relations of the European States, disquieted the political
-atmosphere. The Austrian Netherlands and Holland, Poland and Turkey,
-the Black Sea and the Baltic, became the scene of diplomatic intrigues
-and of conflicts, which, while they did not involve the great Western
-Powers in actual war, caused them anxiety and necessitated action.
-
-The Empress-Queen of Austria and Hungary, Maria Theresa, had died in
-1780. Her son, the Emperor Joseph II., came to the throne in the prime
-of life, and with his head full of schemes for changing and bettering
-the condition of his dominions. In 1781, the weakness of Holland being
-plainly shown by her conduct of the war with Great Britain, and the
-other countries having their hands too full to interfere, he demanded
-and received the surrender of the fortified towns in the Austrian
-Netherlands; which, under the name of the "barrier towns," had been
-held and garrisoned by Holland since the Peace of Utrecht in 1713, as a
-bridle upon the ambition of France. At the same time the circumstances
-of the great maritime contest, which during the American Revolution
-covered all the seas of Europe, impelled every neutral nation having
-a seaboard to compete for the carrying trade. Holland for a time had
-shared this profit with the nations of the North; but when Great
-Britain, rightly or wrongly, forced her into war, the trade which had
-been carried on through Holland and her great rivers reaching into the
-heart of Germany, being denied its natural channel, sought a new one
-through the Austrian Netherlands by the port of Ostend. The growth
-of the latter, like that of Nassau during the Civil War in the United
-States, was forced and unhealthy,—due not to natural advantages but
-to morbid conditions; but it fostered the already strong wish of the
-emperor for a sea power which no other part of his dominions could give.
-
-This movement of Belgian commerce was accelerated by the disappearance
-of the British carrying trade. As in the days of Louis XIV., before he
-had laid up his ships-of-the-line, so in the American War the cruisers
-and privateers of the allies, supported by the action of the combined
-fleets occupying the British navy, preyed ravenously on British
-shipping. In the days of the elder Pitt it had been said that commerce
-was made to live and thrive by war; but then the French great fleets
-had left the sea, and British armed ships protected trade and oppressed
-the enemy's cruisers. Between 1778 and 1783 Great Britain was fully
-engaged on every sea, opposing the combined fleets and protecting as
-far as she could her colonies. "This untoward state of things reduced
-the English merchants to difficulties and distresses, with respect to
-the means of carrying on their trade, which they had never experienced
-in any other war. Foreign vessels were used for the conveyance of
-their goods, and the protection of a foreign flag for the first time
-sought by Englishmen."[4] The writer forgot the days of Jean Bart,
-Duguay-Trouin, and Forbin; we may profitably note that like conditions
-lead to like results.
-
-Thus, while America was struggling for life, and the contests of
-England, France, and Spain were heard in all quarters of the world,
-Netherland ships showed abroad on every sea the flag of an inland
-empire, and Ostend grew merrily; but if the petty port and narrow
-limits thus throve, how should the emperor bear to see the great city
-of Antwerp, with its noble river and its proud commercial record,
-shut up from the sea as it had been since the Treaty of Westphalia?
-His discontent was deep and instant; but it was the misfortune of
-this prince that he took in hand more than his own capacity and the
-extent of his estates would let him complete. His attention being for
-the moment diverted to southeastern Europe, where Austria and Russia
-were then acting in diplomatic concert against the Porte, the question
-of Antwerp was dropped. Before it could be resumed, the Peace of
-Versailles had left Great Britain, France, and Holland—all so vitally
-interested in whatever concerned Belgium—free, though loath, to enter
-into a new contention. Matters having been for the time arranged with
-Turkey, the emperor again in 1784 renewed his demands, alleging, after
-the manner of statesmen, several collateral grievances, but on the
-main issue saying roundly that "the entire and free navigation of the
-Scheldt from Antwerp to the sea was a _sine qua non_" to any agreement.
-
-The arguments—commercial, political, or founded on treaty—which were
-in this instance urged for or against the natural claim of a country
-to use a river passing through its own territory, to the sea that
-washes its shores, are not here in question; but it is important to
-analyze the far-reaching interests at stake, to note the bearing of
-this dispute upon them and so upon the general diplomacy of Europe,
-and thereby trace its intimate connection with that Sea Power whose
-influence upon the course of history at this period it is our aim
-to weigh. Though modified in expression by passing events, and even
-at times superficially reversed, like natural currents checked and
-dammed by contrary winds, these underlying tendencies—being dependent
-upon permanent causes—did not cease to exist during the storm of the
-Revolution. Ever ready to resume their course when the momentary
-opposition was removed, the appreciation of them serves to explain
-apparent contradictions, produced by the conflicts between transient
-necessity and enduring interests.
-
-From that great centre of the world's commerce where the Scheldt,
-the Meuse, the Rhine, and the Thames meet in the North Sea, near the
-Straits of Dover, there then parted two principal lines of trade
-passing through European waters,—through seas, that is, along whose
-shores were planted many different powers, foreign and possibly hostile
-to each other. Of these two lines, one ended in the Baltic; the other,
-after skirting the coasts of France and the Spanish peninsula and
-running the gantlet of the Barbary corsairs, ended in the Levant or
-Turkish Seas. The great Empire of Russia, which only made itself felt
-in the sphere of European politics after the Treaty of Utrecht, in
-1713, had since then been moving forward not only its centre, which
-bore upon the continent of Europe, but also both its wings; one of
-which touched and overshadowed the Baltic on the North, while the
-other, through a steady course of pressure and encroachment upon the
-Turks, had now reached the Black Sea. This advance had been aided by
-the fixedness with which France and England, through their ancient
-rivalry and their colonial ambitions, had kept their eyes set upon each
-other and beyond the Atlantic; but the Peace of Versailles forced the
-combatants to pause, and gave them time to see other interests, which
-had been overlooked through the long series of wars waged, between 1739
-and 1783, over commerce and colonies. It was then realized that not
-only had Russia, in the past half-century, advanced her lines by the
-partition of Poland and by taking from Sweden several provinces on the
-Baltic, but also that she had so added to her influence upon the Black
-Sea and over the Turkish Empire by successive aggressions, wresting
-bits of territory and establishing claims of interference in behalf of
-Turkish subjects, as to make her practical supremacy in Eastern waters
-a possibility of the future.
-
-The Western Question, as it may fitly be called, had been settled by
-the birth of a new nation, destined to greatness and preponderance in
-the western hemisphere; the Eastern Question, phrase now so familiar,
-soon loomed on the horizon. Was it to receive a like solution? Was
-a great nation, already close to the spot, to win a position of
-exceptional advantage for dominating in eastern waters as America must
-do in western? for it must be remembered that, although the Levant was
-then only the end of a European trade route, both the history of the
-past and the well understood possibilities of the future pointed to
-it as one of the greatest centres of commerce, and therefore of human
-interest and political influence, in the world. The Levant and Egypt
-had then, and still keep, the same interest that is now being felt in
-the Isthmus of Panama and the Caribbean; and it is hard to imagine
-a more threatening condition of naval power than the possession of
-the Black Sea and its impregnable entrance, by a vigorous nation, so
-close to the Eastern highway of the world. The position in 1783 was
-the more dangerous from the close alliance and respective abilities
-of the rulers of Austria and Russia; the cool-headed and experienced
-Catharine, through her influence on her weaker colleague, directing the
-resources of both empires in a path most favorable to Russia.
-
-The tendency of Russian growth, and the historic events which marked
-its progress, were, of course, well enough known in England long
-before; but there is a difference between knowing facts and realizing
-their full meaning. Circumstances alter cases; and men's minds, when
-strongly bent one way, do not heed what is passing elsewhere. Hence,
-in 1785, we find the attitude of Great Britain toward Russia very
-different from that of fifteen years earlier, when the empress and
-the Porte were at war. In 1770, British officers commanded Russian
-fleets and ships, and a British admiral had leave to take a place
-in the Russian Admiralty, with the promise of his home rank being
-restored to him. The Czarina sent a fleet of twenty sail-of-the-line
-from the Baltic to the Levant. They stopped and refitted in Spithead;
-Russian soldiers were landed and camped ashore to refresh themselves;
-English sergeants of marines were employed to drill them; a Russian
-eighty-gun ship, flying the flag of an Anglo-Russian admiral, was
-docked in Portsmouth and cut down to improve her sailing qualities.
-Thus comforted and strengthened they sailed for the Mediterranean;
-and, receiving further damage from the poor seamanship of their crews,
-they were again fitted at Port Mahon,—then an English dockyard,—for
-action in the Levant.[5] When, among the hard knocks of the two
-following years, the Russians destroyed a Turkish fleet of fifteen
-ships-of-the-line in a port of Asia Minor, British lieutenants
-commanded the fire-ships, and a British commodore the covering squadron.
-
-To us now, with our remembrance of Kars and Silistria, of the Crimea
-and Hobart Pasha, of Cyprus and Besika Bay, these things seem like a
-dream; and the more so, that the Mediterranean powers of the earlier
-day viewed the Russian approach with ill-concealed mistrust, and laid
-severe restrictions upon the use of their ports. But Turkey then,
-though a good friend to Great Britain, was a yet better friend to
-France; the Turkish alliance had been useful to the latter country by
-making diversion in her wars with Austria, Great Britain's natural
-ally; the French were the favored nation by Turkish commercial
-treaties, and a naval war in eastern waters could not but be injurious
-to their commerce. Difficulties about trade might even bring about a
-collision between France and Russia, which at least could do no harm
-to Great Britain at a time when her rival was known to be steadily
-building up her navy with a view to revenge past defeats; just as now
-she is thought to be looking for a day of reckoning with Germany.
-The Baltic trade was also of immense value, and the friendship of
-Russia was necessary thereto. Altogether, in 1770, the Russian nation,
-notwithstanding the French leanings of the Czarina, was, upon the
-whole, the friend of Great Britain's friends, and the opponent of
-her enemies,—especially of the one traditional, or, as even generous
-Englishmen used to say, the _natural_ enemy, France. Russia bore
-especially against Sweden, Poland, and Turkey; and these it was the
-consistent aim of the best school of French statesmen to court and
-strengthen.
-
-But in 1785 a great change had taken place. The war of 1770 had planted
-Russia firmly on the Black Sea. The treaty of Kainardji in 1774
-admitted her trade freely to the Mediterranean,—a privilege which other
-trading nations, in the narrow spirit of the day, considered their own
-loss. Russian frigates had entered the Dardanelles on their way to the
-Black Sea; and though the Porte, terrified at the consequences of its
-action, stopped them at Constantinople, the move was none the less
-significant. Then there had come, in 1774, the partition of Poland,
-universally condemned as unrighteous and dangerous to the balance of
-power, though submitted to by the other States. If Great Britain,
-though restless over this, saw still some compensation in the injury
-done to France by the weakening of her allies, and hugged herself with
-the belief that her insular position made the continental balance of
-less moment, she had had a severe reminder of Russia's growing strength
-and power to injure, in the Armed Neutrality of 1780. This unfriendly
-blow, aimed by a State she had looked upon as almost a natural ally,
-which she had so greatly helped but ten years before, and which had now
-chosen the moment of her direst straits to attack what she considered
-her maritime rights, probably completed the alienation, and opened
-the eyes of British statesmen to the new danger with which they were
-threatened by the position of Russia upon the Baltic and close to the
-Mediterranean.
-
-France, also, had little less interest than England in this condition
-of things, and certainly felt no less. From the days of Henry IV. and
-Colbert, and even before, she had looked upon the Levant as peculiarly
-her own field, the home of a faithful ally, and the seat of a lucrative
-trade which was almost monopolized by her. Although so far foiled in
-India, she had not yet lost her hopes of overcoming and replacing the
-British hold upon that land of fabled wealth, and she understood the
-important bearing of the Levant and Egypt upon the security of tenure
-there. It need not then surprise us, in the great maritime war which we
-are approaching, to find Napoleon—for all his greatness, the child of
-his generation—amid all the glory and bewildering rush of his famous
-Italian campaign, planning conquest in Egypt and the East, and Nelson,
-that personification of the British sea power of his day, fighting
-his two most brilliant battles in the Levant and in the Baltic. Nor
-will we be unprepared to see an importance equal to that of Gibraltar
-and Mahon in former days, now attached to points like Malta, Corfu,
-Taranto, Brindisi, as well as to Sicily and Egypt, by the statesmen,
-generals, and admirals, whose counsels directed the military efforts of
-the belligerents. Many of these points had heretofore lain out of the
-field of action of the Western Powers, but the rising Eastern Question
-was bringing them forward.
-
-Nor was it in the Levant alone that questions vitally affecting the
-rival States awaited solution. The trade interests of the Baltic, as
-the outlet through which great rivers and the products of immense
-regions found their way to the world beyond, made its control also
-an object of importance to both the chief parties in the coming
-struggle,—to Great Britain who strove to drive her enemy off the sea,
-and to France who wished to shut out hers from the land. But, besides
-its commercial importance, the secluded character of the sea, the
-difficulty of the approach,—aggravated by the severe climate,—and the
-immense preponderance in strength of Russia over Sweden and Denmark,
-made always possible an armed combination such as that of 1780, which
-was in fact renewed in 1800, seriously threatening the naval supremacy
-of Great Britain. Such a coalition it was vital to the latter to
-prevent, and most desirable to her enemy to effect. If formed, it
-was a nucleus around which readily gathered all other malcontents,
-dissatisfied with the harsh and overbearing manner in which the great
-Sea Power enforced what she considered her rights over neutral ships.
-
-The nearness of England to the Baltic made it unnecessary to have naval
-stations on the way for the repair or shelter of her shipping, but
-it was most undesirable that the ports and resources of Holland and
-Belgium, lying close on the flank of the route, and doubly strong in
-the formidable outworks of shoals and intricate navigation with which
-nature had protected them, should be under the control of a great
-hostile power. Jean Bart, and his fellow-privateersmen of a hundred
-years before, had shown the danger to British shipping from even the
-third-rate port of Dunkirk, so situated. Where Dunkirk sent squadrons
-of frigates, Antwerp could send fleets of ships-of-the-line. The
-appearance of Russia, therefore, and her predominance on the Baltic,
-made weightier still the interest in the political condition of the
-Low Countries which, for generations past, Great Britain had felt on
-account of her commercial relations with them, and through them with
-Germany; an interest hitherto aroused mainly by the ambition of France
-to control their policy, if not actually to possess herself of a large
-part of their territory. She had to fear that which was realized under
-Napoleon,—the conversion of Antwerp into a great naval station, with
-free access to the sea, and the control of its resources and those of
-the United Provinces by a strong and able enemy.
-
-Great Britain, therefore, had in 1781 seen with just apprehension the
-aggressive attitude of Joseph II. toward the Dutch, and the fall of
-the "barrier towns." It is true that these fortresses had ceased to
-afford much protection to Holland, owing to her military decline, but
-the event emphasized her exposure to France; while the power of Austria
-to defend her own provinces, or the Dutch, was notoriously less than
-that of France to attack, owing to the relative distance of the two
-from the scene, and the danger to troops, on the march from Austria, of
-being assailed in flank from the French frontier. Now, again, in 1784,
-she was forced to look with anxiety—less on account of Austria than
-of France—upon this raising of the question of the Scheldt. There was
-little cause to fear Austria becoming a great sea power now, when she
-had held the Netherlands three fourths of a century without becoming
-such; but there was good reason to dread that the movements in progress
-might result in increasing her rival's sea power and influence—perhaps
-even her territory—in the Low Countries. All these things did come to
-pass, though not under the dying monarchy.
-
-It may be presumed that the wise Catharine of Russia, without in the
-least foreseeing the approaching French convulsion which shook her
-plans as well as those of other European rulers, realized the true
-relations between her country and the Western powers, when she so
-heartily supported the emperor in his claim for the free navigation
-of the Scheldt. There was no likelihood then, as there is little
-likelihood now, that Great Britain and France would act together in
-the Eastern Question, then too new to outweigh former prejudices or to
-unite old enemies. If the contention of Austria were successful, Russia
-would secure a friendly port in a region naturally hostile to her
-pretensions. If unsuccessful, as things then looked, the result would
-probably be the extension of French influence in the Netherlands and in
-the United Provinces; and French gain there meant gain of sea power,
-with proportionate loss of the same to Great Britain. The empress
-could still reckon on their mutual antagonism; while the British navy,
-and the way in which it was used in war, were more serious dangers to
-Russia than the French armies. Whatever her reasoning, there is no
-doubt that at this time her policy was drawing closer to France. The
-French ministers in the East mediated between her and the Sultan in the
-unceasing disputes arising from the treaty of Kainardji. A commercial
-treaty on most favorable terms was concluded with France, while that
-with Great Britain was allowed to lapse, and its renewal was refused
-during many years.
-
-Such were the ambitions and the weighty solicitudes, well understood
-on all hands, which, during the eight years succeeding the emperor's
-demand for the opening of the Scheldt, underlay and guided the main
-tendencies of European policy, and continued so to do during the
-revolutionary wars. The separate events which group themselves round
-these leading outlines, up to the outbreak of war in 1793, can only be
-hastily sketched.
-
-Notwithstanding the close family relationship between Louis XVI. and
-the emperor, the French government looked coldly upon the latter's
-action in the matter of the Scheldt. The long-standing struggle in the
-United Provinces between partisans of Great Britain and France was
-just now marked by the preponderance of the latter, and, consequently,
-of French influence. As Austria seemed resolved to enforce her claims
-by war, the king first offered his mediation, and, when that was
-unavailing, told the emperor he would interpose by arms. His troops
-were accordingly massed on the Belgian frontier. It was understood that
-the king of Prussia, who was brother-in-law to the stadtholder, would
-act with France. Russia, on the other hand, proclaimed her intention
-to support Austria. Sweden, as the enemy of Russia, began to put ships
-in commission and enlist soldiers; while from Constantinople came a
-report that, if war began, the sultan also would improve so good an
-opportunity of regaining what he had lately lost. While the quarrel
-about the Scheldt was thus causing complications in all quarters, an
-incident occurred upon the chief scene of trouble, which under such
-conditions might well have precipitated a general war. An Austrian brig
-was ordered to sail from Antwerp to the sea, to test the intentions of
-Holland. Upon passing the boundary she was fired upon and brought to by
-a Dutch armed ship. This happened on the 8th of October, 1784.
-
-Yet after all war did not come, owing to Joseph's volatile attention
-being again drawn from the matter immediately in hand. He proposed to
-the elector of Bavaria to take the Netherlands in exchange for his
-electorate. This transfer, which by concentrating the possessions of
-Austria would greatly have increased her weight in the Empire, was
-resisted by the whole Germanic body with Frederic the Great at its
-head. It therefore came to naught; but the slackening of the emperor's
-interest in his Scheldt scheme promoted, under French auspices, a
-peaceful arrangement; which, while involving mutual concessions, left
-the real question substantially untouched. Its solution was not reached
-until the storm of the Revolution swept city and river into the arms
-of the French republic. This compromise was shortly followed by a
-treaty of the closest alliance between France and the United Provinces,
-engaging them to mutual support in case of war, fixing the amount of
-armed ships or men to be furnished, and promising the most intimate
-co-operation in their dealings with other States. This agreement,
-which, as far as compacts could, established French preponderance in
-the councils of Holland, was ratified on Christmas Day, 1785.
-
-This treaty gave rise to serious and regretful consideration in
-Great Britain; but the growing financial embarrassment and internal
-disturbance of France were rapidly neutralizing her external
-exertions. The following years were marked by new combinations and
-alliances among States. In 1786 Frederic the Great's death took away
-an important element in European politics. The quarrel between the
-two factions in Holland had reached the verge of civil war, when an
-insult offered by the French party to the wife of the stadtholder,
-sister to the new king of Prussia, led to an armed interference by
-this sovereign. In October, 1787, Prussian troops occupied Amsterdam
-and restored to the stadtholder privileges that had been taken from
-him. Even France had strongly condemned the act of those who had
-arrested the princess, and advised ample satisfaction to be given;
-but, nevertheless, when the French party appealed for aid against the
-Prussian intervention, she prepared to give it and notified her purpose
-to Great Britain. The latter, glad again to assert her own influence,
-replied that she could not remain a quiet spectator, issued immediate
-orders for augmenting her forces by sea and land, and contracted
-with Hesse for the supply of twelve thousand troops upon demand. The
-rapid success of the Prussians prevented any collision; but Great
-Britain had the gratification, and France the mortification, of seeing
-re-established the party favorable to the former.
-
-In February, 1787, the Assembly of Notables, which had not met since
-1626, was opened by Louis XVI. at Versailles. But the most striking
-event of this year was the declaration of war against Russia by Turkey,
-which determined no longer to wait until its enemy was ready before
-engaging in an inevitable conflict. The Turkish manifesto was sent
-forth August 24; Russia replied on the 13th of September.
-
-The emperor, as the ally of Russia, declared war against Turkey on the
-10th of February, 1788. Operations were carried on by the Austrians
-around Belgrade and on the Danube. The Russians, bent on extending
-their power on the Black Sea, invested Oczakow at the mouth and on the
-right bank of the Dnieper,—Kinburn on the left side having already been
-ceded to them by the treaty of Kainardji. The czarina also decided
-to renew in the Mediterranean the diversion of 1770, again sending
-ships from the Baltic. When the distance and inconvenience of this
-operation, combined with the entire lack of any naval station in the
-Mediterranean, are considered in connection with the close proximity of
-Russia to that sea in mere miles, there will be felt most forcibly her
-tantalizing position with reference to commerce and sea power, to whose
-importance she has been keenly alive and to which she has ever aspired
-since the days of Peter the Great. It is difficult to understand how
-Russia can be quiet until she has secured an access to the sea not
-dependent upon the good-will of any other State.
-
-Notwithstanding the many causes of displeasure she had given to Great
-Britain, Catharine went on with her arrangements as though assured of
-the good-will and help before received. Pilot boats were engaged to
-meet the ships in British waters, and take them to British dockyards.
-Under her orders, British merchants chartered eighteen large ships to
-convey artillery and stores after the fleet. All these arrangements
-were quietly frustrated by Pitt's ministry, which forbade seamen to
-serve in any foreign ships; and, upon the ground that the nation was to
-be strictly neutral, made the contractors renounce their engagements.
-Catharine then turned to Holland, which also refused aid, pleading the
-same purpose of neutrality. This concert of action between the two
-maritime States forced Russia to abandon so distant an expedition and
-illustrated the advantage she would have obtained from the emperor's
-claim to the Scheldt. It was at this time that the celebrated Paul
-Jones, who had distinguished himself by his desperate courage in the
-American Revolutionary War, took service in the Russian Navy and was
-given a high command; but his appointment so offended the British
-officers already serving in the fleet, whom their government had
-foreborne to recall, that they at once resigned. The Russians could
-not afford to lose so many capable men, and Jones was transferred from
-the Baltic to the Black Sea.
-
-Soon a fourth State took part in the contest. On the 21st of June,
-1788, Sweden advanced her troops into Russian Finland, and on the 30th
-war against her was declared by Russia. It now proved fortunate for
-the latter that she had not been able to get her fleet away from the
-Baltic. The fighting on land was there mainly confined to the north
-coast of the Gulf of Finland, while in the waters of the Gulf several
-very severe actions took place. These battles were fought not only
-between ships-of-the-line of the usual type, but by large flotillas of
-gunboats and galleys, and were attended with a loss of life unusual in
-naval actions.
-
-War being now in full swing throughout the East, Great Britain and
-Prussia drew together in a defensive treaty, and were joined by Holland
-also, under the new lease of power of the stadtholder and British
-party. The quota of troops or ships to be furnished in case of need by
-each State was stipulated. The allies soon had occasion to act in favor
-of one of the belligerents. Denmark, the hereditary enemy of Sweden,
-and now in alliance with Russia, took this opportunity to invade the
-former country from Norway, then attached to the Danish crown. On
-September 24, 1788, twelve thousand Danish troops crossed the frontier
-and advanced upon Gottenburg, which was on the point of surrendering
-when the sudden and unexpected arrival of the king, in person and
-alone, prevented. There was not, however, force enough to save the
-town, had not Great Britain and Prussia interfered. The British
-minister at Copenhagen passed over hastily into Gottenburg, induced the
-Swedish king to accept the mediation of the two governments, and then
-notified the Danish commander that, if the invasion of Sweden was not
-stopped, Denmark would be by them attacked. The peremptory tone held
-by the minister swept away the flimsy pretext that the Danish corps
-was only an auxiliary, furnished to Russia in accordance with existing
-treaty, and therefore really a Russian force. There was nothing left
-for Denmark but to recede; an armistice was signed at once and a month
-later her troops were withdrawn.
-
-The true significance of the alliance between the two Western Powers,
-to which Holland was accessory, is markedly shown by this action,
-which, while ostensibly friendly to Sweden, was really hostile to
-Russia and a diversion in favor of the sultan. Great Britain and
-Prussia, in consequence of the growing strength and influence of Russia
-in the Baltic, the Black Sea, and the Continent, and to check her
-progress, followed what was then considered to be the natural policy
-of France, induced by ties and traditions long antedating the existing
-state of things in Europe. Sweden then, and Turkey later, traditional
-allies of France, and in so far in the opposite scale of the balance
-from Great Britain, were to be supported by the demonstration—and if
-need were by the employment—of force. This was done, not because France
-was as yet less dreaded, but because Russia had become so much more
-formidable. It was again the coming Eastern Question in which, from
-the very distance of the central scene of action from Western Europe,
-and from the character of the interests and of the strategic points
-involved, Sea Power, represented chiefly by the maritime strength and
-colonial expansion of Great Britain, was to play the leading and most
-decisive part. It was the dawning of the day, whose noon the nineteenth
-century has not yet seen, during which Nelson and Napoleon, Mohammed
-Ali and Ibrahim Pasha, the Sultan Mahmoud and the Czar Nicholas,
-Napier, Stopford, and Lalande in 1840, the heroes of Kars, Silistria,
-and the Crimea, and of the Russo-Turkish war of 1877, were to play
-their parts upon the scene.
-
-But in the years after the Peace of Versailles this was a new
-question, upon which opinions were unformed. It was true that, to quote
-from a contemporary writer, "England had had full leisure to ruminate
-upon, and sufficient cause to reprobate, that absurd and blind policy,
-under the influence of which she had drawn an uncertain ally, and an
-ever-to-be-suspected friend, from the bottom of the Bothnic Gulf to
-establish a new naval empire in the Mediterranean and Archipelago."[6]
-These meditations had not been fruitless, as was seen by the consistent
-attitude of Pitt's ministry at this time; but on the other hand, when
-it was proposed in 1791 to increase the naval force in commission,
-in order "to add weight to the representations"[7] being made by the
-allies to the belligerents,—in order, in other words, to support Turkey
-by an armed demonstration,—Fox, the leader of the Whigs, said that "an
-alliance with Russia appeared to him the most natural and advantageous
-that we could possibly form;"[8] while Burke, than whom no man had a
-juster reputation for political wisdom, observed that "the considering
-the Turkish Empire as any part of the balance of power in Europe was
-new. The principles of alliance and the doctrines drawn from thence
-were entirely new. Russia was our natural ally and the most useful ally
-we had in a commercial sense."[9] That these distinguished members
-of the opposition represented the feelings of many supporters of the
-ministry was shown by a diminished majority, 93, in the vote that
-followed. The opposition, thus encouraged, then introduced a series
-of resolutions, the gist of which lay in these words: "The interests
-of Great Britain are not likely to be affected by the progress of the
-Russian arms on the borders of the Black Sea."[10] In the vote on this,
-the minister's majority again fell to eighty, despite the arguments
-of those who asserted that "the possession of Oczakow by the empress
-would facilitate not only the acquisition of Constantinople, but of all
-lower Egypt and Alexandria; which would give to Russia the supremacy in
-the Mediterranean, and render her a formidable rival to us both as a
-maritime and commercial power." After making every allowance for party
-spirit, it is evident that British feeling was only slowly turning into
-the channels in which it has since run so strongly.
-
-France, under the pressure of her inward troubles, was debarred from
-taking part with her old allies in the East, and withdrew more and more
-from all outward action. On the 8th of August, 1788, the king fixed the
-1st of May, 1789, as the day for the meeting of the States General;
-and in November the Notables met for the second time, to consider the
-constitution and mode of procedure in that body, the representation in
-it of the Third Estate, and the vote by orders. They were adjourned
-after a month's session; and the court, contrary to the judgment of the
-majority among them, proclaimed on the 27th of December, 1788, that the
-representatives of the Third Estate should equal in number those of
-the two others combined. No decision was given as to whether the votes
-should be individual, or by orders.
-
-Oczakow was taken by the Russians on the 17th of December, 1788,
-and during the following year the Eastern war raged violently both
-in the Baltic and in southeastern Europe. Turkey was everywhere
-worsted. Belgrade was taken on the 8th of October by the Austrians,
-who afterwards occupied Bucharest and advanced as far as Orsova. The
-Russians reduced Galatz, Bender, and other places. Besides losing
-territory, the Turks were defeated in several pitched battles. The
-conduct of the war on their part was much affected by the death of the
-reigning sultan.
-
-The Swedish war was in its results unimportant, except as a diversion
-in favor of Turkey. To keep it up as such, subsidies were sent from
-Constantinople to Stockholm. Great Britain and Prussia were obliged
-again to threaten Denmark, in 1789, to keep her from aiding Russia.
-The British minister, speaking for both States, expressed their
-fixed determination to maintain the balance of power in the North. A
-defensive alliance was then formed between Russia and Austria on the
-one hand, and France and Spain on the other. The Bourbon kingdoms
-pledged themselves to a strict neutrality in the Eastern War as it then
-existed; but if Russia or Austria were attacked by any other State,
-they were to be helped,—Austria, by an army of sixty thousand men;
-Russia, by a fleet of sixteen ships-of-the-line and twelve frigates.
-The latter provision shows both the kind of attack feared by Russia and
-the direction of her ambition.
-
-On the 4th of May of this year, 1789, the States General met at
-Versailles, and the French Revolution thenceforth went on apace. The
-Bastille was stormed July 14th. In October the royal family were
-brought forcibly from Versailles to Paris by the mob. The earlier
-events of the Revolution will hereafter be summarily related by
-themselves, before going on with the war to which they led. It will
-here be enough to say that the voice of France was now silent outside
-her own borders.
-
-In 1790 the Eastern War was practically brought to an end. On the 31st
-of January a very close treaty of alliance was made between Prussia
-and the Porte,—the king binding himself to declare war at a set time
-against both Russia and Austria. The emperor died in February, and
-was succeeded by his brother Leopold, who was disposed to peace. A
-convention was soon after held, at which sat ministers of Austria,
-Prussia, Great Britain, and the United Provinces; the two latter acting
-as mediators because Prussia had taken such a pronounced attitude of
-hostility to Austria. A treaty was signed July 27, by which the emperor
-renounced his alliance with Russia. On September 20, he agreed to an
-armistice with Turkey; which, after long negotiation, was followed by
-a definitive peace, concluded August 4, 1791.
-
-The Russian conflict with Turkey languished during the summer of 1790.
-Active operations began in October, and continued during a season whose
-severities the Russian could bear better than the Turk. The final blow
-of the campaign and of the war was the taking of Ismail by Suwarrow, a
-deed of arms so tremendous and full of horrors that a brief account of
-its circumstances is allowable even to our subject.
-
-The town, which was looked on as the key of the lower Danube, was
-surrounded by three lines of wall, each with its proper ditch, and
-contained a garrison of thirteen thousand. Its population, besides
-the troops, was about thirty thousand. Owing to the season, December,
-Suwarrow determined not to attempt a regular siege, but to carry the
-place by assault, at any cost of life. Batteries were consequently put
-up in every available place, and as rapidly as possible, in order to
-prepare for and cover the attack. At five o'clock Christmas morning
-they all opened together, and, after a furious cannonade of two hours,
-the Russians moved forward in eight columns. After a three hours
-struggle the assailants were forced back; but Suwarrow, whose influence
-over his soldiers was unbounded, ran to the front, and, planting a
-Russian flag on one of the enemy's works, asked his men if they would
-leave it behind them. Through his efforts and those of the officers,
-the troops returned to the charge. The conflict, which must have
-resolved itself into a multitude of hand-to-hand encounters, lasted
-till midnight, when, after an eighteen hours fight, the third line of
-defence was carried and resistance ceased, though bloodshed continued
-through the night. It was computed at the time that thirty thousand
-Turks, including women and children, and some twenty thousand Russian
-soldiers died violent deaths during that Christmas day of 1790. Warlike
-operations continued during the spring, but preliminaries of peace
-between Russia and Turkey were signed at Galatz on the 11th of August,
-1791.
-
-This put an end to hostilities throughout the East, peace having been
-made between Russia and Sweden a year before, on August 11, 1790. The
-time of attack had been well chosen by the Swedish king, and had public
-opinion in Great Britain approached unanimity, a powerful lever would
-have been put in her hands to break down the Russian attack on Turkey
-by supporting the diversion in the North. The Russian and Swedish
-fleets were so evenly balanced that a small British division would have
-turned the scale, controlled the Baltic, and kept open the Swedish
-communications from Finland to their own coast. So far, however, was
-the nation from being of one mind that, as we have seen, the minister's
-majority steadily fell, and he probably knew that among those who voted
-straight, many were far from hearty in his support. Prussia also did
-not back Sweden as she should have done, after definitely embracing
-that policy, though she was both disconcerted and angered at the peace
-for which she had not looked. This irresolution on the part of the
-allied States limited their action to interposing between Sweden and
-Denmark, and prevented the results which might reasonably have been
-expected in the north, and yet more in the east of Europe; but it
-does not take from the significance of their attitude, nor hide the
-revolution in British statesmanship which marks the ten years now being
-treated.
-
-The tendency thus indicated was suddenly, though only temporarily,
-checked by the Revolution in France. The troubles that had been so long
-fomenting in that country had, after a short and delusive period of
-seeming repose, begun again at nearly the very moment that the Eastern
-War was ending. This will be seen by bringing together the dates at
-which were happening these weighty events in the East and West.
-
-It was on the 6th of October, 1789, that the king and royal family were
-brought from Versailles to Paris, unwilling but constrained. After
-this outbreak of popular feeling, comparative quiet continued through
-the last months of 1789 and all of 1790, during which were fought in
-the East the most important battles of the war, both in the Baltic
-and on the Danube, including the bloody assault of Ismail. During
-this time, however, Louis XVI. underwent many bitter mortifications,
-either intended as such, or else unavoidably humiliating to his sense
-of position. In June, 1791, he fled with his family from Paris to put
-himself in the care of part of the army stationed in eastern France
-under the Marquis de Bouillé and believed to be thoroughly trustworthy.
-Before reaching his destination he was recognized, and brought back
-to Paris a prisoner. The greeting of the royal family was significant
-of the change that had passed over the people within a few years, and
-which their unsuccessful flight had intensified. They were met by
-perfect silence, while some distance ahead of them rode an officer
-commanding the bystanders not to uncover. Despite the distrust it
-felt, the Constituent Assembly went on with the work of framing a
-constitution in which the king still had a recognized position, and
-which he formally accepted on the 14th of September, 1791. During that
-summer, peace was signed between Russia and Turkey, and a meeting was
-had at Pilnitz between the emperor and the king of Prussia, after which
-they put out their joint declaration that the situation in which the
-king of France found himself was an object of common concern to all the
-rulers of Europe; that "they hoped this common concern would lead them
-to employ, in conjunction with the two declaring sovereigns, the most
-efficacious means, relative to their forces, in order to enable the
-king of France to consolidate in the most perfect liberty, the basis of
-a monarchical government equally suitable to the rights of sovereigns
-and the welfare of the French nation." The two princes ended by
-stating their own readiness to join in such united action with the
-force necessary to obtain the common end proposed, and that they would,
-meanwhile, give orders to their troops to be ready to put themselves in
-a state of activity.
-
-The close coincidence in date of the Declaration of Pilnitz, August
-27, 1791, with the Peace of Galatz, signed August 11, is curious
-enough for passing remark; the one formally opening the new channel of
-European interest and action, while the other marked the close of the
-old. The Declaration, however, was in the same line of effort that the
-new emperor had for some time been following. It met with a somewhat
-hesitating response. Russia and Sweden agreed to raise an army, which
-Spain was to subsidize; but Great Britain, under Pitt, declined to
-meddle in the internal affairs of another state.
-
-The first National or, as it is conveniently called, Constituent
-Assembly, dissolved after framing a Constitution; and the following
-day, October 1, 1791, the second Assembly, known as the Legislative,
-came together. The Declaration of Pilnitz had strongly moved the
-French people and increased, perhaps unjustly, their distrust of the
-king. This change of temper was reflected in the Assembly. Strong
-representations and arguments were exchanged between the ministers
-of foreign affairs in Austria and France, through the ambassadors
-at either court; but in truth there was no common ground of opinion
-on which the new republic and the old empires could meet. The
-movements on either side were viewed with studied suspicion, and war
-was finally declared by France against Austria, April 20, 1792. The
-first unimportant encounters were unfavorable to the French; but more
-serious danger than that which threatened from without was arising
-within France itself. The king and the Assembly came into collision
-through the use by the former of his constitutional power of Veto. The
-agitation spread to the streets. On the 20th of June a deputation from
-the mob of Paris appeared before the Assembly, and asked permission
-for the citizens outside to defile before it, as a demonstration of
-their support. The extraordinary request was granted; and an immense
-crowd pressed forward, of people of all ages, armed with weapons of
-every kind, among which appeared a pike carrying the heart of a bull
-labelled an "Aristocrat's heart." From the Assembly the crowd went to
-the Louvre, and thence forced their way through the palace gates into
-the king's presence. The unhappy Louis bore himself with calm courage,
-to which perhaps he, at the moment, owed his life; but he submitted to
-put on the symbolic red cap, and to drink to the nation from a bottle
-handed him by a drunken rioter.
-
-Little was left in life for a king thus humbled, and his final
-humiliation was close at hand. Prussia had not long delayed to act
-in concert with the emperor, after France declared war. On July 26,
-a month after the strange scene in the Tuileries, was issued an
-exposition of her reasons for taking arms; and at the same time the
-Duke of Brunswick, commander-in-chief of the allied armies, put forth a
-proclamation to the French framed in such violent terms as to stir to
-the utmost the angry passions of a frantic and excitable race. On the
-10th of August the Paris mob again stormed the Tuileries, the king and
-royal family fled for safety to the hall of the Legislature, the Swiss
-Guards were killed and the palace gutted. The Assembly then decreed the
-suspension of the king; and on the 13th of August the royal family was
-removed to the Temple, the last home on earth for several of them.
-
-On the 2d of September occurred the butcheries known as the September
-Massacres. To this date and this act is to be referred the great change
-in British feeling toward the Revolution. On the 20th the battle of
-Valmy, by some thought decisive of the fate of the Revolution, was won
-by the French. Though being otherwise far from a battle of the first
-importance, it led to the retreat of the allied forces and destroyed
-for a time the hopes of the royalists. Two days after Valmy met the
-third Assembly, the National Convention of terrible memory. Its first
-act was to decree the abolition of royalty in France; but the power
-that swayed the country was passing more and more to the mob of Paris,
-expressing itself through the clubs of which the Jacobin is the best
-known. The violence and fanaticism of the extreme republicans and of
-the most brutal elements of the populace found ever louder voice. On
-the 19th of November the Convention passed a decree declaring, "in
-the name of the French nation, that they will grant fraternity and
-assistance to all people who wish to recover their liberty; and they
-charge the executive power to send the necessary orders to the generals
-to give assistance to such people, and to defend those citizens who
-have suffered, or may suffer, in the cause of liberty." It was denied
-by the French diplomatists that there was any intention of favoring
-insurrections or exciting disturbances in any friendly country; but
-such intention is nevertheless fairly deducible from the words, and
-when a motion was made to explain that they were not so meant, the
-Convention refused to consider it. Mr. Fox, the ardent champion of
-the Revolution in Parliament, spoke of this edict as an insult to the
-British people.
-
-Meantime the battle of Valmy had been followed by that of Jemappes,
-fought November 6. On the 14th the French army entered Brussels, and
-the Austrian Netherlands were rapidly occupied. This was instantly
-succeeded by a decree, dated November 16, opening the Scheldt, upon the
-express ground of natural right; the boisterous young republic cutting
-at one blow the knot which had refused to be untied by the weak hands
-of Joseph II. Decided action followed, a French squadron entering the
-river from the sea and forcing its way up, despite the protests of
-the Dutch officers, in order to take part in the siege of Antwerp.
-This was a new offence to the British Sea Power, which was yet further
-angered by a decree of December 15, extending the French system to all
-countries occupied by their armies. The words of this proclamation were
-so sweeping that they could scarcely but seem, to those untouched with
-the fiery passion of the Revolution, to threaten the destruction of all
-existing social order. The British ministry on the last day of the year
-1792 declared that "this government will never see with indifference
-that France shall make herself, directly or indirectly, sovereign of
-the Low Countries, or general arbitress of the rights and liberties of
-Europe."[11]
-
-While the Revolution was thus justifying the fears and accusations of
-those who foretold that it could not confine itself to the overturn
-of domestic institutions, but would seek to thrust its beliefs and
-principles forcibly upon other nations, the leaders were hurrying on
-the destruction of the king. Arraigned on the 11th of December, 1792,
-Louis XVI. was brought to trial on the 26th, sentenced to death January
-16, and executed January 21, 1793. This deed brought to a decided
-issue the relations between France and Great Britain, which, from
-an uncertain and unsatisfactory condition, had become more and more
-embittered by the course of events ever since the November decree of
-fraternity. As far back as August 10, when the king was suspended, the
-British government had recalled its ambassador, who was not replaced;
-and had persisted in attributing to the French minister in London an
-ambiguous character, recognizing him only as accredited by the king who
-had actually ceased to reign—by a government which in fact no longer
-existed. Points of form were raised with exasperating, yet civil,
-insolence, as to the position which M. Chauvelin, the minister in
-question, actually occupied; and his office was not made more pleasant
-by the failure of his own government to send him new credentials.
-Papers written by him were returned by Lord Grenville, the foreign
-minister, because his claim to represent the French republic was not
-recognized; or, if accepted, they were only received as unofficial.
-
-The letters thus exchanged, under forms so unsatisfactory, were filled
-with mutual accusations, and arguments marked by the brisk vivacity of
-the one nation and the cool aggressiveness of the other; but starting
-as they did from the differing bases of natural rights on the one hand,
-and established institutions on the other, no agreement was approached.
-The questions of the Scheldt, of the decree of fraternity, and of that
-extending the French system to countries occupied by their armies, were
-thus disputed back and forth; and to them were added the complaints
-of France against an Alien Act, passed by Parliament, January 4,
-1793, laying vexatious restrictions upon the movements of foreigners
-arriving in Great Britain, or wishing to change their abode if already
-resident. This act M. Chauvelin rightly believed to be specially aimed
-at Frenchmen. It sprang from the growing apprehension and change of
-feeling in England; a change emphasized by a break in the Parliamentary
-Opposition, a large number of whom, in this same month of January,
-1793, definitively took the step in which their great associate, Edmund
-Burke, had preceded them, broke their party ties, and passed over to
-the support of Pitt. The latter would seem to have become convinced
-that war was inevitable; that the question was no longer whether a
-nation should exercise a right of changing its institutions, but
-whether a plague should be stamped out before it had passed its borders
-and infected yet healthy peoples.
-
-Things had come to this state when news reached London of the death
-sentence of the French king. M. Chauvelin had just received and
-presented credentials from the republican government. On January 20,
-the minister informed him that the king, under present circumstances,
-did not think fit to receive them, adding the irritating words: "As
-minister of the Most Christian King, you would have enjoyed all the
-exemptions which the law grants to public ministers, recognized as
-such; but as a private person you cannot but return to the general mass
-of foreigners resident in England."[12] On the 24th of January, the
-execution of Louis XVI. being now known, Lord Grenville wrote to him:
-"The King can no longer, after such an event, permit your residence
-here. His Majesty has thought fit to order that you should retire from
-the kingdom within the space of eight days, and I herewith transmit
-to you a copy of the order which His Majesty has given me to that
-effect."[12]
-
-On the 1st of February, 1793, the French republic declared war against
-Great Britain and Holland. It was already at war with Austria, Prussia
-and Sardinia; while Russia and Sweden were avowedly unfriendly, and
-Spain almost openly hostile.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER II.
-
-THE CONDITION OF THE NAVIES IN 1793—AND ESPECIALLY OF THE FRENCH NAVY.
-
-
-Before following the narrative of directly warlike action, or
-discussing the influence of the naval factor upon the military and
-political events, it is proper to examine the relative position,
-strength, and resources, of the rival nations, particularly in the
-matter of Sea Power,—to weigh the chances of the struggle, as it
-were, beforehand, from the known conditions,—to analyze and point out
-certain reasons why the sea war took the turn it did, in order that the
-experience of the past may be turned to the profit of the future.
-
-First of all, it must be recognized that the problem to be thus
-resolved is by no means so simple as in most wars. It is not here a
-mere question of the extent, population, and geographical position of a
-country; of the number of its seamen, the tonnage of its shipping, the
-strength of its armed fleet; nor yet again, chiefly of the wealth and
-vigor of its colonies, the possession of good and well-placed maritime
-bases in different parts of the world; not even, at first hand, of the
-policy and character of its government, although it is undoubtedly
-true that in the action of French governments is to be found the chief
-reason for the utter disaster and overthrow which awaited the Sea Power
-of France. It was because the government so faithfully and necessarily
-reflected the social disorder, the crude and wild habits of thought
-which it was powerless to check, that it was incapable of dealing with
-the naval necessities of the day. The seamen and the navy of France
-were swept away by the same current of thought and feeling which was
-carrying before it the whole nation; and the government, tossed to and
-fro by every wave of popular emotion, was at once too weak and too
-ignorant of the needs of the service to repress principles and to amend
-defects which were fatal to its healthy life.
-
-It is particularly instructive to dwell upon this phase of the
-revolutionary convulsions of France, because the result in this
-comparatively small, but still most important, part of the body politic
-was so different from that which was found elsewhere. Whatever the
-mistakes, the violence, the excesses of every kind, into which this
-popular rising was betrayed, they were symptomatic of strength, not of
-weakness,—deplorable accompaniments of a movement which, with all its
-drawbacks, was marked by overwhelming force.
-
-It was the inability to realize the might in this outburst of popular
-feeling, long pent up, that caused the mistaken forecasts of many
-statesmen of the day; who judged of the power and reach of the movement
-by indications—such as the finances, the condition of the army, the
-quality of the known leaders—ordinarily fairly accurate tests of a
-country's endurance, but which utterly misled those who looked to them
-only and did not take into account the mighty impulse of a whole nation
-stirred to its depths. Why, then, was the result so different in the
-navy? Why was it so weak, not merely nor chiefly in quantity, but in
-quality? and that, too, in days so nearly succeeding the prosperous
-naval era of Louis XVI. Why should the same throe which brought forth
-the magnificent armies of Napoleon have caused the utter weakness of
-the sister service, not only amid the disorders of the Republic, but
-also under the powerful organization of the Empire?
-
-The immediate reason was that, to a service of a very special
-character, involving special exigencies, calling for special aptitudes,
-and consequently demanding special knowledge of its requirements in
-order to deal wisely with it, were applied the theories of men wholly
-ignorant of those requirements,—men who did not even believe that they
-existed. Entirely without experimental knowledge, or any other kind of
-knowledge, of the conditions of sea life, they were unable to realize
-the obstacles to those processes by which they would build up their
-navy, and according to which they proposed to handle it. This was true
-not only of the wild experiments of the early days of the Republic;
-the reproach may fairly be addressed to the great emperor himself,
-that he had scarcely any appreciation of the factors conditioning
-efficiency at sea; nor did he seemingly ever reach any such sense of
-them as would enable him to understand why the French navy failed.
-"Disdaining," says Jean Bon Saint-André, the Revolutionary commissioner
-whose influence on naval organization was unbounded, "_disdaining_,
-through calculation and reflection, _skilful evolutions_, perhaps our
-seamen will think it more fitting and useful to try those boarding
-actions in which the Frenchman was always conqueror, and thus astonish
-Europe by new prodigies of valor."[13] "Courage and audacity," says
-Captain Chevalier, "had become in his eyes the only qualities necessary
-to our officers." "The English," said Napoleon, "will become very small
-when France shall have two or three admirals willing to die."[14] So
-commented, with pathetic yet submissive irony, the ill-fated admiral,
-Villeneuve, upon whom fell the weight of the emperor's discontent with
-his navy: "Since his Majesty thinks that nothing but audacity and
-resolve are needed to succeed in the naval officer's calling, I shall
-leave nothing to be desired."[15]
-
-It is well to trace in detail the steps by which a fine military
-service was broken down, as well as the results thus reached, for,
-while the circumstances under which the process began were undoubtedly
-exceptional, the general lesson remains good. To disregard the
-teachings of experience, to cut loose wholly from the traditions of
-the past, to revolutionize rather than to reform, to launch out boldly
-on new and untried paths, blind to or ignoring the difficulties to
-be met,—such a tendency, such a school of thought exists in every
-generation. At times it gets the mastery. Certainly at the present day
-it has unusual strength, which is not to be wondered at in view of the
-change and development of naval weapons. Yet if the campaigns of Cæsar
-and Hannibal are still useful studies in the days of firearms, it is
-rash to affirm that the days of sail have no lessons for the days of
-steam. Here, however, are to be considered questions of discipline and
-organization; of the adaptation of means to ends; of the recognition,
-not only of the possibilities, but also of the limitations, imposed
-upon a calling, upon a military organization, by the nature of the
-case, by the element in which it moves, by the force to which it owes
-its motion, by the skill or lack of skill with which its powers are
-used and its deficiencies compensated.
-
-It is indeed only by considering the limitations as well as the
-possibilities of any form of warlike activity, whether it be a
-general plan of action,—as for instance commerce-destroying,—or
-whether it be the use of a particular weapon,—such as the ram,—that
-correct conclusions can be reached as to the kind of men, in natural
-capacities, in acquired skill, in habits of thought and action, who
-are needed to use such weapon. The possibilities of the ram, for
-instance, are to be found in the consequences of a successful thrust;
-its limitations, in the difficulties imposed by any lack of handiness,
-speed, or steering qualities in the ship carrying it, in the skill
-of the opponent in managing his vessel and the weapons with which he
-is provided for counter-offence. If these limitations are carefully
-considered, there will be little doubt how to answer the question
-as to the chance of a man picked up at hazard, untrained for such
-encounter except by years of ordinary sea-going, reaching his aim if
-pitted against another who has at least given thought and had some
-professional training directed to the special end.
-
-Now the one sea-weapon of the period of the French Revolution was
-the gun; the cold steel, the hand-to-hand fight, commonly came into
-play only toward the end of an action, if at all. In naming the gun,
-however, it can by no means be separated from its carriage; using
-this word not merely in its narrow technical sense, but as belonging
-rightly to the whole ship which bore the gun alongside the enemy, and
-upon whose skilful handling depended placing it in those positions of
-advantage that involved most danger to the opponent and the least to
-one's self. This was the part of the commander; once there, the skill
-of the gunner came into play, to work his piece with rapidity and
-accuracy despite the obstacles raised by the motion of the sea, the
-rapid shifting of the enemy, the difficulty of catching sight of him
-through the narrow ports. Thus the skill of the military seaman and
-the skill of the trained gunner, the gun and the ship, the piece and
-its carriage, supplemented each other. The ship and its guns together
-formed one weapon, a moving battery which needed quick and delicate
-handling and accurate direction in all its parts. It was wielded by a
-living organism, knit also into one by the dependence of all the parts
-upon the head, and thus acting by a common impulse, sharing a common
-tradition, and having a common life, which, like all other life, is not
-found fully ripened without having had a beginning and a growth.
-
-It would be foolish, because untrue, to say that these things were
-easy to see. They were easy to men of the profession; they were not at
-all easy to outsiders, apt to ignore difficulties of which they have
-neither experience nor conception. The contempt for skilful manœuvres
-was not confined to Jean Bon Saint-André, though he was unusually open
-in avowing it. But the difficulties none the less existed; neither is
-the captain without the gunner, nor the gunner without the captain,
-and both must be specially trained men. It was not to be expected that
-the man newly taken from the merchant vessel, whose concern with other
-ships was confined to keeping out of their way, should at once be
-fitted to manœuvre skilfully around an antagonist actively engaged in
-injuring him, nor yet be ready to step at once from the command of a
-handful of men shipped for a short cruise, to that of a numerous body
-which he was to animate with a common spirit, train to act together
-for a common purpose, and subject to a common rigorous discipline
-to which he himself was, by previous habit, a stranger. The yoke of
-military service sits hard on those who do not always bear it. Yet
-the efficiency of the military sea-officer depended upon his fitness
-to do these things well because they had been so wrought into his own
-personal habit as to become a second nature.
-
-This was true, abundantly true, of the single ship in fight: but
-when it came to the question of combining the force of a great
-many guns, mounted on perhaps twenty-five or thirty heavy ships,
-possessing unequal qualities, but which must nevertheless keep close
-to one another, in certain specified positions, on dark nights, in
-bad weather, above all when before the enemy; when these ships were
-called upon to perform evolutions all together, or in succession, to
-concentrate upon a part of the enemy, to frustrate by well combined
-and well executed movements attacks upon themselves, to remedy the
-inconveniences arising from loss of sails and masts and consequent
-loss of motive power, to provide against the disorders caused by
-sudden changes of wind and the various chances of the sea,—under these
-conditions, even one not having the knowledge of experience begins
-to see that such demands can only be met by a body of men of special
-aptitudes and training, such as in fact has very rarely, if ever, been
-found in perfection, in even the most highly organized fleets of any
-navy in the world.
-
-To these things the French National Assembly was blind, but not because
-it was not warned of them. In truth men's understandings, as well as
-their _morale_ and beliefs, were in a chaotic state. In the navy, as
-in society, the _morale_ suffered first. Insubordination and mutiny,
-insult and murder, preceded the blundering measures which in the end
-destroyed the fine _personnel_ that the monarchy bequeathed to the
-French republic. This insubordination broke out very soon after the
-affairs of the Bastille and the forcing of the palace at Versailles;
-that is, very soon after the powerlessness of the executive was
-felt. Singularly, yet appropriately, the first victim was the most
-distinguished flag-officer of the French navy.
-
-During the latter half of 1789 disturbances occurred in all the
-seaport towns; in Havre, in Cherbourg, in Brest, in Rochefort, in
-Toulon. Everywhere the town authorities meddled with the concerns of
-the navy yards and of the fleet; discontented seamen and soldiers,
-idle or punished, rushed to the town halls with complaints against
-their officers. The latter, receiving no support from Paris, yielded
-continually, and things naturally went from bad to worse.
-
-In Toulon, however, matters were worst of all. The naval
-commander-in-chief in that port was Commodore D'Albert de Rions,
-a member of the French nobility, as were all the officers of the
-navy. He was thought the most able flag-officer in the fleet; he
-was also known and beloved in Toulon for his personal integrity and
-charitable life. After working his way with partial success through the
-earlier disorders, by dint of tact, concession, and his own personal
-reputation, he found himself compelled to send on shore from the fleet
-two subordinate officers who had excited mutiny. The men went at once
-to the town hall, where they were received with open arms, and a story
-before prevalent was again started that the city was mined and would
-be attacked the day or two following. Excitement spread, and the next
-day a number of people assembled round the arsenal, demanding to speak
-with De Rions. He went out with a few of his officers. The crowd closed
-round and forced him away from the gates. He went toward his house,
-apparently his official residence, the mob hustling, insulting, and
-even laying hands on his person. Having reached his home, the mayor and
-another city official came to him and asked forgiveness for the two
-culprits. He refused for a long time, but at length yielded against
-his judgment,—saying truly enough that such an act of weakness, wrung
-from him by the commune on the plea of re-establishing order, in other
-words of appeasing and so quieting the rabble, would but encourage new
-disorders and do irreparable wrong to discipline and the state.
-
-It proved also insufficient to arrest the present tumult. An officer
-coming to the door was insulted and attacked. A rioter rushed at
-another, who was leaning over a terrace attached to the house, and cut
-his head open with a sabre. Then the windows were broken. The national
-guard, or, as we might say, the city militia, were paraded, but did no
-service. An officer leaving the house was attacked, knocked down with
-stones and the butts of muskets, and would have lost his life had not
-De Rions sallied out with thirty others and carried him off.
-
-The national guard now surrounded the house, forbidding entry or
-withdrawal, and soon after demanded the surrender of an officer whom
-they accused of having ordered some seamen-gunners to fire on the
-mob. To De Rions's explanations and denials they replied that he was
-a liar, and that the officers were a lot of aristocrats who wished
-to assassinate the people. The commodore refusing to give up his
-subordinate, the guards prepared to attack them; thereupon all drew
-their swords, but the officer himself, to save his comrades, stepped
-quickly out and put himself in the hands of his enemies.
-
-Meanwhile, the city authorities, as is too usual, made no effective
-interference. Part of their own forces, the national guards, were
-foremost in the riot. Soon after, De Rions was required to give up
-another officer. He again refused, and laid orders upon this one
-not to yield himself as the former had done. "If you want another
-victim," said he, stepping forward, "here am I; but if you want one
-of my officers, you must first pass over me." His manliness caused
-only irritation. A rush was made, his sword snatched from him, and
-he himself dragged out of the house amid the hoots and jeers of the
-mob. The national guards formed two parties,—one to kill, the other
-to save him. Pricked with bayonets, clubbed with muskets, and even
-ignominiously kicked, this gallant old seaman, the companion of De
-Grasse and Suffren, was dragged through the streets amid cries of "Hang
-him! Cut off his head!" and thrust into the common prison. Bad as all
-this was, there was yet worse. Any age and any country may suffer from
-a riot, but De Rions could get from the national authority no admission
-of his wrongs. The assembly ordered an investigation, and six weeks
-later made this declaration: "The National Assembly, taking a favorable
-view of the motives which animated M. D'Albert de Rions, the other
-naval officers implicated in the affair, _the municipal officers,
-and the National Guard_, declares that there is no ground to blame
-any one."[16] De Rions told his wrongs in words equally pathetic and
-dignified: "The volunteers," said he, "have outraged the decrees of the
-National Assembly in all that concerns the rights of the man and of the
-citizen. Let us not here be considered, if you will, as officers, and
-I myself as the head of a respectable corps; see in us only quiet and
-well-behaved citizens, and every honest man cannot but be revolted at
-the unjust and odious treatment we have undergone."[17] His words were
-not heeded.
-
-The Toulon affair was the signal for the spread of mutiny among the
-crews and the breaking-up of the corps of commissioned sea-officers.
-Similar incidents occurred often and everywhere. The successor of De
-Rions was also hauled by the mob to prison, where he remained several
-days. The second in command to him, a little later, was dragged to
-a gallows, whence he was only accidentally delivered. In Brest, a
-captain who had been ordered to command a ship on foreign service was
-assaulted as an aristocrat by a mob of three thousand people and only
-saved by being taken to prison, where he remained with nineteen others
-similarly detained. Orders to release them and prosecute the offenders
-were issued in vain by the cabinet and the king. "It was evident," says
-Chevalier, "that the naval officers could no longer depend upon the
-support of local authorities, nor upon that of the government; they
-were outlaws."[18] "Thenceforth," says another French naval historian,
-"if some naval officers were found sanguine enough and patriotic enough
-to be willing to remain at their post, they but came, on account of
-their origin and without further inquiry, to the prison and to the
-scaffold."[19]
-
-In the fleets, insubordination soon developed into anarchy. In the
-spring of 1790 a quarrel arose between Spain and Great Britain, on
-account of the establishment of trading-posts, by British subjects, at
-Nootka Sound, on the north-west coast of America. These posts, with
-the vessels at them, were seized by Spanish cruisers. Upon news of
-the affair both nations made conflicting claims, and both began to
-arm their fleets. Spain claimed the help of France, in virtue of the
-still existing Bourbon Family Compact. The king sent a message to the
-Assembly, which voted to arm forty-five ships-of-the-line. D'Albert
-de Rions was ordered to command the fleet at Brest, where he was
-coldly received by the city authorities. The seamen at the time were
-discontented at certain new regulations. De Rions, seeing the danger
-of the situation, recommended to the Assembly some modifications,
-which it refused to make, yet, at the same time, took no vigorous
-steps to ensure order. On the same day that it confirmed its first
-decree, September 15, 1790, a seaman from a ship called the "Léopard,"
-visiting on board another, the "Patriote," used mutinous language
-and insulted one of the principal officers. The man was drunk. The
-case being reported to the admiral, he ordered him sent on board the
-flag-ship. This measure, though certainly very mild, called forth great
-indignation among the seamen of the "Patriote." De Rions, hearing that
-mutiny was beginning, summoned before him a petty officer, a coxswain,
-who was actively stirring up the crew. He quietly explained to this man
-that the first offender had not even been punished. The coxswain, being
-insolent, was sent back, saying, as he went, "that it belonged to the
-strongest to make the law; that he was the strongest, and that the man
-should not be punished."
-
-The next morning the admiral went to the "Patriote," mustered the crew,
-told them that the first offender had not been punished, but that
-the conduct of the coxswain had been so bad that he must be put in
-confinement. The crew kept silent so far, but now broke out into cries
-of "He shall not go." De Rions, having tried in vain to re-establish
-order, took his boat to go ashore and consult with the commandant
-of the arsenal. As he pulled away, several seamen cried out to her
-coxswain, "Upset the boat!"
-
-Meanwhile a riot had broken out in the town against the second in
-command at the dockyard, based upon a report that he had said he would
-soon bring the San Domingo rebels to order, if he were sent against
-them. This officer, named Marigny, one of a distinguished naval family,
-only escaped death by being out of his house; a gallows was put up
-before it. These various outrages moved the National Assembly for a
-moment, but its positive action went no further than praying the king
-to order a prosecution according to legal forms, and ordering that the
-crew of the Léopard, which ship had been the focus of sedition, should
-be sent to their homes. D'Albert de Rions, seeing that he could not
-enforce obedience, asked for and obtained his relief. On the 15th of
-October this distinguished officer took his final leave of the navy and
-left the country. He had served at Grenada, at Yorktown, and against
-Rodney, and when the great Suffren, bending under the burden of cares
-in his Indian campaign, sought for a second upon whom the charge might
-fitly fall, he wrote thus to the minister of the day: "If my death,
-or my health, should leave the command vacant, who would take my
-place?... I know only one person who has all the qualities that can be
-desired; who is very brave, very accomplished, full of ardor and zeal,
-disinterested, a good seaman. That is D'Albert de Rions, and should he
-be in America even, send a frigate for him. I shall be good for more if
-I have him, for he will help me; and if I die, you will be assured that
-the service will not suffer. If you had given me him when I asked you,
-we should now be masters of India."[20]
-
-It was a significant, though accidental, coincidence that the
-approaching humiliation of the French navy should thus be prefigured,
-both ashore and afloat, both north and south, on the Mediterranean
-and on the Atlantic, in the person of its most distinguished
-representative. The incidents, however, though conspicuous, were but
-samples of what was going on everywhere. In the West India colonies
-the revolutionary impulse transmitted from the mother-country had taken
-on a heat and violence of its own, characteristic alike of the climate
-and of the undisciplined temper of the colonists. Commotions amounting
-to civil war broke out, and both parties tried to command the support
-of the navy, even at the price of inciting mutiny. Here the Léopard,
-afterwards the centre of the Brest mutiny, first inhaled the germs of
-disorder. In July, 1790, the crew revolted, and deprived the captain of
-the command, to assume which, however, only one commissioned officer
-was found willing. The commandant of the naval station at the Isle
-of France, Captain McNamara, after once escaping threatened death,
-was enticed ashore under promise of protection, and then murdered in
-the streets by the colonial troops themselves. In the peninsula of
-India, Great Britain, being then at war with Tippoo Saib, undertook
-to search neutral vessels off the coast. The French commodore sent a
-frigate to convoy two merchant ships, and the attempt of the British
-to search them led to a collision, in which the French vessel hauled
-down her colors after losing twelve killed and fifty-six wounded. The
-significance, however, of this affair lies in the fact that when the
-commandant of the division announced that another such aggression would
-be not only resisted, but followed by reprisals, the crews of two ships
-told him they would not fight unless attacked. The officer, being thus
-unable to maintain what he thought the honor of the flag demanded,
-found it necessary to abandon the station.
-
-Things abroad thus went on from bad to worse. Ships-of-war arriving
-in San Domingo, the most magnificent of the French colonies in
-size and fruitfulness, were at once boarded by the members of the
-party uppermost in the port. Flattered and seduced, given money and
-entertainment, filled with liquor, the crews were easily persuaded to
-mutiny. Here and there an officer gifted with tact and popularity, or
-perhaps an adept in that deft cajoling with words which so takes with
-the French people, and of which the emperor afterwards was so great
-a master, induced rather than ordered his ship's company to do their
-duty up to a certain point. As usual the tragedy of the situation
-had a comical side. Three ships, one of the line, anchored in San
-Domingo. The seamen as usual were worked upon; but in addition two of
-the commanders, with several officers, were arrested on shore and,
-after being threatened with death, were deprived of their commands
-by the local assembly. The next day the crew of the ship-of-the-line
-sent ashore to protest against the deprivation, which, they observed,
-"was null and void, as to them alone (the crew) belonged the right to
-take cognizance of and judge the motives of their officers."[21] An
-admiral on the United States coast was ordered by the French chargé
-d'affaires to take his ships, two of-the-line and two frigates, and
-seize the little islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon near Newfoundland.
-A few days after sailing, the crews said the orders were nonsense and
-forced the officers to go to France[22] No captain knew how long he
-would be in his nominal position, or receive the obedience it claimed.
-"It was not so easy," says a French historian, speaking of the one
-who most successfully kept his dizzy height, "it was not so easy for
-Grimouard to leave Port-au-Prince with his flag-ship; he had to get
-the consent of a crew which was incessantly told that its own will
-was the only orders it should follow. In fifteen months Grimouard had
-not taken a night's rest; always active, always on deck, reasoning
-with one, coaxing another, appealing to the honor of this, to the
-generosity of that, to the patriotism of all, he had kept up on board
-a quasi-discipline truly phenomenal for the times."[23] Later on, this
-same man lost his life by the guillotine. Nothing more disastrous to
-the French colonies could have happened than this weakening of the
-military authority, both ashore and afloat, for which the colonists
-were mainly answerable. The strife of parties,—at first confined to the
-whites, a very small minority of the population,—spread to the mixed
-bloods and the negroes, and a scene of desolation followed over all the
-islands, finding however its most frightful miseries and excesses in
-San Domingo, whence the whites were finally exterminated.
-
-Such was the condition of anarchy in which the fleet was as early as
-1790 and 1791, and to which the whole social order was unmistakably
-drifting. In the military services, and above all in the navy, where
-submission to constituted authority is the breath of life, the
-disappearance of that submission anticipated, but only anticipated,
-the period of ruin and terror which awaited all France. The weakness
-which prevented the executive and legislature from enforcing obedience
-in the fleet was hurrying them, along with the whole people, to the
-abysses of confusion; the more highly organized and fragile parts of
-the state first fell to pieces under the shaking of the whole fabric.
-After what has been said, little surprise will be felt that naval
-officers in increasing numbers refused to serve and left the country;
-but it is a mistake to say on the one hand that they did so from pure
-motives of opposition to the new order of things, or on the other that
-they were forced by the acts of the first, or Constituent, Assembly.
-Both mistakes have been made. Emigration of the nobility and of princes
-of the blood began indeed soon after the storming of the Bastille, but
-large numbers of officers remained attending to their duties. The Brest
-mutiny was fourteen months later, and complaints are not then found of
-the lack of officers.
-
-After that event their departure went on with increasing rapidity. The
-successor of De Rions held his office but one week, and then gave it
-up. He was followed by a distinguished officer, De Bougainville. Aided
-by a temporary return to sober ideas on the part of the government
-and the town authorities, this flag-officer for a moment, by strong
-measures, restored discipline; but mutiny soon reappeared, and, from
-the complaints made by him later on, there can be little doubt that
-he must have asked for his detachment had not the fleet been disarmed
-in consequence of the ending of the Anglo-Spanish dispute. In the
-following March, 1791, Mirabeau died, and with him the hopes which the
-court party and moderate men had based upon his genius. In April the
-Assembly passed a bill re-organizing the navy, the terms of which could
-not have been acceptable to the officers; although, candidly read, it
-cannot be considered to have ignored the just claims of those actually
-in service. In June occurred the king's unsuccessful attempt at flight.
-On the first of July a return made of officers of the navy showed
-that more than three-fourths of the old corps had disappeared.[24]
-The result was due partly to royalist feeling and prejudice shocked;
-partly, perhaps, to distaste for the new organization: but those
-familiar with the feelings of officers will attribute it with more
-likelihood to the utter subversion of discipline, destructive to
-their professional pride and personal self-respect, and for which the
-weakness and military ignorance of the Constituent Assembly are mainly
-responsible.
-
-It is now time to consider the plans upon which that Assembly proposed
-to re-create the navy, in accordance with the views popular at that day.
-
-During the War of the American Revolution, the corps of naval officers
-had been found too small for the needs of the service; there was a
-deficiency of lieutenants and junior officers to take charge of the
-watches and gun-divisions. A systematic attempt was made to remedy
-this trouble in the future. By a royal decree, dated January 1, 1786,
-the navy was re-organized, and two sources of supply for officers
-were opened. The first was drawn wholly from the nobles, the youths
-composing it having to show satisfactory proofs of nobility before
-being admitted to the position of _élèves_, as they were called. These
-received a practical and rigorous training especially directed to the
-navy; and, so far as education went, there is reason to believe they
-would have made a most efficient body of men. The second source from
-which the royal navy was to be supplied with officers was a class
-called volunteers. Admission to this was also restricted, though
-extended to a wider circle. There could be borne upon its rolls only
-the sons of noblemen, or of sub-lieutenants serving either afloat
-or in the dockyards, of wholesale merchants, shipowners, captains,
-and of people living "nobly." These, though required to pass certain
-examinations and to have seen certain sea-service, were only admitted
-to the grade of sub-lieutenant, and could be promoted no further except
-for distinguished and exceptional acts.[25]
-
-Such was the organization with which, in 1791, a popular assembly was
-about to deal. The invidious privilege by which the naval career,
-except in the lower ranks, was closed to all but a single, and not
-specially deserving, class, was of course done away without question.
-There still remained to decide whether the privilege should in the
-future be confined to a single class, which should deserve it by
-giving all its life and energies to the career—whether the navy
-should be recognized as a special calling requiring like others a
-special training—or whether there was so little difference between it
-and the merchant service that men could pass from one to the other
-without injuring either. These two views each found upholders, but
-the latter prevailed even in the first Assembly; those who wished a
-wholly military service only succeeded in modifying the original scheme
-presented by the committee.
-
-The new organization was established by two successive acts, passed
-on the 22d and 28th of April, 1790.[26] Like the old, it provided two
-sources of supply; the one from men specially trained in youth, the
-other from the merchant service. The former began in a class called
-_Aspirants_, three hundred of whom were in pay on board ships of war;
-they were not then officers, but simply youths between fifteen and
-twenty learning their business. The lowest grade of officer was the
-_Enseigne_; they were of two kinds, paid[27] and unpaid, the former
-being actually in the navy. The latter were in the merchant service,
-but susceptible of employment in the fleet, and, when so engaged, took
-rank with other _enseignes_ according to the length of time afloat in
-national ships. Admission to the grade of paid, or naval, _enseigne_
-could be had between eighteen and thirty, by passing the required
-examination and proving four years service at sea, no distinction
-being then made in favor of those who had begun as _aspirants_ or had
-served in the navy. Those passing for _enseigne_ and wishing to enter
-the navy had a more severe and more mathematical examination, while,
-on the other hand, those who returned to the merchant service had to
-have two years longer service, six in all, one of which on board a ship
-of war. All _enseignes_ twenty-four years old, and only they, could
-command ships in the foreign trade and certain parts of the home, or
-coasting, trade. By the age of forty, a definitive choice had to be
-made between the two services. Up to that time _enseignes_ could pass
-for lieutenant, and there seems to have been no inducement to follow
-one branch of the sea service rather than the other, except this:
-that five-sixths of the lieutenant vacancies at any one time were to
-be given to those who had most service as _enseignes_ on board ships
-of war. To pass for lieutenant at the mature age of forty, only two
-years of military sea service were absolutely required. Thenceforth the
-officer was devoted to the military navy.
-
-The essential spirit and tendency of the new legislation is summed up
-in the requirements for the lieutenancy. Up to the age of forty, that
-is, during the formative years of a man's life, it was left to the
-choice, interest, or caprice of the individual, how he would pass his
-time between the two services. The inducements to stick to the navy
-were too slight to weigh against the passing inclinations of young
-or restless men. If the navy is the specialty that has been before
-asserted, there can be no doubt that this scheme was radically vicious.
-A period of commercial prosperity would have robbed it of its best men
-during their best years.
-
-It is due to the Constituent Assembly to say that, while thus
-establishing the navy of the future on foundations that reason and
-experience have both condemned, it did not, as has sometimes been said,
-reject or drive away the able officers still in France; that is, by
-direct legislative act. Although the decree of April 22 abolished the
-existing corps of the navy, it provided also that the new organization
-should be constituted, "for this time only," by a selection made from
-the officers of the old service then available; from whom the higher
-grades, including lieutenants, were to be, as far as possible, filled.
-Those who were not so selected were to be retired with at least
-two-thirds of their present pay; and with the next higher grade, if
-they had served over ten years in the one they then held. Whatever
-dislike these officers may rightly have felt for the new organization,
-they personally lost little by it, unless not selected; but the
-failure on the part of the Assembly to realize the irreparable loss
-with which the country was threatened,—the unique value of a body of
-men already, and alone, fitted for the performance of very delicate
-duties,—and the consequent neglect to uphold and protect them, were
-as fatal in their results as though they had been legislated out of
-existence.
-
-The second, or Legislative, Assembly during its year of existence made
-no radical changes in the organization it found; but the increasing
-want of officers led inevitably to lowering the qualifications exacted
-for the different grades, which was done by several acts. The National
-Convention went still farther in the same direction. January 13,
-1793, immediately before the war with Great Britain, it decreed that
-rear-admirals might be taken from any captains whose commission dated
-back the month before. Merchant captains who had commanded privateers
-or ships in the foreign trade for five years, could be at once made
-post-captains. To be made lieutenant were needed only five years'
-sea-service, either in the navy or on board merchant ships. Decree now
-followed decree, all in the same direction, winding up on July 28 by
-authorizing the minister of marine, until otherwise ordered, to fill
-the places of flag and other officers from any grade and without regard
-to existing laws. Most of these measures were probably justified by
-stern and pressing necessity.[28]
-
-The reign of terror was now at hand. The scourge fell upon the
-naval officers who had not fled the country as well as upon others.
-Grimouard, whose activity in the West Indies has been noted;
-Philippe d'Orléans, admiral of France, who had commanded the van at
-Ushant; Vice-Admiral Kersaint, who had stood in the foremost rank of
-revolutionists till the murder of the king; D'Estaing, also admiral
-of France, who had held high command with distinguished courage, if
-not with equal ability, in the war of American Independence,—perished
-on the scaffold. The companions of their glory had for the most died
-before the evil days. D'Orvilliers, De Grasse, Guichen, the first
-Latouche-Tréville, Suffren, La Motte Piquet, passed away before the
-meeting of the States-General.
-
-Besides the judicial and other murders, the effect of the general
-suspiciousness was felt by the navy in new legislation of a yet more
-disastrous kind. By a decree of October 7, 1793, the minister of marine
-was to lay before the naval committee of the Assembly a list of all
-officers and _aspirants_ whose ability or _civisme_,—_i. e._, fidelity
-to the new order of things,—was suspected. This may have been well
-enough; but, in addition, lists of all officers and _aspirants_ were to
-be posted in different places, and all people were invited to send in
-denunciations of those whom they believed to be lacking in ability or
-fidelity. These denunciations were to be passed upon by an assembly,
-made up of the general council of the Commune and all the seamen of the
-district. The decision was reached by majority of votes and forwarded
-to the minister, who was obliged to dismiss those against whom the
-charges were thus sustained.[29]
-
-The navy being in this way purged, the vacancies were to be filled on
-a similar principle. The naval officers, merchant captains and other
-seamen of each district, who had qualified for _enseignes_, were to
-meet and name three candidates for each of the different vacancies.
-In the great want of officers then prevailing, some such system of
-nomination might have been very useful in lightening the immense burden
-resting on the minister; but it is obvious that the assemblies thus
-constituted were too numerous, too popular, too little fitted to carry
-on formal discussion, and too destitute of special technical knowledge,
-to be good judges. There was found here the same essential defect that
-underlay all the conceptions of the different assemblies of the early
-republic; ignorant of, and therefore undervaluing, the high and special
-requirements of the naval profession, they were willing to entrust its
-interests and the selection of its officers to hands that could not be
-competent.
-
-The result was depicted in a letter of Admiral Villaret Joyeuse, who
-was at once an officer of the old service, and yet had entered it from
-the auxiliary navy, having been captain of fireship; who, therefore,
-stood as nearly as possible between the two extremes of opinion. As a
-subordinate he had won the admiration of Suffren in the East Indies,
-and as admiral he commanded with honor the fleets of the Republic. He
-wrote: "The popular societies have been called on to point out the men
-having both seamanship and patriotism. The societies believed that it
-was enough for a man to have been long at sea to be a seaman, if he was
-besides a patriot. They did not reflect that patriotism alone cannot
-handle a ship. The grades consequently have been given to men without
-merit beyond that of having been much at sea, not remembering that such
-a man often is in a ship just as a bale is. It must be frankly said
-it is not always the man at once most skilful and patriotic that has
-had the suffrages of the societies, but often the most intriguing and
-the falsest,—he, who by effrontery and talk has been able to impose
-upon the majority."[30] In another letter he says: "You doubtless know
-that the best seamen of the different commercial ports kept behind
-the curtain in the beginning of the Revolution; and that on the other
-hand there came forward a crowd who, not being able to find employment
-in commerce, because they had no other talent than the phraseology
-of patriotism, by means of which they misled the popular societies
-of which they were members, got the first appointments. Experienced
-captains, who might have served the republic efficiently by their
-talents and skill, have since then steadily refused to go to sea, and
-with inexcusable self-love still prefer service in the National Guard
-(ashore) to going to sea, where they say they would have to be under
-captains to whom they have often refused the charge of a watch. Hence
-the frequent accidents met with by the ships of the republic. Since
-justice and consequently talents are now (1795) the order of the day,
-and all France is now convinced that patriotism, doubtless one of the
-most necessary virtues in an officer of the government, is yet not the
-only one required to command armies and fleets, as was once claimed,
-you are quite right," etc.[31]
-
-Enough has been said to show the different causes that destroyed the
-corps of French naval officers. Some of these were exceptional in their
-character and not likely to recur; but it is plain that even their
-operation was hastened by the false notions prevalent in the government
-as to the character and value of professional training, while the same
-false notions underlay the attempts both to fill the vacant places
-and to provide a new basis for the official staff of the future. The
-results of these mistaken ideas will be seen in the narrative; but it
-may be useful to give here the professional antecedents (taken from
-a French naval historian) of the admirals and captains in the first
-great battle of this war, June 1, 1794, by which time the full effect
-of the various changes had been reached. These three admirals and
-twenty-six captains of 1794 held in 1791 the following positions: the
-commander-in-chief, Villaret Joyeuse, was a lieutenant; the two other
-flag-officers, one a lieutenant, the other a sub-lieutenant; of the
-captains, three were lieutenants, eleven sub-lieutenants, nine captains
-or mates of merchant ships, one a seaman in the navy, one a boatswain,
-one not given.[32]
-
-The action of the Assemblies with regard to the enlisted men of the
-fleet was as unreasonable and revolutionary as that touching the
-officers. For twenty years before the meeting of the States-General
-the navy had contained nine divisions of trained seamen-gunners,
-numbering some ten thousand men, and commanded, as in all services,
-by naval officers. It is scarcely possible to over-rate the value,
-in _esprit-de-corps_ as well as in fighting effect, of such a body
-of trained men. In 1792 these were replaced by a force of marine
-artillerists, commanded by artillery officers. The precise relation
-of these to the sea-officers is not stated; but from the change must
-have sprung jealousies harmful to discipline, as well as injury to
-the military spirit of the naval officer. In 1794, these marine
-artillerists, and also the marine infantry, were suppressed on motion
-of Jean Bon Saint-André, so well known in connection with the French
-navy of the day. In his opinion, endorsed by the vote of the National
-Convention, it savored of aristocracy that any body of men should have
-an exclusive right to fight at sea. "The essential basis of our social
-institutions," said he, "is equality; to this touchstone you must bring
-all parts of the government, both military and civil. In the navy there
-exists an abuse, the destruction of which is demanded by the Committee
-of Public Safety by my mouth. There are in the navy troops which bear
-the name of 'marine regiments.' Is this because these troops have the
-_exclusive privilege_ of defending the republic upon the sea? Are we
-not _all_ called upon to fight for liberty? Why could not the victors
-of Landau, of Toulon, go upon our fleets to show their courage to Pitt,
-and lower the flag of George? This right cannot be denied them; they
-themselves would claim it, were not their arms serving the country
-elsewhere. Since they cannot now enjoy it, we must at least give them
-the prospect of using it."[33]
-
-"Thus," says a French writer, "a marine artillerist, a soldier trained
-in the difficult art of pointing a gun at sea and especially devoted
-to that service, became a kind of aristocrat."[34] None the less did
-the Convention, in those days of the Terror, vote the change. "Take
-care," wrote Admiral Kerguelen, "you need trained gunners to serve guns
-at sea. Those on shore stand on a steady platform and aim at fixed
-objects; those at sea, on the contrary, are on a moving platform, and
-fire always, so to speak, on the wing. The experience of the late
-actions should teach you that our gunners are inferior to those of
-the enemy."[35] The words of common sense could get no hearing in
-those days of flighty ideas and excited imaginations. "How," asks La
-Gravière, "could these prudent words draw the attention of republicans,
-more touched by the recollections of Greece and Rome than by the
-glorious traditions of our ancestors? Those were the days in which
-presumptuous innovators seriously thought to restore to the oar its
-importance, and to throw flying bridges on the decks of English ships
-of the line, as the Romans did on board the galleys of Carthage; candid
-visionaries, who with simplicity summed up the titles of their mission
-in words such as these, preserved among the archives of the Navy:
-'Legislators, here are the outpourings of an ingenuous patriot, who
-has for guide no other principle than that of nature and a heart truly
-French.'"[36]
-
-The effects of this legislation were soon seen in the fighting at sea.
-The British seventy-four, Alexander, fought three French ships of her
-own size for two hours; the average loss of each of the latter equalled
-that of the one enemy. In June, 1795, twelve French ships-of-the-line
-found themselves in presence of five British. There was bad management
-in more ways than one, but five of the French had three of the enemy
-under their fire for several hours; only thirteen Englishmen were
-hurt, and no ship so crippled as to be taken. A few days later the
-same French fleet fell in with a British of somewhat superior force.
-Owing to light airs and other causes, only a partial engagement
-followed, in which eight British and twelve French took part. The
-whole British loss was one hundred and forty-four killed and wounded.
-Three French ships struck, with a loss of six hundred and seventy;
-and the nine others, which had been partially engaged, had a total of
-two hundred and twenty-two killed and wounded. In December, 1796, the
-British frigate Terpsichore met the French Vestale, of equal force.
-The latter surrendered after a sharp action of two hours, in which she
-lost sixty-eight killed and wounded against the enemy's twenty-two.
-This a French writer speaks of as a simple artillery duel, unmarked
-by any manœuvres. These are not instances chosen to prove a case, but
-illustrations of the general fact, well known to contemporaries, that
-the French gunnery was extremely bad. "In comparing this war with the
-American," says Sir Howard Douglas, "it is seen that, in the latter,
-the loss of English ships in action with French of equal force, was
-much more considerable. In the time of Napoleon, whole batteries of
-ships-of-the-line were fired without doing more harm than two pieces,
-well directed."
-
-Nor was it only by direct legislation that the Assemblies destroyed
-the efficiency of the crews. The neglect of discipline and its bad
-results have before been mentioned. The same causes kept working
-for many years, and the spirit of insubordination, which sprang
-from revolutionary excess, doubtless grew stronger as the crews
-found themselves more and more under incapable officers, through the
-emigration of their old leaders. As they threw off wholesome restraint,
-they lost unavoidably in self-respect; and the class of men to whom the
-confusion of an ill-ordered ship was intolerable, as it becomes even to
-the humblest seaman who has been used to regularity, doubtless did as
-the merchant officers of whom Villaret Joyeuse wrote. They withdrew,
-under cover of the confusion of the times, from the naval service. "The
-tone of the seamen is wholly ruined," wrote Admiral Morard de Galles,
-on March 22, 1793, a month after the declaration of war with England:
-"if it does not change we can expect nothing but reverses in action,
-even though we be superior in force. The boasted ardor attributed to
-them" (by themselves and national representatives) "stands only in the
-words 'patriot,' 'patriotism,' which they are ever repeating, and in
-shouts of 'Vive la nation! Vive la République!' when they have been
-well flattered. No idea of doing right or attending to their duties."
-The government thought best not to interfere, for fear of alienating
-the seamen. Morard de Galles's flag-ship, having carried away her
-head-sails in a storm, tried unsuccessfully to wear. "If I had had
-a crew such as we formerly had," wrote the admiral to the minister,
-"I would have used means which would have succeeded; but, despite
-exhortations and threats, I could not get thirty seamen on deck. The
-army gunners and greater part of the marine troops behaved better. They
-did what they were told; but the seamen, even the petty officers, did
-not show themselves."[37]
-
-In May, it being then open war, a mutiny broke out when the Brest
-squadron was ordered to get under way. To obtain obedience, the naval
-authorities had to call in the city government and the Society of
-Friends of Liberty and Equality. In June De Galles wrote again: "I have
-sailed in the most numerous squadrons, but never in a year did I see so
-many collisions as in the month this squadron has been together." He
-kept the sea until toward the end of August, when the fleet anchored
-in Quiberon Bay, seventy-five miles south-east of Brest. The Navy
-Department, which was only the mouthpiece of the Committee of Public
-Safety, directed that the fleet should keep the sea till further
-orders. On the 13th of September, news reached it of the insurrection
-of Toulon and the reception there of the English fleet. Deputations
-from different ships came to the admiral, headed by two midshipmen,
-who demanded, with great insolence of manner, that he should return to
-Brest, despite his orders. This he firmly refused. The propositions of
-one of the midshipmen were such that the admiral lost his temper. "I
-called them," says he, "cowards, traitors, foes to the Revolution; and,
-as they said they _would_ get under way, I replied (and at the instant
-I believed) that there were twenty faithful ships which would fire on
-them if they undertook any movements without my orders." The admiral
-was mistaken as to the temper of the crews. Next morning seven ships
-mast-headed their top-sails in readiness to sail. He in person went on
-board, trying to bring them back to obedience, but in vain. To mask his
-defeat under a form of discipline, if discipline it could be called,
-he consented to call a council of war, made up of one officer and one
-seaman from each ship, to debate the question of going back to Brest.
-This council decided to send deputies to the representatives of the
-Convention, then on mission in the department, and meanwhile to await
-further orders from the government. This formality did not hide the
-fact that power had passed from the commander-in-chief appointed by the
-State to a council representing a military mob.[38]
-
-The deputies from the ships found the commissioners of the Convention,
-one of whom came to the fleet. Upon consultation with the admiral,
-it appeared that twelve ships out of twenty-one were in open mutiny,
-and four of the other nine in doubt. As the fleet needed repairs, the
-commissioner ordered its return to Brest. The mob thus got its way,
-but the spirit of the government had changed. In June the extreme
-revolutionary party had gained the upper hand in the State, and was
-no longer willing to allow the anarchy which had hitherto played its
-game. The Convention, under the rule of the Mountain, showed extreme
-displeasure at the action of the fleet; and though its anger fell
-upon the admirals and captains, many of whom were deprived and some
-executed, decrees were issued showing that rank insubordination would
-no longer be tolerated. The government now felt strong.
-
-The cruise of Morard de Galles is an instance, on a large scale, of the
-state to which the navy had come in the three years that had passed
-since mutiny had driven De Rions from the service; but it by no means
-stood alone. In the great Mediterranean naval port, Toulon, things were
-quite as bad. "The new officers," says Chevalier, "obtained no more
-obedience than the old; the crews became what they had been made; they
-now knew only one thing, to rise against authority. Duty and honor
-had become to them empty words." It would be wearisome to multiply
-instances and details. Out of their own country such men were a terror
-rather to allies than foes. An evidently friendly writer, speaking of
-the Mediterranean fleet when anchored at Ajaccio in Corsica, says,
-under date of December 31, 1792: "The temper of the fleet and of the
-troops is excellent; only, it might be said, there is not enough
-discipline. They came near hanging one day a man who, the following
-day, was recognized as very innocent of the charge made against him by
-the agitators. The lesson, however, has not been lost on the seamen,
-who, seeing the mis-steps into which these hangmen by profession lead
-them, have denounced one of them."[39] Grave disorders all the same
-took place, and two Corsican National Guards were hanged by a mob of
-seamen and soldiers from the fleet; but how extraordinary must have
-been the feelings of the time when a critic could speak so gingerly of,
-not to say praise, the temper that showed itself in this way.
-
-While the tone and the military efficiency of officers and crew
-were thus lowered, the material condition of both ships and men was
-wretched. Incompetency and disorder directed everywhere. There was
-lack of provisions, clothing, timber, rigging, sails. In De Galles's
-fleet, though they had just sailed, most of the ships needed repairs.
-The crews counted very many sick, and they were besides destitute of
-clothing. Although scurvy was raging, the men, almost in sight of
-their own coast, were confined to salt food. Of the Toulon squadron
-somewhat later, in 1795, we are told almost all the seamen deserted.
-"Badly fed, scarcely clothed, discouraged by constant lack of success,
-they had but one thought, to fly the naval service. In September, ten
-thousand men would have been needed to fill the complements of the
-Toulon fleet."[40] The country was ransacked for seamen, who dodged the
-maritime conscription as the British sailor of the day hid from the
-press-gang.
-
-After the action called by the British the Battle of L'Orient, and by
-the French that of the Île de Groix, in 1795, the French fleet took
-refuge in L'Orient, where they remained two months. So great was the
-lack of provisions that the crews were given leave. When the ships
-were again ready for sea "it was not an easy thing to make the seamen
-come back; a decree was necessary to recall them to the colors. Even
-so only a very small number returned, and it was decided to send out
-singly, or at most by divisions, the ships which were in the port.
-When they reached Brest the crews were sent round to L'Orient by land
-to man other ships. In this way the fleet sailed at different dates
-in three divisions."[41] In the Irish expedition of 1796, part of
-the failure in handling the ships is laid to the men being benumbed
-with cold, because without enough clothes. Pay was constantly in
-arrears. The seamen, whatever might be their patriotism, could not
-be tempted back to the discomforts and hardships of such a service.
-Promises, threats, edicts, were all of no avail. This state of things
-lasted for years. The civil commissioner of the navy in Toulon wrote
-in 1798, concerning the preparations for Bonaparte's expedition to
-Egypt: "Despite the difficulties concerning supplies, they were but a
-secondary object of my anxiety. To bring seamen into the service fixed
-it entirely. I gave the commissioners of the maritime inscription the
-most pressing orders; I invited the municipalities, the commissioners
-of the Directory, the commanders of the army, to second them; and to
-assure the success of this general measure, I sent with my despatches
-money to pay each seaman raised a month's advance and conduct money.
-The inveterate insubordination of seamen in most of the western
-ports, their pronounced aversion to the service, making almost null
-the effects of the maritime commissioners, I sent a special officer
-from the port, firm and energetic," to second their efforts; "at
-length after using every lawful means, part of the western seamen have
-repaired to this port. There are still many stragglers that are being
-pursued unremittingly."[42]
-
-The chief causes for this trouble were the hardships and the
-irregularity of pay, with the consequent sufferings to their families.
-As late as 1801, Admiral Ganteaume drew a moving picture of the state
-of the officers and men under his command. "I once more call your
-attention to the frightful state in which are left the seamen, unpaid
-for fifteen months, naked or covered with rags, badly fed, discouraged;
-in a word, sunk under the weight of the deepest and most humiliating
-wretchedness. It would be horrible to make them undertake, in this
-state, a long and doubtless painful winter cruise."[43] Yet it was in
-this condition he had come from Brest to Toulon in mid-winter. At the
-same time the admiral said that the officers, receiving neither pay nor
-table money, lived in circumstances that lowered them in their own eyes
-and deprived them of the respect of the crews. It was at about this
-time that the commander of a corvette, taken by a British frigate, made
-in his defence before the usual court-martial the following statement:
-"Three fourths of the crew were sea-sick from the time of leaving Cape
-Sepet until reaching Mahon. Add to this, ill-will, and a panic terror
-which seized my crew at the sight of the frigate. Almost all thought it
-a ship-of-the-line. Add to this again, that they had been wet through
-by the sea for twenty-four hours without having a change of clothes,
-as I had only been able to get ten spare suits for the whole ship's
-company."[44] The quality of the crews, the conditions of their life,
-and the reason why good seamen kept clear of the service, sufficiently
-appear from these accounts. In the year of Trafalgar, even, neither
-bedding nor clothing was regularly issued to the crews.[45]
-
-Surprise will not be felt, when human beings were thus neglected,
-that the needs of the inanimate ships were not met. In the early
-part of the war it is not easy to say whether the frequent accidents
-were due to bad handling or bad outfit. In 1793, the escape of six
-sail-of-the-line, under Admiral Van Stabel, from Lord Howe's fleet, is
-attributed to superior sailing qualities of the hulls and the better
-staying of the masts.[46] The next year, however, the commissioner
-of the Convention who accompanied the great ocean fleet, Jean Bon
-Saint-André, tried to account for the many accidents which happened in
-good weather by charging the past reign with a deliberate purpose of
-destroying the French navy. "This neglect," wrote he, "like so many
-more, belonged to the system of ruining the navy by carelessness and
-neglect of all the parts composing it."[47] It was well known that
-Louis XVI. had given special care to the material and development of
-the service; nor is it necessary to seek any deeper cause for the
-deterioration of such perishable materials than the disorders of
-the five years since he practically ceased to reign. From this time
-complaints multiply, and the indications of the entire want of naval
-stores cannot be mistaken. To this, rather than to the neglect of the
-dockyard officials in Brest, was due the wretched condition of the
-fleet sent in December, 1794, by the obstinacy of the Committee of
-Public Safety, to make a mid-winter cruise in the Bay of Biscay, the
-story of whose disasters is elsewhere told.[48]
-
-The expedition to Ireland in 1796 was similarly ill-prepared; and
-indeed, with the British preponderance at sea hampering trade, the
-embarrassment could scarcely fail to grow greater. Spars carried
-away, rigging parted, sails tore. Some ships had no spare sails.
-This, too, was a mid-winter expedition, the squadron having sailed in
-December. In 1798 the preparation of Bonaparte's Egyptian expedition
-at Toulon met with the greatest difficulty. The naval commissioner
-showed much zeal and activity, and was fearless in taking upon himself
-responsibility; but the fleet sailed for an unknown destination almost
-without spare spars and rigging, and three of the thirteen were not
-fit for sea. Two had been condemned the year before, and on one they
-did not dare to put her regular battery. In January, 1801, a squadron
-of seven sail-of-the-line left Brest under Admiral Ganteaume, having
-the all-important mission of carrying a reinforcement of five thousand
-troops to the army in Egypt. Becoming discouraged, whether rightly or
-wrongly, after entering the Mediterranean, the admiral bore up for
-Toulon, where he anchored after being at sea twenty-six days. Here
-is his report of his fleet during and after this short cruise: "The
-'Indivisible' had lost two topmasts and had no spare one left. The
-trestle-trees of the mainmast were sprung and could not support the
-new topmast. The 'Desaix' had sprung her bowsprit. The 'Constitution'
-and the 'Jean-Bart' were in the same condition as the 'Indivisible,'
-neither having a spare main-topmast after carrying away the others.
-Both the 'Formidable' and the 'Indomptable,' on the night we got under
-way, had an anchor break adrift. They had to cut the cable; but both
-had their sides stove in at the water-line, and could not be repaired
-at sea. Finally, all the ships, without exception, were short of rope
-to a disquieting extent, not having had, on leaving Brest, a single
-spare coil; and the rigging in place was all bad, and in a state to
-risk every moment the speed and safety of the ships."[49] It will be
-unnecessary to quote more of these mishaps, in which lack of skill and
-bad equipment each bore its part; nor need we try to disentangle the
-one cause from the other.
-
-Enough has now been said to show the general state of the French navy
-in the last ten years of the eighteenth century. The time and space
-thus used have not been wasted, for these conditions, which continued
-under the empire, were as surely the chief cause of the continuous and
-overwhelming overthrow of that navy, as the ruin of the French and
-Spanish sea-power, culminating at Trafalgar, was a principal factor
-in the final result sealed at Waterloo. Great Britain will be seen
-to enter the war allied with many of the nations of Europe against
-France. One by one the allies drop away, until the island kingdom, with
-two-fifths the population of France and a disaffected Ireland, stands
-alone face to face with the mighty onset of the Revolution. Again and
-again she knits the coalitions, which are as often cut asunder by the
-victorious sword of the French army. Still she stands alone on the
-defensive, until the destruction of the combined fleets at Trafalgar,
-and the ascendency of her own navy, due to the immense physical loss
-and yet more to the moral annihilation of that of the enemy, enable her
-to assume the offensive in the peninsula after the Spanish uprising,—an
-offensive based absolutely upon her control of the sea. Her presence in
-Portugal and Spain keeps festering that Spanish ulcer which drained the
-strength of Napoleon's empire. As often before, France, contending with
-Germany, had Spain again upon her back.
-
-There still remains to consider briefly the state of the other navies
-which bore a part in the great struggle; and after that, the strategic
-conditions of the sea war, in its length and breadth, at the time it
-began.
-
-The British navy was far from being in perfect condition; and it
-had no such administrative prescription upon which to fall back as
-France always had in the regulations and practice of Colbert and his
-son. In the admiralty and the dockyards, at home and abroad, there
-was confusion and waste, if not fraud. As is usual in representative
-governments, the military establishments had drooped during ten years
-of peace. But, although administration lacked system, and agents were
-neglectful or dishonest, the navy itself, though costing more than
-it should, remained vigorous; the possessor of actual, and yet more
-of reserved, strength in the genius and pursuits of the people,—in
-a continuous tradition, which struck its roots far back in a great
-past,—and above all, in a body of officers, veterans of the last, and
-some of yet earlier wars, still in the prime of life for the purposes
-of command, and steeped to the core in those professional habits and
-feelings which, when so found in the chief, transmit themselves quickly
-to the juniors. As the eye of the student familiar with naval history
-glances down the lists of admirals and captains in 1793, it recognizes
-at once the names of those who fought under Keppel, Rodney, and Howe,
-linked with those who were yet to win fame as the companions of Hood,
-Jervis, Nelson, and Collingwood.
-
-To this corps of officers is to be added, doubtless, a large number of
-trained seamen, who, by choice, remained in the navy under the reduced
-peace complement; a nucleus round which could be rapidly gathered and
-organized all the sea-faring population fit for active service. The
-strength of Great Britain, however, lay in her great body of merchant
-seamen; and the absence of so many of these on distant voyages was
-always a source of embarrassment when manning a fleet in the beginning
-of a war. The naval service was also generally unpopular with the
-sailor; to whom, as to his officer, the rigid yoke of discipline was
-hard to bear until the neck was used to it. Hence, in the lack of
-any system similar to the French maritime inscription, Great Britain
-resorted to the press; a method which, though legally authorized, was
-stained in execution by a lawlessness and violence strange in a people
-that so loved both law and freedom. Even so, with both press-gang
-and free enlistment, the navy, as a whole, was always shorthanded in
-a great war, so that men of all nations were received and welcomed;
-much very bad native material was also accepted. "Consider," wrote
-Collingwood, "with such a fleet as we have now, how large a proportion
-of the crews of the ships are miscreants of every description, and
-capable of every crime. And when those predominate what evils may we
-not dread from the demoniac councils and influence of such a mass of
-mischief."[50]
-
-The condition of the seamen on board left much to be desired. The pay
-had not been increased since the days of Charles II., although the
-prices of all the necessaries of life had risen thirty per cent. The
-exigencies of the service, combined with the fear of desertion, led
-to very close enforced confinement to the ship, even in home ports;
-men were long unable to see their families. The discipline, depending
-upon the character of the captain, too little defined and limited by
-law, varied greatly in different ships; while some were disorganized by
-undue leniency, in others punishment was harsh and tyrannical. On the
-other hand, there was a large and growing class of officers, both among
-the sterner and the laxer disciplinarians, who looked upon the health
-and well-being of the crew as the first of their duties and interests;
-and better sanitary results have perhaps never been reached, certainly
-never in proportion to the science of the day, than under Jervis,
-Nelson, Collingwood, and their contemporaries, in fleets engaged in
-the hardest, most continuous service, under conditions of monotony and
-isolation generally unfavorable to health. Nelson, during a cruise in
-which he passed two years without leaving his ship even for another,
-often speaks with pride, almost with exultation, of the health of his
-crews. After his pursuit of Villeneuve's fleet to the West Indies, he
-writes: "We have lost neither officer nor man by sickness since we left
-the Mediterranean," a period of ten weeks. The number of men in his
-ships must have been near seven thousand. Both French and Spaniards of
-the fleet he pursued were very sickly. "They landed a thousand sick
-at Martinique, and buried full that number during their stay."[51]
-Collingwood writes: "I have not let go an anchor for fifteen months,
-and on the first day of the year had not a sick-list in the ship—not
-one man."[52] And again a year later: "Yet, with all this sea-work,
-never getting fresh beef nor a vegetable, I have not one sick man in
-my ship. Tell that to Doctor ——." "His flag-ship had usually eight
-hundred men; was, on one occasion, more than a year and a half without
-going into port, and during the whole of that time never had more than
-six, and generally only four, on her sick-list."[53] Such results show
-beyond dispute that the crews were well clothed, well fed, and well
-cared for.
-
-Amid ship's companies of such mixed character, and suffering during the
-early years of the war from real and severe grievances, it was to be
-expected that acts of mutiny should occur. Such there were, rivalling,
-if not surpassing, in extent, those which have been told of the French
-navy. They also received intelligent guidance at the hands of a class
-of men, of higher educational acquirements than the average seaman,
-who, through drunkenness, crime, or simple good-for-nothingness, had
-found their way on board ship. The feature which distinguished these
-revolts from those of the French was the spirit of reasonableness and
-respect for law which at the first marked their proceedings; and which
-showed how deeply the English feeling for law, duty and discipline,
-had taken hold of the naval seamen. Their complaints, unheeded when
-made submissively, were at once allowed to be fair when mutiny drew
-attention to them. The forms of discipline were maintained by men who
-refused to go to sea before their demands were allowed, unless "the
-enemy's fleet should put to sea;"[54] and respect to officers was
-enjoined, though some who were obnoxious for severity were sent ashore.
-One very signal instance is given of military sympathy with obedience
-to orders, though at their own expense. A lieutenant, having shot one
-of several mutineers, was seized by the others, who made ready to hang
-him, and he stood actually under the yard-arm with the halter round
-his neck; but upon the admiral saying he himself was responsible,
-having given orders to the officer in accordance with his own from the
-Admiralty, the seamen stopped, asked to see the orders, and, having
-satisfied themselves of their terms, abandoned their purpose.
-
-Captain Brenton, the naval historian, was watch-officer on board a ship
-that for many days was in the hands of mutineers. He says, "The seamen,
-generally speaking, throughout the mutiny conducted themselves with a
-degree of humanity highly creditable, not only to themselves, but to
-the national character. They certainly tarred and feathered the surgeon
-of a ship at the Nore, but he had been five weeks drunk in his cabin
-and had neglected the care of his patients; this was therefore an act
-which Lord Bacon would have called 'wild justice.' The delegates of
-the 'Agamemnon'" (his own ship) "showed respect to every officer but
-the captain; him, after the first day, they never insulted but rather
-treated with neglect; they asked permission of the lieutenants to
-punish a seaman, who, from carelessness or design, had taken a dish of
-meat belonging to the ward-room and left his own, which was honestly
-and civilly offered in compensation."[55] Still, though begun under
-great provocation and marked at first by such orderly procedure, the
-fatal effects of insubordination once indulged long remained, as in
-a horse that has once felt his strength; while the self-control and
-reasonableness of demand which distinguished the earlier movements lost
-their sway. The later mutinies seriously endangered the State, and the
-mutinous spirit survived after the causes which palliated it had been
-removed.
-
-In meeting the needs of so great and widely scattered a naval force,
-even with the best administration and economy, there could not but be
-great deficiencies; and the exigencies of the war would not permit
-ships to be recalled and refitted as often as the hard cruising
-properly required. Still, by care and foresight, the equipment of the
-fleet was maintained in sufficient and serviceable condition. In the
-year 1783 a plan was adopted "of setting apart for every sea-going
-ship a large proportion of her furniture and stores, as well as of
-stocking the magazines at the several dockyards with imperishable
-stores."[56] The readiness thus sought was tested, and also bettered,
-by the two partial armaments of 1790 against Spain and of 1791 against
-Russia; so that, when orders to arm were received in 1793, in a very
-few weeks the ships-of-the-line in commission were increased from
-twenty-six to fifty-four, and the whole number of ships of all sizes
-from one hundred and thirty-six to over two hundred. The same care and
-foresight was continued into the war. It was as much an object with
-Great Britain to hinder the carriage of naval stores from the Baltic
-to France as to get them herself, and there was reason to fear that
-her seizure of ships so laden and bound to France would, as before,
-bring on trouble with the northern States. "In 1796 the quantity of
-naval stores remaining on hand was too small to afford a hope of their
-lasting to the end of the war; but the government, foreseeing that a
-rupture must ensue, provided an abundant supply of materials for naval
-equipment; ship timber was imported from the Adriatic, masts and hemp
-from North America, and large importations were made from the Baltic.
-The number of British ships which passed the Sound in one year was
-forty-five hundred, chiefly laden with naval stores, corn, tallow,
-hides, hemp, and iron. At the same time the most rigid economy was
-enforced in the dockyards and on board ships of war."[57]
-
-A bare sufficiency—to be eked out with the utmost care, turning
-everything to account, working old stuff up into new forms—was the
-economic condition of the British cruiser of the day. Under such
-conditions the knack of the captain and officers made a large part of
-the efficiency of the ship. "Some," wrote Collingwood, "who have the
-foresight to discern what our first difficulty will be, support and
-provide their ships as by enchantment; while others, less provident,
-would exhaust a dockyard and still be in want." Of one he said: "He
-should never sail without a storeship in company;" while of Troubridge
-Nelson wrote that "he was as full of resources as his old 'Culloden'
-was of defects." A lieutenant of the day mentions feelingly the
-anxieties felt on dark nights and in heavy weather off the enemy's
-coast, "doubting this brace or that tack," upon which the safety of the
-ship might depend. The correspondence of Nelson often mentions this
-dearth of stores.
-
-The condition of the two navies in these various respects being as
-described, their comparative strength in mere numbers is given by
-the British naval historian James, whose statement bears every mark
-of careful study and accuracy. After making every deduction, the
-British had one hundred and fifteen ships-of-the-line, and the French
-seventy-six, when war was declared. The number of guns carried by these
-ships was respectively 8718 and 6002; but the author claims that, in
-consequence of the heavier metal of the French guns, the aggregate
-weight of broadside, undoubtedly the fairest method of comparison,
-of the line-of-battle in the two navies was 88,957 pounds against
-73,957,—a preponderance of one sixth in favor of Great Britain.[58]
-This statement is explicitly accepted by the French admiral, La
-Gravière,[59] and does not differ materially from other French accounts
-of the numerical strength of that navy at the fall of the monarchy.
-
-The navy of Spain then contained seventy-six ships-of-the-line, of
-which fifty-six were in good condition.[60] Particular and detailed
-accounts are wanting, but it may safely be inferred from many
-indications scattered along the paths of naval records that the valid
-strength fell very, very far below this imposing array of ships. The
-officers as a body were inexpert and ignorant; the administration of
-the dockyards partook of the general shiftlessness of the decaying
-kingdom; the crews contained few good seamen and were largely swept
-out of the streets, if not out of the jails. "The Spaniards at this
-time," says La Gravière, "were no longer substantial enemies. At the
-battle of St. Vincent there were scarcely sixty to eighty seamen in
-each ship-of-the-line. The rest of the crews were made up of men wholly
-new to the sea, picked up a few months before in the country or in the
-jails, and who, by the acknowledgment of even English historians, when
-ordered to go aloft, fell on their knees, crying that they would rather
-be killed on the spot than meet certain death in trying so perilous a
-service."[61]
-
-"The Dons," wrote Nelson in 1793, after a visit to Cadiz, "may make
-fine ships,—they cannot, however, make men. They have four first-rates
-in commission at Cadiz, and very fine ships, but shockingly manned. I
-am certain if our six barges' crews, who are picked men, had got on
-board of one of them, they would have taken her." "If the twenty-one
-ships-of-the-line which we are to join off Barcelona are no better
-manned than those at Cadiz, much service cannot be expected of them,
-although, as to ships, I never saw finer men-of-war."[62] A few weeks
-later he fell in with the twenty-one. "The Dons did not, after several
-hours' trial, form anything that could be called a line-of-battle
-ahead. However, the Spanish admiral sent down two frigates, acquainting
-Lord Hood that, as his fleet was sickly nineteen hundred men, he was
-going to Cartagena. The captain of the frigate said 'it was no wonder
-they were sickly _for they had been sixty days at sea_.' This speech
-appeared to us ridiculous, for, from the circumstance of our having
-been longer than that time at sea do we attribute our getting healthy.
-It has stamped with me the measure of their nautical abilities; long
-may they remain in their present state."[63] In 1795, when Spain had
-made peace with France, he wrote, "I know the French long since offered
-Spain peace for fourteen ships-of-the-line fully stored. I take for
-granted not manned, as that would be the readiest way to lose them
-again." "Their fleet is ill-manned and worse officered, I believe; and
-besides they are slow." "From the event of Spain making peace much may
-be looked for,—perhaps a war with that country; if so, their fleet (if
-no better than when our allies) will be soon done for."[64]
-
-Captain Jahleel Brenton, a distinguished British officer of that day,
-being in Cadiz on duty before the war, sought and obtained permission
-to return to England in a Spanish ship-of-the-line, the "St. Elmo,"
-with the express object of seeing the system of their service. He says,
-"This ship had been selected as one in the best state of discipline
-in the Spanish navy to be sent to England. She was commanded by Don
-Lorenzo Goycochea, a gallant seaman who had commanded one of the junto
-ships destroyed before Gibraltar in 1782. I had, during this voyage, an
-opportunity of appreciating Spanish management at sea. When the ship
-was brought under double-reefed topsails, it was considered superfluous
-to lay the cloth for dinner; I was told by the captain that not one
-officer would be able to sit at table, all being sea-sick, but that he
-had ordered dinner to be got ready in his own cabin for himself and me.
-It was the custom in the Spanish navy for the captain and officers to
-mess together in the ward-room. We had thenceforth a very comfortable
-meal together whenever the weather prevented a general meeting. As the
-safe arrival of this ship was deemed of great importance (she carried
-the Nootka Sound indemnity money), she had on board an English pilot to
-enable her to approach the coast of England in safety. A few nights
-before our arrival at Falmouth, the ship, having whole sails and
-topping sails, was taken aback in a heavy squall from the north-east,
-and I was awoke by the English pilot knocking at my cabin door, calling
-out,'Mr. Brenton! Mr. Brenton! rouse out, sir; here is the ship
-running away with these Spaniards!' When I got on deck I found this
-literally the case. She was 'running away' at the rate of twelve knots,
-and everything in confusion; she was indeed, to use the ludicrous
-expression of a naval captain 'all adrift, like a French post-chaise.'
-It required some hours to get things to rights."[65]
-
-Napoleon, in 1805, ordered Admiral Villeneuve to count two Spanish
-ships as equal to one French; and the latter certainly were not equal,
-ship for ship, to the British. It is only fair to add that he said of
-the Spanish crews, speaking of Calder's action, that they fought like
-lions.
-
-Holland, first the ally and afterwards the enemy of Great Britain in
-the war, had forty-nine ships-of-the-line, but, owing to the shoalness
-of her waters, they were mostly of light burden; many would not have
-found a place in a British line-of-battle. The frigates were also of
-small force. The condition of the ships being, besides, bad, the Dutch
-navy was not an important factor on either side.[66]
-
-Portugal and Naples had, the one six, the other four,
-ships-of-the-line, which, during the early years of the war, offered
-a respectable support to the British Mediterranean fleet;[66] but the
-advance of the French under Bonaparte into the two peninsulas reduced
-these States to neutrality before the end of the century.
-
-The fleets of the Baltic powers and of Turkey played no part in the war
-which would, at this time, require a particular consideration of their
-strength.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER III.
-
-THE GENERAL POLITICAL AND STRATEGIC CONDITIONS, AND THE EVENTS OF 1793.
-
-
-The declaration of war against Great Britain was followed, on the
-part of the National Convention, by an equally formal pronouncement
-against Spain, on the 7th of March, 1793. Thus was completed the chain
-of enemies which, except on the mountain frontier of Switzerland,
-surrounded the French republic by land and sea.
-
-It is necessary to summarize the political and military condition, to
-take account of the strategic situation at this moment when general
-hostilities were opening, in order to follow intelligently the
-historical narrative of their course, and to appreciate critically the
-action of the nations engaged, both separately and, also,—in the case
-of the allies,—regarded as a combined whole.
-
-The enemies of France were organized governments, with constitutions of
-varying strength and efficiency, but all, except that of Great Britain,
-were part of an order of things that was decaying and ready to vanish
-away. They belonged to, and throughout the Revolutionary and Napoleonic
-wars were hampered by, a past whose traditions of government, of social
-order, and of military administration, were violently antagonized by
-the measures into which France had been led by pushing to extremes
-the philosophical principles of the eighteenth century. But while
-thus at one in abhorring, as rulers, a movement whose contagion they
-feared, they were not otherwise in harmony. The two most powerful on
-the continent, Austria and Prussia, had alternately, in a not remote
-past, sided with France as her ally; each in turn had sustained open
-and prolonged hostilities with the other, and they were still jealous
-rivals for preponderance in Germany. They entered the present war as
-formal allies; but were unable, from mutual distrust and their military
-traditions, to act in concert, or to take advantage of the disorganized
-condition into which France had fallen, and from which the despotism of
-the Convention had not yet raised her. Divergent lines of operations
-were imposed upon them, not by military expediency, but by the want of
-any unifying motive which could overcome their divergent ambitions.
-The smaller States of Germany followed the two great powers, seeking
-each from day to day its own safety and its own advantage in the
-troubled times through which Europe was passing. Several of them had
-associations with France as a powerful neighbor, who in the past had
-supported them against the overbearing pretensions of the great German
-monarchies. With the Convention and its social levelling they could
-have no sympathy, but when a settled government succeeded the throes of
-the Revolution the old political bias asserted itself against the more
-recent social prejudice, and these weaker bodies again fell naturally
-under French control.
-
-Spain under good government has, and at that crisis still more had,
-a military situation singularly fitted to give her weight in the
-councils of Europe. Compact and symmetrical in shape, with an extensive
-seaboard not deficient in good harbors, her physical conformation and
-remoteness from the rest of the Continent combined to indicate that her
-true strength was to be found in a powerful navy, for which also her
-vast colonial system imperiously called. Her maritime advantages were
-indeed diminished by the jog which Portugal takes out of her territory
-and coast line, and by the loss of Gibraltar. Lisbon, in the hands
-of an enemy, interposes between the arsenals of Ferrol and Cadiz,
-as Gibraltar does between the latter and Cartagena. But there was
-great compensation in the extent of her territory, in her peninsular
-formation, and in the difficult character of her only continental
-frontier, the Pyrenees. Her position is defensively very strong;
-and whenever events make France the centre of European interest, as
-they did in 1793, and as the genius of that extraordinary country
-continually tends to make her, the external action of Spain becomes
-doubly interesting. So far as natural advantages go, her military
-situation at the opening of the French revolution may be defined by
-saying that she controlled the Mediterranean, and menaced the flank
-and rear of France by land. Despite Gibraltar, her action was to
-determine whether the British navy should or should not enter the
-Mediterranean—whether the wheat of Barbary and Sicily should reach the
-hungry people of southern France—whether the French fleet should leave
-Toulon—whether the French army could advance against the Germans and
-Piedmont, feeling secure as to the country behind it, then seething
-with revolt. The political condition of Italy, divided like Germany
-into many petty States, but unlike Germany in having no powerful
-centres around which to gather, left to Spain, potentially, the control
-of the Mediterranean. These advantages were all thrown away by bad
-government and inefficient military institutions. The navy of Spain was
-the laughing-stock of Europe; her finances depended upon the colonies,
-and consequently upon control of the sea, which she had not; while,
-between an embarrassed treasury and poor military administration,
-her army, though at first under respectable leadership, made little
-impression upon the yet unorganized levies of France, and an abject
-peace soon closed an ignominious war.
-
-The path of Great Britain, as soon as she had determined to enter the
-war, was comparatively clear, being indicated alike by the character
-of her military strength and by her history during the past century.
-Since the days of Charles II. she had been at times the ally, at times
-the enemy, of Austria, of Prussia, and of Holland; she had, in her
-frequent wars, found Spain at times neutral, at times hostile, in
-neither case a very powerful factor; but, under all circumstances,
-France had been her enemy, sometimes secret, usually open. Steeped in
-this traditional hostility, both the British government and nation
-with single eye fastened upon France as the great danger, and were not
-diverted from this attitude of concentrated purpose by any jealousy of
-the more powerful among their allies. Spain alone might have been an
-unwelcome rival, as well as a powerful support, upon the watery plain
-which Great Britain claimed as her own dominion. Spanish ships of war
-were numerous; but the admiralty soon saw that the Spanish navy, from
-the poor quality of its officers and men, could not seriously menace
-British preponderance upon the ocean, although at times it might be
-an awkward embarrassment, and even more so as a suspicious ally than
-as an open foe. The co-operation of the two navies, however, at the
-opening of the war effectually secured for the time the control of the
-Mediterranean and of the approaches to southern France.
-
-Russia, although declaring openly against the French Revolution, took
-no active part in the early military operations, except by a convention
-made with Great Britain on the 25th of March, 1793, to interdict
-the trade of France with the Baltic in grain and naval stores, as a
-means of forcing her to peace. Russia was then busily engaged with
-her projects against Poland, and a few days later, on the 9th of
-April, 1793, an imperial ukase was issued incorporating parts of that
-kingdom with the empire. This, with the Prussian decree of March 25,
-consummated the second partition of Poland,—the result of a series
-of aggressions by the two powers that had extended over the past two
-years, and the intermediate step to the final partition in 1795.
-
-The smaller European States trimmed their course as best they could in
-the great convulsion which, far beyond most wars, left little room for
-neutrality. Sweden and Denmark strove hard to keep out of the turmoil
-and to retain the commercial advantages reaped by neutral flags in
-maritime wars. Their distance from the scene of the earlier strifes,
-and the peninsular position of Sweden, enabled them long to avoid
-actual hostilities; but the concurrence of Russia with Great Britain,
-in the latter's traditional unwillingness to concede neutral claims,
-deprived the smaller Baltic powers of the force necessary to maintain
-their contentions. Holland, as of old, was divided between French and
-British parties; but the latter, under the headship of the House of
-Orange, in 1793, held the reins of government and directed the policy
-of the State in accordance with the treaty of defensive alliance made
-with Great Britain in 1788. The ultimate policy of the United Provinces
-depended upon the fortune of the war. As France or her enemies
-triumphed, so would the party in the State favorable to the victor be
-retained in, or restored to, power. Neutrality was impossible to an
-open continental country, lying so near such a great conflagration;
-but, not to speak of the immediate dangers threatened by the attitude
-of the French Convention and its decrees of November 19 and December
-15, Holland, with her vast colonial system, had more to fear from the
-navy of Great Britain, which had no rival, than from the armies of
-France which, in 1793, were confronted by the most powerful military
-States in Europe. At this time the United Provinces held, besides Java
-and other possessions in the far East, various colonies in the West
-Indies and South America, the island of Ceylon and the Cape of Good
-Hope. The last two alone Great Britain has finally retained; but all
-of them, as years went by, passed by conquest into her hands after
-Holland, in 1795, became the dependent of France.
-
-Portugal retained her traditional alliance with Great Britain, and
-so became a point of supreme importance when the secession of Spain
-to France compelled the British navy to leave the Mediterranean. The
-formal connection between the two countries was for a short time
-severed by the genius and power of Napoleon; but, at the uprising of
-Spain in 1808, the old sentiment, unbroken, resumed its sway, and
-Portugal became the base of the British army, as in an earlier day she
-had been the secure haven of the British fleet.
-
-In northern Italy the extent of Piedmont and its contiguity to the
-Austrian duchies of Milan and Mantua gave the means of forming a
-powerful focus of resistance to their common enemy, the French
-republic, around which the smaller Italian States might feel secure
-to rally; but the sluggishness and jealousies of the two governments
-prevented the vigorous, combined action which alone could cope with
-the energy impressed by the Convention upon its men. In the centre
-of the peninsula, the Pope inevitably threw his immense spiritual
-influence, as well as such temporal power as he could exercise, against
-the revolution; while, in the south, the Bourbon kingdom of the Two
-Sicilies, with its capital at Naples, was chiefly controlled by the
-queen, herself a sister of Marie Antoinette. The military strength
-of this kingdom, like that of Spain, was rendered contemptible by
-miserable administration, and was further neutralized by its remoteness
-from the seats of actual war; but the bias of the monarchy was
-undoubted. Like all weak and corrupt governments, it shuffled and
-equivocated under pressure and was false when the pressure was removed;
-but, so far as it could, it favored the allied cause and was a useful
-base to the British fleet in the Mediterranean.
-
-In the eastern Mediterranean, the Turkish empire was not then the
-element of recognized critical hazard to the whole European system
-which it has since become; but its territorial limits were far wider
-than they now are. Extending on the north to the Save and the Danube,
-Turkey held also beyond the river Wallachia and Moldavia to the banks
-of the Dniester, and, on the south, the present kingdom of Greece. The
-islands of the Archipelago, with Crete and Cyprus, also belonged to
-her. Syria and Egypt likewise acknowledged the authority of the Porte,
-but in both the submission yielded was only nominal; the former, under
-Djezzar Pasha, and the latter, under the Mamelukes, were practically
-independent countries. At the outbreak of the French Revolution Turkey
-had sunk to the lowest pitch of disorganization and impotence; and her
-rulers, keenly feeling her condition and her danger from Russia, sought
-to avoid entanglement in the troubles of western Europe, from which
-their great enemy kept itself free. In this they were successful until
-Bonaparte, by his attack upon Egypt, forced them from their security
-and aroused Great Britain and Europe to their common interest in the
-East.
-
-The islands of the western Mediterranean had not only the importance
-common to all members of that geographical family in naval wars, nor
-yet only that due to their intrinsic values. In so narrow a sheet of
-water each possessed an added strategic weight due to its nearness,
-either to some part of the mainland or to some one of the maritime
-routes traversing the sea. The influence thus exerted would fall
-naturally into the hands of the nation which, by controlling the water,
-controlled the communications of the island; but this statement,
-though generally true, is subject to limitations. The narrowness of
-the belts of water, or, to use the military phrase, the shortness of
-the communications from land to land, made evasion comparatively easy.
-No navy, however powerful, can with certainty stop an intercourse
-requiring only a night's run, and which, therefore, can be carried
-on by very many small vessels, instead of having to be concentrated
-into a few large ones; and this was doubly true in the days of sail,
-when the smaller could have recourse to the oar while the larger lay
-becalmed. Thus the British found it impossible to prevent French
-partisans from passing into Corsica in 1796, when the victories of
-Bonaparte had placed the French army in Leghorn; and at a later day
-the emperor succeeded, though with infinite trouble, in sending
-re-enforcements and supplies from southern Italy to his garrison in
-Corfu, upon which his far-reaching genius hoped, in a distant future,
-to base a yet further extension of power in the East. These instances,
-however, were but the exception, and on the small scale demanded by the
-other conditions; for the garrison of Corfu was few in number, and the
-French found the Corsicans friendly. As the communications lengthened,
-the influence of Sea-Power asserted itself. It was found impossible
-to relieve Malta, or even to extricate the large vessels blockaded
-there; and the French army in Egypt remained isolated until forced to
-surrender, despite the efforts, the uncontrolled power, and the strong
-personal interest of Bonaparte in the success of an occupation for
-which he was primarily responsible. So also the narrow strip which
-separates Sicily from Italy withstood the French arms; not because
-it was impossible to send many detachments across, but because, to
-support them in a hostile country, with such insecure communications,
-was an undertaking more hazardous than was justified by the possible
-advantages.
-
-The political distribution in 1793 of the islands of the western
-Mediterranean was as follows. The most eastern, known as the Ionian
-islands, extending southward from the entrance of the Adriatic along
-the coast of Greece, from Corfu to Cerigo, were in possession of
-Venice. When the ancient republic fell before the policy of Bonaparte,
-in 1797, the islands passed to France and began that circulation from
-owner to owner which ended in 1863 with their union to Greece. Sicily
-formed part of the kingdom of the Two Sicilies. It became the refuge
-of that monarchy from the arms of France, and, by its fertility and
-the use of its ports, was a resource to Great Britain throughout the
-Napoleonic period. Malta was still in the hands of the Knights of St.
-John. Of immense military importance, from its geographical position
-and intrinsic strength, its transfer, through the medium of France,
-into the hands of the greatest of naval powers was due to Bonaparte.
-It is, perhaps, the greatest of Mediterranean strategic positions,
-Egypt being rather interoceanic than Mediterranean; but, being of scant
-resources, its utility is measured by the power of the fleet which
-it subserves. Its fate when in the hands of France, the history of
-Port Mahon in the hands of Great Britain, nay, even the glorious and
-successful resistance of Gibraltar, give warning that the fleet depends
-less upon Malta than Malta upon the fleet.
-
-Sardinia gave its name to the kingdom of which Piedmont, forming
-the Italian frontier of France, was the actual seat, and Turin the
-capital. Amid the convulsions of the period, the royal family, driven
-from the mainland, found an obscure refuge in this large but backward
-island. France could not touch it; Great Britain needed nothing but
-the hospitality of its harbors. In Maddalena Bay, at its northern
-extremity, Nelson found an anchorage strategically well-placed for
-watching the Toulon fleet, and possessing that great desideratum for
-a naval position, two exits, one or other of which was available
-in any wind. The Balearic islands were in the hands of Spain. The
-maritime importance of the other members of the group was dwarfed by
-that of Minorca, which contained the harbor, exceptionally good for
-the Mediterranean, of Port Mahon. Like Malta, though not to the same
-extent, the fate of Port Mahon depends ultimately upon the sea. The
-British took possession of the island in 1798, but restored it at the
-peace of Amiens. In the later hostilities with Spain, from 1804 to
-1808, they appear not to have coveted it. Maddalena Bay, though a less
-agreeable and convenient anchorage than Mahon, is far better fitted for
-prompt military movement, the prime requisite in the clear and sound
-judgment of Nelson.
-
-Of the greater islands there remains to give account only of Corsica.
-This was a recent acquisition of France, received from Genoa in 1769,
-somewhat contrary to the wish of the people, who would have preferred
-independence. They were certainly not yet assimilated to the French,
-and there existed among them a party traditionally well-inclined to
-Great Britain. The preponderance of this or of the other national
-preference would be decisive of the final political connection; for
-if the British navy did control the surrounding sea, it was unable,
-as before said, entirely to isolate the island and so to compel an
-unwilling submission. On the other hand, France could not introduce
-any considerable body of troops, in the face of the hostile ships; and
-her standard, if raised, would depend for support upon the natives. In
-1793, there was at the head of affairs the old leader of the struggle
-for independence, Paoli, who had passed many years in exile in England
-and had been recalled to the island by the National Assembly; but the
-excesses of the later days had shaken his allegiance to France, and
-the commissioners sent by the Convention into Corsica made themselves
-obnoxious to him and to the people. Denounced by the republicans of
-Toulon, Paoli was summoned to the bar of the Convention in April,
-1793. The Revolutionary Tribunal had then been constituted, the Reign
-of Terror was begun; and Paoli, instead of complying, summoned the
-deputies from all the cities and communes of Corsica. These met in May
-and sustained him in his opposition; the revolt spread through the
-island, and the Commissioners with their handful of adherents were shut
-up in a few of the coast towns.
-
-Amid these surroundings stood, in the spring of 1793, the terrible and
-awe-inspiring figure of the French Revolution. The Corsican revolt
-against the Convention reflected but faintly the passions agitating
-that body itself, and which were rapidly dividing all France into
-hostile camps. The four months following the execution of the king were
-one long strife between the party of the Gironde and the Jacobins;
-but the revolutionary fury demanded an expression more vigorous and
-more concentrated than could be had from a contest of parties in a
-popular assembly. The Girondists, men of lofty sentiment rather than
-of energetic action, steadily lost ground in the capital and in the
-legislative body, though retaining the allegiance of the provinces,
-with which they were identified. Embittered words and feelings took
-material shape in acts as violent as themselves. On the 9th of March
-was decreed the Revolutionary Tribunal, the great instrument of the
-Terror, from whose decisions there was no appeal. On the 13th of the
-same month, La Vendée rose for its long and bloody struggle in the
-royal cause. On the 18th, the Army of the North, which only four weeks
-before had invaded Holland, was signally defeated at Neerwinden, and
-its general, Dumouriez, the victor of Valmy and Jemappes, the most
-successful leader the war had yet produced, was forced to retreat
-upon France. On the 30th, he evacuated the Austrian Netherlands,
-the prize of the last campaign, and his army took positions within
-the frontiers, upon which the enemy advanced. On the 1st of April,
-Dumouriez, long since violently dissatisfied with the course of the
-Convention, arrested the four commissioners and the minister of war
-that had been sent to his headquarters. The next day he delivered them
-to the Austrians; and on the 4th, finding that the blind attachment of
-his army could no longer be depended upon, he completed his treason by
-flying to the enemy.
-
-While disorganization, treason, and fear were spreading throughout
-France, from the capital to the frontiers, and seemed about to
-culminate in universal anarchy, an important measure was adopted,
-destined eventually to restore discipline and order, though at the
-expense of much suffering. On the 6th of April the Committee of Public
-Safety was reconstituted. Composed previously of twenty-five members
-who met in open session, it was now reduced to nine, a more manageable
-body, who sat in secret. To it was given authority over the ministers,
-and it was empowered to take all measures necessary for the general
-defence. The republic was thus provided with an efficient, though
-despotic, executive power which it had before lacked. The creature of
-the Convention, it was destined soon to become its master; being, as a
-French historian has aptly termed it, "a dictatorship with nine heads."
-
-Time was still needed for the new authority to make itself felt, and
-the strife between the parties waxed more and more bitter. On the
-15th of April the city of Lyon demanded permission to investigate the
-conduct of the municipality appointed by the Jacobin commissioners. The
-request, being denied, became the signal for civil war. On the 26th of
-May the "sections" of the city rose against the mayor. At the same time
-the scenes in Paris and in the Convention were becoming more and more
-tumultuous, and on the 31st the sections of the capital also rose, but
-against the Girondists. After two days of strife in the streets and in
-the legislative halls, the Convention decreed the arrest, at their own
-houses, of thirty-two members of the party. Thus, on the 2d of June,
-1793, fell the Girondists, but their fall was followed by the revolt
-of their partisans throughout France. Marseille, Toulon, Bordeaux and
-Lyon all declared against the Convention; and movements in the same
-direction were manifested in Normandy and Brittany. In the western
-provinces, however, the attempts at resistance were chilled among the
-republicans by the proximity of the royalist insurrection in La Vendée.
-They were forced to reflect that armed opposition to the Convention,
-even as mutilated by the events of June 2, was a virtual alliance with
-royalism. In Bordeaux, likewise, the movement, though prolonged for
-some weeks, did not take shape in vigorous action. Words, not arms,
-were the weapons used; and the Girondist representatives were forced to
-fly the very department from which they took their name.
-
-In the east and south conditions were far more threatening. The rising
-of the sections in Lyon had been followed by fighting in the streets
-on the 29th of May, and the triumphant party, after the events of
-June 2, refused to acknowledge the Convention. The latter sought to
-gain over the city peaceably; but its overtures were rejected, a
-departmental army was formed, and the leading member of the Jacobin
-party formally tried and executed. The Lyonnese also stopped supplies
-being carried to the Army of the Alps. On the 12th of July a decree
-was issued to reduce the place by force. The troops of the Convention
-appeared before it in the latter part of the month; but resistance was
-firm and well organized, and the siege dragged, while at the same time
-the departments of the south in general rejected the authority of the
-central government. The two seaboard cities, Marseille and Toulon,
-entered into correspondence with Lord Hood, commanding the British
-fleet, who arrived off the coast of Provence in the middle of August,
-1793. The party of the Convention, favored by that want of vigor which
-characterized most of the measures of their opponents, got possession
-of Marseille before the treason was consummated; but in Toulon, which
-had long suffered from the violence of a Jacobin municipality, the
-reaction swung to the opposite extreme. A movement, beginning in
-honest disgust with the proceedings in Paris and with the conduct of
-the dominant party in their own city, insensibly carried its promoters
-further than they had intended; until a point was reached from which,
-before the savage spirit of the capital, it became dangerous to recede.
-Long identified with the royal navy, as one of the chief arsenals of
-the kingdom, there could not but exist among a large class a feeling
-of loyalty to the monarchy. Submissive to the course of events so long
-as France had a show of government, now, in the dissolution of civil
-order, it seemed allowable to choose their own path.
-
-With such dispositions, a decree of the Convention declaring the
-city outlawed enabled the royalists to guide the movement in the
-direction they desired. The leading naval officers do not appear to
-have co-operated willingly with the advances made to the British
-admiral; but for years they had seen their authority undermined by
-the course of the national legislature, and had become accustomed to
-yield to the popular control of the moment. The news of the approach
-of the Conventional army, accompanied by the rush into the place of
-terror-stricken fugitives from Marseille, precipitated Toulon into the
-arms of Great Britain. The sections declared that the city adopted
-the monarchical government as organized by the Constituent Assembly
-of 1789; proclaimed Louis XVII. king; ordered the disarmament of the
-French fleet in the port, and placed in the hands of the British
-admiral the works commanding the harbor. Lord Hood undertook that the
-forts and ships should be restored unharmed to France, when peace was
-made. On the 27th, the British and Spanish fleets anchored in the outer
-harbor of Toulon, and the city ran up the white flag of the Bourbons.
-There were in the port at the time of its delivery to the British
-admiral thirty ships-of-the-line of seventy-four guns and upward, being
-rather more than one third the line-of-battle force of the French navy.
-Of these, seventeen were in the outer harbor ready for sea. There were,
-besides, twenty-odd frigates or smaller vessels.
-
-While one of the principal naval arsenals of France, and the only one
-she possessed on the Mediterranean, was thus passing into the hands
-of the enemy, disasters were accumulating on her eastern borders. On
-the 12th of July, the fortified town of Condé, on the Belgian frontier,
-surrendered. This was followed on the 28th by the capitulation of the
-first-class fortress of Valenciennes in the same locality, after six
-weeks of open trenches. These two prizes fell to the allied Austrians,
-British and Dutch, and their submission was followed by an advance of
-the combined armies and retreat of the French. Shortly before, on the
-22d of July, Mayence, a position of the utmost importance on the Rhine,
-had yielded to the Prussians; and here also the enemy advanced into
-the Vosges mountains and toward the upper Rhine, the French receding
-gradually before them. The great inland city of Lyon was at the same
-time holding out against the central government with a firmness which
-as yet needed not the support of despair. In its resistance, and in the
-scarce smothered discontent of the southern provinces, lay the chief
-significance and utility of the British hold on Toulon. As a point upon
-which insurrection could repose, by which it could be supported from
-without, Toulon was invaluable; but with rebellion put down, surrounded
-by a hostile army and shut up to itself, the city would become a
-useless burden, unbearable from the demands for men which its extended
-lines would make. Had La Vendée rested upon a Toulon, the task of the
-republic would have been well-nigh hopeless.
-
-Among these multiplied disasters, with the Sardinians also operating
-on the Alpine frontier and the Spaniards entering their country by
-the eastern Pyrenees, France was confronted in every quarter by
-disciplined armies to which she could as yet oppose only raw and ragged
-levies. She found her safety in the stern energy of a legislature
-which silenced faction by terror, in her central position, which of
-itself separated from one another many of the centres of disturbance,
-and in the military policy of the allies, which increased instead of
-seeking to diminish the dissemination of force which was to some extent
-unavoidable. The Spaniards could not combine with the Sardinians,
-Toulon could not help Lyon, La Vendée had to stand apart from all the
-others; but in the east it was possible for the Austrians, Prussians
-and British to direct against the forces standing between them and
-Paris a combination of effort which, in the then condition of the
-French army, might have been irresistible. Instead of so doing, the
-Austrians and British on the northeastern frontier decided, early in
-August, to cease their advance and to separate; the Austrians sitting
-down before Le Quesnoy, and the British undertaking to besiege the
-seaport of Dunkirk. On the Rhine, the mutual jealousies of Austria
-and Prussia, and the sluggish movements of routine generals, caused a
-similar failure to support each other, and a similar dilatory action.
-
-The opportunities thus lost by the allies, and the time conceded to the
-French, were improved to the full by the Committee of Public Safety and
-by the commissioners sent from the Convention to the headquarters of
-every army. Men, for the most part, without pity as without fear, their
-administration, stained as it was with blood, was effectual to the
-salvation of France. From the minister in the cabinet to the general in
-the field, and down to the raw recruit forced from his home, each man
-felt his life to depend upon his submission and his activity. In the
-imminent danger of the country and the hot haste of men who worked not
-only under urgent pressure, but often with a zeal as blindly ignorant
-as it was patriotic, many blunders and injustices were committed; but
-they attained the desired end of impressing the resistless energy
-of the Convention upon each unit of the masses it was wielding. If
-ever, for good or ill, men had the single eye, it was to be found in
-the French soldiers of 1793, as they starved and bled and died that
-the country might live. Given time,—and the allies gave it,—units
-animated by such a spirit, and driven forward by such an impetus as
-the Committee knew how to impart, were soon knit into an overpowering
-organism, as superior in temper as they were in numbers to the trained
-machines before them.
-
-Where there was conscious life to feel enthusiasm or fear, the
-contagion of the rulers' temper caught; but the fiery spirit of the
-Convention could not possess the stately ships of war that floated in
-the ports of the republic, nor make them yield, to the yet unskilled
-hands of the new officers, the docile obedience which their old masters
-had commanded from those beautiful, delicately poised machines. It was
-a vain hope to conjure victory at sea by harsh decrees,[67] pitched
-in unison to the passions of the times, but addressed to men whose
-abilities did not respond to their own courage nor to the calls thus
-made upon them. To the inexperience of the officers was added the
-further difficulty of the indiscipline of the crews, that had increased
-to a ruinous extent during the four years' paralysis of the executive
-government. With the triumph of the Jacobin party had now come a
-unity which, however terrible, was efficient. In September, 1793,
-in the mutiny of the Brest fleet in Quiberon Bay, the seamen again
-prevailed over their officers, and even over the commissioner of the
-Convention; but it was the last flagrant outburst. The past weakness
-of other authorities had played into the hands of the Mountain; now
-that the latter was supreme, it resolutely enjoined and soon obtained
-submission. Years of insubordination and license had, however, sapped
-the organization and drill of the crews; and the new officers were not
-the men to restore them. The Convention and its commissioners therefore
-lacked the proper instruments through which they could impart direction
-as well as energy to the movement of the fleet. Ships were there and
-guns, men also to handle the one and fight the other; but between
-these and the government was needed an adequate official staff, which
-no longer existed. The same administrative weakness that had allowed
-discipline to perish, had also entailed upon the naval arsenals the
-penury of resources that was felt everywhere in the land. From all
-these circumstances arose an impotence which caused the year 1793 to be
-barren of serious naval effort on the part of France.
-
-Great Britain herself was in this first year of war unprepared to
-take a vigorous initiative. In 1792 she had in commission at home
-but twelve ships-of-the-line, and but sixteen thousand seamen were
-allowed for the fleet. Not till December 20, six weeks only before
-the declaration of war, did Parliament increase these to twenty-five
-thousand, a number less than one fourth that employed in the last year
-of the American war. In the Mediterranean and in the colonies there
-was not then present a single ship-of-the-line, properly so called.
-Fortunately, of the one hundred and thirteen actually borne on the roll
-of the line-of-battle as cruising ships, at the beginning of 1793,
-between eighty and ninety were reported in good condition, owing to
-the two alarms of war in 1790 and 1791; and provident administration
-had kept on hand in the British dockyards the necessary equipments,
-which had disappeared from those of France. More difficulty was
-experienced in manning than in equipping; but at the end of 1793, there
-were eighty-five of the line actually in commission. From twenty to
-twenty-five were allotted to the Channel fleet, cruising from thence
-to Cape Finisterre, under the command of Lord Howe; a like number to
-the Mediterranean under Lord Hood; and from ten to twelve to the West
-Indies. A reserve of twenty-five ships remained in the Channel ports,
-Portsmouth and Plymouth, ready for sea, and employed, as occasion
-demanded, for convoys, to fill vacancies of disabled ships in the
-cruising fleets, or to strengthen the latter in case of special need.
-
-The mobilization of the fleet, though energetic when once begun,
-was nevertheless tardy, and Great Britain had reason to be thankful
-that years of civil commotion and executive impotence had so greatly
-deteriorated the enemy's navy, and also, at a critical moment, had
-thrown so large a portion of it into her hands at Toulon. With a widely
-scattered empire, with numerous exposed and isolated points, with a
-smaller population and an army comparatively insignificant in numbers,
-war with France threw her—and must inevitably always throw her—at first
-upon the defensive, unless she could at once lay her grasp firmly upon
-some vital chord of the enemy's communications, and so force him to
-fight there. She could not assume the offensive by landing on French
-soil. No force she could send would be capable of resisting the numbers
-brought against it, much less of injuring the enemy; nor should the
-flattering hopes of such a force serving as a nucleus, round which to
-crystallize French rebellion, have been suffered to delude her, after
-the bitter deceptions of the recent American struggle. What hopes had
-not Great Britain then based upon old loyalty, and upon discontent
-with the new order of things! Yet, though such discontent undoubtedly
-existed—and that among men of her own race recently her subjects—the
-expeditions sent among them rallied no decisive following, kindled no
-fire of resistance. The natives of the soil, among whom such a force
-appears, either view it with jealous suspicion or expect it to do all
-the work; not unfrequently are both jealous and inactive. It is well,
-then, to give malcontents all the assistance they evidently require
-in material of war, to keep alive as a diversion every such focus of
-trouble, to secure wherever possible, as at Toulon, a fortified port
-by which to maintain free entrance for supplies to the country of the
-insurgents; but it is not safe to reckon on the hatred of the latter
-for their own countrymen outweighing their dislike for the foreigner.
-It is not good policy to send a force that, from its own numbers, is
-incapable of successful independent action, relying upon the support
-of the natives in a civil war. Such support can never relieve such
-expeditions from the necessity, common to all military advances, of
-guarding their communications while operating on their front; which
-is only another way of saying again that such expeditions, to be
-successful, must be capable of independent action adequate to the end
-proposed. Risings, such as occurred in many quarters of France in 1793,
-are useful diversions; but a diversion is only a subordinate part in
-the drama of war. It is either a deceit, whose success depends rather
-upon the incapacity of the opponent than upon its own merits; or it
-is an indirect use of forces which, from their character or position,
-cannot be made to conduce directly to the main effort of the enterprise
-in hand. To enlarge such diversions by bodies of troops which might be
-strengthening the armies on the central theatre of war is a mistake,
-which increases in ever greater proportion as the forces so diverted
-grow more numerous.[68]
-
-Offensive action of this character was therefore forbidden to Great
-Britain. To use small bodies for it was impolitic; and large bodies she
-had not to send. To strike a direct blow at France, it was necessary
-to force her to come out of her ports and fight, and this was to be
-accomplished only by threatening some external interests of vital
-importance to her. Such interests of her own, however, France had not.
-Her merchant shipping, in peace, carried less than one third of her
-trade, and was at once hurried into her ports when war began. Her West
-India colonies had indeed been valuable, that of Haïti very much so;
-but the anarchy of the past four years had annihilated its prosperity.
-There remained only to strike at her communications, through neutrals,
-with the outside world, and this was to be accomplished by the same
-means as most surely conduced to the defence of all parts of the
-British empire,—by taking up positions off the French coast, and
-drawing the lines as closely as the exigencies of the sea and the law
-of nations would permit. If possible, in order to stop commerce by
-neutral vessels, a blockade of the French coast, similar to that of the
-Southern Confederacy by the United States, would have been the most
-suitable measure to adopt; but the conditions were very different. The
-weather on the coast of the Southern States is much more moderate; the
-heaviest gales blow along shore, whereas, in the Bay of Biscay, they
-blow dead on shore; and there was almost everywhere good, sometimes
-even sheltered, anchorage, which was not generally to be had on the
-coast of France. Finally, while steam certainly helps both parties, the
-inside and the out, the latter profits the more by it, for he can keep
-in with the shore to a degree, and for a length of time, impossible
-to the sailing ship; the necessity of gaining an offing _before_ a
-gale comes on, and the helpless drifting during its continuance, not
-existing for the steamer.
-
-Despite, therefore, the decisions of the courts, that a blockade was
-not technically removed when the ships maintaining it were driven
-off by weather; a blockade of the whole French coast does not seem
-to have been contemplated by the British ministry. Its offensive
-measures against French commerce were consequently limited to the
-capture of property belonging to French subjects, wherever found
-afloat, even under neutral flags; and to the seizure of all contraband
-goods destined to France, to whomsoever they belonged. Both these
-were conceded to be within the rights of a belligerent by the United
-States and Great Britain; but the latter now endeavored to stretch the
-definition of contraband to a degree that would enable her to increase
-the pressure upon France. She claimed that naval stores were included
-in the category,—a position the more plausible at that time because,
-the French merchant ships being unable to go to sea, the stores must
-be for the navy,—and further, that provisions were so. Though these
-arguments were hotly contested by neutrals, the British navy was strong
-enough to override all remonstrances; and the dearth of provisions did
-force the Brest fleet out in 1794, and so led directly to the first
-great naval battle of the war.
-
-It cannot be considered a satisfactory result, nor one evincing
-adequate preparation, that the Channel fleet, to which belonged the
-protection of the approaches to the Channel,—the great focus of British
-trade,—to which also was assigned the duty of watching Brest, the chief
-French arsenál on the Atlantic, did not get to sea till July 14, and
-then only to the number of fifteen ships-of-the-line. A French fleet
-of similar size had sailed from Brest six weeks before, on the 4th
-of June, and taken a position in Quiberon Bay, off the coast of La
-Vendée, to intercept assistance to the insurgents of that province.
-The command of the Channel fleet was given to Lord Howe, an officer
-of very high character for activity and enterprise in previous wars,
-but now in his sixty-eighth year. Age had in no sense dulled his
-courage, which was as steadfast and well-nigh as impassive as a rock,
-nor impaired his mental efficiency; but it may be permitted to think
-that time had exaggerated and hardened a certain formal, unbending
-precision of action which distinguished him, and that rigid uniformity
-of manœuvre had become exalted in his eyes from a means to an end. This
-quality, however, joined to an intimate knowledge of naval tactics,
-eminently fitted him for the hard and thankless task of forming into a
-well-drilled whole the scattered units of the fleet, which came to him
-unaccustomed, for the most part, to combined action.
-
-Lord Howe brought also to his command a strong predisposition, closely
-allied with the methodical tendency just noted, to economize his fleet,
-by keeping it sparingly at sea and then chiefly for purposes of drill
-and manœuvre. Its preservation in good condition was in his eyes a
-consideration superior to taking up the best strategic position; and he
-steadily resisted the policy of continuous cruising before the ports
-whence the enemy must sail, alleging that the injury received in heavy
-winter weather, while the French lay at anchor inside, would keep the
-British force constantly inferior. The argument, though plausible and
-based on undoubted facts, does not justify the choice of a position
-clearly disadvantageous with reference to intercepting the enemy. War
-presents constantly a choice of difficulties, and when questions of
-material come in conflict with correct strategic disposition they must
-give way. The place for the British fleet, as reflection shows and
-experience proved, was before the hostile arsenals; or, allowably, if
-such a position could be found, in a port flanking the route along
-which the enemy must pass. For the Channel fleet no such port offered;
-and in keeping it at Spithead, far in rear of the French point of
-departure, Howe exposed himself to the embarrassment of their getting
-away while he remained in ignorance of the fact until too late to
-intercept, and with imperfect knowledge in what direction to follow.
-The only solution of the difficulty that the British government should
-have adopted was to maintain a reserve of ships, large enough to keep
-the necessary numbers of efficient vessels cruising in the proper
-station. The experience gained by such constant practice, moreover,
-improved the quality of the men more than it injured the ships.
-Historically, good men with poor ships are better than poor men with
-good ships; over and over again the French Revolution taught this
-lesson, which our own age, with its rage for the last new thing in
-material improvement, has largely dropped out of memory.
-
-The embarrassment arising from the British fleet being in a Channel
-port received singular, perhaps even exceptional, illustration in
-the French expedition against Ireland in 1796. It has been said that
-that expedition would have succeeded in landing its force had it had
-steam; it would be more just to say that it would never have come so
-near succeeding had the British fleet been cruising in the station
-which strategic considerations would prescribe.[69] There is also a
-certain indefinable, but real, deterioration in the _morale_ of a fleet
-habitually in port, compared with one habitually at sea; the habit
-of being on the alert and the habit of being at rest color the whole
-conduct of a military force. This was keenly realized by that great
-commander, Lord St. Vincent, and concurred with his correct strategic
-insight to fix his policy of close-watching the enemy's ports. "I will
-not lie here," he wrote from Lisbon in December, 1796, "a moment longer
-than is necessary to put us to rights; for you well know that inaction
-in the Tagus must make us all cowards."[70] Doubtless this practice of
-lying at anchor in the home ports contributed to the impunity with
-which French cruisers swept the approaches to the Channel during much
-of 1793 and 1794.
-
-The policy of Lord Howe combined with the crippled state of the French
-navy to render the year 1793 barren of striking maritime events
-in the Atlantic. In the interior of France and on her frontiers,
-amid many disasters and bloody tyranny, the saving energy of the
-fierce revolutionary government was making steady headway against
-the unparalleled difficulties surrounding it. After the ill-judged
-separation of the British and Austrians in August, the latter had
-succeeded in reducing Le Quesnoy, which capitulated on the 11th of
-September; but there their successes ended. Carnot, recently made a
-member of the Committee of Public Safety and specially charged with
-the direction of the war, concerted an overwhelming attack upon the
-British before Dunkirk, and raised the siege on the 9th of September;
-then, by a similar concentration upon the Austrians, now engaged in
-besieging Maubeuge, he caused their defeat at the battle of Wattignies,
-October 16, and forced them to retreat from before the place. In the
-north-east, both the allies and the French went into winter quarters
-early in November; but the prestige of a resistance that grew every day
-more efficient remained with the latter. On the eastern frontier also,
-after protracted fighting, the year closed with substantial success for
-them. The Prussians of the allied forces in that quarter retreated from
-all their advanced positions into Mayence; the Austrians retired to the
-east bank of the Rhine. Each of the allies blamed the other for the
-unfortunate issue of the campaign; and the veteran Duke of Brunswick,
-commanding the Prussians, sent in his resignation accompanied with
-predictions of continued disaster. At the same time the king of Prussia
-began to manifest the vacillating and shameless policy which made
-his country the byword of Europe during the next twelve years, and
-betrayed clearly his purpose of forsaking the coalition he had been
-so forward in forming. On the Spanish frontiers, the fortune of war
-was rather against the French, who were embarrassed by the necessity
-of concentrating all the force possible upon the siege of Toulon;
-the recovery of that port being urgently required for the national
-honor, as well as for the maritime interests of the republic in the
-Mediterranean.
-
-It was, however, in restoring internal submission and asserting
-the authority of the central government that the most substantial
-results of 1793 were attained. The resistance of the Vendeans, long
-successfully protracted through the blunders and lack of unity among
-the republican leaders, began to yield, as more concentrated effort was
-imparted by the reconstituted Committee of Public Safety. After the
-battle of Cholet, October 16, the insurgents, routed and in despair,
-determined to leave their own country, cross the Loire, and march
-into Brittany. They traversed the latter province slowly, fighting
-as they went, and on the 12th of November reached Granville on the
-Channel coast, where they hoped to open communications with England.
-Their assault on the town failed, and as the hoped-for ships did not
-arrive, they started back for La Vendée; but as a coherent body they
-never recrossed the Loire, and a pitched battle, fought December 22,
-at Savenay, on the north bank, completed their dispersion. The embers
-of the civil war continued to burn in La Vendée and north of the Loire
-during the following year; but as a general insurrection, wielding
-large bodies of fighting men, it had ceased to be formidable to the
-nation and wrought its chief harm to the province which supported it.
-
-The great stronghold of resistance in the east, Lyon, fell on the 9th
-of October. Despite the disaffection which had existed in the south
-and east, the commissioners of the government were able, without
-opposition, to collect round the city a body of men sufficient,
-first, to cut off its communications with the surrounding country,
-and, finally, to carry the works commanding the place. A spirit of
-discontent so feeble as to acquiesce tamely in the reduction of one of
-its chief centres gave no hope of support to any efforts made through
-Toulon by the allied forces; and the capitulation of Lyon showed that
-the port was not worth the cost of keeping, and at the same time
-released a large number of men to give activity to the siege. Toward
-the end of November, over twenty-five thousand republican troops were
-collected round the place. On the night of the 16th of December,
-the forts on a promontory commanding the anchorage for fleets were
-carried by assault. A council of war among the allies decided that
-the ships could not remain, and that the garrison could not hold out
-with its communications to the sea cut off. It therefore determined to
-evacuate the place, and on the 19th the British and Spaniards departed.
-Before sailing, an attempt was made to destroy both the dockyard and
-all the French ships that could not be taken away; but the danger
-threatening from the commanding positions that had now fallen to the
-enemy was so great, the necessity for quick departure so urgent, and
-so much had consequently to be done in a very limited time, that the
-proposed destruction was but imperfectly effected. Of twenty-seven
-French ships-of-the-line still in Toulon, nine were burned and three
-accompanied the retreat. The remaining fifteen constituted the nucleus
-of a powerful force, and most of them appear in the fleet which went
-with Bonaparte to Egypt and was there destroyed by Nelson in 1798.[71]
-
-The loss of Toulon, after the extravagant hopes excited by its
-surrender, gave rise to much complaint in England. It is improbable,
-however, that its retention, even if feasible, would have been
-beneficial. The expenditure of men and money necessary to hold a
-seaport surrounded by enemy's territory, and commanded by a long line
-of heights which had to be occupied, would have been out of proportion
-to any result likely to follow. The communications, being by sea only,
-would ultimately depend upon Great Britain as the power best able to
-insure them and most interested in a naval position; and the distance
-to England was great. The utter lack of dependence to be placed
-upon local discontent, as an element in the usefulness of Toulon to
-the allied cause, had been shown by the failure to support Lyon and
-by the tame submission made in the southern provinces to the petty
-Conventional army sent against them. The country, moreover, was in 1793
-wasted by dearth; and had there been in Toulon an allied force large
-enough to advance, it would have had to depend absolutely upon immense
-accumulations of food in the port. So great was the scarcity, that the
-French at one time thought of abandoning the siege on that account. In
-short, Toulon had, for the British, the disadvantage of great distance,
-far greater than Gibraltar, without the latter's advantages of
-strategic position and easy defence; and its occupation by them would
-have caused jealousy among the Mediterranean powers and introduced more
-discord into a coalition already mutually suspicious.
-
-From Toulon Hood retired to Hyères Bay, a sheltered roadstead a few
-miles east of Toulon, where the end of the year found him still lying.
-Lord Howe took the Channel fleet into port in the middle of December,
-and there remained until the following May. Thus ended the maritime
-year 1793.
-
- NOTE (to page 98). The Peninsular War, in its inception, was
- justified, not because the odds were favorable, but because there
- was a "fighting" chance of great results; just as there was at
- Toulon, where the attempt failed. The distinguished historian of
- that war claims that the British wrought the work of deliverance;
- and, after making every allowance for national prejudice, which in
- his case was certainly not undiscriminating, the general failure,
- except where the British arms were felt, may be taken to establish
- a fact which the disorganized state of Spain herself would alone
- render probable. The course of war in the west of the peninsula,
- where the British were, shows conclusively the limitations imposed
- upon the military enterprises of a state having a relatively
- small army with a great navy. Having landed in April, 1809,
- Wellesley, notwithstanding his genius and brilliant successes,
- notwithstanding the state of the peninsula, and notwithstanding,
- also, the immense length and difficulty of the French lines of
- communication, was still, in March, 1811, shut up within the
- lines of Torres Vedras; that is, he was simply holding on at
- Lisbon, unable to keep the country against the French. In external
- appearance, the military situation was just the same as at the
- beginning. The reasons for holding on were the same in character
- as in 1809; but the chances of success had become distinctly
- greater, owing to political and economical considerations, and
- to the extreme care and foresight by which the British leader
- had made his position round Lisbon inexpugnable. Nevertheless,
- the retreat and ultimate disaster of the French were due to the
- military difficulties of their enterprise, well understood and
- carefully improved by Wellington, and to the unmeasured political
- combinations of the emperor,—not to the power of the British army
- in Portugal, which, though admirable in quality and leadership,
- was very inferior in numbers. In the last analysis it was the
- emperor's Continental System, directed against the Sea Power of
- England, which gave to the army of England in the Peninsula the
- opportunity by which alone the weaker force can profitably assume
- the offensive. It is not a lessening, but a heightening, of the
- merit of the great Englishman, to say that he had the genius to
- foresee that the opportunity, though distant, must come, and the
- courage to hold on till it came.
-
- It is instructive to note the essential military resemblances
- between the British invasion of the Peninsula, which was finally
- crowned with success, and Napoleon's projected invasion of
- England, which came to nought. In the one case, a navy supreme on
- the ocean and a small military force; in the other, an unrivalled
- army, and a navy very inferior because of its quality. In each,
- the chances were largely against success. In each, the enterprise,
- strictly offensive in character by the inferior force, hinged
- upon the occurrence of the favorable opportunity, which it was
- the part of the offence to contrive and of the defence to
- prevent. That there was, in both cases, a long waiting of nearly
- equal duration is a fortuitous coincidence; but the attitude of
- unremitting watchfulness and constant readiness, in a skilfully
- chosen position, is the distinctive characteristic imposed upon
- the inferior force which hopes to escape from a mere defensive
- posture, and, by striking a blow, to make itself felt in the
- lists of war. The opportunity never came to Napoleon, because the
- British leaders never took their eyes off his fleet, upon which
- his profound combinations depended as an arch upon its keystone.
- It came to Wellington because the emperor turned his attention
- from the Peninsula, of whose troubles he was weary, and opposed
- inadequate means and divided commands to a single alert enemy.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IV.
-
-THE WEST INDIES, 1793-1810.
-
-
-Among the leading objects contemplated by the British ministry in
-this war was the control of the East and West Indies, particularly of
-the latter, as among the most important sources as well as markets
-of British trade. In the present day, the value of the West India
-islands, and of all positions in the Caribbean Sea, is chiefly military
-or maritime; due less to the commerce they maintain than to their
-relations, as coaling ports or fortified stations, to the commercial
-routes passing through that region. It is scarcely necessary to add
-that whatever importance of this character they now possess will be
-vastly increased when an interoceanic canal is completed. During the
-French revolution, however, the islands had a great commercial value,
-and about one fourth the total amount of British commerce, both export
-and import, was done with them. This lucrative trade Great Britain
-had gathered into her hands, notwithstanding the fact that other
-nations owned the largest and richest of the islands, as well as those
-producing the best sugar and coffee. The commercial aptitudes of the
-British people, the superior quality of their manufactures, their
-extensive merchant shipping and ingenious trade regulations, conspired
-to make it the interest of the foreign colonists to trade with them,
-even when by so doing the laws of their own governments were defied;
-and to a great extent the British free ports engrossed the West Indian
-trade, as well as that to the adjacent South and Central American
-coasts, known as the Spanish Main.
-
-In war, the control of a maritime region depends upon naval
-preponderance. When the opposing navies are of nearly equal strength,
-it is only by open battle, and by the reduction of one to a state of
-complete inferiority, that control can be asserted. If the region
-contested be small and compact, as, for instance, the immediate
-approaches to the English Channel, the preponderance of the fleet alone
-will determine the control and the safety of the national commerce
-within its limits; but if it be extensive, the distance between centres
-great, and the centres themselves weak, the same difficulties arise
-that are felt in maintaining order in a large and sparsely settled
-territory on land, as has till very lately been the case in our western
-Territories. In such circumstances the security of the traveller
-depends upon the government putting down nests of lawlessness, and
-establishing, at fitting stations, organized forces, that can by their
-activity insure reasonable safety in all directions.
-
-In the War of the French Revolution, it soon, though not immediately,
-became evident, that the British navy could everywhere preponderate in
-force over its enemy; but it could not be omnipresent. The Caribbean
-Sea offered conditions peculiarly favorable to marauders, licensed or
-unlicensed; while its commercial value necessitated the preservation,
-and, as far as possible, the monopoly, of so fruitful a source of
-revenue. The presence of hostile cruisers not only inflicted direct
-loss, which was measured by their actual captures, but, beyond these,
-caused a great indirect injury by the friction and delays which the
-sense of insecurity always introduces into commercial transactions. The
-ideal aim of the British ministry was to banish the enemy's cruisers
-absolutely from the region; but, if this was impossible, very much
-might be effected by depriving them of every friendly anchorage to
-which they could repair to refit or take their prizes,—in short, by
-capturing all the French islands. This would put an end to the myriads
-of very small craft, which, being able to keep the sea but for a few
-days, depended absolutely upon a near base; and would greatly cripple
-the operations of the larger vessels by throwing them, for supplies
-and refuge, upon the United States, which then extended a benevolent
-partiality to French cruisers and their prizes.
-
-The French islands had vividly reflected during the past four years
-the movements and passions of the mother-country; but only in Haïti
-did the turbulence, extending through all classes of society until it
-ended in a servile insurrection, result in destroying the control of
-the home government. The disorder, amounting often to anarchy, which
-prevailed through the French part of the island, somewhat simplified
-the problem before Great Britain. It was the only base of operations to
-the westward then available for French cruisers; and, though too large
-to admit the thought of conquest under the climatic conditions with
-the force that could be spared for such an attempt, it was possible,
-without serious opposition, to occupy many of the ports commanding the
-principal trade routes. Such occupation deprived the enemy of their
-use, converted them into harbors of refuge for British commerce, and
-made them centres for the operations of British cruisers. Unfortunately
-the government, misled by the representations of French planters who
-saw their property threatened with destruction, conceived the hope of
-an easy conquest, or rather transfer of allegiance in the colony. In
-pursuance of this idea, several places were taken into possession,
-being either delivered or captured with an ease that showed how
-readily, in the then disorganized state of the island, most of the
-seaports could have been secured; but the motive being conquest, and
-not merely maritime control, the choice of objectives was decided
-by political or military, instead of maritime, considerations. The
-expected local native support followed the general rule noted in the
-last chapter, and proved futile; while yellow fever wasted the troops
-condemned to excessive exertion and exposure in so sickly a clime.
-
-Had simple maritime advantages guided the British counsels, it would
-have been sufficient to note that Jamaica was the great centre of
-British interests in the western Caribbean; that outward-bound ships,
-entering the Caribbean through the eastern, or Windward, Islands, ran
-down with the trade wind along the south side of Haiti, where were two
-harbors, Aux Cayes and Jacmel, favorable as bases for privateers; and
-that the homeward trade passed through the Windward Passage, between
-Haïti and Cuba, which was flanked by two Haïtian ports, Tiburon to the
-south and Mole St. Nicolas on the north. These four were, therefore,
-particularly dangerous to British trade, and consequently, so far as
-position went, particularly advantageous if in British occupation. It
-is true that the topographical conditions of the ground about a seaport
-in an enemy's country may make the occupation very hazardous, except by
-the employment of more men than can be had; as was the case at Mole St.
-Nicolas, where the fortifications of the place itself were commanded by
-the surrounding heights. Yet it remained in the hands of the British
-from 1793 to 1798; and it may be believed that their interests would
-have been well served by strongly garrisoning these ports.[72] At
-the least they would so be lost to French cruisers. Instead of this,
-with the idea of conquest, the wholly insufficient forces sent were
-pushed down to the bottom of the bight of Gonaives, and the southern
-coast of the island was left in the enemy's hands. It is not desirable
-to give in detail the history of these petty military operations, nor
-of the civil commotions with which they were connected. Suffice it to
-say, that the course of events finally threw the government into the
-hands of a pure negro, Toussaint L'Ouverture. He continued to hold
-it till the Peace of Amiens, in 1802; and with him the British, in
-1798, concluded a treaty by which they finally abandoned the island.
-Though the scheme of conquest had failed, their interference had opened
-the country to British trade and caused the loss of Haïti to France,
-by contributing to the rise of Toussaint, the negro most capable of
-leading his race. He still professed fidelity to the mother-country,
-but he acted as one possessing independent power. The British, by the
-treaty, recognized the island as a neutral territory, and Toussaint, on
-his part, permitted them as well as neutral ships to trade with it.[73]
-He also prohibited the sailing of privateers from ports of Haïti, as
-they seriously interfered with its commerce.[74] Under his strong and
-wise administration the prosperity of the island greatly revived,
-though without attaining the proportions of former days.
-
-The islands known as the Lesser Antilles, which extend from Porto Rico
-in a southerly direction to Trinidad and form the eastern boundary of
-the Caribbean, are, from their small size, much more dependent than
-is Haïti or Cuba upon the control of the sea. Though the aggregate
-commercial value of the whole group was far inferior to that of the
-French part alone of Haïti, they had a distinct military advantage
-which made them, in that point of view and to the West Indies, more
-important than Haïti itself. They were to windward of the whole
-Caribbean with reference to the trade winds, which blow unceasingly
-from east to west; and hence were much nearer in time, that supreme
-factor in military combinations, to the great western islands than the
-latter were to them. The same circumstance of the trade wind threw
-them across the path of vessels bound from Europe to all parts of the
-Caribbean, and thus facilitated the intercepting of supplies essential
-to the support and industries of the islands, for much of which they
-depended upon the mother-countries.
-
-The largest, by far, of these islands, Trinidad, belonged in 1793 to
-Spain, at that time the ally of Great Britain. Its nearness to the
-South American continent gave it, as a distributing centre, marked
-commercial advantages, of which the unenterprising Spaniards made
-little use; but, as the trade winds blow from the north of east, it
-was not favorably placed for a naval station. The two next in size,
-and among the most fertile, Guadaloupe and Martinique, were French
-islands. Being in the centre of the chain and to leeward of none,
-except the outlying English Barbadoes, they were admirably situated
-for military control, and the strategic advantage of position was
-supplemented by the defensive strength of Fort Royal (now Fort de
-France), the principal harbor of Martinique; which was then, as it is
-now, by far the most powerful naval position in the eastern Caribbean.
-Besides them, France owned Santa Lucia, next south of Martinique,
-and Tobago. The military importance of these islands, combined with
-a distinct though minor commercial value, and the experience in past
-wars of the injury done to British commerce by privateering based
-upon them, made their reduction advisable to Great Britain; to whom
-belonged most of the other Lesser Antilles as well as the trade of the
-Caribbean. One of the first acts of the war, before sending a vessel
-to the Mediterranean or increasing the Channel fleet, was to despatch
-a squadron of seven sail-of-the-line to the West Indies, where there
-were at that time, except a few small cruisers, but two fifty-gun
-ships, one at Jamaica and one to windward,—a thousand miles apart. No
-fact shows more strongly how unprepared Great Britain was for war than
-the naval destitution of this region, at a time when France had three
-or four ships-of-the-line continually in her colonies. This British
-squadron sailed under the command of Admiral Gardner on the 24th of
-March, 1793; and there was a strong expectation that Martinique and
-Guadaloupe, which had hoisted the old royal standard of France upon
-learning the deposition of Louis XVI., would place themselves under
-British protection. This hope was disappointed, they having already
-resumed their republican allegiance, and Gardner returned to England in
-the fall, leaving a part of his squadron behind.
-
-It was then decided to reduce the French islands by force, and on
-the 26th of November Sir John Jervis, afterwards Earl St. Vincent,
-sailed with a small force of ships-of-war carrying seven thousand
-troops destined for this service. Reaching Barbadoes in January, the
-expedition appeared off Martinique on the 5th of February, 1794, and
-after a series of successful operations the island capitulated on the
-22d of March. A detachment was next sent against Santa Lucia, which
-was surrendered on the 4th of April. On the 10th of the same month the
-combined naval and military forces anchored off Guadaloupe, and on
-the 20th this island, with its off-lying dependencies, Marie-Galante,
-Desirade and the Saints, also submitted. Tobago having been seized with
-slight resistance in April, 1793, Great Britain was now in possession
-of all the hostile Windward Islands, except the petty St. Martin, part
-of which belonged to France. A considerable detachment of troops
-was next sent to Mole St. Nicolas to assist the undertaking against
-Haïti; a reduction of the force in the Windward Islands which led to
-disastrous consequences, felt throughout the war by the islands and
-commerce of Great Britain. For on the 3d of June, when the British
-commanders had departed leaving a garrison in Guadaloupe, there
-appeared off the coast a division of ships, two being frigates and the
-others transports, which had left France in April, before the loss of
-the colonies was known. Landing without opposition, they established
-themselves firmly and gained possession of half the island before
-Jervis and Grey could appear. The struggle continued with varying
-fortunes during the following six months, but the British continually
-lost ground and wasted with yellow fever. This dire disease told
-likewise severely on the new French arrivals, but these found a native
-Creole population of nearly six thousand, the larger part of whom
-were faithful to the republic; whereas their enemies, out of a total
-original force of seven thousand, had, besides losses in battle and
-by disease, been obliged to spare garrisons for the captured islands
-and a detachment to Haïti. These causes alone would seem sufficient to
-account for the recapture of the island; but the utmost credit must
-at the same time be allowed to the French officers concerned, and
-especially to the commissioner of the Convention, Victor Hugues, who
-accompanied the expedition. This man, who had at Rochefort filled the
-rôle of public accuser, which in Paris gained for Fouquier Tinville a
-hideous immortality, seems to have embodied in himself the best and
-worst features of the men of the Terror, whose fate he escaped by
-leaving France betimes. In his report to the Convention he boasted of
-having put to death twelve hundred royalists in Guadaloupe. This horror
-partakes doubtless of the evident exaggerations discernible in the
-French accounts of a military operation which, not so adorned, would
-have been brilliant enough. Hugues's brutality is unquestionable, but
-to it he joined the vigor, audacity, and unscrupulous determination to
-succeed which carried the French armies to victory in all parts. The
-British were forced to evacuate their last port in Guadaloupe on the
-10th of December, 1794.
-
-Upon receiving news of Hugues's success the Directory hastened to
-send re-enforcements, and on the 6th of January, 1795, a number of
-ships-of-war and transports reached Guadaloupe and landed troops
-variously stated at fifteen to twenty-five hundred. Hugues, who had
-meantime organized a respectable territorial army, used the land and
-naval forces now at his disposal with great energy. Santa Lucia was
-retaken on the 19th of June, and insurrection fomented and maintained
-in Dominica, St. Vincent and Grenada, among the negroes, aborigines and
-old French inhabitants, to the great distress of the British. National
-vessels and privateers, having once more a secure base of operations,
-swarmed throughout the seas and inflicted great losses on the trade.
-All this disaster, which continued throughout the year, arose from not
-having quite enough men in Guadaloupe to put Hugues down before he had
-a foothold; and the British government was now compelled to send a far
-larger force to repair in part an evil, which a smaller number, at the
-proper moment, would have wholly prevented.
-
-The disastrous result of the campaign of 1794 in Belgium and Holland,
-resulting in the conquest of the latter by the French, the overthrow
-of the House of Orange, and the alliance of Holland with France under
-a republican government, had both released the British troops employed
-on the Continent and thrown open the Dutch colonies to British attacks.
-Sir Ralph Abercromby, who had distinguished himself in the recent
-operations, was appointed to the command in the eastern Caribbean, and
-sixteen thousand troops were assigned to the expedition, which was
-to be convoyed by eight ships-of-the-line under Admiral Christian.
-They were to have sailed in September for a campaign in the drier and
-cooler winter months; but the usual difficulty in moving large bodies,
-particularly of sailing ships, delayed their departure until the
-15th of November. Two days later the Channel was swept by a gale of
-hurricane violence, which caused the loss of many ships and lives, and
-forced all that survived to return to Portsmouth, a single transport
-alone reaching the destination at Barbadoes. On the 3d of December a
-second start was made, but almost equal bad fortune was met. After
-battling the ocean for seven weeks, Christian and Abercromby returned
-to England with part of the convoy, the remainder finding their way
-by driblets to Barbadoes; several, however, were taken by Hugues's
-cruisers. Abercromby then took passage in a frigate, reaching the
-island on the 17th of March, 1796; and was followed by the admiral,
-who arrived on the 21st of April with a fleet of transports. Santa
-Lucia was at once attacked, and on the 25th of May the French garrison
-capitulated. On the 11th of June, St. Vincent, and a few days later
-Grenada, which were in possession rather of insurgents than of enemies,
-likewise submitted. Prior to the arrival of Admiral Christian,
-Abercromby had sent a detachment of twelve hundred men against the
-Dutch colonies on the mainland, Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice, which
-surrendered without resistance in April and May, and were laid open to
-British trade.
-
-Great Britain had now resumed tranquil possession of all the eastern
-islands, except Guadaloupe. The strong organization which this had
-received from Hugues, and the re-enforcements that had been thrown
-in, indicated that prolonged operations would be needed to effect
-its subdual. The sickly rainy season was at hand, during which also
-hurricanes prevail, so that all reasons combined to postpone the
-attempt to the healthier months,—a decision which was amply justified
-by the great mortality from yellow fever which ensued among the troops,
-despite all the immunity from exposure that care and the cessation of
-campaigning could give. By the time that operations could begin, Spain
-had declared war against Great Britain; and the prospect of easily
-seizing her large and far more valuable islands diverted attention from
-Guadaloupe. The latter continued throughout this and the following war,
-until 1810, a thorn in the side of British trade. The recapture of
-Guadaloupe by the French, and the consequent evils, remain a pregnant
-warning against the folly of sending a boy to do a man's work; but
-underlying that miscalculation appears to have been the fatal error of
-relying upon local support to troops inadequate by themselves to the
-task before them. Desirous of doing many things at once, the British
-government easily accepted the assurances of a few royalists, as to
-the political dispositions of a most excitable and changeable race and
-the re-enforcements that could be raised among them. It was an exact
-repetition of the blunder which led to the invasion of the Southern
-colonies during the American Revolution; and the gist of the mistake is
-in the dependence upon unorganized forces to supplement the weakness
-of the organized force, which is not by itself alone sufficient to its
-undertaking.
-
-It will not be denied that at times a diversion under such conditions
-may be attempted, if it does not take away force needed for serious
-enterprises. Upon this ground may perhaps be justified the attempted
-French invasion of Ireland in December, 1796, which, though on a
-somewhat larger scale, essentially resembled the expedition of Jervis
-and Grey against the West Indies. It also depended upon a local rising
-in favor of an insufficient force, upon the support of practically
-unorganized masses without military antecedents; but it was undertaken
-at a period when the tide of affairs elsewhere was running strongly
-in favor of France, and, whatever hopes may have been entertained of
-possible ultimate results, was essentially a diversion. The immediate
-aim was not a direct gain to France, but an indirect advantage,
-by accumulating embarrassments for Great Britain. A state entirely
-inferior at sea could not count upon lasting military control of a
-large island with an alien population; but it could hope that the
-insurrection of Ireland, concurring with disaster upon the Continent,
-might force a disadvantageous peace upon the arch enemy. The conquest
-of the smaller Antilles, on the contrary, was not properly a diversion,
-but an object of real importance to a great British interest. It was
-feasible for the greater naval power to take and hold them, being
-small; and their tenure, by relieving the navy of part of its work,
-would have facilitated the protection of Jamaica and its trade, as well
-as the general control of the western Caribbean. Haïti was too large
-and too populated for conquest; but its power for injury could have
-been confronted with more substantial force had Guadaloupe remained a
-British garrison.
-
-The alliance of Spain and Holland with France much increased the
-difficulties of Great Britain, by throwing open their colonial ports to
-French privateers. The extensive sea-coasts of Cuba and Haïti became
-alive with them. In 1807 it was estimated that there were from two to
-three hundred depending upon these two islands, and unfitted, from
-their size, to go far from them.[75] The number testifies to the extent
-and value of British trade in that sea, although the privateer did not
-confine his depredations to the enemy, but preyed lawlessly on neutrals
-as well. The same authority illustrates the annihilation of French and
-Spanish commerce by stating that not more than two or three British
-privateers were sailing from Jamaica.
-
-General Abercromby went for a short time to Europe in the fall of 1796.
-Upon his return a strong military and naval expedition was sent against
-Trinidad, but did not meet the resistance expected from the size and
-importance of the island. It capitulated on the second day, February
-18, 1797, and with it the Spaniards lost four ships-of-the-line. Thence
-Abercromby moved, in April, against Porto Rico; but upon reconnoitring,
-the defences were found too strong, and the troops were re-embarked
-after losing two hundred men. This ended the colonial expeditions
-in the West Indies for the first war. Quiet possession was taken of
-the Dutch colonies of Surinam and Curaçoa in 1799 and 1800; and in
-1801, when Sweden and Denmark became involved in hostilities with
-Great Britain, their West India islands were also given up without
-resistance, but no further fighting took place.
-
- NOTE. As it does not enter into the author's plan to give in
- detail the naval history after Trafalgar, it may be well to state
- here, in brief, the subsequent events in the West Indies. At the
- Peace of Amiens in 1801, Great Britain restored all her West India
- conquests except the Spanish Trinidad. When war broke out again in
- 1803, Tobago, Santa Lucia, Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice were
- at once seized without difficulty, as was Surinam in 1804. There
- matters rested till 1807, when Curaçoa and the Danish islands
- fell, followed in 1809 by Martinique, and in 1810 by Guadaloupe.
- Spain having become again the ally of Great Britain in 1808, the
- latter had now no open enemy in the Caribbean; but the long habits
- of lawlessness left numerous pirates infesting Cuba, whom the weak
- Spanish government failed to control.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER V.
-
-THE NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF MAY, 1794, AND BATTLE OF THE FIRST OF JUNE.
-
-
-The pressure of the allied armies upon all her frontiers, combined
-with the British mastery of the sea, had thrown France largely upon
-her own resources during the year 1793; while the distracted condition
-of the country and a bad harvest had united to cause a scarcity of
-bread-stuffs, which threatened a famine, with all its consequences
-of sufferings to the army and the people, and inevitable increase of
-disturbance and sedition.
-
-The eyes of the government had therefore turned beyond the sea to the
-United States, and its representatives there had been directed to
-accumulate a quantity of provisions to be shipped to France. It was
-intended to despatch these in a great convoy, to be protected on the
-voyage by a force of ships-of-war; while its approach to the shores of
-Europe would be covered by a sortie of the great fleet from Brest and
-Rochefort, to occupy the attention of, and, if necessary, forcibly to
-contest the control of the sea with, the British navy. Experience had
-not yet corrected the sanguine confidence of the republican government,
-based upon the wordy enthusiasm of the crews, nor taught it that, with
-the departure of the trained officers and the spread of license among
-the men, the navy had ceased to be the strong power which had faced
-Great Britain with success in the war of the American Revolution. The
-very measures which had most contributed to destroy its efficiency
-became, in the excitement and ignorance of the times, the sure gage of
-victory.
-
-The convoying squadron of two ships-of-the-line and three smaller
-vessels sailed from Brest for the United States in December, 1793,
-under the command of Rear-Admiral Van Stabel, an active and judicious
-officer. On the 12th of February it anchored in Chesapeake Bay, and
-sailed again for France on the 11th of April. The merchant ships under
-its charge numbered one hundred and thirty,[76] among them being many
-laden with produce from the French West India islands, which, not
-venturing to make the passage home direct and unattended, for fear of
-British cruisers, had collected at Hampton Roads to await the time of
-sailing. It seems somewhat remarkable that the British government,
-which was fairly well informed as to the designs of the French, should
-not have attempted to intercept the convoy at its port of departure.
-That is the point at which a great maritime expedition, whether purely
-military or otherwise, can usually be most effectually watched; and in
-this case the more so, because, if the convoy had eluded the blockading
-squadron, the latter, few in number and homogeneous, could easily have
-outstripped the unwieldy multitude and again awaited it off its port
-of arrival. The success of this mass of merchantmen in escaping the
-numerous enemies that attended it off the coast of France is a striking
-illustration of the uncertainties of commerce-destroying, and of the
-chances that favor the safe arrival of a body of ships when the enemy
-is in doubt as to their exact destination.
-
-The French minister to the United States, M. Genêt, had written home
-that he would forward a part of the convoy, under the care of two
-small ships of war, as soon as possible. With the idea that these
-might have sailed before Van Stabel reached America, a force of five
-ships-of-the-line with some lighter vessels was directed to protect
-their arrival. This squadron accordingly sailed from Brest under the
-command of Rear-Admiral Nielly, on the 10th of April.[77] It had been
-preceded by a light division, whose mission was to meet the convoy and
-inform the officer in charge that Nielly would await him a hundred
-leagues west of Belle-Isle.
-
-Later news corrected the expectations based upon Genêt's first
-despatches, and as the close approach of summer made it more easy for
-the British fleet to maintain its position in the Bay of Biscay, and
-consequently increased the dangers through which the convoy must pass,
-the French government determined to send out all the available ships
-in Brest. On the 16th of May the great fleet, comprising twenty-five
-ships-of-the-line, one of which carried one hundred and twenty guns
-and three others one hundred and ten, sailed under the command of
-Rear-Admiral Villaret Joyeuse. A representative of the National
-Convention, charged with duties resembling those of the representatives
-present with the armies in the field, embarked on board the flag-ship,
-"La Montagne." This magnificent vessel, called under the monarchy the
-"États de Bourgogne," now bore the name of the terrible party dominant
-in the National Convention. These were still the days of the Terror,
-and Robespierre had yet two months to live when the fleet sailed from
-Brest. The admiral's orders were to cruise in the same station that had
-already been assigned to Nielly, with whom he was expected to form a
-junction, and to protect the approach of the convoy at all hazards, but
-not to fight unless essential to secure that end, to which all other
-objects were subordinated. The time of waiting was to be utilized for
-fleet manœuvres, in which the representative and admiral had too much
-reason to fear that the captains were unskilled.
-
-The anxiety of the French government about the convoy, and the
-embarrassment which would be caused by its loss, were obvious
-incentives to the British authorities to do all in their power to
-intercept it. The Channel fleet, so called from the ports upon which
-its operations were based, had returned from its cruises of the
-previous year in December, and had since then remained at anchor,
-repairing and refitting for the next year's work. Its commander, Lord
-Howe, as has before been said,[78] was averse from keeping the sea in
-winter with the heavy ships. According to his system of warfare, the
-fleet should be anchored at some convenient point on the Channel coast,
-and depend upon frigates stationed before the French ports to bring it
-word of the enemy's movements. Had, however, the expected convoy in
-1794 sailed from America as soon as it was expected to do, it would
-have reached its own ports before the British had left their anchors.
-
-On the 2d of May the Channel fleet, numbering thirty-four
-ships-of-the-line and attended by fifteen frigates and smaller
-ships-of-war, sailed from Spithead. It had under its charge one
-hundred and forty-eight sail of merchantmen, bound to Newfoundland
-and to the East and West Indies. Upon arriving two days later off
-the Lizard, a promontory near the south-west extremity of England
-and a hundred miles due north of the Island of Ushant, Howe detached
-eight ships-of-the-line to accompany the convoy to the latitude of
-Cape Finisterre, on the north-west coast of Spain. After performing
-this service, six, under Admiral Montagu, were to cruise between Cape
-Ortegal and the latitude of Belle-Isle, to intercept the convoy from
-America. The width, over two hundred miles, of the belt of ocean to
-be covered by these six ships with their accompanying frigates, taken
-in connection with the chances which night and fog might give the
-French convoy for passing unobserved, illustrates the comparative
-disadvantages of lying in wait at the supposed point of arrival,
-instead of at the known port of departure, for a body of vessels whose
-precise destination is in doubt.
-
-Howe, with the twenty-six ships remaining to him, steered directly
-for Ushant, reconnoitred Brest, and, having ascertained that the bulk
-of the French fleet was still in port, proceeded to cruise in the Bay
-of Biscay, moving backward and forward across the probable track of
-the expected convoy. On the 19th of May he again looked into Brest,
-and found that the French had sailed. The same evening a frigate from
-Montagu joined him, requesting a re-enforcement, as the rear-admiral
-had learned from a captured vessel that Nielly's squadron was at sea,
-and that Van Stabel's force numbered four of the line. He consequently
-anticipated the possibility of falling in with nine ships-of-the-line,
-which would be too large a number for his own six to meet. As the
-frigate, of course, brought word where Montagu was to be found, Howe,
-knowing that the main French fleet was out, steered at once to join
-his subordinate; but ascertaining later, from passing vessels, that
-Villaret had been seen in a position and heading a course which would
-take him well clear of Montagu, he abandoned this purpose and went
-directly in pursuit of the enemy. The latter, by the information he
-received, numbered twenty-six ships-of-the-line, precisely equalling
-his own fleet.
-
-A week, however, was to elapse before he found the French. On the
-morning of the 28th of May, the wind being then south by west, the
-lookout frigates signalled a strange fleet to windward. It proved to
-be that of Villaret, then steering north-north-east, nearly before the
-wind, in three columns. At the time of this meeting, Howe was running
-back to the eastward with a fair wind, having actually gone a hundred
-miles west of the enemy's rendezvous without finding him. The French
-admiral stood on until he could recognize the British, and then hauled
-to the wind, intending to form his line-of-battle on the port tack,
-heading west or a little south of it. The inexperience of the captains,
-of whom a large proportion had no naval training and had never
-commanded ships in a fleet, led to a long delay and a poor formation.
-Lord Howe, on the contrary, soon had his fleet in manageable condition,
-pressing to windward in two columns on the port tack, and with a
-flying squadron of four fast and handy seventy-four-gun ships well to
-the windward of the main body. The British fleet was now steering the
-same course as the French, to leeward, or north, of it, and at noon
-the distance between the main bodies was from nine to ten miles. The
-place of this first meeting was about four hundred miles west (and a
-little south) of the island of Ushant. There was a strong breeze and a
-moderately heavy sea.
-
-Villaret soon found that the slowness of the formation, to facilitate
-which many of his ships had to heave-to,[79] was causing the line to
-set gradually to leeward, toward the British. Four also of his fleet
-were separated from the main body, being some distance astern and to
-windward, two of them slightly disabled. To approach these, and at the
-same time keep the advantage of the wind, he determined to put the
-fleet on the other tack. At ten minutes before two in the afternoon the
-French began tacking in succession, and by quarter past three were all
-on the starboard tack, heading now east-south-east toward the separated
-ships. Meantime, the British flying squadron, acting independently
-of the main body, but under orders to attack the enemy's rear, kept
-forcing to windward, and at a little after three o'clock one of them
-was able to open fire, just before the rear French ships went about.
-The main body tacked between three and four o'clock, and being now on
-the same course as the French, east-south-east, but entirely out of
-cannon-shot, carried a press of sail to overtake them.
-
-The ships of the flying squadron, being handled for the most part with
-vigor and judgment, fulfilled Howe's purpose of making an impression
-upon the _rear_ of the enemy's column. As soon as the attack became
-pronounced, one of the French one-hundred-and-ten-gun ships, the
-"Révolutionnaire," took the extreme rear, and upon her fell the brunt
-of the action, which lasted this day until after ten P. M.; daylight,
-at that time of the year and in that latitude, continuing till nearly
-then. The British advanced ships were joined after some time by
-two more from the main body, so that the "Révolutionnaire" had to
-encounter, first and last, some half-dozen hostile seventy-fours. No
-diagram of this day's fighting need be given. The reader has only to
-picture a long column of ships steering to the southward and eastward,
-its rear harassed by the repeated but irregular attacks of a superior
-hostile detachment.
-
-The "Révolutionnaire" was nobly fought; and the concentration upon her,
-while eminently judicious, served to bring out vividly the advantage,
-which should never be forgotten, of one heavy ship over several
-smaller, even though the force of the latter may, in the aggregate, be
-much superior. The attacks this day made upon her were, from the nature
-of the case, not simultaneous. They resembled one of those elaborately
-combined movements in land warfare, whereby several separate columns
-are intended to be brought at the same time to the same point, but
-actually arrive one by one and are beaten off in detail. The result
-in the present instance was somewhat more fortunate. As darkness
-fell, Howe called off all but two of the assailants,—one having
-already been driven off,—in order to form his line for the night. The
-"Révolutionnaire" remained in hot action with a small seventy-four,
-the "Audacious," alone; for the comrade of the latter took no share.
-At ten P. M., having lost her captain and sixty-two men killed and
-eighty-six wounded, and with her mizzen-mast shot away, she wore out
-of action under charge of her fourth lieutenant, the three seniors
-having been killed or seriously hurt. Covered by the dark she passed to
-the northward, astern of the British fleet, her remaining masts falling
-soon after. The "Audacious" was so badly crippled that it took her long
-to get clear of the French line, and she was unable to rejoin her own
-that night. The next morning, finding herself isolated and in presence
-of some enemy's ships, she was forced to run before the wind and was
-permanently separated from the fleet. The two opponents passed within
-sight of each other the following day, but they were in no condition to
-resume the encounter, and both reached port without further injury.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 1 and Fig. 2: Manœuvres of British and French
-Fleets, May 29, 1794.]
-
-During the short summer night the two fleets continued to run on
-parallel lines (May 29, Fig. 1. BB, FF,) south-east by east, being
-about three miles apart, the French bearing south from the British.
-The latter appear to have gained somewhat upon their less practised
-adversaries, so that at six o'clock Howe, ever intent upon getting to
-windward and thereby obtaining the opportunity to attack, directed
-his fleet to tack in succession (a), expecting that the van would
-on the new course pass near enough to the enemy's rear to exchange
-shots. After the evolution, the British were in column steering west
-(B'B'), the French still south-east by east. Villaret, seeing his rear
-threatened, wore his fleet in succession at quarter before eight (b),
-the van ships running down north-west by west (F'F') parallel to their
-previous course, toward the rear of their own column; upon reaching
-which the leading ship hauled to the wind again (c), followed by each
-of the others in order. These two manœuvres brought both fleets once
-more heading in the same direction, following parallel courses and
-abreast each other; the French still to windward, but having lost much
-of the distance which separated them from their enemies. A few shots
-had been exchanged, as Howe expected, between the British van and the
-French rear as they passed on opposite tacks (Fig. 1, d).
-
-Toward ten o'clock the French head ships ran down toward the British
-van and opened fire at long range, their centre and rear keeping out
-of action (May 29, Fig. 2). The leading British ship, "Cæsar," failed
-to carry sail enough, though repeatedly signalled to make more; and
-in consequence those astern of her had also to shorten sail, the
-flag-ship "Queen Charlotte" in particular being forced to leeward by
-the necessity of backing a topsail to keep in her station. At noon
-there was a brisk cannonade between the two vans. Dissatisfied with
-this partial engagement, which, by crippling some of his ships, might
-put out of his power to reach the enemy, Howe at noon signalled to
-tack again in succession, and to pass through the French line. The
-"Cæsar," which should have begun the manœuvre, made no reply, and it
-was necessary to repeat the order. Shortly before one o'clock she
-wore instead of tacking. The ships between her and the admiral also
-went about; but none, save the "Queen," of ninety-eight guns, second
-in the order, appears to have reached the hostile line, except at
-its extreme rear. She passed alone, and for a long time unsupported,
-along a considerable portion of the enemy's order, which had now been
-re-established by the centre and rear bearing down to support the van
-(Fig. 2, a); but she was unable to break through, owing at first to
-the closeness of the French ships to each other, and afterwards to
-the injuries received from their successive broadsides. The "Cæsar"
-kept so far from the wind as to neutralize the admiral's purpose; and
-of the other van ships all went to leeward of the French line, none
-breaking through. So far, therefore, the general result was only to
-bring confusion into the British order without attaining the end which
-Howe desired. He therefore determined to set the example, directed
-the flag-ship to be tacked (Fig. 2, b), and stood under a press of
-sail toward the French line, closely followed by two others, the next
-ahead and next astern of him. The "Queen Charlotte," which had been
-tenth in the British column, reached the enemy at a point not far in
-rear of Villaret's flag-ship, and ran along the line (Fig. 3) till
-she came abreast of the sixth ship from the rear, astern of which she
-luffed through and gained to windward of the French (Fig. 3, a). One
-of her two followers passed through the second interval (b) behind
-that pierced by herself, and the other through the next (c),—that is,
-between the third and second vessel from the enemy's rear. The two
-remaining French ships, the "Indomptable" (I), of eighty guns, and
-the "Tyrannicide" (T), of seventy-four, were not only far astern but
-to leeward of their line. They were therefore easily to be reached by
-several of the British, who gradually encircled them.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 3: Manœuvres of British and French Fleets, May 29,
-1794.]
-
-With his rear thus for the third time threatened, and much more
-seriously than before, Villaret again made signal to wear in
-succession. The French van had by now become much separated from the
-rest of the fleet, and the leading ship was too disabled to go about.
-No other taking the initiative, the admiral, like Howe, was forced
-to set the example. The "Montagne" (M) wore out of line (d), and led
-down toward the two surrounded ships, with a signal flying to follow
-and form in her wake (F' F') without regard to usual station. This
-movement of Villaret not only tended to release the "Indomptable" and
-"Tyrannicide," but also threatened the "Queen" (Q), which had fallen
-to leeward disabled. Howe, after getting to windward and tacking (e),
-had endeavored to reach the "Terrible," of one hundred and ten guns,
-carrying the flag of the admiral commanding the French rear, which
-had been astern of the point at which the "Queen Charlotte" broke the
-line; but, while the "Charlotte" was putting about, the "Terrible"
-(Te) passed ahead and reached the centre of Villaret's column before
-Howe's ship could come up with her. For every reason, therefore, but
-especially for the safety of the "Queen," it became imperative for the
-British admiral to reverse his course. He therefore wore (f), gathering
-round him by signal all vessels within reach, and again stood east,
-toward the threatened ships of the two parties,—running in a column
-parallel to, but to windward of, that of the French admiral.
-
-The "Queen," though much crippled, had, with her head to the eastward,
-passed astern of the two threatened French ships. These had suffered
-from the engagement, in passing, with the British van a few hours
-before, as well as with the flying squadron on the previous day;
-and the injuries then received had doubtless contributed to place
-them in the exposed and dangerous position they now occupied. The
-"Leviathan," seventy-four, attacked them to windward, the "Orion," of
-the same class, to leeward, and the latter was soon after re-enforced
-and replaced by the "Barfleur," of ninety-eight guns. No particular
-statement is given in the British narratives of other ships attacking
-these two, but several of those astern of the "Queen Charlotte," which
-could have reached no other of the French, lost killed and wounded,
-and it is probable that these shared in this encounter. The French
-accounts speak of their two vessels as "surrounded;" and Villaret wrote
-that their resistance "should immortalize their captains, Dordelin
-and Lamesle." They came out of the engagement of the 29th of May with
-only their lower masts standing; and the heavier of the two, the
-"Indomptable," was in such condition that Villaret thought necessary to
-send her to Brest that night, escorted by another of his fleet, which
-was thus dwindling piece-meal.
-
-For the moment, however, the French admiral's manœuvre, well conceived
-and gallantly executed, rescued the endangered ships. The "Queen
-Charlotte" and her immediate supporters, after first tacking, had
-barely reached the rear of the French. As the latter continued to
-stand on, it was of course impossible for all the fifteen ships behind
-the British admiral to come up with them at once. In fact, the failure
-of the van to do its whole duty, combined with the remote position of
-the rear,—increased probably by the straggling usually to be observed
-at the tail of long columns,—had resulted in throwing the British
-order into confusion. "As the ships arrived," wrote Lord Howe in his
-journal, "they came up so crowded together as afforded an opportunity
-for the enemy to have fired upon them with great advantage." (Fig. 3,
-C, R.) "The British line was completely deformed," states one French
-authority. But, though disordered, they formed a large and dangerous
-body, all within supporting distance,—they had on their side the
-prestige of an indisputable, though partial, success,—they were flushed
-with victory, and it would appear that the French van had not yet come
-up. Villaret therefore contented himself with carrying off his rescued
-ships, with which and with the rest of his fleet he stood away to the
-north-west.
-
-It is desirable to sum up the result of these two days of partial
-encounters, as an important factor in the discussion of the campaign
-as a whole, which must shortly follow. On the morning of May 28, the
-French numbered twenty-six ships-of-the-line[80] and were, when they
-first formed line, from ten to twelve miles to windward of the British,
-also numbering twenty-six. On the evening of May 29, in consequence of
-Howe's various movements and the course to which Villaret was by them
-constrained,—for he acted purely on the defensive and had to conform
-to the initiative of the enemy,—the French fleet was to leeward of the
-British. As Howe had succeeded within so short a time in forcing action
-from to leeward, there was every reason to apprehend that from the
-windward position—decidedly the more favorable upon the whole, though
-not without its drawbacks—he would be able to compel a decisive battle,
-which the French naval policy proscribed generally, and in the present
-case particularly. Besides this adverse change of circumstance, the
-balance of loss was still more against the French. On the first day
-the "Révolutionnaire" on one side and the "Audacious" on the other
-had been compelled to quit their fleets; but the force of the latter
-was not over two thirds that of the former. By the action of the 29th
-the "Indomptable," of eighty guns, was driven from the French fleet,
-and the admiral thought necessary to send with her a seventy-four and
-a frigate. The "Tyrannicide," seventy-four, had lost all her upper
-masts; she had consequently to be towed by one of her consorts through
-the next two days and in the battle of the First of June. If Villaret
-had had any expectation of escaping Howe's pursuit, the presence of
-this disabled ship would have destroyed it, unless he was willing to
-abandon her. Besides the mishaps already stated, the leading ship,
-"Montagnard," had been so much injured in the early part of the
-engagement that she could not go about. Continuing to stand west, while
-the body of the fleet was running east to the aid of the "Indomptable"
-and "Tyrannicide," this ship separated from her consorts and was not
-able to regain them. To this loss of four ships actually gone, and one
-permanently crippled, may be added that of the "Audacieux," one of
-Nielly's squadron, which joined on the morning of the 29th, but was
-immediately detached to seek and protect the "Révolutionnaire." On
-the other hand, the British had by no means escaped unscathed; but on
-the morning of the 30th, in reply to an interrogatory signal from the
-admiral, they all reported readiness to renew the action, except one,
-the "Cæsar," which was not among the most injured. This ship, however,
-did not leave the fleet, and was in her station in the battle of the
-First.
-
-The merit of Howe's conduct upon these two days does not, however,
-depend merely upon the issue, though fortunate. By persistent attacks,
-frequently renewed upon the same and most vulnerable part of the
-French order, he had in effect brought to bear a large part of his own
-fleet upon a relatively small number of the enemy, the result being a
-concentration of injury which compelled the damaged ships to leave the
-field. At the same time the direction of the attack forced the French
-admiral either to abandon the endangered vessels, or step by step to
-yield the advantage of the wind until it was finally wrested from him
-altogether. By sheer tactical skill, combined with a fine display of
-personal conduct, Howe had won a marked numerical preponderance for
-the decisive action, which he now had good reason to expect from the
-advantageous position likewise secured. Unfortunately, the tactical
-gain was soon neutralized by the strategic mistake which left Montagu's
-squadron unavailable on the day of battle.
-
-Towards the close of the day the weather grew thick, and so continued,
-with short intervals of clearing, for the next thirty-six hours. At
-half-past seven the body of the French bore from the British flag-ship
-north-west, distant nine or ten miles; both fleets standing very slowly
-to the westward and a little northerly, with wind from the southward
-and westward. During most of the 30th, none of the British fleet could
-be seen from the flag-ship, but they all, as well as the French,
-kept together. On that day also, by a piece of great good fortune
-considering the state of the weather, Admiral Nielly joined Villaret
-with the three ships still under his command, as did also another
-seventy-four belonging to the Cancale squadron. These four fresh ships
-exactly replaced the four disabled ones that had parted company, and
-again made the French twenty-six to Howe's twenty-five.
-
-About ten o'clock in the morning of May 31st, the fog lifted for a
-moment, allowing Howe to count twenty-seven sail of his ships and
-frigates; and, after again shutting down for a couple of hours, it
-finally dispersed shortly after noon. The French were then seen
-bearing from west to north-west. The British made sail in chase and by
-six P.M. had approached to within about three miles. They were not,
-however, able to reach the position Howe wished—abreast the enemy—early
-enough to permit the intended general engagement, unless by a night
-action; which for more than one reason the admiral was not willing
-to undertake. He therefore hauled again to the wind, heading to the
-westward in order of battle. The French had formed on a parallel line
-and were running in the same direction. During the night both fleets
-carried all the sail their masts would stand. In the morning the
-French, thanks to the better sailing of their vessels, were found to
-have gained somewhat on their enemies, but not sufficiently to avoid or
-postpone the battle, which they had been directed if possible to shun.
-Villaret therefore formed his fleet in close order, and stood on slowly
-under short canvas, which at once allowed irregularities in the order
-to be more easily corrected and also left the crews free to devote
-themselves exclusively to fighting the ships. Howe, by carrying sail,
-was thus able to choose his position prior to bearing down. Having
-reached it and formed his line, the French being now hove-to to await
-the attack, the British fleet was also hove-to, and the crews went to
-breakfast. At twelve minutes past eight it again filled-away by signal,
-and stood slowly down for the enemy (June 1, Fig. 1). The intention
-being to attack along the whole line, ship to ship, advantage was taken
-of this measured approach to change the place of the three-decked
-ships in the order, so that they should be opposed to the heaviest of
-the French. Lord Howe, who in the matter of drill was something of a
-precisian, is said to have rectified the alignment of his fleet more
-than once as it stood down; and, unless some such delay took place,
-it is difficult to reconcile the rate of sailing of the ships with
-the time it took them to cover the ground. The combatants had a long
-summer's day before them, and such scrupulous care was not wholly out
-of place in an attack of the kind; for not only was it desirable that
-the shock should be felt everywhere at once, but ships in advance of
-the line would invite concentration of fire from the enemy, while those
-much in the rear would be embarrassed by smoke concealing the position
-it behooved them to take.
-
-[Illustration: Battle of the First of June, 1794.]
-
-This difficulty from smoke was the more to be feared because Howe's
-plan, as communicated to the fleet by signal, was not merely to attack
-on the side from which he approached, but to pass through the intervals
-between the enemy's ships, and to engage them on the further, or lee,
-side. This method conferred the advantage of a raking fire[81] while
-passing through the line, and cut off the retreat of disabled enemies;
-for a crippled ship could only retire to leeward.[82] To carry out the
-design, however, required not only that the enemy should leave wide
-enough intervals, but also that the assailants should be able to see
-where the intervals were.
-
-The British ships were steering each for its opposite in the enemy's
-order, heading about north-west; so that, as the French line was
-east and west, the approach was not perpendicular but in a slanting
-direction. At twenty minutes before nine, the formation was so accurate
-that Lord Howe shut the signal book with an air of satisfaction, as
-though his work as admiral was done and all that remained was to show
-the gallant bearing and example which had ever been associated with
-his name. The gesture was, however, premature, and eccentricities of
-conduct on the part of some captains compelled him again to open the
-book and order them into their stations. Shortly after nine o'clock the
-French van began firing. The British ship "Cæsar," on the left flank
-of her line, and therefore corresponding to the leader of the French,
-instead of pressing on to her station for battle, hauled to the wind
-and began firing while still five hundred yards distant,—a position
-inconsistent with decisive results under the gunnery conditions of that
-day. Lord Howe, who had not thought well of the captain of this ship,
-but had permitted him to retain his distinguished position in the order
-at the request of the captain of the "Queen Charlotte," now tapped
-the latter on the shoulder, and said, "Look, Curtis, there goes your
-friend; who is mistaken now?"
-
-The rest of the fleet stood on. The "Queen Charlotte," in order to
-reach her position, had to steer somewhat more to the westward. Either
-the French line had drawn a little ahead, or some other incident had
-thrown this ship astern of her intended point of arrival. Her course,
-therefore, becoming more nearly parallel to the enemy's, she passed
-within range of the third vessel behind Villaret's flag-ship, the
-"Montagne," her destined opponent. This ship, the "Vengeur," opened
-fire upon her at half-past nine. The "Queen Charlotte," not to be
-crippled before reaching her place, made more sail and passed on. The
-next ahead of the "Vengeur," the "Achille," also engaged her, and
-to this the "Charlotte" replied at eight minutes before ten. The
-assailant suffered severely, and her attention was quickly engrossed
-by the "Brunswick," the supporter of Howe's flag-ship on her starboard
-side, which tried to break through the line ahead of the "Achille."
-
-The "Queen Charlotte" (June 1, Fig. 2, C) continued on for the
-"Montagne" (M). Seeing her evident purpose to pass under the stern,
-the captain of this ship threw his sails aback, so as to fall to the
-rear and close the interval. At the same moment the French ship next
-astern, the "Jacobin," increased her sail, most properly, for the
-same object. The two thus moving towards each other, a collision was
-threatened. As the only alternative, the "Jacobin" put her helm up and
-steered for the starboard, or lee, side of the "Montagne." At this
-moment the "Queen Charlotte" drew up. Putting her helm hard over, she
-kept away perpendicularly to the "Montagne," and passed under her
-stern, so close that the French flag brushed the side of the British
-ship. One after another the fifty guns of the latter's broadside swept
-from stern to stem of the enemy,—three hundred of her crew falling at
-once, her captain among the number. The "Jacobin" having moved to the
-starboard side of the "Montagne," in the place the "Queen Charlotte"
-had intended to take, it was thought that the latter would have to go
-to leeward of both; but, amid all the confusion of the scene, the quick
-eye of the gallant man who was directing her movements caught a glimpse
-of the "Jacobin's" rudder and saw it moving to change the ship's
-direction to leeward. Quickly seizing his opportunity, the helm of the
-British flag-ship was again shifted, and she came slowly and heavily
-to the wind in her appointed place, her jib-boom in the movement just
-clearing the "Jacobin," as her side a few minutes before had grazed
-the flag of the "Montagne." The latter, it is said, made no reply to
-this deadly assault. The "Jacobin" fired a few shots, one of which cut
-away the foretopmast of the "Queen Charlotte;" and then, instead of
-imitating the latter's movement and coming to the wind again, by which
-the British ship would have been placed between his fire and that of
-the "Montagne," the captain weakly kept off and ran to leeward out of
-action.
-
-By this time the engagement was general all along the line (Fig. 2).
-Smoke, excitement and the difficulties of the situation broke somewhat
-the simultaneousness of the shock of the British assault; but, with
-some exceptions, their fire from van to rear opened at nearly the same
-time. Six ships only passed at once through the enemy's line, but very
-many of the others brought their opponents to close action to windward.
-In this, the first pitched battle after many years of peace, there were
-found the inevitable failures in skill, the more sorrowful shortcomings
-of many a fair-seeming man. To describe minutely the movements of
-every ship would not tend to clearness, but to obscurity. For general
-impression of the scene at certain distinctive moments the reader is
-referred to the diagrams; in which, also, an attempt has been made to
-represent the relative motions of the ships in both squadrons, so far
-as can be probably deduced from the narratives. (See Figs. 2 and 3.)
-
-There was, however, one episode of so singular, so deadly, and yet so
-dramatic an interest, occurring in the midst of this extensive _mêlée_,
-that it cannot be passed by. As long as naval history shall be written,
-it must commemorate the strife between the French ship "Vengeur du
-Peuple" and the British ship "Brunswick." The latter went into action
-on the right hand of the "Queen Charlotte;" its duty therefore was
-to pierce the French line astern of the "Jacobin." This was favored
-by the movement of the latter to support the "Montagne;" but, as the
-"Brunswick" pressed for the widened gap, the "Achille" made sail ahead
-and threw herself in the way. Foiled here, the "Brunswick" again tried
-to traverse the line astern of the "Achille," but the "Vengeur" now
-came up, and, as the "Brunswick" persisted, the two collided and swung
-side to side, the anchors of the British ship hooking in the rigging
-and channels of the French. Thus fastened in deadly embrace, they fell
-off before the wind and went away together to leeward (Fig. 2, B).
-
-As the contact of the two ships prevented opening the lower ports as
-usual, the British crew blew off the lids. The "Vengeur" having already
-been firing from the side engaged, hers were probably open; but, owing
-to the hulls touching, it was not possible to use the ordinary sponges
-and rammers, with rigid wooden staves, and the French had no other. The
-British, however, were specially provided for such a case with sponges
-and rammers having flexible rope handles, and with these they were
-able to carry on the action. In this way the contest continued much
-to the advantage of the British on the lower decks, where the French,
-for the reason given, could use only a few of the forward and after
-guns, the form of a ship at the extremities causing the distance there
-between the combatants to be greater. But while such an inequality
-existed below, above the balance was reversed; the heavy carronades
-of the "Vengeur," loaded with langrage, and the superiority of her
-musketry,—re-enforced very probably by the men from the useless cannon
-below,—beating down the resistance of the British crew on the upper
-deck and nearly silencing their guns. The captain of the "Brunswick"
-received three wounds, from one of which he afterwards died; and a
-number of others, both officers and men, were killed and wounded. This
-circumstance encouraged the "Vengeur's" commander to try to carry his
-opponent by boarding; but, when about to execute the attempt, the
-approach of two other British ships necessitated calling off the men,
-to serve the guns on the hitherto disengaged side.
-
-Meanwhile the "Brunswick's" crew maintained an unremitting fire, giving
-to their guns alternately extreme elevation and depression, so that at
-one discharge the shot went up through the "Vengeur's" decks, ripping
-them open, while at the other they tended to injure the bottom. The
-fight had thus continued for an hour when the "Achille," with only
-her foremast standing, was seen approaching the "Brunswick" on her
-port, or disengaged, side. The threatened danger was promptly met
-and successfully averted. Before the new enemy could take a suitable
-position, half-a-dozen guns' crews on each of the lower decks shifted
-to the side on which she was, and in a few moments their fire brought
-down her only remaining and already damaged mast. The "Achille" had no
-farther part in the battle and was taken possession of by the British a
-few hours later.
-
-At quarter before one the uneasy motions of the two ships wrenched the
-anchors one after another from the "Brunswick's" side, and after a
-grapple of three hours they separated. The character of the contest,
-as described, had caused the injury to fall mainly upon the hulls
-and crews, while the spars and rigging, contrary to the usual result
-in so fierce an action, had largely escaped. As they were parting,
-the "Brunswick" poured a few final shots into the "Vengeur's" stern,
-injuring the rudder, and increasing the leaks from which the doomed
-ship was already suffering. Immediately afterwards the mizzen-mast of
-the British vessel went overboard; and, being already well to leeward
-of her own fleet and threatened by the approach of the French admiral,
-she stood to the northward under such sail as her spars would bear,
-intending to make a home port, if possible. In this long and desperate
-conflict, besides the injuries to be expected to hull and spars, the
-"Brunswick" had twenty-three of her seventy-four guns dismounted, and
-had lost forty-four killed and one hundred and fourteen wounded out of
-a crew of six hundred men.[83]
-
-Soon after the dismasting of the "Achille," the British ship
-"Ramillies," commanded by the brother of the "Brunswick's" captain, had
-been seen coming slowly down toward the two combatants. She arrived
-but a few moments before their separation, and, when they were far
-enough apart for her fire not to endanger the "Brunswick," she also
-attacked the "Vengeur," but not long after left her again in order to
-secure the "Achille." This fresh onslaught, however, brought down all
-the "Vengeur's" masts except the mizzen, which stood for half an hour
-longer. The French ship was helpless. With numerous shot-holes at or
-near the water line, with many of her port lids gone, she was rolling
-heavily in the waves, unsteadied by masts, and taking in water on
-all sides. Guns were thrown overboard, pumps worked and assisted by
-bailing, but all in vain,—the "Vengeur" was slowly but surely sinking.
-At half-past one the danger was so evident that signals of distress
-were made; but among the disabled or preoccupied combatants they for
-a long time received no attention. About six P.M., fortunately, two
-British ships and a cutter drew near, and upon learning the state of
-the case sent all their boats that remained unhurt. It was too late to
-save every survivor of this gallant fight, but nearly four hundred were
-taken off; the remainder, among whom were most of the badly wounded,
-went down with their ship before the British boats had regained their
-own. "Scarcely had the boats pulled clear of the sides, when the most
-frightful spectacle was offered to our gaze. Those of our comrades
-who remained on board the 'Vengeur du Peuple,' with hands raised to
-Heaven, implored with lamentable cries the help for which they could no
-longer hope. Soon disappeared the ship and the unhappy victims which
-it contained. In the midst of the horror with which this scene inspired
-us all, we could not avoid a feeling of admiration mingled with our
-grief. As we drew away, we heard some of our comrades still making
-prayers for the welfare of their country; the last cries of these
-unfortunates were: 'Vive la République!' They died uttering them."[84]
-A touching picture of brave men meeting an inevitable fate, after doing
-all that energy and courage could to avoid it; very different from
-the melodramatic mixture of tinsel verbiage and suicide which found
-favor with the National Convention, and upon which the "Legend of the
-Vengeur" was based.[85] Of the seven hundred and twenty-three who
-composed her crew, three hundred and fifty-six were lost; two hundred
-and fifty of whom were, by the survivors, believed to have been killed
-or wounded in the three actions.
-
-Long before the "Vengeur" and the "Brunswick" separated, the fate
-of the battle had been decided, and the final action of the two
-commanders-in-chief taken. It was just ten o'clock when the British
-flag-ship passed under the stern of the "Montagne." At ten minutes past
-ten the latter, whose extensive injuries were mainly to the hull, made
-sail in advance,—a movement which the "Queen Charlotte," having lost
-both fore and main topmasts, was unable to follow. Many of the French
-ships ahead of the "Montagne" had already given ground and left their
-posts; others both before and behind her had been dismasted. Between
-half-past ten and eleven the smoke cleared sufficiently for Villaret to
-see the situation on the field of battle.
-
-Ships dismasted not only lose their power of motion, but also do
-not drift to leeward as rapidly as those whose spars are up, but
-which are moving very slowly. In consequence, the lines having some
-movement ahead, the dismasted ships of both parties had tended astern
-and to windward of the battle. There they lay, British and French,
-pell-mell together. Of the twelve ahead of the French admiral when
-the battle began, seven had soon run out of action to leeward. Two of
-these, having hauled to the wind on the other tack, were now found
-to be astern and to windward of both fleets; to windward even of the
-dismasted ships. Of the rest of the twelve, one, having lost main and
-mizzen masts, was unavoidably carried to leeward, and the remaining
-four were totally dismasted. Of these four, three finally fell into the
-hands of the British. Of the thirteen ships astern of the "Montagne,"
-six had lost all their masts, and one had only the foremast standing;
-the remaining six had their spars left in fairly serviceable condition,
-and had, some sooner and some later, retreated to leeward. Four of the
-dismasted ships in the rear, including among them the "Vengeur," were
-captured by the British.
-
-When Admiral Villaret Joyeuse had recognized the situation, as thus
-briefly described, he directed the "Montagne" also to be headed to
-leeward, and made signals to gather the serviceable ships round the
-commander-in-chief. A column of twelve was thus formed (June 1, Fig.
-3, F' F') on the starboard tack, standing, that is, to the eastward
-again,—the "Montagne" leading and the rear being brought up by the
-"Terrible," the flag-ship of the second in command, which had only
-her foremast left and was therefore taken in tow by an uninjured
-seventy-four. Villaret considered it imprudent, if not impossible,
-to get far enough to windward to interpose in favor of the dismasted
-vessels. He determined, therefore, to place himself to leeward of them,
-in such position as to receive and cover those that could run down to
-him, or which his frigates could reach and tow away. In this manner
-the "Scipion," the "Jemappes," and the "Mucius," totally disabled,
-were restored to the French fleet between two and four o'clock. The
-last named had actually struck to a British ship, but had not been
-taken into possession. Villaret remained for some time, hove-to in this
-position, until satisfied that no more of the separated vessels could
-join him, and then made sail to the north-west (F" F").[86]
-
-Lord Howe was unable to follow with his own ship the comparatively
-rapid movements of the French commander-in-chief. At eleven o'clock,
-however, a signal was made for those that could to close around the
-admiral, and the "Queen Charlotte" was with difficulty put on the other
-tack. Howe then led the column thus formed (B' B') to the eastward, a
-step that was necessary not only in order to cover dismantled British
-ships and secure the prizes, but also to relieve the "Queen," which was
-threatened by Villaret and in a critical situation. This ship, which
-had behaved with so much forwardness and gallantry in the British van
-on the 29th of May, had on the First of June been stationed in the
-rear. The antagonist which she attacked went away rapidly to leeward;
-and the "Queen," following with unrelenting ardor, found herself at
-the end of the engagement again between the lines, with a dismantled
-enemy, indeed, near by, but with her own mainmast gone and other spars
-tottering. Eight of Villaret's column cannonaded her as they passed,
-but without doing much harm, and Howe's approach extricated her.
-
-The escape of some of the French dismasted ships was severely
-criticised at the time, and there was also an opinion that Howe should
-have renewed the attack after gathering about him his less injured
-vessels. There can be little question that more promptitude and energy
-would have secured some of the French that got away; many competent
-eye-witnesses thought so, and much discontent was openly expressed
-in the fleet. It is more doubtful whether the admiral would have
-done well to order the attack renewed. Several captains had behaved
-indifferently, either through lack of judgment or lack of nerve, and
-the best were naturally among those whose ships, being well-placed
-and hard-fought, were now out of condition for fighting. A decisive
-practical reason for ceasing the action is to be found in Howe's
-physical condition. He was then sixty-eight years old; and, although
-possessed of the calm, unworrying temper which bears responsibility
-lightly, he had undergone great fatigue during the five days of
-battle and chase,—his only resting-place from the time the enemy was
-encountered being an arm-chair. "When the report was brought to him,"
-says the signal lieutenant, "that the French fleet showed every symptom
-of determination to sustain a battle, I watched his face when he came
-to the quarter-deck to look at them; it expressed an animation of
-which, at his age, and after such fatigue of mind and body, I had not
-thought it capable;" but the reaction came possibly a little too soon
-for reaping the full fruits of the victory. "He went to bed," wrote the
-same officer, "completely done up after the action of the First. We all
-got round him; indeed, I saved him from a tumble; he was so weak that
-from a roll of the ship he was nearly falling into the waist. 'Why,
-you hold me up as if I were a child,' he said good-humoredly."[87] It
-is not surprising that, under such circumstances, he could not do all
-that a younger man might, nor that he yielded to the influence of his
-chief-of-staff, Sir Roger Curtis, a distinguished and gallant officer,
-but who appears to have been more impressed than was his superior by
-the disadvantages under which the British fleet labored.
-
-Many years later, Admiral Stopford, who commanded a frigate in the
-action, made the following statement, which he allowed to be published:
-"Having observed the 'Marlborough' dismasted and surrounded by enemy's
-ships, I bore down and took her in tow,—which bringing me very near
-the 'Queen Charlotte,' I went on board for orders. The cool, collected
-manner in which I was received by Lord Howe, and the desire he
-expressed to get the ships set to rights to continue the action, showed
-that such was his intention; and for the purpose of exonerating Lord
-Howe's memory from the charges I have heard alleged against him for not
-following up his victory, I think it right to state that, when standing
-on the 'Queen Charlotte's' poop, close to Lord Howe, Sir Roger Curtis
-came up in haste and apparent perturbation, exclaiming, 'I declare
-to God, my Lord, if you don't assemble the fleet, they will turn the
-tables upon us.' I must confess that I did not see anything to warrant
-such an exclamation, except a French ship passing under the 'Queen
-Charlotte's' stern and firing a few guns into her. The admiral and Sir
-R. Curtis then retired to another part of the poop, and nothing more
-was done."[88]
-
-The responsibility of a commander-in-chief is not affected by the
-advice given him by any subordinate, however high his reputation or
-confidential the relations between them; but in the state of bodily
-weakness from which Howe suffered, he must, for subsequent action,
-have depended largely upon Curtis, and it was probably well not to
-undertake an undeniable risk against the judgment of the officer who
-might be called upon to superintend the operation. The battle therefore
-terminated with the movement of the two commanders-in-chief, with their
-serviceable ships, to the eastward, through which three French vessels
-escaped, the "Queen" was extricated, and seven dismasted enemies were
-cut off by the British. At quarter past one the general firing ceased,
-though a few random shots continued to be exchanged by scattered
-vessels.
-
-Such were the principal features of the battle of the First of June,
-1794, which, being fought so far from any land,[89] has received no
-other distinctive name. It has not been thought desirable to attempt
-narrating, in words, the innumerable incidents of the fight. While
-avoiding a superfluity of details, however, a tactical analysis of
-the course of the action may be not uninteresting to the professional
-reader. The method of attack undertaken by Lord Howe, single ship
-against single ship, was identical with that employed on many previous
-occasions by British admirals, and is to be justified only by the
-evidence he had received, on the 28th and 29th of May, of the enemy's
-professional incompetency and indifferent gunnery. He was probably
-right in concluding, from the events of those days, as was decisively
-proved by the issue on June 1st, that the French line was at every
-point weaker than the ships he could thus bring against it. Under
-such conditions it may be permissible to the assailant to throw away
-the opportunity, which the offensive gives him, of combining an
-attack in superior force upon a part of the enemy's order. It is very
-possible that Howe might have reaped better results by making such
-a combination, for the tactical inefficiency of the French fleet,
-which he had observed, assured him that it could not, in the moment of
-action, remedy any disadvantage under which he might place it; but,
-on the other hand, the drill of his own captains was not yet very
-good, nor were they all tried men upon whom he could depend. It was,
-therefore, not improbable that an attempt to execute a combination
-would result in a muddle, whereas he could count upon superior
-seamanship and superior gunnery, ship to ship, and the movement of
-approach which he made, though somewhat difficult in execution, is
-perfectly simple in idea. Upon the whole, weighing the pros and cons,
-it is the opinion of the author that Howe judged soundly in directing
-the simple attack that he did.[90]
-
-It is instructive to observe that the results of the movement,
-though far more decisive in this than in previous battles, are, upon
-dissection, found to be closely analogous. The British fleet, in
-running down together, was ranged on a line parallel to the French,
-but steering a course (north-west) that was oblique to its own front
-as well as to that of the enemy. The issue in every other instance had
-been indecisive,—scarcely ever was a ship taken or sunk. But while in
-this respect different, the experience of previous engagements was
-otherwise repeated. That flank of the assailant which in column had
-been the van came, as a whole, promptly and orderly into action, while
-delay and disorder, attended with imperfect execution, ensued in the
-rear. This feature of simultaneous fleet attacks was emphasized by
-the strenuous and brilliant efforts of three of the rear division,
-which prevented indeed a general failure there, but brought out all
-the more clearly how great the shortcoming would have been but for
-their exertions, unparalleled in former battles. The proportion of
-loss undergone in the different parts of the British column gives a
-fair measure of the vigor displayed by each. This test is indeed most
-misleading as a means of comparison between any two single ships.
-Instances can readily be chosen, from this very case, in which vessels
-skilfully placed and vigorously fought received less injury than
-others, which were badly handled and did little harm to the enemy; but
-when an average is taken of many ships, the specific causes of error
-in different directions tend to balance each other, and if the general
-conclusion is confirmed by the experience of other battles, it may
-be accepted with much confidence. Now, on the First of June, taking
-the total number of casualties in the British fleet, it will be found
-that in every hundred men killed the eight van ships lost forty-three,
-and in every hundred wounded forty-one; whereas the eight rear lost
-seventeen killed and twenty-two wounded, or rather less than half the
-proportion of the van. Nor does this tell the whole story, for four
-fifths of the entire loss of the rear fell upon the three vessels,[91]
-leaving but eight killed and thirty-three wounded to be divided among
-the remaining five; whereas, in the eight van ships, though there are
-marked individual differences, the loss is much more equally divided.
-The inference, were the truth not otherwise known, would amount
-almost to proof that the van ships went down in good order, attacked
-vigorously, and so afforded mutual support, whereas the rear, whatever
-the cause, did not impress themselves strongly on the enemy's line;
-while the exceptional casualties of the three which did their duty well
-indicate a lack of support from the others, which also appears to be
-confirmed by the ascertained facts.
-
-When a result is thus reproduced in various battles, it cannot be
-attributed wholly to the fault of the captains. The exceptions to the
-rule on the First of June were not the rear ships which failed in
-gaining for themselves a fair share in the action, but those which
-succeeded in so doing. The cause of this usual result seems to be that
-the van ship is the pivot upon which the operation hinges, and in
-proportion as the distance from the pivot grows greater, irregularities
-become more frequent, while each one that occurs is propagated and
-increased, until at last, in a long line, an approach to disorder
-ensues. When this happens, the efficiency of each ship depends less
-upon her normal relations to the line than upon the initiative of her
-captain; and the differences between men, which had been controlled by
-the exigencies of the order, where it still existed, begin to tell.
-Short lines will suffer less than long ones from this cause; whence it
-follows that in a long line new pivots, or points of departure for the
-order beyond them, should be provided. On the 1st of June the "Queen
-Charlotte," by her steady action and the authority conveyed by the
-example of the commander-in-chief, served as such a pivot, and the
-conduct of the ships on her right was better than that of those on her
-immediate left, which were regulating their position by the van.[92]
-As it seems probable, from the character of modern ships and weapons,
-that attacks will be made in a line of front, it is a matter of
-interest to naval officers to provide against this tendency to disorder
-and imperfect execution, which seems to inhere in the part of an order
-distant from the guide, or pivot.
-
-The French line, by awaiting Howe's attack, laid itself open to any
-combination he might see fit to make, but the plan actually adopted
-threw the burden of resistance upon the individual captains, rather
-than upon the admiral. Whenever a ship was vigorously attacked by an
-enemy, her captain's task was simple, however arduous; nor does there
-seem to have been an instance of a French officer in this position
-failing to do his duty manfully. The superior gunnery of the British
-at this time, however, generally beat down the resistance of the
-opponent, and the latter then bore up and ran to leeward, unless his
-masts had been shot away, or unless the assailant by piercing the
-line had barred retreat. Thus the "Mucius," seventh in the line, was
-engaged to leeward by the "Defence." She tried, therefore, to escape
-by passing to windward of the British "Marlborough," next ahead, but
-fell on board of her and there lost all her masts. This circumstance
-of inferior gunnery, together with the fixed idea of keeping the line
-closed, appear to have governed the movements of the French ships after
-the battle joined. Now the duty of keeping the line closed is most
-important and essential to mutual support, but it is not paramount
-to every other consideration, particularly when an action, as this
-inevitably must, had passed into a _mêlée_; but the French captains,
-having few other ideas on fleet-fighting, clung to this one in its
-simplest form,—that of following close upon the heels of the next
-ahead. Thus the leading ship, "Convention," though not hotly attacked,
-wore out of the line and was closely followed by the "Gasparin,"
-though the latter was vigorously engaged. The next five ships were hard
-pressed and fought manfully. The eighth, after a short engagement, ran
-to leeward and was followed by the three astern of her. This brings
-us to the twelfth, or nearly to the centre of the French line, and of
-the six that followed, down to and including the seventeenth, four
-were taken after a desperate resistance. The two that escaped were
-the flag-ship "Montagne," whose career has already been told, and
-the "Jacobin," next astern of her. The eighteenth, nineteenth, and
-twentieth seem to have received little injury, but yet ran to leeward;
-whether independently, or one following another, does not certainly
-appear. The remaining six suffered the fierce assault of the three
-of the enemy's rear, and four were reduced to such a condition that
-they must have been taken—and not two only of them—had the rest of the
-British division done their full duty.
-
-Although the French officers, lacking both experience and instruction
-in fleet warfare, failed to do all they might in the battle, distinct
-misconduct by doing what should not have been done appears only in two
-cases. The first was the captain of the leading ship, for whose act in
-forsaking his post in the van no good reason appears. The second and
-much more serious fault was committed by the captain of the "Jacobin."
-The course of this officer in making sail to close upon the flag-ship,
-when the intention of the "Queen Charlotte" to pass between the two
-became evident, was perfectly proper. His keeping away, when collision
-with the "Montagne" threatened, was probably the only way of avoiding a
-disaster. Being thus forced to leeward of the line, he still retained
-the power of attacking the British ship to starboard, while she was, or
-should have been, engaged on the other side by the "Montagne." Instead
-of using this opportunity, Captain Gassin kept off and ran to leeward.
-This fault, grave in any case, was especially blameworthy in the next
-astern or next ahead of the commander-in-chief. Those were posts of
-peculiar honor, held by heavy vessels, chosen with the special object
-of supporting their leader and strengthening the part of the order in
-which he was. For Captain Gassin, personally, there may have been many
-excuses; but for the course of the ship, considered from a military and
-tactical point of view, no excuse whatever appears, for she suffered
-little in the fight. The void caused by the "Jacobin" was filled by
-the ships astern of her pressing up, and this forward movement, being
-transmitted to the end of the line, was partly the cause why the rear
-British ships did not reach their numerical opposite in the French
-order.
-
-Some attention is due to the naval strategy, to the general conduct
-and results of this short maritime campaign, which covered only four
-weeks,—from the 16th of May, when Villaret sailed from Brest, to the
-11th of June, when he again anchored just outside the port. In order to
-form a just opinion there must be considered the objects of each party,
-the forces at their control, and the measures pursued by them.
-
-The object of the French was to insure the arrival of the convoy
-from America. For this purpose they had at sea, at the first, two
-detachments,—one of five ships-of-the-line under Nielly, the other of
-twenty-five under Villaret. The rendezvous for the two was the same,
-and the important point where their intended junction should take place
-was known to their admirals and unknown to the British. It may be again
-said that the instructions of the French government to its officers
-compelled the latter to avoid, if possible, any decisive engagement.
-
-The object of the British was twofold: to intercept the expected
-convoy, and to bring the French fleet to battle. The two might, and
-did, interfere with each other,—might, by divergence of interest,
-prompt a separation of the force. Of the two, fighting the French fleet
-was indisputably the more important, and was doubtless so considered
-by Howe, in accordance with the usual British naval policy, which aimed
-at the destruction of the enemy's organized force afloat. The ships at
-his disposal, including Montagu's squadron, amounted to thirty-two of
-the line. He was ignorant of the rendezvous of the French fleets and of
-the exact course that would be followed by the convoy; but of both he
-could form approximate estimates.
-
-From the 4th of May, when Montagu's squadron first separated, until
-the 19th, Howe supposed the French to be in Brest. On the latter day
-his lookouts reconnoitred the port for the second time, and he then
-learned that they had sailed. The same evening he was joined by a
-frigate from Montagu, bearing a request for a re-enforcement. Fearing
-that his subordinate might fall in with Villaret's greatly superior
-force, Howe next morning made all sail to join him; making a course of
-west by south, while the French had been steering west one-half south.
-On the 21st he fell in with and recaptured a number of Dutch ships,
-which had been taken by Villaret on the 19th. From the logs of these
-ships, the position and course of the French fleet two days before was
-ascertained; and Howe, concluding that they would not go near Montagu,
-who was well to the southward, dismissed the latter from his mind
-and devoted himself thenceforth to finding the enemy. This decision
-challenges criticism, because Montagu's orders were, if unsuccessful in
-finding the convoy, to abandon his cruise on the 20th and rejoin the
-admiral off Ushant. If he complied strictly with these instructions, he
-should not now have been very far from the main fleet.
-
-Montagu, however, had seen reason for delaying some days on his
-cruising ground, and while thus waiting retook some of the Dutch
-prizes taken by Villaret and which had escaped recapture by Howe on
-the 21st. He then first learned of the French sailing, and at the
-same time that Howe was in pursuit. Instead of making any attempt to
-rejoin his superior, or to take a position where he might further the
-general objects of the cruise, he on the 24th or 25th of May bore up
-for England and anchored at Plymouth on the 30th. The British naval
-historian, James, says this was done in compliance with the spirit
-of his orders. It would be more convincing to be told what was the
-letter of orders that could admit such a construction, and what the
-condition of his ships that could justify forsaking the field of action
-with so strong a detachment at such a critical moment. His decision,
-on whatever grounds made, seems not to have met the approval of the
-government, and orders were at once sent for him to sail immediately,
-accompanied by all the ships-of-the-line ready for sea at Plymouth. He
-accordingly did sail on the 4th of June with nine ships, and on the 8th
-reached the rendezvous appointed by Howe off Ushant, which was also the
-station indicated by the last instructions of the admiralty to him.
-On the 3d of June, the day before he left, the "Audacious" arrived,
-bringing the first tidings of the meeting of the fleets on the 28th of
-May, in which she had been disabled.
-
-It appears from this account that neither Howe nor Montagu attached
-sufficient importance to the concentration of the British fleet.
-Howe's immediate pursuit might indeed be defended on the ground of the
-necessity to overtake Villaret, before he had effected his junction
-with Nielly; but, as both these admirals knew their rendezvous, while
-he did not, and as Villaret had three days' start, the chances all
-were that he would not come up before they met. Actually, one of
-Nielly's ships joined before Howe found him, another on the 29th, and
-the remainder on the 30th; thus neutralizing the advantages gained by
-the fine tactical efforts of the British admiral on the 28th and 29th.
-Had Montagu's six ships, however, come up, the full profit of the two
-previous days' fighting would have been preserved; and it is hard to
-over-estimate the effect which they would have had upon the results,
-even if maintained simply as a reserve. To these considerations may be
-added the risk of missing both fleet and convoy, by going in search of
-them, instead of simply taking a position near which they must pass,
-and there uniting the British fleet. That this was very possible is
-shown by the facts of the chase. "On the 27th, at 9 A.M., having got a
-few leagues to the northward of the latitude in which he had reason to
-think Villaret was cruising, Lord Howe bore up and ran to the eastward,
-with the wind on the starboard quarter."[93] The fleet had been running
-on this course, with a fair and apparently fresh wind for twenty-one
-hours, when the French were first seen in the south-south-east.
-Although no precise data are at hand, it is reasonable to conclude from
-the above that Howe had gone over a hundred miles to the westward of
-the French rendezvous, which Villaret had reached a week before.[94] If
-in the meantime the convoy had appeared, as it perfectly well might,
-Villaret would at once have sailed for Brest, and the British admiral
-would not improbably have lost both fleet and convoy.
-
-The question presented is purely strategic. It was certain that the
-French fleet, if undisturbed, would meet the convoy; therefore after
-it had sailed from Brest the two objects of the British were merged
-into one. There was no occasion thenceforth to remain divided into two
-detachments. For what point precisely the convoy would aim was not
-known, but Brest and Rochefort marked the two extreme points of the
-coast line, between which it would probably arrive. The approach of so
-large a body of ships, tied down to a common movement, is necessarily
-slow. It would be as ignorant of the point where the British would
-concentrate, as the latter were of the rendezvous where the different
-French detachments were to meet. Fast single ships, well scattered to
-the westward, might reasonably be expected to meet it and to return to
-their main body in time to warn this where to look for the prey. That
-there were no difficulties in this line of action will not, certainly,
-be contended; but it was more sure and militarily sounder thus to
-concentrate the British force of thirty-two ships-of-the-line in a well
-chosen position, and with adequate lookouts, than to lead it hither
-and thither in search of the enemy's whereabouts. It is a singular and
-instructive fact that from first to last not a single British ship
-appears to have laid eyes on the convoy from America. Ships both of
-commerce and war, belonging to other bodies, were taken and retaken
-in the Bay of Biscay; but those coming from America wore invisible
-garments.
-
-The strategic aim of the French admiral, after he had been so
-unfortunate as to be found by the British fleet, was to draw it away
-from the rendezvous appointed for the convoy. Both his orders and the
-tactical condition of his fleet forbade the attempt to secure this
-by bringing the enemy to battle. When first met, the French were to
-windward, south of the British. If they had been north, with the same
-advantage of the wind, the situation would have been most satisfactory
-to them; for the convoy was approaching from the west-south-west, and
-by retreating to the northward and westward Villaret would have led the
-enemy directly from the position endangering it. As things were, it was
-impossible to steer to the northward without bringing on the battle
-he had to avoid; and if defeated where he then was, the victorious
-fleet would be left too near the convoy. Villaret, therefore, kept the
-advantage of the wind and steered a west course, which diverged slowly
-from the convoy's path, and, if long enough continued, would allow
-it to pass out of sight. The slowness of this divergence, however,
-doubtless contributed to reconcile him to the loss of the weather
-gage on the 29th, and immediately upon finding himself north of the
-enemy he went to the northward and westward during the two following
-days.[95] The result was eminently successful. It is stated by the
-latest French authorities[96] that on the 30th the convoy passed over
-the ground where the partial engagement of the 29th was fought. If so,
-it must have been under cover of the dense fog which then prevailed, as
-the fleets had not moved very far.
-
-It is impossible not to admire heartily the judicious and energetic
-measures by which Howe, on the 28th and 29th of May, succeeded in
-gaining the weather gage, while inflicting, at the same time, a heavy
-loss upon the enemy. Whatever judgment may be passed upon his tactics
-on the 1st of June,—and in the opinion of the writer they were the best
-adapted to the situation and to the condition of his fleet,—it cannot
-be denied that those of the preceding days were well conceived, and,
-on the part of the admiral, vigorously and gallantly executed. But the
-strategic mistake, or misfortune, wherever the fault lay, by which
-Montagu's detachment was absent, neutralized the tactical advantage
-gained; while the correct strategy of the French, which brought the two
-parts of their fleet within supporting distance of each other, restored
-the balance of strength. Thus was again confirmed the maxim of military
-writers, that a strategic mistake is more serious and far-reaching in
-its effects than an error in tactics.
-
-After the two fleets separated each made the best of its way to a
-home port. Lord Howe waited until the morning of the 3d, securing and
-refitting his prizes and disabled ships, and reached Portsmouth on
-the 13th of June. Villaret Joyeuse went to Brest. On the morning of
-the 9th he fell in with Montagu's squadron, a little south of Ushant.
-The condition of the French, encumbered with injured ships, would
-have afforded an opportunity to a quick-moving fleet; but two of the
-British were excessively slow and the admiral did not dare approach
-a much superior force. Villaret pursued for a short distance, but,
-fearing to be drawn to leeward of his port in his crippled state, he
-soon gave over the chase. On the 11th of June, all his fleet anchored
-in Bertheaume roads, outside of Brest. Montagu, on the 10th, departed
-for England, a movement which finally closed the campaign on the part
-of the British. On the night of the 12th the French crews saw a number
-of lights in the Raz de Sein, the southern passage by which Brest is
-approached. They were those of the long-expected convoy. Admiral Van
-Stabel, fearing to find a hostile fleet before the usual and safer
-entrance, had steered for the Penmarcks, a rocky promontory thirty
-miles south of the port, and thence for the Raz de Sein. On the same
-day that Van Stabel made the land Montagu anchored in Plymouth. Two
-days later, June 14, the convoy and the remnant of Villaret's squadron
-entered Brest together. Thus ended the cruise, which was marked,
-indeed, by a great naval disaster, but had insured the principal object
-for which it was undertaken.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VI.
-
-THE YEAR 1794 IN THE ATLANTIC AND ON THE CONTINENT.
-
-
-While the British ships engaged on the 1st of June were refitting,
-Admiral Cornwallis, on the 22d of the month, sailed in command of
-Montagu's division for a cruise to the westward, from which he
-returned to port on the 8th of July. With this short exception, both
-the Channel and the Bay of Biscay were left unguarded until the 3d of
-September, when Howe again sailed with thirty-four ships-of-the-line,
-five of which were Portuguese, returning on the 21st to Torbay after a
-tempestuous cruise. The fleet remained in port until November 8, when
-the "Canada" seventy-four arrived with the news that her consort, the
-"Alexander," of similar force, had been captured two hundred miles
-west of Ushant by a French division of five ships-of-the-line, from
-which she herself had escaped by better sailing. The British at once
-put to sea, but, it is needless to say, failed to find the French
-ships, which had cruised with impunity during their absence; and on
-the 29th the fleet anchored again at Spithead, a station so far to the
-eastward as to indicate little expectation of interfering with any of
-the operations of the enemy from Brest. There accordingly it remained
-until the 14th of the following February. The protection of commerce
-was entrusted to squadrons of frigates, whose young and enterprising
-commanders did much service by capturing or dispersing the French
-forces of a similar character.
-
-The Committee of Public Safety determined to use the opportunity which
-was permitted them by the diligent care of the British admiral to
-economize his fleet. There were, at this time, in Brest and the other
-Biscay ports as many as forty-six ships-of-the-line, either afloat or
-building; whereas in the Mediterranean, in consequence of the disaster
-at Toulon, there were only fifteen. The Committee therefore decided
-to send six ships round, and Villaret Joyeuse was directed to sail
-with the entire Brest fleet, thirty-five in all, for the purpose of
-escorting this division clear of the Bay of Biscay; after which he was
-to cruise for a fortnight against British commerce. The destitution
-of the Brest arsenal, however, still continued; for, with the enemy's
-command of the Channel, the naval stores of the Baltic could reach
-Brest only by going north of the British islands, and then running
-the risk of capture in the Atlantic by hostile cruisers. There had
-therefore been great difficulty in repairing the injuries received in
-the actions with Lord Howe, as well as in equipping the ships not then
-engaged. When the orders were received, vivid remonstrances were made,
-and the condition of the vessels fully represented to the Committee as
-being entirely unfit for a winter's cruise. Many masts wounded in the
-battle could not be replaced, the rigging was in bad condition, the
-crews were untrained. Several of the ships it was proposed to send were
-old and worn out; and so great was the dearth of provisions that only
-those for Toulon received enough for some months, the others for no
-more than four weeks.
-
-Robespierre had fallen five months before, and the Reign of Terror
-was now over; but the Committee were still unaccustomed to admit
-objections, and did not find in their limited knowledge of sea matters
-any reason for recalling orders once given. On the 24th of December,
-1794, the fleet began to leave Brest, and, in so doing, one of the
-largest, of one hundred and ten guns, was wrecked on a rock in the
-entrance. On the 29th the remaining thirty-four had cleared the harbor
-and anchored in the road outside, whence they sailed on the 30th. On
-the night of January 1, 1795, a furious gale sprang up, followed by
-a spell of violent weather. Two eighty-gun ships and a seventy-four
-foundered, the crews being with difficulty saved. Two yet larger, of
-one hundred and ten guns, had seven feet of water in the hold and would
-have been lost had the storm lasted for twenty-four hours longer.
-Another seventy-four had to be run on the coast to save the lives
-of her people. In the midst of these difficulties, which caused the
-separation of the fleet, it was necessary to transfer provisions from
-the Toulon division to the other ships, an herculean undertaking, but
-imperative to keep the latter from starving. On the 2d of February
-the greater part of the survivors again reached Brest; but some had
-to scatter to other ports as the weather permitted. The Toulon ships
-returned with the rest. This mid-winter cruise had cost the republic
-five ships-of-the-line; it brought in one British corvette and seventy
-merchantmen as prizes.
-
-The stars, or rather the winds, in their courses had fought for Great
-Britain; but in no wise did she owe anything to her own efforts. Not
-till the 14th of February did the Channel fleet put to sea, nearly a
-fortnight after the French had returned to Brest. Whatever may be said
-of the inexpediency of exposing the heavy ships to winter weather,
-it seems clear that the opposite system left the enemy at perfect
-liberty to combine his movements; and that there was little likelihood
-of these being made known to the commander-in-chief in Torbay soon
-enough for him to follow efficaciously. Howe himself felt this, and,
-from instructions issued by him to Sir James Saumarez on the 15th of
-January, it would appear that this escape of the French roused him for
-a moment to contemplate the close watch off Brest, afterwards practised
-by Jervis and Cornwallis.[97] This was the last occasion on which the
-veteran admiral actually went to sea in command of a fleet; although,
-from an apparent reluctance to try new men, the government insisted
-upon his exercising a nominal charge from quarters on shore. He was
-now in his seventieth year and suffering from many infirmities. The
-command afloat devolved upon a man not much younger, Lord Bridport,
-one of the naval family of Hood, but whose career does not bear the
-impress of great ability which distinguished so many of its members.
-Immediately before this, general dissatisfaction had caused a change
-in the Admiralty, over which, since 1788, had presided Pitt's elder
-brother, the Earl of Chatham. He was succeeded, in December, 1794, by
-Earl Spencer, a more vigorous and efficient man, who remained First
-Lord until the fall of Pitt's administration in 1801.
-
-The new head, however, did not make any substantial variation of
-system, calculated to frustrate the enemy's naval combinations by
-the strategic dispositions of the British fleet. More activity was
-displayed by keeping a small squadron of half a dozen ships-of-the-line
-constantly cruising in the soundings and to the westward, and the
-great Channel fleet was more continuously at sea during the summer
-months; but the close blockade of Brest was not attempted, nor was
-Bridport the man to persuade the government to the measures afterwards
-so vigorously, and in the main successfully, carried out by Lord
-St. Vincent, both as successor to Bridport in the Channel fleet and
-subsequently as First Lord of the Admiralty. To this faulty policy
-contributed not a little the system of telegraphs, adopted in 1795, by
-which communications were quickly transmitted from height to height
-between London and Portsmouth. This great improvement unfortunately
-confirmed the tendency of the Admiralty to keep the Channel fleet
-at the latter point, regardless of the obvious, but unappreciated,
-strategic disadvantage of a position so far east of Brest, with winds
-prevailing from the western quarters. To have the commander-in-chief
-just there, under their own hand, to receive orders from them, seemed
-much safer than to put him and his fleet in a central position whence
-he could most certainly intercept or most rapidly follow the enemy, and
-then to trust to the judgment of a trained and competent sea-officer
-to act as the emergency required. The plan came near resulting very
-disastrously when the French attempted to invade Ireland; and would
-have done so, had not the elements again interfered to remedy the
-absence of the British fleet. "If," says Osler in his life of Lord
-Exmouth,[98] from whom he probably received the idea, "if Lord Bridport
-(in 1796) had been waiting at Falmouth, with discretional powers, Sir
-Edward Pellew having been instructed to communicate directly with him,
-he might have sailed early on December 21st" (Pellew reached Falmouth
-from before Brest on the 20th) "and found the enemy in Bantry Bay,
-when perhaps not a ship would have escaped him. It is, however, to be
-remembered that, as the destination of the French armament was unknown
-to the last, the Admiralty might very properly determine that he should
-receive his final instructions from themselves, and therefore would
-keep the fleet at Spithead (Portsmouth) for the convenience of ready
-communication." But why! How could they in London judge better than a
-good admiral on the coast?
-
-During the year 1794, now closing, the Revolution in France had been
-rapidly devouring its children. After the overthrow of the Girondists
-in June, 1793, the Terror pursued its pitiless march, sweeping before
-it for the time every effort made in behalf of moderation or mercy. The
-queen was put to death on the 16th of October, and her execution was
-followed on the 31st by that of those Girondists who had not deigned
-to escape from their accusers. Dissension next arose and spread among
-the now triumphant party of the Jacobins; resulting in March and April,
-1794, in the trial and death of the Hébertists on the one side, and
-of Danton and his friends on the other. More and more power fell into
-the hands of the Committee of Public Safety, whose tokens to the world
-were Robespierre and his chief supporters, St. Just and Couthon, ruling
-the Convention which passively decreed their wishes, and, through the
-Convention, France. For three short months Robespierre now appeared
-as the master of the country, but was himself carried on and away by
-the torrent which he had done so much to swell. The exigencies and
-dangers of his position multiplied the precautions he deemed necessary
-to secure his authority and his safety; and the cold relentlessness
-of his character recognized no means so sure as death. On the 10th of
-June, by his sole authority, without the intervention of the Committee
-of Public Safety, he procured a decree modifying the procedure of the
-Revolutionary Tribunal, and suppressing the few checks that restrained
-its uncontrolled power. In the fourteen months preceding this decree
-1256 persons had been by the tribunal condemned to death; in the six
-weeks that followed, until Robespierre himself fell, the executions
-were 1361.[99] So extreme an access of fury betokened approaching
-exhaustion; no society could endure the strain; the most violent and
-blood-thirsty, as well as the most timid, felt their own lives in
-danger. Bitter opposition to the dictator arose both in the Committee
-of Public Safety and in the Legislature. The doubtful struggle, between
-the prestige of his power and long continued success and the various
-passions of fear and vengeance animating his opponents, culminated in a
-violent scene in the Convention on the 27th of July. For some hours the
-issue was balanced, but in the end the arrest and trial of Robespierre
-and his chief supporters were decreed. The following day he, St. Just
-and Couthon, with some others of lesser note, died on the guillotine.
-
-No immediate change in the form of government ensued. The Committee
-of Public Safety, reconstituted, continued to exercise the executive
-functions which nominally depended upon the Convention; and the impulse
-which it had imparted to the soldiers and armies of France continued
-for a time to carry them resistlessly forward. But the delirious
-intensity of the popular movement had reached its climax in the three
-months' unrestrained power of Robespierre, with whose name it has
-been ever associated. Though the external manifestations of strength
-continued for a time unabated, the inner tension was relaxing. Weakness
-was about to succeed the strength of fever, to spread from the heart
-throughout the whole organism, and, by threatening social dissolution,
-to prepare the way for concentrated absolute power.
-
-The onward swing of the French armies on the north-east still
-continued. The year 1794 had opened with the investment of Landrecy by
-the allies, and its surrender to them on the 30th of April. The French
-began their campaign with the plan, especially affected by Carnot in
-all his military combinations, of attacking at the same time both
-flanks of the allied Austrians, Dutch and English, concentrating at
-each extremity of the line a force greatly superior to the enemy before
-it. As Jourdan, commanding the French right, threatened the allied
-stronghold of Charleroi, he drew thither the greater effort of the
-allies, and Pichegru, on the left, found his task easier. Five times
-did Jourdan cross the Sambre to attack Charleroi, and four times was
-he compelled to re-cross; but on the fifth, before the allies could
-come up in sufficient force, the place capitulated,—the guns of the
-relieving force being heard just as the garrison was marching out.
-The following day, June 26, 1794, Jourdan fought and won the battle
-of Fleurus; the Austrians retreating upon Nivelles towards the future
-field of Waterloo. The allies on both flanks continued to fall back;
-Ostend and Nieuport, ports on the North Sea facilitating communication
-with England, were successively surrendered, and Brussels uncovered.
-On the 10th of July Pichegru entered Brussels and formed his junction
-with Jourdan. On the 15th the allies lost Landrecy, the first and only
-prize of the campaign. On the same day the French attacked in force
-the centre of the allied line, where the Anglo-Dutch left touched the
-Austrian right. The former being gradually turned fell back, and the
-Austrians, finding their flank uncovered, did the same. From this time
-the allies retired in divergent directions, the Anglo-Dutch north-east
-toward Holland, the Austrians eastward toward Coblentz; thus repeating
-in retreat the unmilitary and ruinous mistake which had rendered
-abortive the offensive campaign of 1793.
-
-The French advance was now stayed by the Committee of Public Safety, in
-deference to an emotion of patriotism, until the towns surrendered the
-year before should be retaken. On the 11th of August Le Quesnoy opened
-its gates, on the 27th Valenciennes, and on the 30th Condé. The siege
-corps now rejoined the armies in the field and the advance was resumed;
-Pichegru following the British and Dutch toward Holland, Jourdan, by
-a series of flank attacks which threatened the communications of the
-Austrians, forcing the latter from one position to another, until on
-the 5th October they recrossed to the east side of the Rhine, the
-French occupying Coblentz and Bonn on the west bank. The advance of
-Pichegru was marked by less of battle and more of siege than that of
-Jourdan, but was alike successful. By the middle of October his army
-had reached the Rhine; which in Holland divides into two branches,
-the Waal and the Leek, between which the enemy lay. A month later
-they had retreated beyond the latter, the French being for a moment
-stopped by the floating ice in the rivers; but the winter was one of
-unusual severity, and early in January the waters were frozen hard.
-On the 17th of January, 1795, the Prince of Orange left Holland for
-England, and on the 20th Pichegru entered Amsterdam. The provinces and
-cities everywhere declared for the French, and a provisional republican
-government was established; while the pursuit of the British troops was
-continued with unremitting diligence until they had escaped into German
-territory, whence they returned, in April, to England.
-
-The occupation of Belgium and Holland by the French was in every
-way a matter of concern to the other European powers. It threatened
-Great Britain in the North Sea, where her flank had previously been
-strengthened by the Dutch alliance, and compelled her at once to
-weaken the Channel fleet by a detachment of five ships-of-the-line to
-confront the Dutch squadrons. The merchants of Holland being among
-the great money-lenders of Europe, large revenues were opened to the
-needy French; and the resources thus gained by them were by the same
-blow lost to the allies. Great Britain thenceforth had to bear alone
-the money burden of the war. But on the other hand the republican
-commissaries sucked like leeches the substance of the Dutch; and
-the sources of their wealth, commerce and the colonies, were at the
-same time threatened with extinction by the British sea power, whose
-immediate hostility was incurred by the change in their political
-relations. Within a month, on the 9th of February, orders were issued
-to arrest all Dutch ships at sea; temporary provision being made to
-restore neutral property found on board them, because shipped while
-Holland was an ally. Vigorous measures were at once taken for the
-seizure of the rich Dutch colonies in all parts of the world; and
-before the year 1795 closed, there passed into the hands of Great
-Britain the Cape of Good Hope, Malacca, all the Dutch possessions
-on the continent of India, and the most important places in Ceylon;
-the whole island submitting in 1796. Besides these, other colonies
-were taken in the farther East and in the West Indies. The Dutch
-navy remained inoffensively in its ports until the year 1797, with
-the exception of a small expedition that escaped from the Texel in
-February, 1796, prepared to retake the Cape of Good Hope. Unable to go
-through the English Channel, which was completely under the enemy's
-control, it passed north of the British Islands and eluded capture
-until Saldanha Bay, near the Cape, was reached. Upon hearing of its
-arrival the British admiral on that station sailed in pursuit, and,
-having a greatly superior force, received its instant surrender.
-
-The success that followed the French standards in Belgium and Holland
-during 1794 accompanied the less striking operations on the Rhine and
-in the South. At the end of the year the Austrians and Prussians had
-abandoned the west bank of the river, except Luxembourg and the very
-important fortress of Mayence. Luxembourg also was closely invested,
-and capitulated in June, 1795. In the Pyrenees, the Spaniards were
-driven across the frontiers, and had, in the early autumn, established
-themselves in a strong entrenched camp at Figueras. On the 17th and
-20th of November the French assaulted this position, and on the latter
-day drove the enemy from all their works round the place, forcing
-them to retreat upon Gerona. The garrison of Figueras, ten thousand
-strong, capitulated a week later, and the French then invested Rosas,
-which held out for two months longer; but the resistance of Spain was
-completely broken, and the further events of the war in that quarter
-are unimportant.
-
-On the Italian frontier the year opened with substantial successes
-on the part of the French, who got possession of important mountain
-passes of the Alps; but progress here was stopped, in May, by reverses
-attending the operations on the Rhine, causing troops to be withdrawn
-from the Army of the Alps. The belligerents rested in the same relative
-positions during the remainder of 1794.
-
-The important political results of the French military successes in
-the campaign of 1794 were demonstrated and sealed by treaties of peace
-contracted in 1795 with Prussia, Spain, and Holland. That with the
-latter power was one not only of peace, but also of alliance, offensive
-and defensive. The principal naval conditions were that the United
-Provinces should furnish twelve ships-of-the-line, with frigates, to
-cruise in the North Sea and Baltic, and should admit a French garrison
-into the important seaport of Flushing. This treaty was signed May
-15, 1795. The Prussian treaty was concluded on the 5th of April. It
-stipulated, generally, the surrender of Prussian possessions on the
-left bank of the Rhine, and by a later agreement established a neutral
-zone in North Germany under Prussian guarantee. The treaty with Spain
-was signed at Basle on the 22d of July. It maintained the integrity
-of the Spanish possessions in Europe, but provided for the cession to
-France of Spain's part of Haïti.
-
-On the other hand, Great Britain during the same year drew closer the
-ties binding her to her still remaining allies. An agreement was made
-in May with the emperor of Germany that he should provide not less than
-two hundred thousand men for the approaching campaign, while Great
-Britain was to pay a large subsidy for their support. This was followed
-by a treaty of defensive alliance, each government engaging not to make
-a separate peace. With Russia also was made a defensive alliance, and
-the czarina sent twelve ships-of-the-line to cruise with the British
-fleet in the North Sea.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VII.
-
-THE YEAR 1795 IN THE ATLANTIC AND ON THE CONTINENT.
-
-
-The year 1795 was for France one of reaction and lassitude. The wave of
-popular ferment which had been rushing forward since the fall of the
-royalty, gathering strength and volume, and driving before it all wills
-and all ambitions, crested and broke in July, 1794. Like the breakers
-of the seashore, a part of the accumulated momentum was expended in
-a tumultuous momentary advance, of increased force but diminishing
-depth, and then recession followed. The forward and backward impulses
-met and mingled, causing turmoil and perplexing currents of popular
-feeling, but the pure republican movement had reached the highest
-point it was destined to attain. It had stirred France to its depths,
-and brought to the surface many a gem which under quieter conditions
-would have remained hidden from the eyes of men; but, in the confusion
-and paralysis which followed, these were left stranded and scattered,
-waiting for the master hand which should combine them and set each in
-its proper sphere for the glory of France.
-
-The recoil which followed the death of Robespierre took shape in
-several ways, all tending at once to lessen the internal vigor of
-the government, and to deprive it of means hitherto possessed for
-external effort. The revulsion to mercy provoked by his bloody tyranny
-was accompanied by sentiments of vengeance against the men who were,
-or were supposed to be, identified with his policy. The indulgence
-extended to those before proscribed brought them back to France
-in numbers, clamorous for revenge. These discordant sentiments,
-agitating the Convention as well as the people, the provinces as well
-as Paris, shattered that unity of purpose which had been the strength
-of the government after the fall of the Girondists, and during the
-domination of the Jacobins. At the same time were revoked the measures
-by which the Revolutionary Government, living as it did from hand to
-mouth, had provided for its immense daily necessities. The law of the
-Maximum, by which dealers were forbidden to charge beyond a certain
-fixed price for the prime necessaries of life, was repealed. The paper
-money, already depreciated, fell rapidly, now that the seller could
-demand as much as he wished for articles of universal consumption. The
-government, obliged to receive the assignats at their face value in
-payment of dues, sought to meet its difficulty by increased issues,
-which accelerated the decline. At the same time, requisitions in kind
-having been suppressed, as part of the reaction from a rule of force,
-supplies of all sorts were with difficulty obtained. Distress, lack of
-confidence, abounded in all directions; speculation ran riot, and the
-government, having relaxed the spring of terror, that most powerful
-of motives until it becomes unendurable, found itself drifting into
-impotence. These various measures were not completed till near the end
-of 1794; and the evil effect was, therefore, not immediately felt in
-the armies,—whose wants were also in part supplied by liberal demands
-upon their new allies in Holland. Boissi d'Anglas, in a speech made
-January 30, 1795, in the Convention, and adopted by that body as
-voicing its own sentiments, declared that the armies would demonstrate
-to Europe that, far from being exhausted by the three years of war,
-France had only augmented her resources. The year then opening was to
-witness to the emptiness of the boast, until Bonaparte by his military
-genius laid the Continent again at her feet.
-
-The internal history of France during this year, though marked by
-many and important events, can be briefly summed up. The policy
-of reconciliation towards the classes who had most suffered under
-Jacobin rule was pursued by the government; but against the party
-lately dominant the reaction that set in was marked by many and bloody
-excesses. If in the North and West the insurgent Vendeans and Chouans
-accepted the proffered pardon of the Convention, in the South and
-East the reactionary movement produced a terror of its own; in which
-perished, by public massacre or private assassination, several thousand
-persons, many of whom had not been terrorists, but simply ardent
-republicans. In Paris, the Jacobins, though depressed and weakened by
-the loss of so many of their leaders, did not at once succumb; and the
-tendency to agitation was favored in that great centre by the poverty
-of the people and the scarcity of food. On the 1st of April, and again
-on the 20th of May, the halls of the Convention were invaded by crowds
-of men, women and children, demanding bread and the constitution of
-1793. On the latter occasion a member of the Convention was shot while
-endeavoring to cover the president with his body, and the greater part
-of the deputies fled from the hall. Those who remained, belonging
-mostly to the old Mountain, voted certain propositions designed to calm
-the people; but the next day the crowd was driven out by the national
-guard from some sections of the city, and the reaction resumed its
-course with increased force and renewed thirst for vengeance. The
-deputies who had remained and voted the propositions of May 20 were
-impeached, and the arrest was ordered of all members of the Committees
-which had governed during the Terror, except Carnot and one other.
-
-The following month, June, the project for a new constitution was
-submitted to the Convention, and by it adopted on the 22d of August. It
-provided for an Executive Directory of five members, and a Legislature
-of two Chambers; the upper to be called the Council of the Elders, the
-lower the Council of Five Hundred. To this scheme of a constitution,
-the Convention appended a decree that two thirds of the new Legislature
-must be taken from the members of the existing Convention. The
-Constitution and the decree were submitted to the country in September.
-The Provinces accepted both, but Paris rejected the decree; and the
-protest against the latter took form on the 4th of October in the
-revolt of the Sections,—a movement of the bourgeoisie and reactionists
-against the Convention, which on this occasion fell back for support
-upon the party identified with the Jacobins. The defence of the
-Hall of Legislature and of its members was entrusted to Barras, who
-committed the military command to General Bonaparte, from whose skilful
-dispositions the assault of the Sections everywhere recoiled. On the
-26th of October the National Convention dissolved, after an existence
-of three years and one month. On the 27th the new Legislature began
-its sittings; and the upper council at once elected the Executive
-Directory. Among its five members was Carnot.
-
-On the sea the year 1795 was devoid of great or even striking events.
-On the 22d of February the six ships destined for Toulon, which had
-been driven back early in the month with the rest of the Brest fleet,
-again set sail under the command of Admiral Renaudin, and, although
-much delayed by heavy westerly winds in the Atlantic, reached their
-destination in safety early in April. Not an enemy's ship was seen on
-the way. The Channel fleet had gone back to Spithead as soon as Howe
-learned that the Brest fleet had returned to port after the disastrous
-January cruise; while in the Mediterranean the British, now under
-Admiral Hotham, were at anchor in a roadstead of Corsica when Renaudin
-drew near Toulon. This made the French in the Mediterranean twenty to
-the British thirteen. "What the new Lords of the Admiralty are after,"
-wrote Nelson, "to allow such a detachment to get out here, surprises us
-all."[100]
-
-Under the new admiralty small divisions of the Channel fleet continued
-to cruise to the westward or in the Bay of Biscay; but not until the
-12th of June did the main body, under Lord Bridport, put to sea. Ten
-days later, numbering then fourteen sail-of-the-line, it fell in with
-Villaret's fleet of twelve ships close in with its own coast, about
-eighty miles south of Brest. This meeting was due to a succession of
-incidents which are worthy of narration, as showing the conditions of
-the war and the prostration of the French navy. The supplies of the
-squadron at Brest and L'Orient, as well as much of the local traffic
-of the country, were carried by small coasting vessels rather than
-by inland roads. A division of three ships-of-the-line was sent to
-protect a numerous convoy coming from Bordeaux. On the 8th of June
-these vessels encountered the British division of five ships cruising
-in the Bay of Biscay, which took from it eight of the convoy before
-they could escape under the land. When news of this reached Brest,
-Villaret was ordered to take the nine ships that alone were then ready
-for sea and join the other three. This junction was made, and on the
-16th of June the twelve again fell in with the British five, which,
-after temporarily withdrawing, had returned to their cruising ground.
-Chase was of course given, and as two of the British sailed very badly
-there was a good prospect that either they would be taken, or the rest
-of the division compelled to come down to their aid; which, with the
-disparity of force, ought to result in the capture of the whole. The
-admiral, Cornwallis, behaved with the utmost firmness and coolness; but
-with such odds and the disadvantage of speed, no courage nor conduct
-can avert some disaster. The inefficiency and bad gunnery of the French
-saved their enemies. After a cannonade which lasted from nine in the
-forenoon of the 17th until six in the evening, one British ship had
-thirteen men wounded, and Villaret abandoned the pursuit.
-
-Five days later Bridport's fleet was sighted, and the French being
-inferior stood in for their coast, intending to anchor and await action
-under the island called Groix. The pursuit continued with light airs
-all day and night; but at daybreak of June 23 the fastest British were
-within three miles of the slowest of the French, which opened fire at
-six A.M. All Villaret's signals could not bring his fleet into line,
-nor induce the undoubtedly brave, but ill trained, men who commanded
-the faster ships to take station for the support of the slower. A
-desultory action continued till half-past eight, ending in the capture
-of three French vessels, the last hauling down her flag within a mile
-of Île Groix. Bridport then called his ships off. It is the opinion
-of French writers, apparently shared by English critics,[101] that
-if he had pursued energetically, the remainder of the enemy must
-either have been taken or run ashore to avoid that fate. As it was,
-Villaret was permitted to get into L'Orient without molestation,
-although to do so he had to wait till the tide served. Such was the
-extreme circumspection characterizing the early naval operations of
-the British, until Jervis and Nelson enkindled their service with the
-relentless energy of spirit inspired by Bonaparte on land. Those to
-whom St. Vincent and the Nile, Algesiras and Copenhagen, have become
-history, see with astonishment nine ships of capital importance
-permitted to escape thus easily from fourteen; forgetting the hold
-tradition has on the minds of men, and that it belongs to genius to
-open the way into which others then eagerly press. How the admiralty
-viewed Bridport's action may be inferred from his retaining command of
-the fleet until April, 1800. The ships that reached L'Orient had to
-remain till the winter, when they slipped back two or three at a time
-to Brest.
-
-The disaster at Île Groix, with some similar small misfortunes in the
-Mediterranean,[102] accompanied as they were by evidences, too plain
-to be any longer overlooked, of the inefficiency both of officers and
-men in the French fleets, determined the government to abandon all
-attempt to contest the supremacy of the sea. To this contributed also
-the extreme destitution, in the dockyards, of all sorts of stores for
-equipment or provision. With the English Channel and the forests of
-Corsica in the hands of Great Britain, the customary sources of supply
-were cut off; and moreover the providing for the navy—not the most
-cherished of the national institutions—met with the same difficulty
-as was experienced by other branches of the public service in the
-depreciation of the assignats, with which alone naval administrators
-could pay contractors. At the end of 1795 twelve hundred francs
-in paper were worth scarce twenty in gold. Having accepted naval
-inferiority as a necessary condition, the Committee of Public Safety
-resolved to maintain the great fleets in the ports simply as a threat
-to the enemy, and to send to sea only small divisions to prey upon his
-commerce and to levy tribute upon his colonies.
-
-From the end of 1795 forward, this policy prevailed and was finally
-accepted even by the emperor after several attempts, fruitless through
-the incompetence of his sea-officers, to realize on the sea that
-employment of great masses in which he so wonderfully excelled on
-land. The reluctance of his supreme genius to accede to this system
-of petty war may be accepted as testimony that on sea, as on shore,
-great results can only be expected by wielding great masses. Upon
-this conclusion history too has set its seal; for the squadron and
-division warfare of the French navy, seconded though it was by hosts
-of commerce-destroyers, public and private, produced practically
-no results, had absolutely no effect upon the issue of the war. On
-the other hand, that Napoleon, when convinced that he could expect
-nothing decisive from his fleet, accepted the use of it as a means of
-harassment or of diversion, must be received as a weighty indication
-of the naval policy suited to the inferior power. To assume a menacing
-attitude at many points, to give effect to the menace by frequent and
-vigorous sorties, to provoke thus a dispersion of the enemy's superior
-force, that he may be led to expose detachments to attack by greater
-numbers,—such must be the outline of conduct laid down for the weaker
-navy. But that such a course may be really effective,—that the inferior
-may, as in some of Bonaparte's wonderful campaigns, become ultimately
-superior,—there must be at some fitly chosen point of the sea frontier
-a concentrated body of ships; whose escape, if effected, may be the
-means of inflicting a great disaster upon the enemy by crushing
-one or more of the exposed fractions of his fleet. Unless there be
-such a central mass, mere dissemination is purposeless. Inferiority
-carried beyond a certain degree becomes impotence; nor will all the
-commerce-destroyers fancy can picture restore the balance to the nation
-hopelessly weaker in ships of the line-of-battle.
-
-On land as well as on sea weakness was stamped on the military
-movements of the year 1795. Its diplomatic successes were due to the
-arms of 1794. Early in the year Pichegru was removed from Holland
-to the upper Rhine, being succeeded by Moreau. Between the armies
-commanded by these two lay that of the Sambre and Meuse, still under
-Jourdan, concentrated on the left bank of the Rhine between Dusseldorf
-and Coblentz. It was provided that, in case of the three armies acting
-together, the chief command should be with Pichegru. The removal of
-the restraint enforced by the Terror was evidenced in these Northern
-forces by the number of desertions during the severity of this unusual
-winter. In the army of Italy the case was even worse; and the frightful
-destitution of the soldiers, made known a year later in Bonaparte's
-celebrated proclamation upon taking command, led to even greater
-losses from the ranks. Toward the end of January seventeen thousand
-men were detached from this army to Toulon to take part in a projected
-invasion of Corsica. The expedition never sailed; but such was the
-horror inspired by the sufferings they had undergone that the hardiest
-soldiers forsook their colors, and of two fine divisions not ten
-thousand men rejoined the army.[103]
-
-Under such conditions military operations could not but be sluggish;
-the genius of a Bonaparte was needed to supply the impetus which the
-emasculated central government could no longer impart. The great
-Carnot, also, had been removed from the direction of the war, March
-4, 1795, under the law prescribing periodic changes of members in the
-Committee of Public Safety. The fall of Luxembourg, already mentioned,
-was obtained only by the slow process of blockade. Not till September,
-when the season was nearly over, did the French armies move; Jourdan
-and Pichegru being then directed to undertake a concerted invasion,
-from their widely separated positions, intending to form a junction in
-the enemy's country. Jourdan crossed the Rhine, advanced south as far
-as the Main, and invested Mayence, the Austrians retiring before him.
-Pichegru received the capitulation of Mannheim, which opened its gates
-upon the threat of bombardment without receiving a shot. He showed
-no vigor in following this success, and his dilatory ill-combined
-movements permitted the Austrian general, Clairfayt, to concentrate his
-armies in a central position between the Main and Mannheim, parting the
-two French leaders. The new direction of war, either through folly, or
-from sharing the growing inefficiency of the general government, had
-failed to accumulate the supplies of all kinds needed by the masses
-thus gathered in a wild and impoverished region. Clairfayt combined a
-powerful movement against the destitute and suffering army of Jourdan,
-compelling him to retreat and recross the Rhine. Leaving a corps of
-observation before him and holding Pichegru in check on the south,
-he then himself crossed the river at Mayence and assaulted vigorously
-the lines on the left bank with which the enemy during the past year
-had surrounded the place. The blockading forces were driven back in
-divergent directions; and the Austrians in increasing numbers poured
-into the country west of the river, separating Jourdan from Pichegru.
-
-It was at this moment that the National Convention was dissolving and
-the Directory assuming the reins of government. Carnot became one of
-its five members. Impressed by the importance of retaining Mannheim,
-the loss of which was threatened by the recent reverses, he sent urgent
-orders to Jourdan to move south to the support of his colleague, using
-his own judgment as to the means. It was too late. The mingled weakness
-and ignorance of the preceding government had caused a destitution of
-means and an inferiority of force wholly inadequate to cope with the
-superior strategic position of the Austrian masses. Mannheim, which
-had surrendered on the 20th of September, was regained on the 22d of
-November by the Austrians, who at once re-enforced the troops on the
-west bank, acting against Pichegru, while Clairfayt pushed further
-back the other French army. With this success his brilliant operations
-closed for the year. The weather had become excessively bad, causing
-great sickness; and on the 19th of December he proposed an armistice,
-which Jourdan was only too glad to accept. The Austrians, who when the
-year opened were east of the Rhine, remained in force on the west bank,
-holding well-advanced positions based upon Mayence and Mannheim,—the
-two capital places for sustaining operations on either side of the
-river.
-
-The suspension of arms lasted until May 30, 1796, when the French,
-having given the notification required by the terms of the armistice,
-again crossed the river and began hostilities. But, although great
-and instructive military events followed this new undertaking, the
-centre of interest had by this time shifted from the north and east
-to the Italian frontier of the republic, where the successes of
-Bonaparte enchained it until the Peace of Campo Formio dissolved the
-coalition against France. That dazzling career had begun which becomes,
-thenceforth until its close, the main thread of French history, to
-which other incidents have to be referred, and by following which
-their mutual relations are most easily understood. We have reached
-therefore the period when a naval narrative reverts naturally to the
-Mediterranean; for Bonaparte's Italian campaigns profoundly affected
-the political and maritime conditions in that sea. Upon it also he
-next embarked for the extraordinary enterprise, condemned by many as
-chimerical, and yet so signally stamped by the characteristics of
-his genius, in which he first came into collision with the Sea Power
-of Great Britain, destined to ruin his career, and with the great
-seaman in whom that Sea Power found the highest expression it has ever
-attained.
-
-"During the year 1795," says the distinguished military historian of
-these wars, "France, after a twelvemonth of victory, came near losing
-all her conquests; threatened with a dangerous internal reaction, she
-only with difficulty succeeded in freeing herself from embarrassments
-and modifying the defects of her institutions. The next year we shall
-find her launched in a yet vaster career, by the great captain who so
-long presided over her destinies, who raised her to the pinnacle of
-glory by his victories, and thence plunged her to the abyss through
-disregard of justice and moderation."[104]
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VIII.
-
-THE MEDITERRANEAN AND ITALY.—FROM THE EVACUATION OF TOULON IN 1793 TO
-THE BRITISH WITHDRAWAL FROM THAT SEA, IN 1796, AND THE BATTLE OF CAPE
-ST. VINCENT, FEBRUARY, 1797.—AUSTRIA FORCED TO MAKE PEACE.
-
-
-After the evacuation of Toulon, on the 19th of December, 1793, Lord
-Hood had taken his fleet to Hyères Roads,—an anchorage formed by the
-group of islands of the same name a few miles east of Toulon. There he
-remained during the greater part of January, revictualling his ships
-and considering what steps should next be taken to assure British
-interests in the Mediterranean.
-
-It is essential to a fleet, as to an army, to have always near at hand
-depots of supplies, upon which it can depend to replace the consumption
-of the limited stores carried on board, and to which it can resort for
-refit. The way from the depots to the fleet, or the army, technically
-called the communications, should be such as can most easily be
-defended by the armed force itself, without impairing its liberty in
-movements necessary to obtain the objects of the war. In other words,
-this depot, or base, should be near the scene of operations and, when
-practicable, so situated that the fleet, while actively engaged,
-interposes directly or indirectly between it and the enemy. Nearness
-was doubly important in the days of sailing ships, whose movements
-depended upon the fickle element of the wind; for then a ship going in
-for refit not only took more time to perform the voyage, but also in
-returning made a heavier draft upon her resources, and consequently
-could remain a shorter period at the seat of war.
-
-Toulon, while securely held, served as such a base; although, being
-exposed to overpowering attack from the land side, its situation called
-for excessive expenditure of effort. Toulon was, however, now lost, and
-the British were thrown back upon Gibraltar, at the very entrance of
-the Mediterranean, and nine hundred miles from the seat of hostilities,
-for a secure depot in which to land stores and a safe anchorage for
-transports and crippled ships-of-war.
-
-Although the possession of a strong place, suited in itself for a
-base, may decide the character of operations projected, logically
-the necessary operations should first be determined, and the choice
-of the base be decided by them. In the Mediterranean, as elsewhere
-generally at this time, the policy of Great Britain was to control
-the sea for the protection of commerce, and to sustain on shore the
-continental powers in the war against France,—chiefly by money, but
-also by naval co-operation when feasible. To support the land warfare,
-her diplomatic negotiations strove to unite, in the general military
-effort, as many as possible of the small independent states into which
-Italy was divided, to promote among them unity of action, and to foster
-the sense of security, in taking a decided step against France, which
-they could only derive from the presence among them of a strong power,
-such as Great Britain showed in her fleet. Neither their traditions
-nor the character of their rulers enabled them to combine strongly
-as equals; nor, as has before been said, was there any one state so
-predominant as to give a nucleus around which the others could gather.
-The only possible centre was Great Britain, present as a power in her
-fleet. Moreover, if unable, as she proved, to stir them up to positive,
-harmonious, concerted action, it was her interest to impose upon
-them a benevolent neutrality towards herself and her allies, and to
-deter them from inimical measures into which they might otherwise be
-impelled by the demands of the republic and their fear of the French
-army. Friendly ports along the whole coast were essential for the
-security of her shipping and the promotion of her commerce. Finally,
-it must be added that the character of the shore between Nice and
-Genoa, interposing between the French and Austrian armies, particularly
-favored direct naval co-operation. The Maritime Alps and the Apennines,
-coming down close to the sea, left but a single narrow, and yet long,
-line of communications along the beach, traversed by a very bad road,
-in many parts under fire from the sea.[105] This condition made the
-armies using that line chiefly dependent for supplies upon coasters,
-whose movements ships-of-war could harass and impede,—though not, when
-sailing vessels, entirely stop.
-
-Corsica, in its existing political conditions of revolt against
-France under the leadership of Paoli, appeared to offer the strategic
-situation which Hood was seeking. It was near and centrally placed with
-reference to the probable operations on shore; San Fiorenzo Bay, which
-became the chief anchorage for the fleet, being equidistant, about
-one hundred miles, from Nice and from Genoa. Leghorn also, one of the
-greatest depots of British trade in the Mediterranean and the seaport
-of Tuscany, over which Great Britain wished to enforce her influence,
-was but sixty miles from Cape Corso at the northern extremity of the
-island. All the trade with northern Italy had to pass close to Corsica,
-and was consequently exposed to capture if the seaports remained
-in French hands; especially as calms prevail around the island,
-facilitating the operations of row-galleys and neutralizing the powers
-of a sailing navy. Being an island, Corsica depended upon the control
-of the sea; and, though its size and rugged surface precluded conquest,
-there was believed to be a disposition to accept the protection of
-Great Britain as the only means of dispossessing the French troops,
-who still held the seaports of San Fiorenzo, Bastia, and Calvi.
-
-Sir Gilbert Elliott, who had been the Civil Commissioner of Great
-Britain in Toulon during the last month of its occupation, left
-Hyères Bay early in January to confer with Paoli, who had proposed
-the annexation of the island to the British crown. His enthusiastic
-reception by the people and the assurances of the Corsican chieftain
-convinced him that the measure was sincerely desired; and in
-consequence of his representations, Hood, on the 24th of January,
-sailed from Hyères with his whole fleet for San Fiorenzo Bay. The
-weather proving very tempestuous, and the three-decked ships, of which
-there were several, being ill-fitted to contend with it, the admiral
-was forced to take them to Porto Ferrajo in Elba, and to send against
-San Fiorenzo a detachment only. This appeared off the place on the 7th
-of February; and after a series of combined operations, in which the
-navy bore a very conspicuous share on land, the French evacuated the
-town and works on the 19th of the month, retreating upon Bastia. The
-admiral then urged an attack upon Bastia; but the general thought he
-could not spare enough men. Nelson, who had been blockading there for
-some time, strongly represented the feasibility of the enterprise; and,
-after a sharp altercation between the two commanders-in-chief, Hood
-determined to undertake the siege with the navy and the troops who were
-serving on board as marines. The landing began on the 3d of April; but
-the place held out till the 21st of May, when it capitulated. Calvi
-was next taken in hand, the operations beginning on the 19th of June,
-and ending with its surrender on the 10th of August. The whole island
-was thus freed from the presence of French troops,—a result due almost
-wholly to the navy, although the army bore a share in the operations
-at San Fiorenzo and Calvi. To the determination of Hood and the ardent
-representations of Nelson was due that Bastia was besieged at all;
-and, as thirty-five hundred regular troops then surrendered to an
-outside force of fourteen hundred seamen and marines, the opinion of
-Sir Gilbert Elliott that "the blockade of the port was the chief means
-of reducing it," can scarcely be disputed. At the siege of Calvi Nelson
-lost his right eye.
-
-Between the siege of Bastia and that of Calvi, the General Assembly
-of Corsica met, and on the 19th of June, 1794, tendered the insular
-crown to the king of Great Britain. With the successful issue of the
-military operations, this political act consummated the possession of
-the island. But, to quote the words of Elliott, the claim to Corsica
-rested upon superior force,[106] and by that only could be asserted;
-and this superior force the British government failed to provide. The
-love of the people for Paoli, and the period of anxiety through which
-he and they had passed, caused the connection to be eagerly desired,
-and accepted with demonstrations of the warmest delight; but as
-security succeeded the sense of danger, the first-love between nations
-so radically distinct in temperament and institutions was followed by
-the symptoms attending ill-assorted unions. Still, with prompt action
-and strong garrisons, the benefit of the foreign occupation might have
-been manifest, dissatisfaction might have yielded to considerations of
-interest, and the island been retained. The British government acted
-slowly. Elliott had urged that authority should be sent him beforehand
-to take over the executive functions at once, as soon as the Act of
-Union passed; instead of which, Paoli was left for four months in his
-old position, and developed a jealousy of his destined successor not
-unprecedented in the heads of states. This feeling, which he held
-with Corsican intensity, communicated itself to his followers; and an
-inauspicious division of sentiment already existed when, in October,
-after an interval of four months, Elliott received his powers as
-viceroy. Paoli continued for a year longer to reside in Corsica, and up
-to the time of his departure was a cause of trouble to the viceroy, and
-so of strength to the partisans of France, who became numerous.
-
-During the year 1794 the superior importance of the operations on
-the frontiers of Belgium and Germany, as well as in Spain, caused
-the French armies of Italy and the Alps to remain quiet, after some
-early successes which had placed in their hands the chief passes of
-the mountains and advanced their line on the coast as far as Vado, on
-the borders of Genoese territory. Early in 1795 a force of eighteen
-thousand men was detached to Toulon for the invasion of Corsica;
-but, although the French had in the port fifteen ships-of-the-line,
-they felt that neither the admiral nor the officers possessed the
-tactical skill necessary to handle the fleet in presence of an enemy
-of nearly equal force, if encumbered with a large body of transports.
-The case reproduced that of Conflans, when expected in 1759 to cover
-the French invasion of England. As a rule, in combined military and
-naval expeditions the fleet and the army should start together; but
-the tactical embarrassment of transports is indisputable. If the fleet
-cannot encounter the enemy successfully when not so hampered, it but
-encourages disaster to incur the meeting with them in company. Not
-improperly, in such a case of doubt, it was decided that the Toulon
-fleet should sail alone; and, accordingly, on the 2d of March, 1795,
-Admiral Martin put to sea with fifteen of the line, seven frigates, and
-five smaller vessels. Despite these respectable numbers, the efficiency
-of the force was poor. Out of twelve thousand officers and men on board
-the ships-of-the-line, seventy-five hundred had never before been to
-sea; and Martin reported that, deducting officers and petty-officers,
-he had but twenty-seven hundred seamen to man the fleet.[107]
-
-Hood had gone home the previous November, expecting to return; and
-the British were now commanded by Admiral Hotham. The latter had
-cruised off Toulon for three weeks in mid-winter, on account of the
-indications of the French coming out, and after a succession of most
-violent weather returned to San Fiorenzo Bay on the 10th of January. He
-sailed again, apparently about the 22d of the month, to cover a convoy
-expected from England, leaving in port the "Berwick," seventy-four;
-which, through the carelessness of her officers, had been permitted to
-roll her masts overboard at her anchors. After some more hard cruising,
-the fleet put into Leghorn on the 25th of February, leaving still in
-San Fiorenzo Bay the "Berwick," the delay in whose repairs can only
-be attributed to the penury of naval resources. The presence of the
-fleet in Leghorn was probably necessary both for its own supplies and
-to remind the wavering Tuscany of the power of Great Britain at her
-doors; but the "Berwick" incident served powerfully to illustrate the
-far-reaching effects of individual carelessness and the impolicy of
-exposing small detachments not covered, directly or indirectly, by
-the main body. On the 7th of March the French fleet came in sight of
-Cape Corso, and almost at the same moment discovered the "Berwick,"
-which had only the previous day succeeded in leaving San Fiorenzo for
-Leghorn. Being still crippled, she was easily overtaken, and forced to
-surrender at noon.
-
-The following day Hotham in Leghorn learned that the enemy had sailed,
-and the next morning at dawn put to sea in pursuit. On the 11th the
-two fleets came in sight of each other, the French far south and to
-windward of the British, out of gun-shot, and thus continued during
-the 12th. That night one of the French seventy-fours lost a topmast
-and parted company, reducing their numbers to fourteen. The following
-morning the "Ça-Ira," an eighty-gun ship, ran into her next ahead,
-losing both fore and main topmasts, and thus became the source of
-anxiety and danger which a crippled ship ever is in the fleet to which
-she belongs. As she dropped out of the line, a British frigate ran
-close to her on the side encumbered with the fallen spars, annoying her
-there for some time with comparative impunity, and was then succeeded
-by Nelson in the "Agamemnon," who hung about on her quarters until
-several ships bore down to her relief.
-
-During the night the "Sans Culottes," of one hundred and twenty guns,
-the heaviest vessel in the French fleet, dropped out of the line to
-leeward, and in the morning was out of sight. The "Ça-Ira" was taken
-in tow by, the "Censeur," seventy-four, and at daybreak these two
-were some distance from, and to the north-east of, their fleet. Both
-parties were at this time much scattered from the irregularities of
-the wind; but it shifting now to the north-west favored the British,
-and those nearest the separated ships speedily brought them to action.
-While this partial engagement was going on, both fleets shaped their
-course for the scene, the French intending to cover the "Censeur"
-and "Ça-Ira" by passing between them and the British, but owing to
-some misunderstanding this was not done. As the two vans went slowly
-by on opposite tacks, a sharp exchange of shots took place, in which
-the British, not being well closed up, were overmatched, and two of
-their number suffered severely; but as the French allowed the enemy
-to interpose between them and the disabled vessels, these were forced
-to surrender after a very gallant resistance, in which they lost four
-hundred men and were partially dismasted. Each fleet continuing its
-course in opposite directions, they soon separated and passed out of
-sight.
-
-The baffling character of the wind, combined with the indifferent
-sailing qualities of the British three-deckers, deprive this action of
-any special tactical significance; and the very mediocre calibre of
-the two admirals was not calculated to overcome the difficulties they
-encountered. The numerous accidents in Martin's fleet, and the parting
-of the "Sans Culottes" at such a moment, show the indifferent character
-of the French captains, and probably justify the comment that Hotham
-owed his success to the initiative of the admirable officers under
-his command rather than to his own capacity. "I went on board Admiral
-Hotham," wrote Nelson, "as soon as our firing grew slack in the van and
-the 'Ça-Ira' and 'Censeur' had struck, to propose to him leaving our
-two crippled ships, the two prizes, and four frigates, and pursue the
-enemy; but he, much cooler than myself, said, 'We must be contented, we
-have done very well.' Admiral Goodall backed me; I got him to write to
-the Admiral, but it would not do; we should have had such a day as I
-believe the annals of England never produced."[108] "Admiral Hotham,"
-says Chevalier,[109] "showed great circumspection. He probably did not
-appreciate the improvised fleets of the republic. To fight, there are
-needed ships in good condition, capable seamen, skilful gunners, and
-officers accustomed to order, to military dispositions, and to squadron
-manœuvres. These we did not have." "The enemy," wrote Nelson about the
-same fleet, a few months later, "are neither seamen nor officers."[110]
-The immediate consequence of this defeat was the abandonment of the
-projected expedition against Corsica.
-
-After the battle a gale of wind forced the British into Spezia and
-caused the wreck of the "Illustrious," seventy-four, which, from
-injuries received in the action, was not able to keep off shore.
-This, with the capture of the "Berwick," equalized the losses of
-the two fleets. The French anchored in Hyères Bay, where they were
-rejoined by the "Sans Culottes," and on the 24th of March returned to
-Toulon. Admiral Renaudin's arrival from Brest[111] on the 4th of April
-raised the available force to nineteen or twenty ships-of-the-line;
-to which the enemy could now oppose only thirteen of their own and
-two Neapolitan. But, although the British were very destitute of
-material for necessary equipment and repair,[112] the superiority
-of organization, discipline, and officer-like training, allowed
-them little real cause for anxiety. In the month of May a Jacobin
-outbreak occurred in Toulon. The government had ordered Martin to take
-advantage of Renaudin's junction, and again to seek the enemy while
-thus superior. The mob raised the cry that as soon as the fleet sailed
-the enemies of the Revolution would enter the town and massacre the
-patriots. The seamen, except those belonging to the Brest squadron,
-left their vessels, under pretext of deliberating on the dangers of
-their country, and took part in all the street demonstrations. An
-expedition was even set on foot against Marseille; but the central
-government was getting stronger, or rather anarchy was becoming
-wearisome, and after a paltry engagement the Toulonese fell back upon
-their city and submitted. A great number of seamen, however, had
-deserted; and the necessity of recovering them delayed the departure of
-the fleet, which finally put to sea on the 7th of June with seventeen
-ships-of-the-line. The time for a favorable sortie was, however, past;
-the British having at last received a large re-enforcement.
-
-After partially refitting in Spezia, Hotham took his fleet to San
-Fiorenzo, arriving there on the 30th of March. On the 17th of April
-he sailed again for Minorca, where he hoped to meet a re-enforcement
-and a much-needed convoy; but a succession of westerly winds caused
-the fleet to lose ground, instead of gaining, until the 27th, when
-it unexpectedly and most fortunately met a body of store-ships from
-Gibraltar. With these the admiral at once bore up for Leghorn, arriving
-there next day. Had the French in their own dockyards refitted as
-rapidly as the British did in a foreign port, and gone to sea with
-the increase of strength that Renaudin brought, they should have
-intercepted this important convoy, if they did not bring the fleet to
-action. The correspondence of Nelson, still a simple captain, testifies
-continually, in his own vivid style, to the critical state of the
-campaign at this moment.
-
-On the 8th of May Hotham sailed again for Minorca, and continued to
-cruise off that island until the 14th of June, when Rear-admiral
-Robert Mann joined him with a re-enforcement from England of nine[113]
-ships-of-the-line, making the British superior in number as in quality
-to the enemy. As a convoy was also expected, the fleet kept the same
-station until it arrived on the 22d, when the whole body sailed for
-San Fiorenzo, anchoring there June 29. On the 4th of July Hotham sent
-Nelson with his own ship and some smaller vessels to co-operate on the
-Riviera of Genoa with the Austrian advance against the French; but
-the detachment fell in with Martin's fleet, and had to return to San
-Fiorenzo, being, says Nelson, "hard pressed" by the enemy, who pursued
-until they saw the British fleet at anchor. The latter weighed as soon
-as possible, but did not come up with the French until the 14th, near
-the Hyères Islands, where a trifling brush took place, resulting in
-the capture of the "Alcide," seventy-four, which immediately after
-surrendering caught fire and blew up. This small affair was the last in
-which Admiral Hotham was directly concerned. Hood had been definitively
-relieved of the Mediterranean command before he could sail from England
-on his return; and Hotham, weary of a burden to which he felt himself
-unfitted and had proved himself unequal, applied for relief, and struck
-his flag on the 1st of November, 1795.
-
-Prior to the naval brush off Hyères, little had been done in Italy by
-the armies on either side. The French, whose forces were far inferior
-to those of the allies and in a state of great destitution, were
-compelled to stand on the defensive over a very long line, of which
-the advanced post on the sea was at Vado. The Austrians had imposed
-upon the Sardinians their own plan of campaign, which was to strike the
-extreme right of the French at Vado, and then drive them back along
-the Corniche, while the Sardinians attacked on the other flank through
-the passes of the Apennines up to the Col di Tende, where the Maritime
-Alps begin. The British fleet was to co-operate with the movement
-on the side of the sea,—a consideration which had much to do with
-determining the Austrian plan. By occupying Vado and the Riviera east
-of it, the coasting trade heretofore carried on from the ports of Genoa
-and Tuscany to southern France would be stopped; a matter of great
-consequence to the republic, as those departments only raised grain for
-three months' consumption and depended for the rest upon that which
-came from Barbary and Italy by way of Tuscany. With a British squadron
-at Vado, the populace of Provence, the navy at Toulon, and the army of
-Italy, would have to be supplied from the north of France by bad inland
-roads.[114] Vado Bay was, moreover, the best anchorage between Nice and
-Genoa. Devins, the Austrian general, began his movement on the 13th of
-June, passing through Genoese territory against the protest of that
-neutral government. The French resisted sturdily; but the odds were too
-great, and by the end of June they had fallen back to a line extending
-from Borghetto on the sea to Ormea in the mountains, abandoning Vado
-and the intermediate coast towns. Devins now called on Hotham for naval
-support, and the British admiral detached Nelson, as has already been
-seen, to give it; but the encounter with the French fleet delaying his
-arrival for some days served Devins with a pretext for inaction. He
-employed the mean time in fortifying his position and improving the
-roads in his rear.
-
-[Illustration: Northern Italy and Corsica.]
-
-On the 17th of July Nelson reached Genoa, took on board the British
-minister to that republic, and went to Vado, anchoring there on the
-21st. He immediately conferred with Devins, who gave it as his opinion
-that the Austrians could not advance further until the French were
-compelled to retire by want of provisions,—a result he expected from
-the action of the navy. Nelson explained to the minister that the food
-supplies being carried in neutral vessels he was powerless to stop
-them; for he had stringent orders from the admiralty that no legal
-measures should be instituted against such, when arrested, until full
-particulars in each case had been sent to England and instructions
-had come back what to do. Meanwhile the cargoes, being perishable,
-would be spoiled. Such utterly inconsequent proceedings, though
-highly characteristic of the military action of cabinets, were most
-exasperating to a man of Nelson's temper, always prone to cut knots;
-but, as he was pecuniarily answerable and a poor man, he could not
-disregard them on his sole authority. The British ministers to Genoa
-and Sardinia both concurred in advising him to carry out Devins's
-wishes; and then Nelson, with the fearlessness of responsibility he
-always showed,—and sometimes out of, as well as in, season,—issued
-orders to his frigates to take every vessel bound to France or to ports
-within the French lines, to whatsoever nation it might belong. At the
-same time the general also sent out small cruisers; and it is roundly
-asserted by Jomini that he laid a tax on all coasting vessels brought
-in by them, forcing them to pay for a passport and appropriating the
-proceeds to himself. The utmost diligence, however, could not insure
-the interruption of a traffic carried on by very small vessels, having
-to make but short night runs close along a coast;[115] and Nelson's
-orders, while doubtless productive of some results in stopping large
-vessels from Tuscany and Algiers, could not prevent supplies getting
-in by Genoese coasters. The difficulty was increased by the fact that a
-number of the ports in rear of the French positions belonged to Genoa,
-and the inhabitants depended upon her for food. To turn a deaf ear to
-their cries of suffering, and to prevent supplies landed there being
-used by the French, were alike impossible.
-
-These considerations should have led Devins to regard naval
-co-operation simply as the efforts of a light force, competent to
-harass, not to destroy, the enemy's communications; and should have
-induced him to force his own way, by early and vigorous action, while
-the French were inferior in numbers and before their positions became
-too strong. Instead of this, he used the Sardinians and British,
-not as allies, but as excuses for not moving; action of one kind or
-another on their part was necessary before he could advance. Thus the
-summer slipped away, the French busily strengthening their lines and
-bringing up the army of the Pyrenees to re-enforce that of Italy,
-after peace was made with Spain. Nelson was full of projects to embark
-a corps of Austrians, who should seize and occupy a coast position
-in rear of the French; but Devins only played with a proposition of
-which Jomini speaks with scant respect, and which was certainly open
-to the objection that, if carried out with adequate force, it divided
-the Austrian army. Nelson, it is true, guaranteed its retreat to his
-ships in case of need; but the Austrian, not unnaturally, preferred
-a less uncertain line. The British captain, who had at first felt
-respect for Devins's abilities, wrote on the 17th of September that it
-had for some time appeared to him "that the general intended to go no
-further than his present position, and meant to lay the miscarriage
-of his enterprise against Nice to the non-co-operation of the British
-fleet and the Sardinian army."[116] Whatever his purpose, Devins did
-not advance, but quietly awaited the French attack. Early in November
-a severe illness caused him to give up the command; and on the 23d
-of the month the enemy, under General Schérer, assaulted vigorously
-the centre of the allied position, where the Sardinians touched the
-Austrians. This point had always been weak, and after a short struggle
-was forced. The original intention of Schérer had been to turn, after
-piercing the centre, against the Sardinians, as Bonaparte did in the
-following year; but a very heavy fall of snow in the mountains decided
-him to swing round to the right, drive the Austrians back upon the
-coast, and, if possible, anticipate them upon their line of retreat to
-the eastward. In this he was not entirely successful; but the imminent
-danger forced the enemy to abandon all their line of works and fall
-back precipitately, with a loss of seven thousand men, killed, wounded
-and prisoners, besides their depots at Loano, Vado, and Savona. This
-action, which was a brilliant and decisive victory, is known as the
-battle of Loano. By the first of December the Austrians had recrossed
-the Apennines and were again in the positions from which they had set
-out the previous June.
-
-The military plan and execution of the campaign by the land forces
-scarcely falls within the scope of the present work. An advance by the
-armies of a coalition, whose respective troops and lines of operation
-are separated by a chain of mountains, even of the height of the
-Apennines, with difficult communication across them, does not present
-a combination promising mutual support and probable success. To this
-disadvantage is to be added that of the long and narrow line by which
-all the Austrian supplies had to be forwarded; and which any successful
-advance would make yet longer and more difficult. On the other hand,
-the Austrians counted much upon the help that could be extended by
-the navy of Great Britain, in whose interest the occupation of the
-shore line was undertaken.[117] By their advance they controlled Vado
-Bay,—the best anchorage between Villefranche (Nice) and Genoa; and
-their presence imposed a restraint upon the latter republic, whose
-attitude was largely determined by the comparative forces of the
-belligerents. Did then the British navy, under these circumstances, do
-all that it could have done to insure the success of the common cause?
-
-The answer can scarcely be yes. Nelson, indeed, exerted himself with
-the energy that never failed him; but his correspondence shows that he
-did not think the force assigned him equal to its task. Could it then
-have been increased? The answer again is scarcely doubtful. The British
-fleet of the line was slightly superior in numbers to the French at
-Toulon, and far superior in the quality of its officers and men. It
-was doubtless embarrassed by numerous duties,—by those conflicting
-interests whose divergence imposes the great test of capacity upon a
-general officer. The French fleet at Toulon, co-operation with the
-Austrian advance, the protection of trade, the covering of Corsica, the
-political interests involved in controlling the action of the small
-Italian states,—all these cares fell upon the British admiral. Of
-these, the French fleet was the most important; but all other interests
-of Britain and her allies were better served by co-operation with the
-Austrian advance,—by victory in the field,—than by any dissemination
-of force for other purposes. A decisive Imperial success would have
-determined the policy of every state in the western Mediterranean and
-closed every port to French cruisers.
-
-In short, offensive action, and not the merely defensive attitude
-maintained through the campaign, was here clearly indicated. Nelson
-intimates that the only course by which the navy could practically
-intercept the French communications was to enter the coasting ports
-and destroy the coasters. These little vessels defied detection on
-their voyages; only by chasing them into their nests could their
-wings be clipped. "A few days ago," he writes, "I scoured the coast
-between Monaco and Borghetto so completely, that although I was only
-able to take one ship loaded with corn, yet I forced the others into
-the Bay of Alassio, where they are so completely under the protection
-of formidable batteries _that not less than three sail-of-the-line_
-could attempt to take or destroy them. The number of vessels loaded
-and unloaded at those places is near one hundred, the greater part
-loaded with stores and corn for France."[118] Here was the strategic
-direction to be given to the British navy, after providing for the
-watch off Toulon. "You will now," wrote Nelson five years later to
-Lord Keith, "bear me out in my assertion, when I say that the British
-fleet could have prevented the invasion of Italy; and if our friend
-Hotham had kept his fleet on that coast, I assert, and you will agree
-with me, no army from France could have been furnished with stores or
-provisions; even men could not have marched."[119] If the fleet proved
-unequal to this task, final condemnation was passed on the allied plan
-of campaign, which was not in its conception characterized by sound
-military judgment. But Admiral Hotham, as Nelson said, had "no head
-for enterprise, perfectly satisfied that each month passes without
-any losses on our side."[120] Nelson never had under his orders any
-other ship-of-the-line than his own "Agamemnon;" and at the time of
-the decisive battle of Loano all his little squadron had been taken
-away except two, so that French gunboats harassed with impunity the
-left flank of the Austrians.[121] He himself at that critical moment
-had to remain in Genoa with the "Agamemnon," at the request of the
-Imperial minister, to prevent the crew of a French frigate then in
-port, supported as it would have been by French partisans, from
-seizing Voltri,—an important point upon the line of retreat of the
-Austrians, where a few resolute men could have stopped them until
-the pursuing army came up. To him alone was therefore attributed
-the escape of several thousand Imperial soldiers, among whom was
-the commander-in-chief himself.[122] Prior to the battle Genoa had
-permitted French intrigues and armed enterprises of this character to
-be concerted, almost openly, in her territories. This she would not
-have dared to do, had the British navy been present in force on the
-coast, acting under such a commander as Nelson; for the probabilities
-of final success would have been with the allies. In short, this
-campaign of the British fleet contributes another to the numerous
-lessons of history, upon the importance of having sufficient force
-at the decisive point and taking the offensive. It may be added that
-Hotham could better have spared ships to Nelson, if he had not thrown
-away his two opportunities of beating the Toulon fleet.
-
-While Nelson was co-operating with the Austrians as far as his force
-admitted, the British fleet was generally cruising off Toulon,
-returning from time to time to San Fiorenzo or Leghorn for refit and
-stores. It was in this latter part of the year 1795 that the Directory,
-as will be remembered, decided to abandon the policy of fleet-fighting
-and to enter upon that of commerce-destroying, directed against
-exposed colonies of the enemy as well as against his trade afloat. Two
-squadrons, numbering in all seven ships-of-the-line and eight smaller
-vessels, were ordered fitted out at Toulon, which was with difficulty
-done for want of seamen. Since the action of July off Hyères, nearly
-all the sailors in Martin's fleet had deserted, disgusted with the
-bad food, scanty clothing, and constant disaster that were their
-portion. Enough, however, were at last gathered to man the ships
-selected; and on the 14th of September six of the line and three
-frigates got away under the command of Captain Richery. It does not
-appear whether the British fleet was then at sea or at San Fiorenzo;
-but in either case it was at this port, and not until September 22d,
-that Hotham learned their escape. On the 5th of October this leisurely
-commander-in-chief sent Admiral Mann with six of the line in pursuit;
-but the French, having so great a start, could not be overtaken. They
-passed the Straits of Gibraltar early in October, bound to the British
-possessions in North America. On the 7th of the month, when a hundred
-and fifty miles west of Gibraltar, they fell in with an enemy's convoy
-of thirty-one merchant ships from the Levant, under the protection of
-three seventy-fours. Richery succeeded in capturing one of the latter,
-which had lost a topmast, and all the merchant ships except one. Having
-so valuable a booty, he decided to escort it into Cadiz, where he
-anchored on the 13th and was soon after found by Mann, whose arrival
-prevented his departure to fulfil his original mission. At about the
-same time some French frigates in the Atlantic took eighteen ships out
-of a Jamaica convoy. The other Toulon division, of one ship-of-the-line
-and six smaller vessels, cruised in the Levant; and, having made a
-number of prizes, returned safely to Toulon. Its commander, Captain
-Ganteaume, though undistinguished by any great achievements, was
-throughout his career remarkably fortunate in escaping the search of an
-enemy. It was he who commanded the flotilla on board which Bonaparte
-stole unseen through all the British cruisers, on his return from Egypt
-to France in 1799.
-
-These results, coinciding so closely with the adoption of the new
-policy of commerce-destroying, confirmed the government in favor of
-this course, to which the French have always been strongly disposed.
-They hoped from it, to use the words of a representative in the
-Convention, "to force the English to a shameful bankruptcy;" what they
-obtained was the demoralization of their navy, the loss of the control
-of the sea and of their own external commerce, finally Napoleon's
-Continental System and the fall of the Empire.
-
-The battle of Loano, decisive of the campaign of 1795, is yet more
-distinguished as marking the entrance upon the scene of two of the most
-remarkable figures in the war of the French Revolution. During the week
-after it was fought, Admiral Sir John Jervis, better known by his later
-title of Earl St. Vincent, arrived at San Fiorenzo, as the regular
-successor to Hood in the Mediterranean. During the winter Napoleon
-Bonaparte was chosen by the Directory to relieve Schérer in command of
-the Army of Italy.
-
-The career and character of the youthful republican general are too
-well known, have been too often described, to be attempted by the
-author, from whose immediate theme, moreover, they stand apart. The
-personality of the already aged admiral, whose iron hands stamped
-his own image on the British navy and fashioned it into the splendid
-instrument with which the triumphs of Nelson were won, is, on the
-contrary, familiar to few except the students of naval history.
-Born in 1734, Sir John Jervis, when he assumed command of the
-Mediterranean fleet in his sixty-second year, had had no opportunity of
-distinguishing himself in the eyes of the world outside of the service
-to which he belonged. With the members of that service, however, he
-had long been a marked man. The child of a poor though well-born
-family, he had in early life, under the pressure of poverty, required
-of himself the same stern discipline and submission to the duty of
-the moment which he afterwards so rigorously exacted of others. Grave
-and unbending in his official relations, immovable as a rock when his
-determination was once formed, unrelenting almost to mercilessness in
-suppressing insubordination, then rife throughout the British navy,
-he had the high-bred polish of a man used to good society, and his
-demeanor was courteous, and, when occasion demanded, even courtly. A
-traveller by land as well as by sea, a constant and judicious reader,
-in a period when such habits were rarer than now among seamen, he
-was well informed in matters other than those relating merely to his
-profession. Of the latter, however, he was a master. His ship was the
-model of the British fleet during the American Revolution, and his
-high reputation drew to her quarter-deck youths from the best families
-of England, when they could obtain interest to get there. Yet no man
-was ever less swayed, in an age when social and political influence
-counted for so much, by any extrinsic claims of that character.
-Personal merit first, after that a family claim upon the navy, that a
-father or brother had given his life for the service,—nay, the very
-friendlessness of a deserving man,—such were the considerations that
-determined him in the use of patronage at his own disposal.
-
-Yet, with all these strong attributes, capable too of a tenderness
-which could mourn long and deeply the loss of a valued comrade, the
-rule of Jervis was one of fear rather than love. It is impossible to
-criticise adversely measures whose extreme severity was justified, if
-not imperatively demanded, by the appalling crisis of the mutinies of
-1797; impossible to withhold admiration, not unmingled with awe, from
-the impressive figure of the chief who stood unmoved and unyielding
-amid the smothered discontent, revolt threatening from below, the
-enemy's coast in sight from the deck, knowing that in every other fleet
-the crews had taken the ships from their officers, but determined it
-should not be so in the Mediterranean. Yet admiration is qualified by
-the feeling that to the ruthless temper of the man the position was not
-wholly displeasing,—that he was in his natural element when crushing
-opposition. A captain, who with great personal courage had quelled a
-rising in his ship, dragging the ringleaders with his own hands from
-among their followers, interceded on behalf of one of the condemned
-because he had previously borne a good character. "I am glad of it,"
-replied Jervis; "hitherto we have been hanging scoundrels. Now men will
-know that no good character will atone for the crime of mutiny." In
-lesser matters, also, his tendency was to exaggerate restraint as well
-as punishment. "Where I would take a penknife," said Nelson, "Lord St.
-Vincent takes a hatchet."
-
-With such characteristics, accompanied though they were by resolution
-and high professional accomplishments, it is not to be expected that
-the fire of genius will be found. Though not an ungenerous man, Lord
-St. Vincent lacked the sympathetic qualities that made Nelson at
-once so lovable and so great a leader of men. Escaping the erratic
-temper and the foibles of his great successor, upon whose career these
-defects have left marks ever to be regretted by those who love his
-memory, Jervis fell short too of the inspiration, of the ardor, which
-in moments of difficulty lifted Nelson far above the common plane of
-mankind, and have stamped his actions with the seal of genius. But
-after Nelson, Jervis, though of a different order, stands first among
-British commanders-in-chief. For inspiration he had a cool, sound,
-and rapid professional judgment; for ardor, a steady, unflinching
-determination to succeed; and these, joined to a perfect fearlessness
-of responsibility such as Nelson also showed, have won for him a place
-in the first rank of those chieftains, whether sea or land, who have
-not received the exceptional endowments of Nature's favorites. In
-the one general action which Fortune permitted to him, the battle of
-Cape St. Vincent, he illustrated these traits to a high degree; as
-Nelson then also showed that faculty of quick appreciation and instant
-action, in which all the processes of thought and will blend into one
-overpowering conviction and impulse that lesser men never know. Whether
-we consider the vastly superior numbers then deliberately engaged, the
-tactics of the admiral on the battle-field, or his appreciation of the
-critical position in which Great Britain then stood, Sir John Jervis's
-conduct on that occasion must make the battle of Cape St. Vincent ever
-illustrious among the most brilliant sea-fights of all ages.
-
-To these powerful elements of his nature, Jervis added a capacity
-for comprehensive and minute attention to the details of discipline,
-order and economy, without which mere severity would become aimless
-and productive of none but bad results. He was fortunate in finding
-among the Mediterranean captains an unusual number of men of consummate
-seamanship, energy and resources, in all the vigor of a prime still
-youthful, who were only waiting for a master-hand to combine and
-give direction to their abilities. With such a head and with such
-subordinates, the British Mediterranean fleet soon became a model
-of efficiency and spirit, which was probably never equalled in the
-days of sailing ships. Nelson so considered it; and the old admiral
-himself bewailed its memory several years later, when commanding
-the Channel fleet, and complained testily of the "old women in the
-guise of young men," whom he found in charge of ships off Brest.
-As an administrator, when First Lord, the economy of Jervis became
-exaggerated into parsimony, and his experience of the frauds connected
-with the dockyards of the day led him into a crusade against them,
-which was both well meant and necessary, but particularly ill-timed.
-It has consequently left a stigma of failure upon his administration,
-which is due, however, not to his executive inefficiency, but to a
-misapprehension of the political signs of the times. Absorbed in
-reform, and for it desiring quiet, he saw only peace while the dark
-clouds of war were gathering thick on the horizon. Therefore the
-British navy, well-worn by the first war, was not ready for that which
-followed it in 1803.
-
-Jervis's arrival in the Mediterranean was too late to remedy the
-impending evils. It was a singular misfortune for Great Britain, that
-the interregnum between two such able men as Hood and Jervis should
-have coincided with the determination of the French to try the chance
-of battle with their Mediterranean fleet, and that the opportunities
-they lost should have fallen to so sluggish and cautious an admiral
-as Hotham. "To say how much we wanted Lord Hood on the 13th of July,"
-wrote Nelson, "is to say, Will you have all the French fleet, or
-no action?"[123] Accepting this opinion in the light of Nelson's
-subsequent achievements, it may be permitted to think that, if not all
-the fleet, so many ships would have fallen as to have prevented the
-sailing of Richery's squadron and the consequent necessary detachment
-of Admiral Mann; while the loss of seamen captured would have seriously
-crippled the operations of the flotilla, which from Toulon supplied
-the Army of Italy with ammunition, artillery and stores. Light guns
-on mountain carriages could be carried along the Corniche; but at
-the opening of Bonaparte's operations all heavy guns, and artillery
-outfits of all kinds, had to be taken by sea from Nice to Savona.[124]
-The demands of this flotilla necessitated the laying up of the
-fleet,[125]—a matter of less consequence as the determination to resort
-to commerce-destroying had then been reached. The French navy therefore
-became, through the flotilla, a very important part of Bonaparte's
-communications; and it has already been pointed out that sailing ships
-could not break up, though they might much disturb, the voyages of the
-smaller vessels employed on a difficult coast, with batteries under
-which to take refuge.
-
-After the battle of Loano, Nelson, whose occupation on the Gulf of
-Genoa was for the time over, went to Leghorn to refit his ship, then
-nearly three years in commission. Not till January 19,1796, did he
-join Jervis, who since his arrival on the station had, for the most
-part, remained in San Fiorenzo organizing his fleet. The new admiral
-showed him the same confidence as his predecessors, and sent him at
-once to his old station, with a light division, to prevent any small
-number of men making a descent upon Italy. A predominant idea, one
-might almost call it a fad, in Nelson's mind, was the landing of a
-body of men from ships in rear of the enemy. As has been seen, he was
-forward to recommend such an attempt to Devins, promising to support
-it with his squadron; and the intelligence concerning flat-boats and
-gunboats prepared in the French ports suggested nothing to his mind so
-much as transporting troops to Tuscany, in rear of the Austrians, while
-the main French army operated in their front. Like Bonaparte, Nelson
-recognized the resources which the plains of Piedmont, Lombardy and
-Tuscany would offer to the needy enemy. He called them a gold mine;
-but he did not understand the weakness of the French in seamen, nor
-realize the improbability of Bonaparte's attempting such a use of his
-troops as would put them far out of mutual support and away from his
-own control. Certainly no indication of such a purpose is to be found
-in his correspondence or in the instructions of the Directory to him.
-On the contrary, he had strongly advised against a pet project of the
-Committee of Public Safety, early in 1795, to land an expedition in the
-papal states,—unless with control of the sea.[126]
-
-Had the Austrians again advanced to the sea and occupied Vado, Jervis
-would undoubtedly have supported them and harassed the French to a very
-important extent. Nelson gave express assurances on that point.[127]
-Bonaparte, however, allowed him no opportunity. Leaving Paris on the
-14th of March, 1796, the young general reached Nice on the 27th of
-the month. On the 5th of April he moved his headquarters to Albenga,
-and on the 9th to Savona. On the 10th Beaulieu, the new Austrian
-general, began to move his left wing by the pass of La Bochetta, his
-right by that of Montenotte; the junction to be formed at Savona.
-Quick as lightning, Bonaparte struck at once where the Austrian right
-touched the Sardinian left. Blow followed blow upon the centre of the
-allies, and after six days' fighting their armies were definitively
-separated. Driving the Sardinians before him in unremitting pursuit,
-Bonaparte on the 28th granted an armistice, by which three of the
-principal fortresses of Piedmont were put into his possession and
-plenipotentiaries dispatched to Paris to treat for peace. This was
-concluded and signed on the 15th of May. Sardinia abandoned the
-coalition, surrendered the counties of Savoy and Nice, and yielded
-other conditions favorable to France,—particularly in the boundary
-lines traced on the crests of the mountains, where the commanding
-military positions were given to the republic. Thus the gates of Italy
-were forced; and Austria, stripped of her ally on shore and cut off
-from the British at sea, alone confronted Bonaparte.
-
-The French were now in the plains of Piedmont, with Lombardy before
-them. Beaulieu, expecting an advance against Milan by the north bank
-of the Po, had withdrawn across that river, intending to dispute its
-passage. If forced, he would cover Milan by falling back successively
-upon the lines of the Sesia and the Ticino, tributaries of the main
-stream. Bonaparte, however, was not the man to attack an enemy in
-front and force him back along his natural line of retreat to his
-proper base. Weighing accurately the political and military conditions
-of the peninsula, he had fixed his eye upon the line of the Adige
-as that which he wished to reach and hold, and which, under all the
-circumstances, he believed he could master. The Adige flows from the
-Tyrol south along the east shore of the Lake of Garda, then turns
-to the eastward and enters the Adriatic between the Po and Venice.
-Occupying it, the French army would cover all the valleys of the Po,
-lay tribute upon their resources as well as upon those of the small
-states south of the river, interpose between Austria and southern
-Italy, and isolate Mantua, the enemy's great stronghold. Making,
-therefore, a feint of following Beaulieu by the methodical front
-attacks expected by him, Bonaparte pushed his main force stealthily
-along the south bank of the Po. On the 7th of May the advance-guard
-reached Piacenza, and crossed at once by boats. On the 9th a bridge
-was completed over the river, which at this point is fifteen hundred
-feet wide and very rapid. Beaulieu's intended positions on the Sesia
-and Ticino were thus turned, and the Austrians necessarily fell back to
-the line of the Adda. On the 10th of May, just one month after Beaulieu
-began his forward movements, the bridge of Lodi, over the Adda, was
-carried; and the Austrians again fell back to the Mincio, the outlet
-of the Lake of Garda, uncovering Milan. On the 15th Bonaparte entered
-Milan in triumph. Here he paused for ten days, and, after quitting
-the place, had to return to punish a revolt which broke out among the
-people; but on the 30th of May the French crossed the Mincio, the
-Austrians retreating northward toward the Tyrol, along the east shore
-of the Lake of Garda.
-
-This retrograde movement left Mantua to itself. On the 3d of June
-Bonaparte's headquarters were at Verona,—a strongly fortified place
-bestriding the Adige, thus insuring an easy transit to either side of
-the river, and which derives further strategic importance from its
-topographical position. A number of spurs run south from the Tyrol
-along the Lake of Garda and fall into the plain at Verona, which thus
-stands at the foot of the valleys formed by them. On either side of
-this cluster of spurs lie the valleys of the Adige and the Brenta,
-the two probable lines by which an Austrian attack would come.
-Verona, therefore, was a central point with reference to any offensive
-movements of the enemy, and became the pivot upon which Bonaparte's
-strategy hinged. On the 4th of June Mantua was blockaded. Having now
-compassed his first objective, Bonaparte passed temporarily from the
-offensive to the defensive, ceased his advance, and occupied himself
-with assuring the line of the Adige and pressing the siege of Mantua.
-
-There remained only to realize the political advantages gained by his
-wonderful successes. The Duke of Parma had entered into a convention
-on the 9th of May, followed in the same course on the 17th by the
-Duke of Modena. On the 5th of June the Court of Naples, startled out
-of its dream of security, signed an armistice, withdrawing its troops
-from the coalition and its ships from the British fleet,—a precipitate
-abandonment of the common cause as ill-judged as it was cowardly. At
-that very moment the French leader was writing, "I see but one means
-not to be beaten in the autumn; and that is, so to arrange matters that
-we shall not be obliged to advance into southern Italy."[128] The Pope
-still holding out, Bonaparte improved the time which the Austrians must
-need to prepare a new movement, by marching into the papal states a
-corps under Augereau, whom he followed in person. On the 19th Bologna
-was reached, and on the 24th the Pope signed an armistice. Coincidently
-with this advance, it was felt safe and opportune to send into Tuscany
-a division taken from the corps occupying Piedmont. This detachment
-entered Leghorn on the 28th of June, occupied the port despite the
-neutrality of Tuscany, drove out and broke up the great British
-commercial and naval interests centred there, and obtained a secure
-base for the intended attempt upon Corsica.
-
-The failure of the Austrians to reach the coast, and their subsequent
-retreat, of course put an end to any direct co-operation between them
-and the British fleet. Jervis was forced to confine himself to watching
-the Toulon ships,—an operation conducted in the same spirit and on
-the same system which he afterwards imparted to the Brest blockade,
-and generally to that of all hostile arsenals. For over six months,
-from the beginning of April to the middle of October, he cruised with
-fifteen sail-of-the-line off the port; the heavy ships remaining some
-distance from it, but near enough to support a light division of three
-seventy-fours, which kept just out of range of the batteries, about
-two miles from the entrance. By unremitting care and foresight, the
-ships on this arduous service were provisioned, watered and repaired
-on the spot, without going into harbor. Nelson, as the year before,
-was actively employed in the Gulf of Genoa, harassing the coast
-communications, and was on one occasion fortunate enough to capture
-a convoy with guns and entrenching tools for the siege of Mantua. In
-the Adriatic, a few frigates and a flotilla of small vessels were
-engaged in protecting the Austrian communications by way of Trieste.
-Admiral Mann, with seven ships-of-the-line, was still off Cadiz, in the
-station assigned him by Hotham to watch Richery. Besides these strictly
-military operations, ships were called for in every direction to convoy
-trade, to cover the passage of storeships, and generally to keep the
-sea safe for unarmed British vessels, whether traders or government
-transports, upon whom depended the supplies of the fleet and those of
-Gibraltar drawn from Barbary. Between thirty and forty frigates and
-smaller vessels were thus occupied, and were found insufficient to meet
-the varied demands arising from the wide diffusion of British commerce
-and the activity of French cruisers.
-
-Bonaparte's rapid successes and wide flight of conquest materially
-affected the British fleet; and the question of supplies became very
-serious with the ports of Tuscany, Naples and the Pope closed to
-its aid. Growing symptoms of discontent made the tenure of Corsica
-doubtful, with the French in Leghorn, and with Genoa tolerating their
-intrigues through fear of their armies. As early as May 20, immediately
-after entering Milan, Bonaparte had sent agents to Genoa to concert
-risings in the island; and in July he began to collect in Leghorn a
-body of Corsican refugees, at whose head he put General Gentili, also
-a native. The threatening outlook of affairs, and the submission of
-Tuscany to the violation of her neutrality by the French, determined
-the viceroy of Corsica to seize Elba, although a Tuscan possession.
-Nelson, with a small squadron, appeared before Porto Ferrajo on the
-10th of July, and to a peremptory summons received immediate surrender.
-Being very small, Elba was more immediately under naval control than
-Corsica, and to hold it required fewer troops. In case of the loss of
-the larger island, it would still assure the British a base in the
-Mediterranean and continued control, so long as their fleet could
-assert predominance over those of their enemies.
-
-Some doubt, however, was felt on this latter point. The attitude of
-Spain, far from cordial when an ally, had been cold as a neutral, and
-was now fast becoming hostile. The decrepit kingdom had a navy of over
-fifty sail-of-the-line; and, although its discipline and efficiency
-were at the lowest ebb, the mere force of numbers might prove too
-much for even Jervis's splendid fleet of only twenty-two,—seven of
-which were still before Cadiz, a thousand miles from the main body off
-Toulon. Foreseeing the approaching danger, Jervis, about the time Elba
-was seized, sent Mann orders to rejoin him; and accordingly, on the
-29th of July, the blockade of Cadiz was raised. It was just in time,
-for on the 19th of August Spain, moved by the successes of Bonaparte
-and the French advance into Germany,—which had not yet undergone the
-disasters afterwards inflicted upon the separated armies of Jourdan
-and Moreau by the Archduke Charles,—had signed a treaty of offensive
-and defensive alliance with the republic. As soon as Mann's ships
-disappeared, Richery demanded the help of the Spanish fleet to cover
-his departure, and on the 4th of August sailed in company with twenty
-Spanish ships-of-the-line. These escorted him three hundred miles to
-the westward, and then returned to port, leaving the French to fulfil
-their original mission against British North America, after a detention
-of nearly ten months. Richery, who had been promoted to rear-admiral
-during this time, made his cruise successfully, harassed the fishing
-interests on the coasts of Newfoundland, captured and burned a hundred
-British merchant vessels, and got back to Brest in time to take part in
-the unfortunate expedition against Ireland, which sailed in December of
-this year.
-
-Admiral Mann, though a brave and good officer, showed bad judgment
-throughout this campaign. Apparently, to use Napoleon's expression,
-"Il s'était fait un tableau" as to the military and naval situation;
-and to such a frame of mind the governor of Gibraltar, O'Hara, a
-pessimist by temperament,[129] probably was a bad adviser. In his
-precipitation to join the commander-in-chief, he forgot the difficulty
-about stores and left Gibraltar without filling up. Jervis consequently
-was forced to send him back at once, with orders to return as quickly
-as possible. On his way down, on the 1st of October, he was chased by
-a Spanish fleet of nineteen sail-of-the-line under Admiral Langara.
-His squadron escaped, losing two merchant vessels under its convoy;
-but, upon arriving in Gibraltar, he called a council of captains, and,
-having obtained their concurrence in his opinion, sailed for England,
-in direct disregard of the commands both of Jervis and the Admiralty.
-Upon his arrival his action was disapproved,[130] orders were sent him
-to strike his flag and come ashore, and he appears never again to have
-been employed afloat; but, when it is remembered that only forty years
-had elapsed since Byng was shot for an error in judgment, it must be
-owned men had become more merciful.
-
-Mann's defection reduced Jervis's forces by one third, at a time when
-affairs were becoming daily more critical. Not only did it make the
-tenure of the Mediterranean vastly more difficult, but it deprived
-the admiral of his cherished hope of dealing a staggering blow to
-the Spanish fleet, such as four months later he inflicted at Cape
-St. Vincent. After meeting Mann, Langara was joined by seven ships
-from Cartagena, and with this increase of force appeared on the 20th
-of October about fifty miles from San Fiorenzo Bay. Jervis had just
-returned there from off Toulon, having on the 25th of September
-received orders to evacuate Corsica,—an operation which promised
-to be difficult from lack of transports. On the 26th of October
-Langara entered Toulon, where the new allies had then thirty-eight
-ships-of-the-line collected.
-
-During the summer months Nelson had blockaded Leghorn, after its
-occupation by the French; and this measure, with the tenure of Elba,
-seems to have effectually prevented any large body of men passing
-into Corsica. On the 18th of September the little island of Capraja, a
-Genoese dependency and convenient refuge for small boats, was seized
-for the same object. On the 29th, however, Nelson received orders
-from Jervis for the evacuation of Corsica, the operations at Bastia
-being assigned to his special care. As soon as the determination of
-the British was known, discontent broke out into revolt. Gentili,
-finding the sea clear, landed on the 19th of October, pressing close
-down upon the coast; and the final embarkation was only effected in
-safety under the guns of the ships. On the 19th Nelson took off the
-last of the troops, and carried them with the viceroy to Elba, which it
-was intended still to hold. Jervis held on at San Fiorenzo Bay to the
-latest moment possible, everything being afloat for a fortnight before
-he left, hoping that Mann might yet join, and fearing he might arrive
-after the departure of the fleet. On the 2d of November provisions were
-so short that longer delay was impossible; and the admiral sailed with
-his whole force, reaching Gibraltar, after a tedious voyage, on the
-1st of December, 1796. During the passage, in which the crews were on
-from half to one third the usual rations, Jervis received instructions
-countermanding the evacuation, if not yet carried out. If executed,
-Elba was still to be held.
-
-The policy of thus evacuating the Mediterranean admits, now as then, of
-argument on both sides. The causes for the vacillation of the British
-government are apparent. The first orders to leave everything, Elba
-included, were dated August 31. Generals Jourdan and Moreau were then
-far in the heart of Germany; and the archduke having but just begun
-the brilliant counter-move by which he drove first one, and then the
-other, back to the Rhine, the effects of this were in no way foreseen.
-From Italy the latest possible news was of Bonaparte's new successes
-at Lonato and Castiglione, and the fresh retreat of the Austrians.
-The countermanding orders, dated October 21, were issued under the
-influence of the archduke's success and of Wurmser's evasion of
-Bonaparte and entrance into Mantua; whereby, despite repeated defeats
-in the field, the garrison was largely increased and the weary work
-of the siege must be again begun. While Mantua stood, Bonaparte could
-not advance; and the Austrians were gathering a new army in the Tyrol.
-The British government failed, too, to realize the supreme excellence
-of its Mediterranean fleet and the stanch character of its leader.
-"The admiral," wrote Elliott[131] on the spot, "is as firm as a rock.
-He has at present fourteen sail-of-the-line against thirty-six, or
-perhaps forty. If Mann joins him, they will certainly attack, and
-they are _all_ confident of victory." The incident of Mann's conduct,
-under these circumstances, is full of military warning. It is within
-the limits of reasonable speculation to say that, had he obeyed his
-orders,—and only extreme causes could justify disobedience,—the
-battle of Cape St. Vincent would have been fought then in the
-Mediterranean,[132] instead of in the Atlantic after the fall of
-Mantua, and would have profoundly affected the policy of the Italian
-States. With such a victory, men like Jervis and Elliott would have
-held on for further orders from home. "The expulsion of the English,"
-wrote Bonaparte, "has a great effect upon the success of our military
-operations in Italy. We must exact more severe conditions of Naples.
-It has the greatest moral influence upon the minds of the Italians,
-assures our communications and will make Naples tremble even in
-Sicily."[133]
-
-In the opinion of the author, Sir Gilbert Elliott expresses the correct
-conclusion in the words following, which show singular foresight as
-well as sound political judgment: "I have always thought that it
-is a great and important object in the contest between the French
-republic and the rest of Europe, that Italy, in whole or in part,
-should neither be annexed to France as dominion, nor affiliated in
-the shape of dependent republics; and I have considered a superior
-British fleet in the Mediterranean as an essential means for securing
-Italy and Europe from such a misfortune."[134] Elliott's presentiments
-were realized by Napoleon at a later day; the immediate effect of
-the evacuation was indicated by a treaty of peace between France and
-Naples, signed October 10, as soon as the purpose was known. In 1796
-the British fleet had been three years in the Mediterranean, and since
-the acquisition of Corsica had effected little. What was needed at
-the moment was not an abandonment of the field, but a demonstration
-of power by a successful battle. The weakest eyes could count the
-units by which the allied fleets exceeded the British; acts alone
-could show the real superiority, the predominance in strength, of the
-latter. That demonstrated, the islands and the remote extremities of
-the peninsula would have taken heart, and a battle in the Gulf of Lyon
-had the far-reaching effects produced by that in Aboukir Bay. At the
-time of the evacuation the three most important factors in the military
-situation were, the siege of Mantua, the Austrian army in the Tyrol,
-and, last but not least, the British fleet in the Mediterranean. This
-sustained Naples; and Naples, or rather southern Italy, was one of
-Bonaparte's most serious anxieties. Finally, it may be said that the
-value of Corsica to the fleet is proved by Nelson's preference of
-Maddalena Bay, in the straits separating Corsica from Sardinia, over
-Malta, as the station for a British fleet watching Toulon.
-
-Immediately upon reaching Gibraltar, Jervis received orders to take the
-fleet to Lisbon, in consequence of a disposition shown by the allied
-French and Spanish governments to attack Portugal.[135] The limits
-of his command were extended to Cape Finisterre. Before sailing, he
-despatched Nelson up the Mediterranean with two frigates to bring
-off the garrison and stores from Elba, the abandonment of which was
-again ordered. On the 16th he sailed for Lisbon, arriving there on the
-21st; but misfortunes were thickening around his fleet. On the 10th,
-at Gibraltar, during a furious gale, three ships-of-the-line drove
-from their anchors. One was totally lost on the coast of Morocco, and
-another struck so heavily on a rock that she had to be sent to England
-for repairs. Shortly after, a third grounded in Tangiers Bay, and,
-though repaired on the station, was unfit for service in the ensuing
-battle. A fourth, when entering the Tagus in charge of a pilot, was
-run on a shoal and wrecked. Finally, in leaving the river on the 18th
-of January, a ninety-eight-gun ship was run aground and incapacitated.
-This reduced the force with which he then put to sea to seek the enemy
-to ten ships-of-the-line.
-
-Nelson, his most efficient lieutenant, was also nearly lost to him
-on that interesting occasion, when his fearlessness and _coup d'œil_
-mainly contributed to the success achieved. Sailing from Gibraltar on
-the 15th of December, he fought on the 20th a severe action with two
-Spanish frigates, which would have made a chapter in the life of an
-ordinary seaman, but is lost among his other deeds. His prizes were
-immediately recovered by a heavy Spanish squadron, but his own ships
-escaped. On the 26th he reached Porto Ferrajo, and remained a month.
-He was there joined by Elliott, the late viceroy of Corsica, who had
-been in Naples since the evacuation. General De Burgh, commanding the
-garrison, refused to abandon his post without specific orders from
-the government, and as Nelson had only those of Jervis, he confined
-himself to embarking the naval stores. With these and all the ships of
-war he sailed from Elba on the 29th of January, 1797. On the 9th of
-February he reached Gibraltar; and thence, learning that the Spanish
-fleet had repassed the Straits, he hurried on to join the admiral. Just
-out of Gibraltar he was chased by several Spaniards,[136] but escaped
-them, and on the 13th fell in with the fleet. At 6 P. M. of that day
-he went on board his own ship, the "Captain," seventy-four, at whose
-masthead flew his broad pennant[137] during the battle of the following
-day.
-
-The meeting which now took place between the Spanish and British fleets
-was the result of the following movements. Towards the end of 1796
-the Directory, encouraged by Bonaparte's successes and by the Spanish
-alliance, and allured by the promises of disaffected Irish, determined
-on an expedition to Ireland. As the first passage of the troops and
-their subsequent communications would depend upon naval superiority,
-five ships-of-the-line were ordered from Toulon to Brest. This force,
-under Admiral Villeneuve, sailed on the 1st of December, accompanied
-by the Spanish fleet of twenty-six ships, which, since October, had
-remained in Toulon. On the 6th Langara went into Cartagena, leaving
-Villeneuve to himself, and on the 10th the French passed Gibraltar in
-full sight of the British fleet, driving before the easterly gale,
-which then did so much harm to Jervis's squadron and prevented pursuit.
-They did not, however, reach Brest soon enough for the expedition.
-The Spaniards remained in Cartagena nearly two months, during which
-time Admiral Cordova took command; but under urgent pressure from the
-Directory[138] they finally sailed for Cadiz on the 1st of February,
-passing the Straits on the 5th with heavy easterly weather, which
-drove them far to the westward. They numbered now twenty-seven
-ships-of-the-line.
-
-Sir John Jervis, after leaving Lisbon on January 18, 1797, had convoyed
-to the westward some Portuguese merchant ships bound to Brazil, and
-then beaten back towards his station off Cape St. Vincent. On the 6th
-of February he was joined by a re-enforcement of five ships, which were
-sent from England as soon as the scare about Ireland had passed. With
-these fifteen he cruised off the Cape, knowing that he there must meet
-any squadron, from either the Mediterranean or the Atlantic, bound to
-Cadiz. At 5 A.M. of February 14, the frigate "Niger," which had kept
-sight of the Spanish fleet for some days, joined the admiral, and
-informed him that it was probably not more than ten or twelve miles
-distant, to the southward and westward. The wind, which had been strong
-south-easterly for several days, had changed during the night to west
-by south, enabling the Spaniards to head for Cadiz, after the weary
-battling of the past week; but this otherwise fortunate circumstance
-became a very dangerous incident[139] to a large, ill-officered, and
-ill-commanded body of ships, about to meet an enemy so skilful, so
-alert, and so thoroughly drilled as Jervis's comparatively small and
-manageable force. At daybreak, about 6.30, the Spaniards were seen,
-stretching on the horizon from south-west to south in an ill-defined
-body, across the path of the advancing British. Their distance, though
-not stated, was probably not less than fifteen to twenty miles. The
-British fleet being close hauled on the starboard tack, heading from
-south to south by west, while the Spaniards, bound for Cadiz, were
-steering east-south-east, the two courses crossed nearly at right
-angles. At this moment there was a great contrast between the arrays
-presented by the approaching combatants. The British, formed during
-the night in two columns of eight and seven ships respectively,
-elicited the commendation of their exacting chief "for their admirable
-close order."[140] The Spaniards, on the contrary, eager to get to
-port, and in confusion through the night shift of wind and their own
-loose habits of sailing, were broken into two bodies. Of these the
-leading one, as all were sailing nearly before the wind, was most to
-leeward. It was composed of six ships, the interval between which and
-the other twenty-one was probably not less than eight miles. Even
-after the British fleet was seen, no attempt was for some time made
-to remedy this fatal separation; a neglect due partly to professional
-nonchalance and inefficiency, and partly to misinformation concerning
-the enemy's force, which they had heard through a neutral was only nine
-ships-of-the-line.[141]
-
-[Illustration: Battle of Cape St. Vincent, February 14, 1797.]
-
-The weather being hazy and occasionally foggy, some time passed before
-the gradually approaching enemies could clearly see each other. At 9
-A.M. the number and rates of the Spaniards could be made out from the
-masthead of the British flag-ship, so that they were then probably
-distant from twelve to fifteen miles. At half-past nine Jervis sent
-three ships ahead to chase, and a few minutes later supported them
-with three others. This advanced duty enabled these six to take the
-lead in the attack. About ten[142] the fog lifted and disclosed the
-relative situations. The British, still in two columns, were heading
-fair for the gap in the Spanish order. The six lee ships of the latter
-had realized their false position, and were now close to the wind on
-the port tack, heading about north-north-west, in hopes that they could
-rejoin the main body to windward, which still continued its course for
-Cadiz. Jervis then made signal to form a single column, the fighting
-order of battle, and pass through the enemy's line. It soon became
-evident that the lee Spanish ships could not cross the bows of the
-British. For a moment they wavered and bore up to south-east; but soon
-after five of them resumed their north-west course, with the apparent
-purpose of breaking through the hostile line whose advance they had not
-been able to anticipate.[143] The sixth continued to the south-east and
-disappeared.
-
-The weather division of the Spaniards now also saw that it was not
-possible for all its members to effect a junction with the separated
-ships. Three stood on, and crossed the bows of the advancing enemy;
-the remainder hauled up in increasing disorder to the northward,
-steering a course nearly parallel, but directly opposite, to the
-British, and passing their van at long cannon shot. At half-past
-eleven the "Culloden," Captain Troubridge, heading Jervis's column,
-came abreast the leading ships of this body, and opened fire. Sir John
-Jervis now saw secured to him the great desire of commanders-in-chief.
-His own force, in compact fighting order, was interposed between the
-fractions of the enemy, able to deal for a measurable time with either,
-undisturbed by the other. Should he attack the eighteen weather, or
-the eight lee ships, with his own fifteen? With accurate professional
-judgment he promptly decided to assail the larger body; because the
-smaller, having to beat to windward, would be kept out of action longer
-than he could hope if he chose the other alternative. The decision was
-in principle identical with that which determined Nelson's tactics
-at the Nile. The signal was therefore made to tack in succession, in
-pursuit of the weather ships. Troubridge, anticipating the order, had
-already hoisted at the masthead his answering flag of recognition,
-rolled up after the manner of the sea, needing but a turn of the wrist
-to unloose it. Quick as the admiral's signal flew the reply fluttered
-out, and the "Culloden's" sails were already shaking as she luffed up
-into the wind. "Look at Troubridge," shouted Jervis, in exultation:
-"he handles his ship as if the eyes of all England were upon him!
-and would to God they were!" The rear of the Spaniards was just
-passing the "Culloden" as she thus went round. Ship after ship of the
-British line tacked in her wake and stood on in pursuit; while those
-still on the first course, south by west, interposed between the two
-Spanish divisions. Of these the lee, led by a hundred-gun ship under a
-vice-admiral's flag, headed towards Jervis's flag-ship, the "Victory,"
-the seventh in the British order, as though to go through the line
-ahead of her. The "Victory" was too prompt; and the Spaniard, to avoid
-collision, went about close under the British broadsides. In doing
-this he was exposed to and received a raking fire, which drove him out
-of action, accompanied by his consorts. The "Victory," which had backed
-a topsail a moment to aim more accurately, then stood on and tacked in
-the wake of the "Culloden," followed by the rest of the British column.
-
-It was now nearly one o'clock. The action so far had consisted, first,
-in piercing the enemy's line, cutting off the van and greater part
-of the centre from the rear; and, second, in a cannonade between two
-columns passing on opposite parallel courses,—the Spanish main division
-running free, the British close to the wind. Naval history abounds in
-instances of these brushes, and pronounces them commonly indecisive.
-Jervis, who had seen such,[144] meant decisive action when he ordered
-the "Culloden" to tack and follow the enemy. But a stern chase is a
-long chase, and the Spanish ships were fast sailers. Some time must
-pass before Troubridge and his companions could overtake them; and,
-as each succeeding vessel of the British line had to reach the common
-point of tacking, from which the Spaniards were steadily receding,
-the rear of Jervis's fleet must be long in coming up. That it was so
-is proved by the respective losses incurred. It has, therefore, been
-suggested that the admiral would have done well to tack his whole
-fleet, or at least the rear ships together, bringing them in a body on
-the Spanish van. The idea is plausible, but errs by leaving out of the
-calculation the Spanish lee division, which was kept off by the British
-rear ships. Those eight lee ships are apt to be looked on as wholly
-out of the affair; but in fact it was a necessary part of Jervis's
-combination to check them, during the time required to deal with the
-others. Admiral Parker, commanding in the van, speaks expressly of the
-efforts made by the Spanish lee division to annoy him, and of the
-covering action of the British rear.[145]
-
-Thus, one by one, the British ships were changing their course
-from south by west to north-north-east in pursuit of the Spanish
-main division, and the latter was gradually passing to the rear of
-their enemy's original order. When they saw the sea clear to the
-south-east, about one o'clock, they bore up, altering their course
-to east-south-east, hoping to pass behind the British and so join
-the lee division. Fortunately for Jervis, Nelson was in the third
-ship from the rear. Having fully divined his chief's purpose, he saw
-it on the point of defeat, and, without waiting for orders, wore at
-once out of the line, and threw the "Captain," alone, in front of the
-enemy's leading ships. In this well-timed but most daring move, which
-illustrates to the highest degree the immense difference between a
-desperate and a reckless action, Nelson passed to the head of the
-British column, crossing the bows of five large Spanish vessels, and
-then with his seventy-four engaged the "Santisima Trinidad," of one
-hundred and thirty guns, the biggest ship at that time afloat. The
-enemy, apparently dashed by this act of extraordinary temerity, and as
-little under control as a flock of frightened sheep, hauled up in a
-body again to north-north-east, resuming what can only be described as
-their flight.
-
-Their momentary change of course had, however, caused a delay which
-enabled the British leaders to come up. Troubridge in the "Culloden"
-was soon right behind Nelson, to whom he was dear beyond all British
-officers, and three other ships followed in as close array as was
-consistent with the free use of their guns. The Spaniards, never in
-good order, lay before them in confusion, two or three deep, hindering
-one another's fire, and presenting a target that could not easily be
-missed. This closing scene of the battle raged round the rear ships of
-the Spanish main body, and necessarily became a _mêlée_, each British
-captain acting according to his own judgment and the condition of
-his ship. A very distinguished part fell to Collingwood, likewise a
-close associate of Nelson's, whose ship, the "Excellent," had brought
-up the rear of the order. Having, probably from this circumstance,
-escaped serious injury to her spars, she was fully under her captain's
-control, and enabled him to display the courage and skill for which
-he was so eminently distinguished. Passing along the enemy's rear, he
-had compelled one seventy-four to strike, when his eye caught sight
-of Nelson's ship lying disabled on the starboard side, and within
-pistol shot, of the "San Nicolas," a Spanish eighty; "her foretopmast
-and wheel shot away, not a sail, shroud, or rope, left,"[146] and
-being fired upon by five hostile ships. With every sail set he pressed
-ahead, passing between the "Captain" and her nearest enemy, brushing
-the latter at a distance of ten feet, and pouring in one of those
-broadsides of which he used to assure his practised crew that, if
-they could fire three in five minutes, no vessel could resist them.
-The "San Nicolas," either intentionally or from the helmsman being
-killed, luffed and fell on board the "San Josef," a ship of one hundred
-and twelve guns, while the "Excellent," continuing her course, left
-the ground again clear for Nelson. The latter, seeing the "Captain"
-powerless for continued manœuvre, put the helm to starboard; the
-British ship came up to the wind, fetched over to the "San Nicolas,"
-and grappled her. Nelson, having his men ready on deck, rushed at their
-head on board the Spaniard, drove her crew below, and captured her. The
-"San Josef," which was fast to the "San Nicolas" on the other side,
-now opened a fire of musketry; but the commodore, first stationing
-sentinels to prevent the "San Nicolas's" men regaining their deck,
-called upon his own ship for a re-enforcement, with which he boarded
-the three-decker and carried her also. On her quarter-deck, surrounded
-by his followers still hot from the fight, he received the swords of
-the Spanish officers.
-
-This dramatic ending to the distinguished part played by him, and
-the promptitude of his previous action, by which, while assuming a
-great responsibility, he saved the success of the day, have made
-Nelson the most striking figure in the battle of Cape St. Vincent;
-or, as it is sometimes called, of St. Valentine's Day. This splendid
-movement of his genius in no way detracts from the credit due to the
-commander-in-chief; as it was no lessening of Nelson's own fame that
-the leader of the van at the Nile conceived on the moment the happy
-thought of passing inside the French line. To Jervis alone belongs
-the honor of attacking such heavy odds, as well as of the correct
-and sufficient combination by which he hoped to snatch victory from
-superior numbers. He was happy, indeed, in having such a lieutenant,
-so right a man in so right a place, and at so critical a moment; but
-the whole responsibility and the whole original plan was his, and no
-man can take it from him. To him, too, was primarily due the admirable
-efficiency of his fleet, which removed from his enterprise the reproach
-of rashness to bestow upon it the praise of daring. A yet higher meed
-of glory is due to this bold admiral. As the dull morning light showed
-him the two fleets, he was heard to say, "A victory is very essential
-to England at this moment." Honor to the chief who can rise above his
-own anxieties and his local responsibilities to think of the needs of
-his country, and who is willing to risk his own reputation to support
-her credit.
-
-Four Spanish ships were now in the possession of the British, and the
-great "Santisima Trinidad" was without fore or mizzen mast,—some said
-she had struck; but the lee division of the enemy was at last coming
-up, and many of the weather were still uninjured. Jervis, therefore,
-about four in the afternoon formed his fleet in line on the starboard
-tack, interposing it between the enemy and his prizes. This ended
-the battle. It has been thought that further pursuit of a fleet so
-disgracefully beaten would have increased the British triumph; but
-Jervis was not the man to risk a substantial success, securely held,
-for a doubtful further gain. The victory essential to Great Britain
-was won; the worthlessness of the Spanish navy was revealed,—it could
-no longer be accounted a factor in the political situation. In the
-opinion of the author, Jervis was right not to expose this, the great
-and attained result of Valentine's Day, to those chances of mishap that
-cannot be excluded from the operations of war.
-
-Among the numerous rewards bestowed for this action, the admiral was
-advanced to the peerage as Earl St. Vincent, while upon Nelson was
-bestowed the then distinguished honor of Knight of the Bath. On the
-20th of February he was made a rear-admiral. The captains of the fleet
-received medals, and the senior lieutenant of each ship was promoted.
-
-Jervis had well said that Great Britain was then in essential need
-of a victory; and never was one better timed for political effect.
-Deep gloom prevailed throughout the country, and in every quarter the
-horizon was black with clouds, when, on the 3d of March, the bearer
-of the dispatches reached the admiralty. Since Bonaparte had seized
-the line of the Adige and cut off Mantua, three distinct attempts
-had been made by the Austrians in superior force to dislodge him
-and relieve the city; and in all three they had been beaten with
-heavy loss. The news was but lately come that Mantua had capitulated,
-leaving Bonaparte free to assume the offensive and advance, as he
-shortly did. The British fleet had been forced to abandon Corsica and
-the Mediterranean. Peace negotiations, begun with the republic, had
-ended by the British envoy being peremptorily ordered to leave France
-in forty-eight hours; and although the government had not expected a
-favorable issue, the effect on the people was disheartening. Consols
-fell to 51, a depression greater than any reached during the American
-Revolution.[147] The expedition of the French against Ireland had
-indeed failed; but so little share had the Channel fleet borne in
-their defeat, that the country was forced to ascribe to the direct
-interposition of Divine Providence a deliverance, which it would have
-preferred to see wrought through the instrumentality of the navy. That
-trusted arm of the national defence seemed palsied in every quarter.
-Finally, among the greater of many discouraging circumstances, specie
-payments were stopped by the Bank of England on the 26th of February,
-in obedience to an order of the government. The profuse subsidies paid
-to continental states, and the demands for coin to meet the expenses
-of the navy in all parts of the world, were the chief causes of a
-drain against which the bank directors had frequently remonstrated
-during two years as threatening ruin. To these causes for scarcity was
-added at this time another, temporary in its character and arising in
-great part from loss of confidence in the navy's efficiency,—the fear,
-namely, of invasion. People had begun to call for and to hoard coin
-against an evil day. Such was the outlook as Jervis's captain posted
-from Falmouth, where he landed, to London, keeping the secret of his
-good news within his breast. The frigate which had borne him went on to
-Plymouth with the viceroy of Corsica, returning with his suite from his
-lost principality. When they landed on the 5th of March, news had just
-reached the town of the suspension of cash payments, and, as they told
-of the great achievement off Cape St. Vincent, people at first refused
-to believe that the tide had turned. They were expecting to hear of
-a junction between the French and Spanish fleets, and an approaching
-invasion. So great was the financial panic, that fifteen guineas
-were with difficulty collected among government officials to pay the
-expenses of Elliott's journey to London.[148]
-
-The revulsion was great, and was proved by the profusion with which
-rewards were distributed. The Spanish navy had been but a bugbear,
-but as a bugbear it was great. The veil that covered its rottenness
-was stripped away, and at the same time were revealed to the nation,
-which feared it had no naval chiefs, the striking and brilliant figures
-of Jervis and Nelson. In vain did the Opposition, in the true spirit
-of faction, seek to turn men's eyes from the brilliant achievements
-of the warriors to the imbecility affirmed of the government, which
-had opposed fifteen ships to twenty-seven. Thinking men realized
-that the administration could not be held responsible for Mann's
-unauthorized return at Christmas-tide, nor for the extraordinary
-series of misfortunes by which five more of the Mediterranean fleet
-were in one short month incapacitated. They saw, too, that no popular
-government would have dared to replace Mann's ships so long as the fate
-of Ireland, then in the balance, was uncertain. But most men did not
-care to think. It was enough for them that fifteen British ships had
-dashed into the midst of twenty-seven enemies, had collared and dragged
-out four of the biggest and severely handled the rest. It was enough
-to hear that the crew of one British seventy-four, headed by a man
-whom few out of the navy yet knew, had, sword in hand, carried first a
-Spanish eighty and then another of one hundred and twelve guns. With
-such men to rule the fleet, and with Pitt at the helm of state, they
-thanked God and took courage. Speculation is often futile; yet it is
-hard to see how the country could have borne the approaching crisis of
-the mutinies, on top of its other troubles, had not the fear of the
-Spanish navy been removed and the hope of better naval leaders been
-afforded. That the hope was well founded is no speculation. With St.
-Vincent began a series of victories and achievements which have thrown
-the great deeds of earlier years into undeserved obscurity.
-
-Immediately after the battle the Spanish fleet entered Cadiz, and
-Jervis returned to Lisbon to refit his ships. On the 31st of March,
-having received further re-enforcements, he left Lisbon with twenty-one
-ships-of-the-line and took position off Cadiz, where the Spaniards
-had twenty-six of the same class. After cruising for six weeks under
-sail, he anchored the fleet for a long blockade, and this disposition
-continued with little intermission for two years,—until May, 1799,
-when the successful sortie of Admiral Bruix from Brest, related in
-another place,[149] and the consequent chase by the British blockading
-force, gave the Spaniards the opportunity to slip out. This tedious
-watching was unfruitful in events of military interest; but the burden
-of the commander-in-chief was increased by the spirit of mutiny,
-rife throughout the whole period, which triumphed temporarily in the
-Channel and North Sea fleets, and was by Jervis kept down only by a
-stern vigilance of which few but he were capable. Stamped out time
-and again by his unflinching energy, it was continually renewed by
-the fresh ships sent out from home, under officers of temper inferior
-to his captains, and with seamen who knew not yet by experience
-the indomitable will which they sought to bend. Execution followed
-execution; but never once did the old man's courage quail nor his
-determination falter. Seaman and officer alike were made to feel that
-while his flag flew his authority should prevail; and with such
-backing the officers showed themselves incapable of the weaknesses too
-often manifested in the home ports.[150] It is probable too that a
-strong nucleus of support existed among the crews that fought at St.
-Vincent,—due to admiration for the admiral himself, and for Nelson,
-Collingwood, Troubridge, Saumarez and others, who there distinguished
-themselves.
-
-While these various events were transpiring at sea, from the evacuation
-of Corsica to the battle of St. Vincent, Bonaparte in Italy was still
-holding the line of the Adige and blockading Mantua. His posture
-therefore was essentially one of defence. The vigor and sagacity with
-which he resorted to offensive movements the instant the enemy drew
-down from the Tyrol to attack him, and the brilliant character of the
-victories won by him, obscure to most the fact that he was really on
-the defensive; holding on, amid risks and discouragements, to the
-conquests already made, and unable to attempt more until Mantua fell.
-The glories of Castiglione, Arcola, Rivoli, conceal this crucial
-feature of his situation, and the consequently important bearing of the
-presence of the British fleet, encouraging the dispositions of Naples
-and the Pope, which were distinctly hostile to the French. Nothing less
-than Bonaparte's energy and genius could have grappled successfully
-with such a situation; and his correspondence betrays his fear that, by
-the co-operation of the fleet, these dangers in the rear might become
-too great even for him. When Mantua capitulated on the 2d of February,
-Bonaparte turned first upon the Pope, whom he accused of violating the
-armistice concluded the previous June. His Holiness at once submitted,
-and on the 19th of February signed a peace, abandoning his right to
-his northern provinces,—Bologna, Ferrara and the Romagna,—and ceding
-to France, until the end of the war, Ancona, a good seaport on the
-Adriatic.
-
-On the 10th of March, having completed all the dispositions that seemed
-necessary to secure his rear, Bonaparte advanced against the Austrians.
-The young Archduke Charles, whom the campaign of 1796 on the Danube
-had revealed to Europe as gifted with military talents of a very high
-order, had been sent to oppose him; but it was too late to resist on
-the plains of Italy, or even on the Italian side of the mountains. The
-French crossed the Tagliamento on March 16, and pushed up through the
-gorges of that stream and of the Isonzo into the eastern Alps. On the
-23d Trieste was occupied. The Archduke retired continuously, barely
-disputing difficult positions with the enemy. His mind was fixed not to
-fight until he had drawn the French far into Germany, and had collected
-his own resources,—a decision whose wisdom Bonaparte sealed with his
-own commendation. "If the enemy had committed the folly of awaiting
-me," he wrote to the Directory, "I should have beaten them; but if they
-had continued to fall back, had joined a part of their forces from the
-Rhine, and had overwhelmed me, then retreat would have been difficult,
-and the loss of the Army of Italy might entail that of the republic. We
-must not shut our eyes to the fact that, though our military position
-was brilliant, we have not simply dictated the conditions."[151] Italy,
-too, was fermenting behind him. The moral effect, however, of this
-unopposed advance through the mountains of Carinthia brought the House
-of Austria to terms; and on the 18th of April preliminaries of peace
-were signed at Leoben, only sixty miles from Vienna. Though the formal
-treaty was not concluded until six months later, this transaction
-marked, for that time, the end of hostilities between Austria and
-France, which had then lasted five years,—from April, 1792, to April,
-1797.
-
-The preliminaries of Leoben stipulated a mutual cessation of
-hostilities between the republic and the emperor, and extended this
-provision to all the states of the German Empire, as well as to the
-particular dominions of the emperor himself. Austria surrendered
-definitively the Netherlands (Belgium), and "recognized the limits of
-France as decreed by the laws of the French Republic." In this phrase
-was imbedded the rock upon which negotiations with Great Britain split.
-The republic, on its part, undertook to furnish to the emperor at the
-final peace a "just and suitable compensation" for the provinces he
-lost.
-
-The "suitable compensation," thus mysteriously alluded to, was defined
-in the "secret preliminary agreements," contracted at the same moment.
-It was furnished by depriving the republic of Venice, with which
-Bonaparte had reasons for serious discontent, of all its possessions on
-the mainland of Italy, as well as of Istria and Dalmatia on the east
-coast of the Adriatic. The provinces thus taken were divided: Austria
-receiving all east of the Oglio and north of the Po, with Istria and
-Dalmatia. The country between the Oglio and the Adda, previously owned
-by Venice, was taken to constitute a new, independent republic; into
-which were also incorporated all possessions of Austria west of the
-Oglio conquered by the French in the recent campaign. This was to be
-known as the Cisalpine Republic. Thus the lords of the Adriatic were
-shorn of their glory, and brought to the brink of the precipice from
-which, six months later, at the final peace, the Corsican conqueror
-hurled them headlong. For the moment there were spared to them their
-ancient city and the Ionian Islands; and the legations of Bologna,
-Ferrara, and the Romagna, taken from the Pope, were given to them,—a
-like transient possession.
-
-Such, in brief outline, were the principal terms of the preliminaries
-of Leoben. The great and significant feature does not ostensibly appear
-among the articles. Bonaparte, in diplomacy, had achieved the great
-end at which he aimed in his plans of campaign. He had separated his
-enemies. "The French Republic," wrote he, "in granting at Leoben
-preliminaries so advantageous to his Imperial Majesty, had as its
-principal end the conclusion of a _separate peace_ with his Majesty,
-in order to be in a position to turn all its forces against England,
-and oblige her to a prompt peace." He alone made and signed the
-preliminaries, and this quotation gives the strategy and policy of his
-life in a nutshell.[152] The crucial fact at Leoben was that Austria
-then, as Sardinia a year before, treated alone,—without her ally. This
-Great Britain, to her honor, absolutely refused to do in 1796, and as
-long as her ally stood by her. There is, of course, a great difference
-between the position of a state which finds a victorious enemy in the
-heart of its territories, and that of an island empire; and great
-allowance must be made for Austria, even though the calm retrospect of
-history sees that she failed rightly to appreciate the extreme hazard
-of Bonaparte's situation. But this allowance merely emphasizes the
-important truth, that the imposing attitude maintained by Great Britain
-throughout this tremendous contest depended absolutely and wholly upon
-the control of the sea,—upon Sea-Power.
-
- NOTE.—It now only remains to be seen how, when insubordination,
- and accompanied by villany of this magnitude, did make its open
- appearance, Lord St. Vincent dealt with it. A remarkable occasion
- will be mentioned, not indeed the first outbreak of mutiny,
- nor its last effort, but that one which excited the greatest
- sensation in the fleet,—that which came with most untoward
- circumstances,—that of which the enforcement of the penalty had,
- in Lord St. Vincent's opinion, the most salutary effect.
-
- * * * * *
-
- No sooner had Sir Roger Curtis arrived, than applications came to
- the commander-in-chief for courts-martial on mutineers from three
- of those ships,—the "Marlborough," the "Lion," and the "Centaur."
- Selection will be made of the sequel to the "Marlborough."
-
- As the squadron approached, and before the request for a
- court-martial, this ship being known to the commander-in-chief
- to have been among the most disorganized at Spithead had been
- ordered to take her berth in the centre, at a small distance from
- the rest of the fleet. It, however, had so happened that a very
- violent mutiny in her had broken out at Beerhaven, and again
- during the passage, which had been suppressed by the officers,
- but chiefly by the first lieutenant. The very object too of this
- mutiny was to protect the life of a seaman who had forfeited it
- by a capital crime. A court-martial on the principal mutineers
- was immediately assembled; and one was no sooner sentenced to die
- than the commander-in-chief ordered him to be executed on the
- following morning, "_and by the crew of the 'Marlborough' alone,
- no part of the boats' crews from the other ships, as had been
- usual on similar occasions, to assist in the punishment_,"—his
- Lordship's invariable order on the execution of mutineers. On
- the receipt of the necessary commands for this execution, the
- captain of the "Marlborough," Captain Ellison, waited upon
- the commander-in-chief, and reminding his Lordship that a
- determination that their shipmates should not suffer capital
- punishment had been the very cause of the ship's company's mutiny,
- expressed his conviction that the "Marlborough's" crew would never
- permit the man to be hanged on board that ship.
-
- Receiving the captain on the "Ville de Paris'" quarter-deck,
- before the officers and ship's company, hearkening in breathless
- silence to what passed, and standing with his hat in his hand
- over his head, as was his Lordship's invariable custom during the
- whole time that any person, whatever were his rank, even a common
- seaman, addressed him on service, Lord St. Vincent listened very
- attentively till the captain ceased to speak; and then, after a
- pause, replied,—
-
- "What do you mean to tell me, Captain Ellison, that you cannot
- _command_ his Majesty's ship the 'Marlborough'? for if that is the
- case, sir, I will immediately send on board an officer who can."
-
- The captain then requested that, at all events, the boats' crews
- from the rest of the fleet might, as always had been customary in
- the service, on executions, attend at this also, to haul the man
- up; for he really did not expect the "Marlborough's" would do it.
-
- Lord St. Vincent sternly answered: "Captain Ellison, you are an
- old officer, sir, have served long, suffered severely in the
- service, and have lost an arm in action, and I should be very
- sorry that any advantage should be now taken of your advanced
- years. That man _shall be_ hanged, at eight o'clock to-morrow
- morning, _and by his own ship's company_: for not a hand from any
- other ship in the fleet shall touch the rope. You will now return
- on board, sir; and, lest you should not prove able to command your
- ship, an officer will be at hand to you who can."
-
- Without another word Captain Ellison instantly retired. After
- he had reached his ship, he received orders to cause her guns
- to be housed and secured, and that at daybreak in the morning
- her ports should be lowered. A general order then issued to the
- fleet for all launches to rendezvous under the "Prince" at seven
- o'clock on the following morning, armed with carronades and twelve
- rounds of ammunition for service; each launch to be commanded
- by a lieutenant, having an expert and trusty gunners'-mate and
- four quarter-gunners, exclusive of the launch's crew; the whole
- to be under the command of Captain Campbell, of the "Blenheim."
- The written orders to the captain will appear in their place.
- On presenting them, Lord St. Vincent said, 'he was to attend
- the execution, and if any symptoms of mutiny appeared in the
- "Marlborough," any attempt to open her ports, or any resistance
- to the hanging of the prisoner, he was to proceed close touching
- the ship, and to fire into her, and to continue his fire until
- all mutiny or resistance should cease; and that, should it become
- absolutely necessary, he should even sink the ship in face of the
- fleet.'
-
- Accordingly, at seven the next morning, all the launches, thus
- armed, proceeded from the "Prince" to the "Blenheim," and thence,
- Captain Campbell having assumed the command, to the "Marlborough."
-
- Having lain on his oars a short time alongside, the captain then
- formed his force in a line athwart her bows, at rather less than
- pistol-shot distance off, and then he ordered the tompions to be
- taken out of the carronades, and to load.
-
- At half-past seven, the hands throughout the fleet having been
- turned up to witness punishment, the eyes of all bent upon a
- powerfully armed boat as it quitted the flag-ship; every one
- knowing that there went the provost-marshal conducting his
- prisoner to the "Marlborough" for execution. The crisis was come;
- now was to be seen whether the "Marlborough's" crew would hang one
- of their own men.
-
- The ship being in the centre between the two lines of the fleet,
- the boat was soon alongside, and the man was speedily placed on
- the cathead and haltered. A few awful minutes of universal silence
- followed, which was at last broken by the watch-bells of the fleet
- striking eight o'clock. Instantly the flag-ship's gun fired, and
- at the sound the man was lifted well off; but then, and visibly
- to all, he dropped back again; and the sensation throughout the
- fleet was intense. For, at this dreadful moment, when the eyes
- of every man in every ship were straining upon this execution,
- as the decisive struggle between authority and mutiny, as if it
- were destined that the whole fleet should see the hesitating
- unwillingness of the "Marlborough's" crew to hang their rebel,
- and the efficacy of the means taken to enforce obedience,
- by an accident on board the ship the men at the yard-rope
- unintentionally let it slip, and the turn of the balance seemed
- calamitously lost; but then they hauled him up to the yard-arm
- with a run,—the law was satisfied, and, said Lord St. Vincent at
- the moment, perhaps one of the greatest of his life, "Discipline
- is preserved, sir!"
-
- When the sentence was executed, and not any disturbance appeared,
- that it might be again made perceptible to all the fleet that
- abundant force had been provided to overpower any resistance
- which a line-of-battle ship could offer, Captain Campbell broke
- his line, and rowing down, placed his launches as close alongside
- the "Marlborough" as their oars would permit; and then re-forming
- them, resumed his station across her bows, continuing there until
- the time for the body's hanging having expired, it was taken
- down, sewed up as is usual in its own hammock with a shot, and
- was carried in one of the "Marlborough's" boats to half a mile
- from the ship, and sunk; upon which, Captain Campbell withdrew his
- force, and the "Marlborough's" signal was made to take her station
- in the line.
-
- This was the fatal blow to the mutiny in the fleet before Cadiz;
- not that violent insubordination, treasonable conspiracies, and
- open resistances did not again and again occur, to be as often
- and as instantaneously quelled; for the ships were many that were
- sent out from England, several arrived in almost open mutiny, and
- they brought a profusion of infection to the rest. The dreadful
- sentence was again and again inflicted, and in all cases of
- insubordination the crews were invariably the executioners of
- their own rebels; but never again was the power of the law doubted
- by any one.—_Tucker's Memoirs of Earl St. Vincent_, vol. i. pp.
- 303-309.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IX.
-
-THE MEDITERRANEAN IN 1797 AND 1798.
-
-BONAPARTE'S EGYPTIAN EXPEDITION.—THE RETURN OF THE BRITISH TO THE
-MEDITERRANEAN AND THE BATTLE OF THE NILE.—GREAT BRITAIN RESUMES CONTROL
-OF THE MEDITERRANEAN, AND THE SECOND COALITION IS FORMED.
-
-
-The Preliminaries of Leoben silenced the strife of arms and permitted
-all eyes to turn to the field of diplomacy, upon which, for the twelve
-months following, the interest of Europe was chiefly fixed. Moreau
-and Hoche, commanding the two armies of France upon the Rhine, had
-crossed the river, to enter upon a campaign in Germany, at the very
-moment when Bonaparte was signing the articles. On the 22d of April,
-a courier, bearing news of the suspension of hostilities, arrived at
-the headquarters of each general, and put an immediate stop to their
-advance. War continued only upon the sea, between Great Britain and the
-nations allied with France against her.
-
-The confidence of the Directory had grown with each successive
-victory of Bonaparte, and had induced a tone in their transactions
-with foreign governments which the latter looked upon as arrogant, if
-not presumptuous. Yielding to politic considerations of effect upon
-popular opinion, Pitt had sent to France, in October, 1796, a practised
-diplomatist, Lord Malmesbury, to treat for peace. The terms proposed
-by Great Britain were substantially a restitution of conquests on
-both sides. If France would give back to the emperor the Netherlands
-and Lombardy, Great Britain, who had lost nothing of her own, would
-return to France her possessions in the East and West Indies, as well
-as in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, with the _status ante bellum_ of the
-fisheries. As regards the colonies taken from Holland, the disposition
-would be to restore them, if the government of the stadtholder were
-replaced; but if the republic set up by the assistance of French arms
-were maintained, Great Britain and the emperor, from whom the former
-refused to dissociate herself, would insist upon indemnification
-elsewhere for the injury thus done to their political position in
-Europe. With these understandings as a basis, the British government
-would be willing to enter upon negotiations for a general peace; to
-which it expressly required that Russia and Portugal, as well as the
-emperor, should be admitted. The French government replied that Great
-Britain had no authority to speak here for her allies; and further,
-that to cede territory which had been incorporated by the edicts of the
-Convention, as the Netherlands had, was inconsistent with the organic
-law of the republic. This latter plea was treated by the British
-government as trifling; no negotiation to close a war could go on,
-if results, favorable to one party, were secluded from discussion by
-the _ægis_ of its constitution. As the case stood, France and Great
-Britain were both conquerors; the chief allies of each were losers.
-Great Britain proposed that each should surrender its winnings for
-the benefit of its allies. France refused, because its conquests
-were now part of the national territory, and as such inalienable.
-Taking exception, moreover, to delays caused by Malmesbury's frequent
-references to his government for instructions, the Directory, on the
-20th of December, ordered him to leave Paris, within the not very civil
-space of forty-eight hours.
-
-Similar cavalier treatment was at the same time experienced by the
-United States. Our government, after the maritime war began, had
-frequent disputes with both belligerents,—concerning the treatment
-of American ships by the British and French cruisers,—the protection
-of enemies' goods by the neutral flag,—the stipulations of Jay's
-treaty of commerce and navigation, in 1794, regarded by France as
-unduly favorable to Great Britain,—and the attitude of the United
-States towards French privateers, which were at first allowed and
-afterwards forbidden to sell prizes in her ports. These difficulties
-were fundamentally due to the fact that, the United States having
-practically no navy, neither belligerent felt under any bonds to
-respect her rights. To Great Britain, however, friendly relations
-were important on account of trade interests; while France, having no
-merchant ships, found an advantage in using Americans as carriers,
-and their ports as bases from which her cruisers could harass British
-commerce. The former of these benefits Great Britain curtailed by the
-claim that enemy's goods were, by international law, seizable under
-a neutral flag. The United States admitted this, and also, in the
-interests of her own peace and neutrality, declined longer to favor
-French commerce-destroying. Mutual discontent followed, and resulted
-in the recall of the French embassy from America, in November, 1796.
-At the same time President Washington, being dissatisfied with Munroe,
-the minister at Paris, removed him. When the latter, on the 30th
-of December, took his leave, the President of the Directory made a
-speech, highly complimentary to him personally, but offensive to the
-United States government; and evinced, as President Adams justly said,
-"a disposition to separate the people of the United States from the
-government, and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace." The
-same theory of the divergent interests of rulers and people, with
-which the French republic started on its self-imposed mission forcibly
-to regenerate ancient despotisms, was thus impartially applied to
-the free American people under the government of their chosen and
-beloved fellow-citizen, Washington. The Directory refused to receive
-Pinckney, the new envoy from the United States. He remained in Paris,
-unrecognized, for a month; but the morning after hearing of the
-victory of Rivoli, the Directory ordered him to leave France.
-
-By a somewhat singular coincidence, while the republic was thus
-embroiling itself with the two chief maritime states, a change of
-rulers took place in Russia; which, if not strictly a maritime power,
-was yet well placed, through her preponderance on the Baltic, to affect
-the naval interests of the world. The Empress Catherine II. died on
-the 17th of November, 1796, when about to conclude an agreement with
-the courts of London and Vienna to abandon her rather passive attitude
-of hostility towards France, and send an army of sixty thousand men to
-the support of Austria. Her successor, Paul I., allowed this treaty
-to drop, and resumed a bearing of cold watchfulness, until Bonaparte,
-by the seizure of Malta, and the Directory by a threat of war if
-commerce were permitted between his empire and Great Britain, drove his
-half-insane temper into open hostilities. But this was a year later.
-
-These events at the end of 1796 coincided in time with the close
-alliance of the republic with Spain and Holland and its formal treaties
-of peace with the Italian states. By these and by the preliminaries of
-Leoben were defined the external relations of France in April, 1797.
-At the same moment her internal condition became alarming. The time
-had come to choose new members to replace one third of each body of
-the legislature; and the elections, still influenced by the memory
-of the Terror, resulted in the return of so many reactionaries as
-to give these a majority in both houses, especially in the lower.
-The latter at once showed its spirit by electing for speaker, by a
-large majority, General Pichegru, who was in open quarrel with the
-Directory; and followed up this significant act by a series of measures
-calculated to thwart the executive power and enfeeble its action. The
-opposition between the legislature and the Directory grew more and
-more pronounced throughout the summer months; but the reactionists
-failed to read aright the signs of the times. They allowed themselves,
-by the machinations of the royalists and through injudicious acts of
-their own, to seem enemies of republican government, which aroused the
-anxiety of Hoche, commanding the army of the Sambre and Meuse; and
-they directly brought into question the conduct of Bonaparte towards
-Venice, thus stirring up the more personal and violent enmity of the
-brilliant conqueror of Italy. The legislature thus found itself opposed
-by the two generals who stood highest in public esteem as essential
-to the safety of France, and who, each according to his own nature,
-transmitted his feelings to the troops under his command, and prepared
-them for a _coup d'état_. Inflammatory speeches and toasts prevailed
-throughout the armies, to which the republic was dear rather as a name
-than as a reality, and they were easily led to think that the two
-houses were contemplating a return to royalty.
-
-The majority of the Directory, half-believing the same thing, and
-chafed by an opposition which seriously hampered the working of the
-government, were ready for violent measures. Two of its members,
-however, were not prepared for such action; and one of these, Carnot,
-the organizer of the republic's early victories, was then serving his
-turn as president of the Directory. Unknown to him the three plotters
-matured their scheme, and called upon Bonaparte to send them Augereau,
-the most revolutionary of the generals in Italy, to direct the troops
-in such forcible proceedings as might be necessary. Upon his arrival
-he was made commandant of the military division of Paris, despite the
-opposition of Carnot. The latter's presidency expired on the 24th of
-August, and he was succeeded by one of the conspirators. On the night
-of September 3d Augereau surrounded the castle and garden of the
-Tuileries with twelve thousand troops and forty cannon, driving out
-the legislators who were then there, together with their guard. The
-Directory ordered the arrest, by its own guard, of the two members
-not in the plot. Carnot escaped into Switzerland; but Barthélemi,
-their other colleague, was seized. The next day the members of the
-two houses who had not been imprisoned met and passed a resolution,
-invalidating a number of the recent elections, and exiling to Cayenne
-the two directors and fifty-three representatives. The legislature,
-thus purged, was brought into harmony with the executive. An address
-was next issued to the departments and to the armies, declaring that
-the country had been invaded and disorganized by the Counter-Revolution
-and that patriotism, with the social and public virtues, had taken
-refuge with the armies. "In this," says a republican historian, "there
-was unhappily some truth. The middle class had become reactionary or
-inert; the populace now intervened but little in political movements;
-active democracy scarcely showed itself out of the armies. But if
-armies can defend liberty, they cannot put it in practice and maintain
-its life when abandoned by civil society. The revolution just effected
-with the consent of the soldiery was leading to another revolution
-to be effected by and for the soldiers."[153] The 18th of Fructidor,
-1797, was the logical forerunner of the 18th of Brumaire, 1799, when
-Bonaparte seized the reins of government.
-
-The strife between the Directory and the legislature kept all Europe
-in suspense; for its result would profoundly affect the course of
-existing discussions. The emperor, repenting of his precipitation at
-Leoben, kept holding off from a final treaty, seeking to introduce
-Great Britain as a party to the deliberations. This Bonaparte
-indignantly refused; for it would defeat his principal aim of separate
-negotiations. Pitt, more desirous than before of peace, again sent
-Malmesbury. The Directory kept him dancing attendance at Lille, the
-appointed place of meeting, during its struggle with the Councils.
-It made several demands most unlikely to be conceded, and upon these
-prolonged a discussion, to which the ministry, who now really wished
-a favorable termination, patiently submitted. A week after the _coup
-d'état_ the French negotiators were recalled, and in their place were
-sent others, who immediately upon arrival demanded of the British
-ambassador whether he had "powers to restore to France and its allies
-_all_ the possessions which since the beginning of the war have passed
-into the hands of the English." An answer was required in the course
-of the same day. Malmesbury coolly replied that he neither could, nor
-ought to, treat on any other principle than that of compensations.
-The French envoys then sent him orders from the Directory to return
-within twenty-four hours to his Court and get powers to make those
-restorations. This, of course, put an end to the conference, and the
-war went on for four years more.
-
-During these eventful months Bonaparte, already the most influential
-man in the nation through his hold upon men's imaginations, was
-ripening projects deeply affecting the control of the sea and the
-future direction to be given the gigantic efforts of which France had
-shown herself capable. On the 5th of April, under his management, there
-had been concluded with the king of Sardinia, subject to ratification
-by the Directory, a treaty of offensive and defensive alliance, to
-which was prefixed a secret article ceding to France the island of
-Sardinia upon condition of compensation on the continent.[154] Soon
-after, however, events occurred which opened to his penetrating genius
-a more satisfactory combination. During his invasion of Carinthia the
-people in his rear, throughout the possessions of Venice on the Italian
-mainland, rose against the French, massacring several hundred soldiers
-who fell into their hands. This gave him a pretext for disposing of
-these territories, as already stated,[155] in the secret articles of
-Leoben, and at the same time drew from him the sinister prediction that
-the government of Venice, shut up to its small island, would not be
-of long duration.[156] On the 2d of May, having returned to Italy, he
-issued a proclamation,[157] setting forth his many causes of complaint
-for the commotions excited in his rear, endangering the army "then
-plunged in the gorges of Styria." He ordered the French minister to
-leave Venice, all Venetian agents to quit Lombardy and the Venetian
-possessions, and the French general to treat the troops of the republic
-as enemies, and to tear down her standard throughout the mainland.
-
-This declaration of war was followed, on the 16th of May, by the
-abdication of the ancient oligarchy in favor of a provisional
-government, which requested the presence of a French division in the
-city to maintain order during the transition period. This Bonaparte
-granted, sending five thousand men, and observing cynically in his
-despatch to the Directory that it would thus be possible to avoid the
-odium attendant upon the execution of the secret preliminaries with
-Austria, and at the same time to quiet the clamors of Europe; since
-"it is apparent that the occupation is only temporary and at the
-demand of the Venetians themselves."[158] Ten days later he despatched
-General Gentili, recalled from Corsica, to Corfu with some two thousand
-troops, directing him to secure his hold both upon the islands and the
-Venetian squadron lying there, but always to act as though supporting
-the Venetian commissioners who were to accompany him. "If the islanders
-incline to independence," wrote he, "flatter them, and talk about
-Greece, Athens, and Sparta."[159] To the Venetian government he wrote
-that the expedition was sent to second its commissioners; and on the
-same day to the Directory, that Corfu ought to be irrevocably possessed
-by the French. "The island of Malta," he added, "is of the utmost
-importance to us.... Why should not our fleet seize it before entering
-the Atlantic? That little island is priceless to us. Secret articles
-with the king of Sardinia stipulate for us the occupation of the little
-islands of San Pietro. Now is the moment to fortify them;"[160] for the
-British Mediterranean fleet was before Cadiz, and the Channel fleet in
-full mutiny.
-
-Four months later Bonaparte again wrote, "With San Pietro, Corfu,
-and Malta, we shall be masters of the whole Mediterranean."[161]
-"The islands of Corfu, Zante, and Cephalonia are of more consequence
-to us than all Italy. If we had to choose, better restore Italy to
-the emperor and keep the four islands.... The empire of the Turks
-crumbles daily. The possession of the four islands will enable us to
-sustain it, or to take our share. The time is not far distant when we
-shall feel that, truly to destroy England, we must take possession
-of Egypt. The vast Ottoman Empire, which is perishing daily, puts on
-us the obligation to take means for the preservation of our Levant
-trade."[162] "If at the peace we have to consent to the cession of the
-Cape of Good Hope to England, we should seize Egypt. That country has
-never belonged to a European nation. It does not now belong to the
-Grand Turk. We could leave here with twenty-five thousand men, convoyed
-by eight or ten ships-of-the-line, and take possession of it. I wish
-you would inquire, Citizen Minister, what effect upon the Porte would
-result from our expedition to Egypt."[163] "Our occupation of Corfu and
-the other islands entails relations with the pashas of Albania. These
-are well affected to the French. In vain should we seek to sustain the
-Turkish Empire; we shall see its fall in our day. Corfu and Zante give
-us mastery of the Adriatic and the Levant."[164] In these quotations,
-which could be multiplied, is seen the genesis of the great Egyptian
-expedition, to which, until it was carried into effect, Bonaparte
-recurred again and again with the persistency characteristic of his
-conceptions.
-
-While he was thus employed, on the one hand flattering Venice with
-the hope of continued national existence, and on the other treating
-with Austria for her extinction and a division of the spoil, in which
-France was to have the Ionian Islands and the Venetian navy,[165]—while
-Malmesbury was negotiating at Lille, and the Directory was in bitter
-conflict with the Councils,—there was painfully sailing for England,
-crippled and suffering, the man who was destined to dispel the gorgeous
-dreams of Eastern achievement which filled Bonaparte's brain, and to
-shatter the French navy,—the all-essential link which alone could knit
-together these diverse maritime possessions, the one foundation upon
-which stood the whole projected fabric of Mediterranean control. During
-the wearing times of the Cadiz blockade, Lord St. Vincent, aware how
-much the listlessness of such inactive service contributed to foment
-mutiny, endeavored ingeniously to contrive fighting to occupy the minds
-of the seamen. For that purpose, largely, he bombarded Cadiz; and for
-that purpose he sent Nelson, with a detached squadron, to seize the
-town of Santa Cruz in the Canary Islands by a sudden and vigorous
-assault, hoping also there to take the rich cargo of a galleon, laden
-on account of the Court of Spain. The attack was made on the night
-of July 24, with all the vigor to be expected of Nelson, but under
-great disadvantage. It resulted in a disastrous repulse with heavy
-loss; and the admiral himself suffered amputation of the right arm. It
-became necessary for him to go to England, where he remained through
-a long and painful convalescence until the following April; when he
-again sailed to join the Mediterranean fleet, arriving just in time to
-command the squadron sent in pursuit of Bonaparte.
-
-The dissensions which weakened the external action of the French
-government having been silenced by the _coup d'état_ of September
-4, Bonaparte rapidly drew to an end the negotiations with Austria.
-On the 17th of October, 1797, he, as sole representative of France,
-signed the treaty of Campo Formio; which followed the general lines
-of the Leoben preliminaries, yet with important differences. The
-dissimulation concerning Venice was thrown aside, and the ancient state
-wholly disappeared. The city, with the mainland as far as the Adige,
-were given to Austria. West of the Adige, the old Venetian provinces
-went to the Cisalpine Republic, which was also dowered with the papal
-legations attributed for a brief moment to Venice. The countries and
-islands east of the Adriatic which had belonged to her were divided at
-the Gulf of Drino. All inside that point went to Austria; all outside,
-to France, which thus became possessed of the desire of Bonaparte's
-heart, Corfu and its sister islands, with some slight territory on
-the adjacent mainland. The cession of the Netherlands to France was
-confirmed, and provision was made for a Congress to be held at Rastadt
-for the pacification and rearrangement of the German Empire; for
-Bonaparte had persisted in treating with the emperor on account only
-of his own dominions, and apart from the rest of the empire. By secret
-stipulations, the two great powers agreed to support each other's
-demands and interests in the Congress; where France wished to secure
-a certain line of the Rhine, and Austria to indemnify herself, at the
-expense of some German minor states, for the losses undergone by the
-treaty.
-
-The salient features of this treaty were therefore the cession of
-Belgium; the annihilation of Venice; the settlement of the Cisalpine
-Republic as a powerful dependency of France; the strengthening of the
-latter as a Mediterranean state by the gain of the Ionian Islands;
-and, finally, the loosing of her hands against Great Britain, which
-now stood without a strong ally in all Europe. Bonaparte justified his
-action to his critics on these grounds, but especially on account of
-the necessity of dealing with Great Britain single-handed. "When the
-Cisalpine has the best military frontier in Europe, when France gains
-Mayence and the Rhine, when she has in the Levant Corfu, extremely well
-fortified, and the islands, what more would you wish? To scatter our
-force, in order that England may continue to take from us, from Spain,
-from Holland, our colonies, and postpone yet further the restoration
-of our trade and our navy?... Either our government must destroy
-the English monarchy, or must expect itself to be destroyed by the
-corruption and intrigue of those active islanders. The present moment
-offers us a fine game. Let us concentrate all our activity upon the
-navy, and destroy England. That done, Europe is at our feet."[166]
-Thus did Bonaparte demonstrate that the scene of strife was to be
-transferred to the sea.
-
-The Directory at once ratified the Treaty of Campo Formio, and named
-Bonaparte one of three plenipotentiaries to the Congress of Rastadt.
-The general remained in Italy for a month longer, organizing the
-new state, and distributing the army with a view to support the
-interests of France, while withdrawing some thirty thousand men for
-the intended army of England. On the 17th of November he left Milan,
-and on the 25th arrived at Rastadt. He remained there, however, but
-a week; and then, apparently at the call of the Directory,[167]
-started for Paris, which he reached on the 5th of December. He was
-avowedly to command the army of England, and during the two following
-months his correspondence betrays no sign of any other purpose; his
-orders to various subordinates, and especially to Berthier, his
-celebrated chief-of-staff, at the time commanding in Italy, abound with
-dispositions and instructions to transfer troops thence towards the
-Channel. Particularly significant of such intention were the orders
-sent from him to Admiral Brueys, commanding the French division in
-Corfu, to start for Brest,[168]—a mission which would make his force
-inaccessible for the Egyptian expedition. Too much stress, however,
-cannot be laid upon such indications coming from so crafty a nature;
-and the first intimation of a change of purpose has more the appearance
-of stripping off a mask than of awakening from a dream. "Make what
-efforts we will," wrote he to the Directory, on February 23, 1798, "we
-shall not for many years acquire the control of the seas. To make a
-descent upon England, without being master of the sea, is the boldest
-and most difficult operation ever attempted."[169] Most true, but not
-new. Nor was the veil under which he covered his change of attitude
-very difficult to pierce. On the 7th of February, 1798, he wrote to
-the Minister of War that he was about to visit the Channel coast, near
-Dunkirk, sending Kleber and Desaix to Havre and Brest. On the 12th from
-Dunkirk he sends engineers to examine Boulogne, Etaples, Ambleteuse,
-and Calais,—ports on which he, five years later, based his more serious
-projects of invasion; and at the same time two others are dispatched to
-Holland to demand help of various kinds. The very next day, February
-13, he sends orders to Toulon, in the name of the Directory, not only
-to hold on to the ships ordered for Brest, but to send despatch vessels
-in every direction to recall to Toulon all ships-of-war cruising in the
-Mediterranean.[170] Returning to Paris, he addressed a letter to the
-government, setting forth what needed to be done by the month of April
-in order to make the attempt upon Great Britain even possible,—a long
-array of requirements, which only he, if his heart were in the matter,
-was capable of accomplishing. He concluded by saying there were but
-three ways of reaching England. One was by direct invasion; the second,
-by an attempt upon Hanover and Hamburg,—the continental centres of her
-trade; the last, by an expedition to the Levant.
-
-On the 5th of March Bonaparte communicated to the government a note
-containing the dispositions necessary for an expedition to seize Egypt
-and Malta. The same day the Directory issued a number of decrees,
-constituting a commission on the Coast Defences of the Mediterranean,
-under cover of which the needed preparations were to be carried on,
-and defining the various steps to be taken. The ships at Toulon were
-required to be ready for sea on the 4th of April. Admiral Brueys, who
-had been unable to sail for Brest on account of want of provisions, was
-on February 12 ordered to Toulon. He arrived there with, his squadron
-on the 2d of April, and was appointed to command the naval part of
-the expedition, to consist of thirteen ships-of-the-line with smaller
-vessels. All arrangements were pushed with the greatest activity
-possible, though much retarded by the extreme want of naval stores,
-of provisions, and of money. Still greater difficulty was experienced
-from scarcity of sailors; the inducements offered by privateers having
-drawn away almost all the seamen of the republic, and landed great
-numbers of them in British prisons,—a sad result of the much-vaunted
-commerce-destroying. Through all, the pretence of invading England
-was maintained; and Bonaparte himself, to mislead opinion, stayed
-till the last moment in Paris. The Spanish fleet at Cadiz was, by
-the urgent demands of the Directory, made to assume positions which
-threatened an approaching departure, in order to fasten St. Vincent's
-ships to the port and foster in British minds the easily aroused fear
-of an invasion of Ireland. But measures so extensive could not long
-escape comment and suspicion. The actual intentions of the Directory
-were kept so impenetrably secret that, after the expedition sailed,
-the senior naval officer at Toulon wrote to the Minister of Marine, "I
-know no more of the movements of the squadron than if it did not belong
-to the republic;"[171] but it was not possible to conceal the patent
-fact that Marseille, Toulon, Genoa, Civita Vecchia, and Corsica were
-alive with hurried preparations for a great naval undertaking, whatever
-its destination might be. It was evident, therefore, that France was
-about to expose herself for a time upon the sea to the blows of Great
-Britain, and the ministry determined not to let such an opportunity
-slip.
-
-During the year 1797 no British fleet, and, with the rare exception of
-one or two scattered cruisers, no British ship-of-war, had entered the
-Mediterranean. The gathering of the Spanish navy at Cadiz, and of the
-greater part of the French in Brest, with the apparent design to invade
-Ireland or England, had dictated the concentration of the British navy
-before those two ports; either immediately, as St. Vincent at Cadiz, or
-by the dispositions—less fitted to compass their purpose—of the Channel
-fleet, by which bodies of ships were gathered at points other than
-Brest, with the hope of combining them against any sortie from that
-port. Great Britain, during the time following St. Vincent's retreat
-from the Mediterranean, was in the position of a nation struggling
-for existence,—for so she felt it,[172]—which had been compelled to
-contract her lines through loss of force, due to the gradual submission
-of her allies to her enemies. To this had further conduced the
-threatening attitude of the Dutch navy in the Texel, requiring a strong
-North Sea fleet. To her other embarrassments had been added, in this
-year of distress, the extensive mutinies in the navy. Though appeased
-in some instances and quelled in others, the spirit which caused them
-still existed. Under these circumstances Bonaparte, in 1797, had met
-no naval obstacle to his plans for the control of the Mediterranean,
-which had, moreover, been so covert as to escape detection. Admiral
-Brueys had gone from Toulon to the Adriatic, remained there several
-months, and returned in peace; and all minor naval movements went on
-undisturbed. The destiny of Corfu was not revealed till the end of the
-year; the purpose to get hold of Malta, seriously entertained by Brueys
-at the instigation of Bonaparte,[173] never transpired; and the talk
-about the army of England combined with the actual positions of the
-allied fleets to retain the British in the same stations. Toward the
-end of 1797 several circumstances occurred to relieve the pressure. In
-October Admiral Duncan inflicted upon the Dutch fleet, off the Texel,
-a defeat so decisive and complete as to throw it out of the contest
-for a long time. Of fifteen ships opposed to him, nine were taken. The
-condition of the French fleet in Brest, if not accurately known to
-be as bad as Bonaparte represented it,[174] was still sufficiently
-understood. No attempt had been made during the summer or winter of
-1797 to renew the Irish expedition; and when the opening spring of 1798
-permitted the Channel fleet in a body to keep the sea, the ministry
-felt it safe to detach a force to the Mediterranean.
-
-Sir Horatio Nelson sailed from England on the 10th of April, and
-joined the fleet off Cadiz on the 30th. Lord St. Vincent welcomed
-him gladly, and at once sent him with three ships-of-the-line to the
-Mediterranean, to watch the impending armament, and, if possible, learn
-its destination. Nelson left the fleet on the 2d of May, the day before
-Bonaparte quitted Paris. On the 17th, having been unavoidably delayed
-at Gibraltar, he was in the neighborhood of Toulon, and captured a
-French corvette just leaving port; from which he learned particulars
-as to the naval force of the enemy, but nothing as regarded its
-destination. On the night of the 20th, in a violent gale of wind, his
-own ship was dismasted and with difficulty saved from going ashore.
-By great exertions she was towed by her consorts into the San Pietro
-Islands, at the south end of Sardinia, where she anchored on the
-23d. On the 19th Bonaparte had sailed with the Marseille and Toulon
-divisions of the expedition. He was to be joined on the way by the
-detachments from Genoa, Corsica, and Civita Vecchia,—the total number
-of troops amounting to between thirty and thirty-five thousand.
-
-On the same day that Nelson parted from St. Vincent, May 2, the
-admiralty wrote to the latter that it was essential to send twelve
-ships-of-the-line into the Mediterranean to counteract the French
-armament; and that to replace them eight ships had been ordered from
-England. A private letter from the First Lord, by the same mail,
-authorized St. Vincent to take his whole force for this object, if
-necessary, but hoped a detachment would be sufficient. In the latter
-case, while the choice of its commander was left to the admiral, it was
-intimated that Nelson, though junior to two other flag-officers, was
-by all means the proper man. Jervis had already made the same decision;
-and now at once told off and prepared the nine ships-of-the-line,
-forming the inshore squadron of the blockade, to start the moment the
-expected re-enforcement arrived. The junction of the latter with the
-main fleet was made May 24, out of sight of the port; and during the
-night Captain Troubridge sailed with the inshore ships, their places
-being taken by vessels similarly painted, so that no suspicion of the
-transaction might arise in Cadiz. On the 7th of June Troubridge joined
-Nelson, having picked up two more ships by the way; so that the British
-were now thirteen seventy-fours and one of fifty guns. By a very
-strange fatality, however, the frigates at first with Nelson had parted
-company the night his ship was dismasted, and had never rejoined.
-Troubridge brought only one little brig; and, as it was inadmissible to
-scatter the ships-of-the-line, the want of lookout vessels seriously
-affected all Nelson's movements in the long and harassing pursuit,
-covering nearly eight weeks, that lay before him.
-
-[Illustration: Mediterranean Sea.]
-
-After leaving Toulon, Bonaparte directed his force along the Gulf of
-Genoa, where, on the night of May 20, he experienced the same gale that
-dismasted Nelson. The next day the convoy from Genoa joined. Steering
-south along the east coasts of Corsica and Sardinia, the division from
-Corsica met him on the 26th off the south end of the island, but that
-from Civita Vecchia failed to appear. Here the French first heard that
-Nelson was in the Mediterranean with three ships, and expected ten
-more. Bonaparte then continued on for Malta, which he reached on the
-9th of June, and found there the division from Civita Vecchia, thus
-bringing his whole force under his hand. The island was immediately
-summoned, and after a faint show of resistance capitulated on the 12th;
-the French fleet and convoy, numbering four hundred sail, entering the
-port of La Valetta on the 13th. Bonaparte remained the time necessary
-to secure his conquest temporarily; then leaving a garrison of four
-thousand men, and notifying the Directory that at least four thousand
-more with ample supplies were needed, he sailed again on June 19 for
-Egypt.
-
-The British fleet, after its junction, was becalmed for several days.
-It then made the best of its way round the north end of Corsica, and
-thence south between Italy and the islands. Not till June 14, off
-Civita Vecchia, was probable information received that the French
-had been seen ten days before off the south-west point of Sicily,
-steering to the eastward. As yet there was no certainty as to their
-destination, and Nelson had no light vessels for scouts. St. Vincent
-in his instructions had said, reflecting the ideas of the government,
-that the enemy's "object appears to be either an attack upon Naples
-or Sicily, the conveyance of an army to some part of Spain to invade
-Portugal, or to pass through the Straits with the view of proceeding
-to Ireland." The whole situation vividly illustrates the difficulty
-of pursuit by sea, and the necessity of stationing and keeping the
-detaining force near the point of the enemy's departure before he can
-get away. By whatsoever fault, certainly not that of Nelson or St.
-Vincent, the British fleet was a fortnight too late in entering the
-Mediterranean. It would have been yet more so, had the resources of the
-French dockyards answered to the spur of Bonaparte's urgency; but it is
-ill goading a starved horse.
-
-An easterly course, however, with a fresh north-west wind, indicated
-that neither Spain nor the Atlantic was the destination of the French
-armament; and Nelson at once decided it must be Malta, to be used as a
-base of operations against Sicily. "Were I," said he, "the admiral of
-the fleet attending an army for the invasion of Sicily, I should say to
-the general: 'If you can take Malta, it secures the safety of the fleet
-and the transports, and your own safe retreat, if necessary;' _Malta is
-in the direct road to Sicily_."[175] Pausing a moment to communicate
-with Naples, he there heard, on the 17th of June, that the French had
-landed at Malta; and pushing on, received off Messina the news of its
-surrender. This was on the 20th, the day after Bonaparte sailed from
-the island for Egypt. On the 22d, off Cape Passaro, the south-east
-extremity of Sicily, a vessel was spoken, from which Nelson gained the
-information of Bonaparte's departure, supposed to be for Sicily; but he
-had meantime learned from Naples that the French had no intention of
-molesting any part of that kingdom. Utterly in the dark, and without
-frigates, he concluded, after weighing all the chances, that Egypt
-was the enemy's destination, and with a fair wind and a press of sail
-shaped his course for Alexandria. On the 28th the fleet came off the
-port, and sent a boat ashore. No French vessels had been seen on the
-coast.
-
-This remarkable miscarriage, happening to a man of so much energy and
-intuition, was due primarily to his want of small lookout ships; and
-secondly, to Bonaparte's using the simple, yet at sea sufficient,
-ruse[176] of taking an indirect instead of a direct course to his
-object. This, however, in a narrow sea, with so numerous a body of
-vessels, would not have served him, had the British admiral had those
-active purveyors of information, those eyes of the fleet, which are so
-essential to naval as to land warfare.[177] On leaving Malta, Bonaparte
-directed the expedition to steer first for Candia. After a week's quiet
-navigation he was off the south side of the island, and on the 27th of
-June was joined by a frigate from Naples, to tell him of Nelson, with
-fourteen sail, being off that port ten days before. At this moment the
-British admiral had already outstripped his chase. On the 25th the two
-fleets had been about sixty miles apart, the French due north of the
-British, steering in nearly parallel directions.[178] When Bonaparte
-knew that his enemy was somewhere near upon his heels, he again changed
-the course, ordering the fleet to make the land seventy miles west of
-Alexandria, and sending a frigate direct to the port to reconnoitre. On
-the 29th of June, the day Nelson sailed away from Alexandria, the light
-squadron signalled the coast, along which the fleet sailed till July
-1st, when it anchored off the city. Determined to run no chance of an
-enemy's frustrating his objects, the commander-in-chief landed his army
-the same evening.
-
-If, in this celebrated chase, Nelson made a serious mistake, it was
-upon his arrival at Alexandria. He had reasoned carefully, and, as the
-event proved, accurately, that the French were bound to Egypt; and had
-justly realized the threat to the British supremacy in India contained
-in such an attempt. Knowing the time when the French left Malta, as he
-did, and that they were accompanied by so great a train of transports,
-it seems a fair criticism that he should have trusted his judgment a
-little further, and waited off the suspected port of destination to
-see whether so cumbrous a body had not been outsailed by his compact,
-homogeneous force. He appears, on finding his expectations deceived,
-to have fallen into a frame of mind familiar to most, in which a false
-step, however imposed by the conditions under which it was taken, can
-be seen only in the light of the unfortunate consequences, and therein
-assumes the color of a fault, or at best of a blunder. "His active
-and anxious mind," wrote Sir Edward Berry, who, as captain of the
-flag-ship, was witness of his daily feelings, "would not permit him to
-rest a moment in the same place; he therefore shaped his course to the
-northward for the coast of Caramania."[179] His one thought now was to
-get back to the westward, taking a more northerly course on the return,
-so as to increase the chance of information. The fleet accordingly
-stretched to the northward until the coast of Asia Minor was made, and
-then beat back along the south shore of Candia, not seeing a single
-vessel until it had passed that island. On the 19th of July it reached
-Syracuse, whence Nelson wrote to the British minister at Naples that,
-having gone a round of six hundred leagues with the utmost expedition,
-he was as ignorant of the situation of the enemy as he had been four
-weeks before. The squadron now filled with water, which was running
-short, and on the 24th again sailed for Alexandria; the admiral having
-satisfied himself that the French were at least neither in Corfu nor to
-the westward. On the 1st of August the minarets of the city were seen,
-and soon after the port full of shipping, with the French flag upon the
-walls, but, to Nelson's bitter disappointment, no large ships of war.
-At one in the afternoon, however, one of his fleet made signal that
-a number of ships-of-the-line were at anchor in Aboukir Bay, twelve
-or fifteen miles east of Alexandria; and Nelson, prompt to attack as
-Bonaparte had been to disembark, gave slippery fortune, so long unkind,
-no chance again to balk him, but with a brisk breeze flew at once upon
-the foe.
-
-Neither by the character of the anchorage nor by its own dispositions
-was the French fleet prepared for the attack thus suddenly, and most
-unexpectedly, precipitated upon it. Two days after the army landed,
-the commander-in-chief gave Admiral Brueys explicit and urgent orders
-at once to sound the old port of Alexandria, and, if possible, take
-his ships in there; if not, and if Aboukir Bay would admit of defence
-at anchor against a superior force, he might choose a position there.
-Failing both, he was to go with his heavy vessels to Corfu.[180] That
-and the other Ionian Islands were within Bonaparte's district, by the
-decree of April 12 making him commander of the Army of the East. In a
-much later dispatch, which Brueys did not live to receive, he explains
-that it was indispensable to preserve the fleet from serious injury
-until the affair in Egypt was settled, in order to check any movement
-of the Porte; for, though the allegiance of the Mamelukes was but
-nominal, it was possible the Sultan might resent the French invasion.
-The justice of this cautious view was shown by the action of the Porte
-as soon as the destruction of the fleet became known. Brueys ordered
-the necessary soundings, and the report which he received on July 18,
-a fortnight before the battle, was favorable; with good weather it
-was possible to take the ships-of-the-line inside.[181] The admiral,
-however, was an invalid, and of a temper naturally undecided; unable
-to make a choice of difficulties, he hung on the balance and remained
-inactive, taking refuge in a persuasion that the British would not
-return. Bonaparte thought the same. "All the conduct of the English,"
-wrote he on the 30th of July, "indicates that they are inferior in
-number, and content themselves with blockading Malta and intercepting
-its supplies." But the great soldier, prone as he always was to tempt
-fortune to the utmost for a great object, found in this opinion no
-reason for running unnecessary risks and in the same breath insisted
-upon Alexandria or Corfu for the fleet. Brueys had taken his ships
-to Aboukir Bay on the 8th of July, and there remained. He had the
-orders of his commander; but the latter, at a distance and absorbed
-in the cares of his operations ashore, could not communicate to his
-vacillating subordinate the impulse of his own energy. All the work of
-the squadron proceeded listlessly; the belief that the British fleet
-would not return sapped every effort; carelessness, indiscipline and
-insubordination, among officers and men, caused constant complaint and
-trouble. In such delusion and lethargy went by the priceless days which
-were passed by Nelson in unresting thought and movement, in "a fever of
-anxiety"[182] that scarcely allowed him to eat or drink.
-
-[Illustration: Coast Map from Alexandria to Rosetta Mouth of the Nile.]
-
-The Bay of Aboukir,[183] in the western portion of which the French
-fleet was anchored, and where was fought the celebrated Battle of the
-Nile, is an open roadstead, extending from the promontory of Aboukir,
-fifteen miles east of Alexandria, to the Rosetta mouth of the Nile. The
-distance between the two extreme points is about eighteen miles. In
-the western part, where the French were lying, the shore-line, after
-receding some distance from Aboukir Point, turns to the south-east and
-continues in that direction in a long narrow tongue of sand, behind
-which lies the shallow Lake Madieh. North-east from the point is a line
-of shoals and rocks, rising at two and a half miles' distance into a
-small island, then bearing the same name, Aboukir, but since known as
-Nelson's Island; beyond which the same stretch of foul ground continues
-for another mile and a quarter. Behind this four-mile barrier there
-is found fair shelter from the prevailing north-west summer wind; but
-as, for three miles from the beach, there were only four fathoms of
-water, the order of battle had to be established somewhat beyond that
-distance. The north-western ship, which with the prevailing wind would
-be to windward and in the van, was moored a mile and a half south-east
-from Aboukir Island, in five fathoms of water.[184] This was scant for
-a heavy vessel, but it does not seem that she was carried as close to
-the shoal as she might have been. As the van ship in the column, she
-was on one flank, and that the most exposed, of the line-of-battle,
-whose broadsides were turned to the sea. She should, therefore, have
-been brought so near the shoal as not to leave room to swing, and
-there been moored head and stern. So placed, the flank could not have
-been turned, as it actually was. This was the more necessary because
-the few guns established by Brueys on the island were so light as to
-be entirely ineffective, in range and weight, at the distance between
-them and the flank they pretended to strengthen. They were a mere toy
-defence, as futile as the other general dispositions taken. This being
-so, it would seem that the frigates might have been placed along the
-shoal ground ahead, where the enemy's ships-of-the-line could not reach
-them, and thence have supported the flank ship. From the latter, the
-line extended south-east to, and including, the eighth in the order,
-when it turned a little toward the beach; making with its former
-direction a salient angle, but one very obtuse. The distance from ship
-to ship was about one hundred and sixty yards; from which, and from the
-average length of the ships, it may be estimated that the whole line
-from van to rear was nearly a mile and three quarters long. In case of
-expecting attack, a cable was to be taken from ship to ship to prevent
-the enemy passing through the intervals; and springs also were then to
-be put upon the cable by which each vessel was anchored.[185]
-
-It will be instructive to a professional reader to compare the
-dispositions of Admiral Brueys, in Aboukir Bay, with those adopted by
-Lord Hood in 1782, at St. Kitt's Island, when expecting an attack at
-anchor from a very superior force.[186] The comparison is historically
-interesting as well as instructive; for it has been said that Nelson
-framed his own plan, in the cogitations of his long chase, upon Hood's
-scheme for attacking the French fleet under Admiral DeGrasse while
-lying at the anchorage from which he first drove it, before occupying
-it himself. The parallel is quite complete, for neither at St. Kitt's
-nor Aboukir was the anchored fleet able to get substantial assistance
-from batteries. The decisively important points in such a disposition,
-as in any order of battle, land or sea, are—(1) that the line cannot
-be pierced, and (2) that the flanks cannot be turned. Hood thrust one
-flank ship so close to the shore that the enemy could not pass round
-her, and closed up his intervals.[187] Brueys left the same flank—for
-in both cases it was the van and weather ship—open to turning, with
-long spaces between the vessels. In his arrangement for the other
-flank, for the lee ships, Brueys was equally inferior. Hood threw his
-eight lee ships at right angles to the rest of the fleet, so that their
-broadsides completely protected the latter from enfilading fire. Brueys
-simply bent his line a little, with a view of approaching the rear
-to shoal water. Failing thus to obtain a fire at right angles to the
-principal line of battle, the rear did not contribute to strengthen
-that; while, not actually reaching to shoal water, it remained itself
-in the air, if attacked by the enemy in preference. This was the more
-singular, as Brueys had expected the rear to be the object of the
-British efforts. "I have asked," he wrote, "for two mortars to place
-upon the shoal on which I have rested the head of my line; but I have
-much less to fear for that part than for the rear, upon which the enemy
-will probably bring to bear all their effort."[188] Nelson, however,
-whether illumined by Hood's example, through that historical study of
-tactics for which he was noted, or inspired only by his own genius, had
-well understood beforehand that, if he found the French in such order
-as they were, the van and centre were at his mercy; and he had clearly
-imparted this view to his captains. Hence, when the enemy were seen, he
-needed only to signal "his intention was to attack the van and centre
-as they lay at anchor, according to the plan before developed,"[189]
-and could leave the details of execution to his subordinates.
-
-[Illustration: Battle of the Nile.]
-
-The evening before the eventful first of August, as the British
-fleet expected to make Alexandria the next day, the "Alexander" and
-"Swiftsure" were sent ahead to reconnoitre. In consequence of this
-detachment, made necessary by the want of frigates, these ships,
-when the main body at 1 P.M.[190] sighted the French fleet, were
-considerably to leeward, and did not get into action until two hours
-after their consorts. As soon as the enemy were seen, the British fleet
-hauled sharp up on the wind, heading about north-east, to weather
-Aboukir Island and shoal; the admiral at the same time making signal
-to prepare for action, anchoring by the stern. As they drew by the
-shoal, being in eleven fathoms,[191] Nelson hailed Captain Hood, of the
-"Zealous," and asked if he thought they were far enough to the eastward
-to clear it; for the only chart in the fleet was a rough sketch taken
-from a captured merchant vessel, and no British officer knew the
-ground. Hood replied that he would bear up, sounding as he went, so
-that the other ships keeping outside of him would be safe. Thus the
-fleet was piloted into action; one ship, the "Goliath," being ahead
-of the "Zealous," but on her outer bow, and the admiral very properly
-allowing others to pass him, until he was sixth in the order, so as
-to be reasonably certain the flag-ship would not touch the bottom.
-Captain Foley of the "Goliath," still keeping the lead, crossed ahead
-of the French column, over the ground left open by Brueys's oversight,
-intending to attack the van ship, the "Guerrier;" but the anchor hung
-for a moment, so that he brought up on the inner quarter of the second,
-the "Conquérant," while Hood, following close after, anchored on the
-bow of the "Guerrier." These two British ships thus came into action
-shortly before sundown, the French having opened fire ten minutes
-before. Five minutes later, just as the sun was sinking below the
-horizon, the foremast of the "Guerrier" went overboard. "So auspicious
-a commencement of the attack was greeted with three cheers by the whole
-British fleet."[192] The "Orion" followed with a much wider sweep,
-passing round her two leaders, between them and the shore, and anchored
-on the inner side of the fifth French ship; while the "Theseus," which
-came next, brought up abreast the third, having gone between the
-"Goliath" and "Zealous" and their antagonists. The "Audacious," the
-fifth of the British to come up, chose a new course. Steering between
-the "Guerrier" and the "Conquérant," she took her place on the bow of
-the latter, already engaged on the quarter by the "Goliath." These five
-all anchored on the inner (port) side of the French. Nelson's ship,
-the "Vanguard," coming next, anchored outside the third of the enemy's
-vessels, the "Spartiate," thus placed between her and the "Theseus."
-The "Minotaur," five minutes later, took the outer side of the fourth,
-heretofore without an opponent; and the "Defence" attacked, also on the
-outer side, the fifth ship, already engaged on her inner side by the
-"Orion." Five French seventy-fours were thus in hot action with eight
-British of the same size, half an hour after the first British gun was
-fired, and only five hours from the time Brueys first knew that the
-enemy were near.
-
-This most gallant, but most unfortunate, man had passed suddenly
-from a condition of indolent security face to face with an appalling
-emergency. When Nelson's fleet was first reported, numbers of men were
-ashore, three miles or more away, getting water for the ships. They
-were recalled, but most of them did not return. Brueys still cherished
-the belief, with which indeed he could not have parted without despair,
-that the enemy would not brave the unknown perils of the ground with
-night falling; nor could he tell their purpose until they had passed
-Aboukir Island and opened the bay. A hurried council of senior officers
-renewed the decision previously reached, to fight, if fight they
-must, at anchor; but Brueys betrayed the vacillations of an unsteady
-purpose by crossing the light yards, a step which could have no other
-significance than that of getting under way. Still, he hoped for the
-respite of a night to make the preparations so long neglected. Little
-did he know the man whom England herself still hardly knew. Without
-a moment's pause, without a tremor of uncertainty, yet with all the
-precautions of a seaman, Nelson came straight onward, facing with mind
-long prepared the difficulties of navigation, the doubts and obscurity
-of a night action. Hurriedly the French prepare for battle; and, secure
-that the enemy will not dare go within the line, the batteries on that
-side are choked with the numerous encumbrances of ship economy, the
-proper disposal of which is termed "clearing for action."
-
-For half an hour Brueys was a helpless and hopeless, though undaunted,
-spectator of an overwhelming attack, which he had never expected at
-all, delivered in a manner he had deemed impossible upon the part of
-his order he thought most secure. Soon he was freed from the agony
-of mere passive waiting by the opportunity to act. The "Bellerophon"
-and "Majestic," both seventy-fours, anchored outside and abreast,
-respectively, of the flag-ship "Orient," of one hundred and twenty
-guns, and of the "Tonnant," eighty, next astern. Darkness had just
-settled down upon the water as the arrival of these two ships completed
-the first scene of the tragedy; and the British vessels, which were
-fighting under their white ensign,[193] as more easily seen at night,
-now hoisted also four lanterns, horizontally arranged, whereby to
-recognize each other.
-
-Meanwhile a woeful mishap had befallen Nelson's chosen brother-in-arms,
-Troubridge. His ship, the "Culloden," had been some distance from the
-main body of the fleet when the latter rounded the shoal, and, doing
-her own piloting, ran upon its outer extremity at a quarter before
-seven. There she stuck, despite all the efforts of her most able
-commander, until two o'clock the next morning, when the battle was
-over. There also, however, she served as a beacon to the two remaining
-ships, "Alexander" and "Swiftsure," who had to make the perilous
-passage in the dark. These vessels, with the "Leander," fifty, arriving
-after eight o'clock, at a critical moment of the battle, played the
-part of a reserve in a quarter where the British were meeting with
-disaster.
-
-Neither the "Bellerophon" nor the "Majestic" was equally matched with
-the French ship opposed to it; but the "Bellerophon" especially, having
-to do with a vessel double her own force and having brought up fairly
-abreast, where she got her full fire, was soon nearly a wreck. In
-three quarters of an hour her main and mizzen masts were shot away,
-and in thirty minutes more, unable longer to endure her punishment,
-the cable was cut and she wore out of action. As she did so, the
-foremast also fell, and, with forty-nine killed and one hundred and
-forty-eight wounded, out of a ship's company of six hundred and fifty
-men, the "Bellerophon" drifted down the line, receiving the successive
-broadsides of the French rear. As she thus passed, without flag or
-light, the "Swiftsure" came up. Withholding his fire, Captain Hallowell
-hailed, and finding her to be a British ship, let go at once his
-anchor, bringing up on the starboard bow of the "Orient." Immediately
-afterwards the "Alexander" arrived and anchored on the port quarter of
-the three-decker, while the "Leander," with the discretion becoming
-her size, placed herself on the port bow of the "Franklin," the next
-ahead to the "Orient," in a position of comparative impunity, and thus
-raked both the French ships. The French centre was thus in its turn the
-victim of a concentration, similar to that with which the action began
-in the van, and destined to result in a frightful catastrophe.
-
-At about nine in the evening the French flag-ship was observed to be
-on fire, from what cause has never been certainly known. The British
-guns, trained on the part in flames, helped to paralyze all efforts
-to extinguish them, and they gained rapidly. The brave and unfortunate
-Brueys was spared the sight of this last calamity. Already twice
-wounded, at half-past eight a cannon-ball carried away his left leg at
-the thigh. He refused to be taken below, and passed away calmly and
-nobly a few moments before the fire broke out. At ten the "Orient" blew
-up. Five ships ahead of her had already surrendered, and the eighty-gun
-ship "Franklin" also hauled down her flag before midnight.
-
-Six of the French still had their colors flying; but either from their
-cables being cut by shot, or from the necessity of slipping to avoid
-the explosion of the "Orient," they had drifted far astern. The three
-in the extreme rear had been but slightly engaged; of the others, the
-"Tonnant" was totally dismasted, while the "Heureux" and "Mercure" had
-received considerable injury.[194] The following morning these vessels
-were attacked by some of the least injured of the British, with the
-result that the "Tonnant," "Mercure," "Heureux" and "Timoléon," the
-last of which had been the extreme rear, or flank, ship of the original
-order, ran ashore. There the three first named afterwards hauled down
-their flags, and the fourth was burned by her officers. The two other
-French ships, "Guillaume Tell" and "Généreux," escaped. The former bore
-the flag of Rear-Admiral Villeneuve, who had commanded the rear in this
-battle, and was hereafter to be commander-in-chief of the allied fleet
-at the memorable disaster of Trafalgar. His inaction on this occasion
-has been sharply criticised, both in his own time and since. Upon the
-whole, the feeling of later French professional writers appears to be
-that his courage, though unquestionable, was rather of the passive than
-the active type; and that in Aboukir Bay there was afforded him a real
-opportunity and sufficient time to bring the rear ships into action,
-which he culpably failed to improve.[195] Bonaparte, on the contrary,
-wrote to Villeneuve, soon after the battle, that "if any error could
-be imputed to him, it was that he had not got under way as soon as the
-'Orient' blew up; seeing that, three hours before, the position Brueys
-had taken had been forced and surrounded."[196]
-
-Such was, in its main outlines, the celebrated Battle of the Nile, the
-most complete of naval victories, and among the most decisive, at least
-of the immediate course of events. In it the French lost eleven out of
-thirteen ships-of-the-line[197] and thirty-five hundred men, killed,
-wounded, or drowned;[198] among them being the commander-in-chief
-and three captains killed, a rear-admiral and six captains wounded.
-The British loss was two hundred and eighteen killed—-of which one
-captain—and six hundred and seventy-eight wounded, among whom was the
-admiral himself, struck in the head by a heavy splinter. The hurt,
-which he at first thought fatal, disabled him for the moment and
-seriously affected his efficiency for some days. "I think," wrote he,
-four weeks later, "that if it had pleased God I had not been wounded,
-not a boat would have escaped."[199]
-
-The particular circumstances under which the British attack was
-undertaken, the admirable skill as well as conduct shown by all the
-captains, and the thoroughly scientific character of the tactical
-combination adopted, as seen in its execution, unite with the
-decisiveness of the issue to cast a peculiar lustre upon this victory
-of Nelson's. Lord Howe, inferior to none as a judge of merit, said
-to Captain Berry that the Battle of the Nile "stood unparalleled
-and singular in this instance, that every captain distinguished
-himself."[200] It has been disputed how far belongs to the admiral
-the credit of the bold manœuvre, whereby the leading ship, passing
-ahead of the French line, showed to her successors the open path
-through which the operation of doubling on the enemy could be most
-effectually carried out. Into this discussion the author has no
-intention of entering, beyond noting an omission in the full treatment
-of the question made by the careful and laborious editor of Nelson's
-correspondence, Sir Harris Nicolas, who was not able to reach a
-decision.[201] In Ross's "Life of Admiral Saumarez" it is stated
-that, while discussing the various modes by which the enemy might be
-attacked, Saumarez offended Nelson by saying that he "had seen the evil
-consequences of doubling upon an enemy, especially in a night action;"
-and had differed with the admiral in the plan of attack, because "it
-never required two English ships to capture one French, and that the
-damage which they must necessarily do each other might render them
-both unable to fight an enemy's ship which had not been engaged."[202]
-Saumarez's objection, though not without some foundation, was justly
-over-ruled; but it could scarcely have been raised had Nelson never
-contemplated the precise method of doubling employed,—a British ship on
-each side of a single enemy,—for in no other position could the risk
-of mutual injury have been serious.
-
-It is in entire keeping with Nelson's well-known character, that, after
-discussing all likely positions and ascertaining that his captains
-understood his views, he should with perfect and generous confidence
-have left all the details of immediate action with them. In the actual
-case he could not, without folly, have rigorously prescribed to Captain
-Foley what path to follow. Only the man on the "Goliath's" deck,
-watching the soundings, could rightly judge what must each instant be
-done; and it was no less a transcendent merit in Nelson that he could
-thus trust another, than that, with falling night and unknown waters,
-he could reach the instant decision to attack an enemy of superior
-force, in an order which he must have supposed to be carefully and
-rationally assumed. In fact, however, the operation of doubling on
-the enemy,—in contradistinction to doubling the head of the line,—was
-really begun by Nelson himself; for his ship was the first to anchor
-on the side opposite to that taken by her five predecessors. It was
-open to him to have followed them, for the same reasons that prompted
-Foley's action.[203] Instead of that, he deliberately anchored outside
-the third French ship, already engaged on the inside by the "Theseus;"
-thus indicating, as clearly as example can, what he would have those
-succeeding him to do. The first two French ships were already so
-engaged or crippled as to be properly passed. The fullest credit
-therefore can be allowed to Captain Foley for a military decision of a
-very high order, without stripping a leaf from Nelson's laurels.[204]
-
-"The boldness and skill of Admiral Nelson," says Captain Chevalier,
-"rose to a height which it would have been difficult to surpass."[205]
-"The action of Nelson," said Napoleon, "was a desperate action which
-cannot be proposed as a model, but in which he displayed, as well
-as the English crews, all the skill and vigor possible."[206] This
-sentence is susceptible of a double construction. The condemnation, if
-the words be meant as such, comes ill from the man who pushed on his
-desperate advance to Leoben in 1797, who at Marengo stretched his line
-till it broke, and who in 1798 ventured the Mediterranean fleet and the
-Army of Italy on the Egyptian expedition, with scarce a chance in his
-favor, except a superstitious reliance upon a fortune which did not
-betray him. The arrangements of Brueys being what they were, the odds
-were with the British admiral.
-
-It has been said that, with better gunnery on the part of the French,
-disaster must have resulted to the attacking force; and precisely the
-same criticism has been applied to Trafalgar.[207] Now, putting out
-of consideration that Great Britain had at this date been for five
-years at war with France, and that British seamen had thus gained
-an experience of French gunnery upon which Nelson could reckon, the
-justice of this criticism further depends upon the circumstances of
-the wind and the character of the approach. An attack made with a very
-light wind, leaving the assailant long under the enemy's fire, or
-with a fresh breeze on a course that lies close to the wind, thereby
-bringing the greatest strain upon the spars, is a very different thing
-from one made with a good working breeze well abaft the beam, which
-was the case at the Nile. One cannot dogmatize on probabilities when,
-from the nature of the case, there are few precedents on which to rest
-an opinion. In bearing down against a fleet under way, of which there
-are many instances, the experience in scarcely any case was that so
-many spars were lost as to prevent the assailant reaching the hostile
-line; and at the Nile, once the anchor was down, the loss of a spar
-or two was of little consequence. It seems altogether probable that,
-had the French gunnery been much better than it was, the British ships
-would yet have reached their station; and once there, the tactical
-combination adopted would still have given them the victory, though
-more dearly bought. If, however, Brueys's arrangements had been more
-skilfully made, resembling those of Hood at St. Kitt's, and if the
-French gunnery had been very good, it may safely be conceded that the
-British admiral would have needed more circumspection in making his
-attack. To say that under totally different circumstances different
-results will obtain, is a species of prophecy with which no one need
-quarrel. If, in the shock of war, all things on both sides are exactly
-equal,—if the two admirals, their captains and crews, the ships of
-the fleets, the tactical arrangements, are equal, each to each,—there
-can be no result. When inequality, whether original or induced by
-circumstance, enters in any one of these factors, a result will follow
-proportional to the disparity. When this is great, the result will be
-great; when small, small. At the Battle of the Nile, the difference
-in admirals, in captains, in crews, in gunnery, and in tactical
-combination, were all greatly against the French, and the result was a
-disaster more than usually complete.
-
-During the month passed by Brueys in indolent security, Bonaparte
-had advanced steadily in his projected conquest of Egypt. On the
-21st of July the battle of the Pyramids was fought, the next day
-Cairo submitted, and on the 25th the general-in-chief entered the
-city. Remaining there a few days to repose his troops and secure his
-position, he departed again on the 7th of August to complete the
-conquest of lower Egypt; leaving Desaix to take care of Cairo and
-prepare the corps destined for the subjugation of the upper Nile. By
-the 12th of August the Mamelukes, still under arms in the Delta, had
-been driven into the Isthmus of Suez, whence they retired to Syria; and
-there, on the borders of the desert, Bonaparte received from Kleber
-the news of the disaster in Aboukir Bay. Under this tremendous reverse
-he showed the self-control of which he was always capable at need. The
-troops gave way to despair. "Here we are," said they, "abandoned in
-this barbarous country, without communication with home, without hope
-of return." "Well," replied their general, "we have then laid on us the
-obligation to do great things. Seas which we do not command separate us
-from home; but no seas divide us from Africa and Asia. We will found
-here an empire."
-
-The magical influence he exerted over the soldiers, most of whom
-had followed him to victory in Italy, restored their courage, and
-French lightheartedness again prevailed over despondency. The blow,
-nevertheless, had struck home, and resounded through the four quarters
-of the world. The Mamelukes, Ibrahim Bey in Syria, and Mourad Bey
-in upper Egypt, cast down by their reverses, were preparing to
-treat; upon the news of Nelson's victory they resumed their arms.
-The Porte, incensed by the invasion of Egypt, but still hesitating,
-notwithstanding the pressure exerted by the ministers of Great Britain
-and Russia, took heart as soon as it knew that the French fleet was no
-more. Bonaparte had rightly warned Brueys that the preservation of his
-ships was necessary to hold Turkey in check. The Sultan and his Pashas
-of Egypt and Syria rejected the French advances. On the 2d of September
-a memorial was sent to all the foreign ministers in Constantinople,
-expressing the surprise of the Porte at Bonaparte's landing, and
-stating that a considerable force had been despatched for Egypt to
-stop his progress. On the 11th of the month war was formally declared
-against the French Republic.[208]
-
-Throughout the year 1798 the state of affairs on the continent of
-Europe had grown continually more threatening. The politico-military
-propagandism of the Revolution had given birth to, and was now being
-replaced by, an aggressive external policy, to which the victories of
-Bonaparte gave increased vigor and extension. It became the recognized,
-if not the avowed, aim of French diplomacy to surround France with
-small dependent republics, having institutions modelled upon the same
-type as her own, with all local powers merged in those of a central
-government.[209] The United Provinces, in becoming a republic, had
-retained their federal constitution; but in January, 1798, they
-underwent a revolution, promoted by the French Directory, which did
-away with the provincial independence inherited from past ages. The
-Cisalpine Republic and Genoa had received a similar organization at the
-hands of Bonaparte. In many of the cantons of Switzerland there were
-discontent and disturbance, due to the unequal political conditions of
-the inhabitants. The Directory made of this a pretext for interference,
-on the plea of France being interested both in the internal quiet of a
-neighboring country and also in the particular persons whose discontent
-was construed as evidence of oppression. French troops entered
-Switzerland in January, 1798. The canton of Berne fought for its
-privileges, but was easily subdued; and a packed convention, assembled
-at Aarau, adopted for Switzerland a centralized constitution in place
-of the old cantonal independence. This was followed some months later,
-in August, 1798, by an offensive and defensive alliance between the
-Helvetian and French republics.
-
-The invasion of Berne had had another motive than the political
-preponderance of France in the councils of her neighbors. The revenue
-of the Directory still fell far short of the expenditure, and money was
-particularly wanted for Bonaparte's approaching expedition. Seventeen
-million francs were found in the Bernese treasury and appropriated.
-Eighteen million more were raised by requisitions, and other cantons
-were drained in proportion.[210] The same motive contributed,[211] at
-the same instant, to the occupation of Rome, for which a more plausible
-pretext was found. In the papal states, as elsewhere throughout Europe,
-French agents had secretly stirred up a revolutionary movement. On the
-28th of December, 1797, this party had risen in Rome, and a collision
-between it and the papal troops had occurred in the neighborhood of
-the French embassy. General Duphot, who was then residing there, was
-killed while attempting to interpose between the combatants. The
-French ambassador at once left the city; and the Directory, refusing
-all explanations, ordered Berthier, Bonaparte's successor in Italy, to
-advance. On the 10th of February he entered Rome, recognized the Roman
-Republic, which was proclaimed under his auspices, and forced the Pope
-to retire to Tuscany. It was owing to this occupation that a contingent
-of the Egyptian expedition embarked at Civita Vecchia, as the most
-convenient point.
-
-Neither Naples nor Austria ventured on overt action in behalf of
-the Pope; but the dissatisfaction of both was extreme. Never under
-Bonaparte himself had French troops come so near to the kingdom of the
-Two Sicilies, whose importance to the common cause of the Continent,
-from its geographical position, was perfectly understood. But while the
-situation of Naples at the far end of the peninsula made it a serious
-danger to the flank and rear of the French, when engaged with an enemy
-in upper Italy, its remoteness from support, except by way of the sea,
-was a source of weakness to a state necessarily dependent upon allies.
-This was especially felt in February, 1798, when the British fleet,
-after a year's absence, had as yet given no sign of returning to the
-Mediterranean, and the ships which accompanied Bonaparte to Egypt were
-still in Toulon. The latter would doubtless have been directed upon
-Naples, had Naples moved against Rome. The Bourbon kingdom therefore
-swallowed its vexation, but drew closer to Austria; which, in addition
-to the affront offered to the Pope, had its own motives for discontent
-in the occupation of Switzerland by the French, and in the changes
-introduced into the political complexion of the Continent by these
-aggressive actions of the republican government. The course of the
-Directory during the continental peace of 1797 and 1798 was closely
-parallel to that of Bonaparte four years later, which made impossible
-the continuance of the Peace of Amiens. With less ability and less
-vigor, there was the same plausible, insidious, steady aggression,
-under color of self-protection or of yielding to popular demand,
-which forced on the power of France at the expense of other states.
-An occurrence in Vienna at this moment came near to produce war and
-stop the Egyptian expedition. When Bonaparte entered Germany in April,
-1797, the youth of Vienna had offered themselves in mass to defend the
-country. In April, 1798, the anniversary of the day was celebrated
-with a popular demonstration, which the French ambassador resented
-by hoisting the tricolor. The crowds in a rage broke into and sacked
-the embassy.[212] So great was the excitement over this affair that
-the troops in Toulon and other ports were ordered not to embark, and
-Bonaparte himself was directed to go as plenipotentiary to Rastadt; but
-the emperor made explanations, and the incident passed. Still, as a
-French historian says, "things were getting spoiled between Austria and
-France."[213]
-
-Russia at the same time was fairly forced from her attitude of reserve,
-maintained since the death of Catherine II., by the same policy which
-drove the United States into the _quasi_ war of 1798 with France.[214]
-A decree of the French legislature had made lawful prize any neutral
-ship which had on board, not merely British property, but any goods
-of British origin, even though the property of a neutral. This was
-given a special application to the Baltic by a notification, issued
-January 12, 1798, that "if any ship be suffered to pass through the
-Sound with English commodities, of whatever nation it may be, it
-shall be considered as a formal declaration of war against the French
-nation."[215] Although immediately directed against Sweden and Denmark,
-as the two countries bordering the Sound, this was resented by the
-Czar, in common with all neutral governments; and on the 15th of May,
-he "ordered twenty-two ships-of-the-line and two hundred and fifty
-galleys to proceed to the Sound, to protect trade in general against
-the oppression of the Directory."[216]
-
-Once enkindled, the violent and erratic temper of Paul I. soon rushed
-into extremes; and he received further provocation from the capture
-of Malta. When Bonaparte took possession of that island, he found
-there a treaty, just signed, by which the Czar stipulated a payment
-of four hundred thousand rubles to the Order, in which to the end
-of his days he preserved a fantastic interest. As a measure of
-precaution, the French general decreed that any Greeks in Malta or
-the Ionian Islands maintaining relations with Russia should be shot,
-and Greek vessels under Russian colors sunk.[217] Hence the members
-of the Order in Russia made, in August, a violent protest against
-the seizure, throwing themselves upon the Czar for a support which
-he eagerly promised.[218] He then drew near to Great Britain, and
-offered to aid Austria with troops. The emperor at first answered that
-nothing could be done without Prussia; and the three governments then
-applied themselves to obtain the accession of this kingdom to a new
-coalition. On the 19th of May—the very day, it may be observed, that
-Bonaparte sailed from Toulon—Austria and Naples signed a defensive
-alliance.[219] The conferences at Rastadt, so far as the emperor was
-concerned, were broken off on the 6th of July, although those with the
-empire dragged on longer. The imperial envoy, Cobentzel, at once went
-to Berlin, where he entered into cordial relations with the British
-and Russian plenipotentiaries. On the 10th of August a convention was
-signed between the two emperors, by which the Czar undertook to send
-thirty thousand troops into Galicia to support the Austrian army. Great
-Britain, as ever, was ready to help the cause with ships and money.
-Prussia refusing to join, the Russian envoy took his leave, saying: "We
-will make war on France with you, without you, or against you."[220]
-
-On governments so prepared to be enkindled, yet hesitating before the
-prestige of French success and feeling the mutual distrust inseparable
-from coalitions, the news of the battle of the Nile fell like a brand
-among tinder. The French fleet was not only defeated, but annihilated.
-The Mediterranean from the Straits to the Levant was in the power of
-the British navy, which the total destruction of its enemy relieved
-from the necessity of concentration and allowed to disperse to every
-quarter where its efforts were needed. The greatest general and thirty
-thousand of the best troops France possessed, with numbers of her most
-brilliant officers, were thus hopelessly shut off from their country.
-
-After the victory, conscious of its far-reaching importance, Nelson
-took measures to disperse the news as rapidly as his want of small
-vessels would permit. The "Leander" sailed on the 5th of August with
-the first despatches for Lord St. Vincent off Cadiz, but was on
-the 18th captured by the "Généreux," seventy-four, one of the two
-ships which had escaped from Aboukir Bay. To provide against such an
-accident, however, the brig "Mutine" had also been sent on the 13th to
-Naples, where she arrived on the 4th of September, bringing the first
-news that reached Europe, and which Nelson asked the British minister
-to see forwarded to all the other courts. The captain of the "Mutine"
-started the next day for England, by way of Vienna, and on the 2d of
-October, 1798, two full months after the battle, reached London with
-the first accounts.
-
-Conscious of the effect which events in Egypt might have upon British
-influence in India, Nelson also sent a lieutenant, on the 10th of
-August, to make his way overland through Alexandretta and Aleppo to
-Bombay. This officer bore dispatches to the governor, informing him
-both of the landing and numbers of Bonaparte's expedition, and also of
-the fatal blow which had just befallen it. The news was most timely.
-The French had been actively intriguing in the native courts, and
-Tippoo Saib, the son and successor of Hyder Ali, Sultan of Mysore,
-their former ally in the days of Suffren, had openly committed himself
-to his father's policy. It was too late for Tippoo to recede, and he
-was erelong embarked in a war, which ended in April, 1799, in his death
-at the assault of Seringapatam and the overthrow of his kingdom; but
-on the other native states the striking catastrophe produced its due
-impression. In their operations against Tippoo the British were not
-embarrassed by troubles in other quarters.
-
-"The consequences of this battle," sums up a brilliant French naval
-writer, "were incalculable. Our navy never recovered from this terrible
-blow to its consideration and its power. This was the combat which
-for two years delivered the Mediterranean to the English, and called
-thither the squadrons of Russia; which shut up our army in the midst of
-a rebellious population, and decided the Porte to declare against us;
-which put India out of the reach of our enterprise, and brought France
-within a hair's-breadth of her ruin; for it rekindled the scarcely
-extinct war with Austria, and brought Suwarrow and the Austro-Russians
-to our very frontiers."[221] Great Britain, the Sea Power so often and
-so idly accused of backwardness in confronting France, of requiring
-continental support before daring to move, was first to act. Long
-before news of the battle, before even the battle was fought, or the
-alliance of Austria and Russia contracted, orders had been sent to
-St. Vincent to detach from Nelson's force to the support of Naples,
-hoping there to start the little fire from which a great matter should
-be kindled. These "most secret orders" reached Nelson on the 15th of
-August.[222] He had just dispatched to Gibraltar seven of the British
-fleet with six of the captured French vessels, the whole under charge
-of Sir James Saumarez. Setting fire to the three other prizes, he
-intrusted the blockade of Alexandria to Captain Hood, with three
-ships-of-the-line, and with the three then remaining to him sailed for
-Naples on the 19th. From the wretched condition of his division[223]
-the passage took over a month; but on the 22d of September he anchored
-in the bay, where the renown of his achievement had preceded him.
-
-On his way, Nelson had been informed that a Portuguese squadron,
-commanded by the Marquis de Niza, had entered the Mediterranean to
-support his operations. At his request this division, which had
-appeared off Alexandria on the 29th of August,[224] but refused to
-remain there, undertook the blockade of Malta, until such time as the
-repairs of the British ships should allow them to do so. The natives
-of the island had risen against the French on the 26th of August, and
-driven them from the open country into the forts of La Valetta. Niza
-took his station off the port, about the 20th of September, and on the
-24th Sir James Saumarez appeared with his division and the prizes.
-The following day the two officers sent General Vaubois a summons to
-surrender, which was as a matter of course refused. Saumarez went on
-to Gibraltar; but before doing so gave the inhabitants twelve hundred
-muskets with ammunition, which materially assisted them in their
-efforts, finally successful, to deprive the enemy of the resources
-of the island. Nelson sent off British ships as they were ready, and
-himself joined the blockading force on the 24th of October, though only
-for a few days, his presence being necessary in Naples. The garrison
-was again by him formally summoned, and as formally rejected his
-offers. From that time until their surrender in September, 1800, the
-French were in strict blockade, both by land and water.
-
-In October of this year Lord St. Vincent went to live ashore at
-Gibraltar, both on account of his health, and because there, being the
-great British naval station of the Mediterranean, he was centrally
-placed to receive information, to give orders, and especially to
-hasten, by his unflagging personal supervision, the work of supply
-and repair upon which the efficiency of a fleet primarily depends.
-The division off Cadiz, numbering generally some fifteen of the line,
-kept its old station watching the Spaniards, under the command of
-Lord Keith,—one of the most efficient and active of the generation of
-naval officers between St. Vincent and Nelson, to the latter of whom
-he was senior. Within the Mediterranean Nelson commanded, under St.
-Vincent. The blockade of Egypt and Malta, and co-operation with the
-Austrian and Neapolitan armies in the expected war, were his especial
-charge. He was also to further, as far as in him lay, the operations
-of a combined Russian and Turkish fleet, which had assembled in the
-Dardanelles in September, 1798, to maintain the cause of the coalition
-in the Levant. This fleet entered the Mediterranean in October; but
-instead of assuming the blockade of Alexandria and the protection of
-the Syrian coast, it undertook the capture of the Ionian Islands. All
-of these, except Corfu, fell into its power by October 10; and on the
-20th Corfu, the citadel of the group, was attacked. Nelson saw this
-direction of the Russo-Turkish operations with disgust and suspicion.
-"The Porte ought to be aware," he wrote, "of the great danger at a
-future day of allowing the Russians to get a footing at Corfu."[225]
-"I was in hopes that a part of the united Turkish and Russian squadron
-would have gone to Egypt,—Corfu is a secondary consideration.... I
-have had a long conference with Kelim Effendi on the conduct likely
-to be pursued by the Russian Court towards the unsuspicious (I fear)
-and upright Turk.... A strong squadron should have been sent to Egypt
-to have relieved my dear friend Captain Hood; but Corfu suited Russia
-better."[226] At the same time Turkish troops, under the pashas whose
-good dispositions Bonaparte had boasted, swept away from France the
-former Venetian territory on the mainland, acquired by the treaty of
-Campo Formio.
-
-While Bonaparte's Oriental castles were thus crumbling, through
-the destruction in Aboukir Bay of the foundation upon which they
-rested,—while Ionia was falling, Malta starving, and Egypt isolated,
-through the loss of the sea—the Franco-Spanish allies were deprived of
-another important foothold for maritime power. On the 15th of November
-Minorca with its valuable harbor, Port Mahon, was surrendered to a
-combined British military and naval expedition, quietly fitted out by
-St. Vincent from Gibraltar.
-
-The year 1798 in the Mediterranean closed with these operations
-in progress. At its beginning France was in entire control of the
-land-locked sea, and scarcely a sail hostile to her, except furtive
-privateers, traversed its surface. When it closed, only two French
-ships-of-the-line fit for battle remained upon the waters, which
-swarmed with enemy's squadrons. Of these two, refugees from the fatal
-bay of Aboukir, one was securely locked in Malta, whence she never
-escaped; the other made its way to Toulon, and met its doom in a vain
-effort to carry relief to the beleaguered island.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER X.
-
-THE MEDITERRANEAN FROM 1799 TO 1801.
-
-BONAPARTE'S SYRIAN EXPEDITION AND SIEGE OF ACRE.—THE INCURSION OF
-THE FRENCH BREST FLEET UNDER ADMIRAL BRUIX.—BONAPARTE'S RETURN TO
-FRANCE.—THE FRENCH LOSE MALTA AND EGYPT.
-
-
-After the destruction of his fleet, Bonaparte resumed the task of
-subduing and organizing Egypt, which had by that misfortune become
-more than ever essential to his projects. In the original conception
-of his eastern adventure the valley of the Nile had borne a twofold
-part. It was, in the first place, to become a permanent acquisition
-of France, the greatest of her colonies,—great not only by its own
-natural resources, susceptible as was believed of immense development,
-but also by its singular position, which, to a power controlling the
-Mediterranean waters, gave the military and commercial link between
-the eastern and western worlds. To France, bereft of the East and the
-West Indies, childless now of her richest colonies, Egypt was to be the
-great and more than equal compensation. But this first object obtained,
-though in itself a justification, was but the necessary step to the
-more dazzling, if not more useful, achievement of the destruction
-of the British power in India, and the creation there of an empire
-tributary to France. "Thus, on the one side Egypt would replace San
-Domingo and the Antilles; on the other, she would be a step towards the
-conquest of India."[227]
-
-Measured by the successes of a few handfuls of British in the empire
-of the Moguls, the army brought by Bonaparte into Egypt was more than
-able to subdue that country, and to spread far and wide the obedience
-to the French arms. Like the founders of the British Indian Empire,
-the French general found himself face to face, not only with military
-institutions incomparably weaker and less cohesive than those of
-Europe, but with a civil society—if such it can be called—from which
-the element of mutual confidence, and with it the power of combined
-resistance, had disappeared. The prestige of success, the knowledge
-that he could command the services of a body of men superior in numbers
-as in disciplined action to any aggregation of units that could be kept
-steadily together to oppose him, was sufficient to insure for him the
-supremacy that concentrated force will always have over diffused force,
-organized power over unorganized. In military matters two and two do
-not make four, unless they are brought together in concerted action.
-Unfortunately, at the very moment of the most brilliant demonstration
-of his genius and of the valor of his troops, there had fallen upon one
-part of his command a reverse more startling, more absolute, than his
-own victories, and inflicted by a force certainly not superior to the
-one defeated. The Orientals, who could count upon no sufficient stay
-in men of their own race, now saw hopes of succor from without. They
-were not disappointed. Again a British naval captain, in the moment of
-triumphant progress, stopped the advance of Bonaparte.
-
-The autumn and early winter of 1798 were passed in the conquest and
-overrunning of upper Egypt by Desaix, who left Cairo for this purpose
-on the 25th of August, and in the settlement of the affairs of the
-lower Nile upon such a basis as would secure quiet and revenue during
-the absence of the commander-in-chief. An insurrection in Cairo in
-October, provoked partly by dissatisfaction with intended changes,
-partly by the rumor of the Porte having declared war upon France,
-gave Bonaparte in quelling it an opportunity to show the iron firmness
-of his grip, and afterwards to manifest that mixture of unrelenting
-severity towards the few with politic lenity towards the many, which is
-so well calculated to check the renewal of commotion.
-
-In November, when the weather became cooler, a detachment of fifteen
-hundred men was sent to occupy Suez, and toward the end of December
-Bonaparte himself made a visit of inspection to the isthmus, by which
-he must advance to the prosecution of his larger schemes. While thus
-absent he learned, through an intercepted courier, that Djezzar, the
-Pasha of Syria, had on the 2d of January, 1799, occupied the important
-oasis of El Arish in the desert of Suez, and was putting its fort in a
-state of defence.[228] He at once realized that the time had come when
-he must carry out his project of advance into Syria, and accept the
-hostility of Turkey, which he had wished to avoid.
-
-The singular position of isolation in which the French in Egypt were
-placed, by the loss of the control of the sea, must be realized, in
-order to understand the difficulties under which Bonaparte labored in
-shaping his course of action, from time to time, with reference to the
-general current of events. Separated from Palestine by two hundred
-miles of desert, and by a yet wider stretch of barren sand from any
-habitable land to the west, Egypt is aptly described by Napoleon
-himself as a great oasis, surrounded on all sides by the desert and
-the sea. The intrinsic weakness of the French navy, its powerlessness
-to command security for its unarmed vessels in the Mediterranean, had
-been manifested by the tremor of apprehension and uncertainty which ran
-through the officials at Toulon and in Paris, when, after the sailing
-of Bonaparte, they learned of Nelson's appearance. The restless
-activity of the British admiral, and the frequent sight of his ships
-in different places, multiplied, in the imagination of the French
-authorities, the numbers of hostile cruisers actually on the sea.[229]
-A convoy of twenty-six large ships, for the completion of whose lading
-the expedition could not wait, lay in Toulon during the summer months,
-ready to sail; but no one dared to despatch them. From time to time
-during the outward voyage Bonaparte sent urgent messages for their
-speedy departure; but they never came.
-
-If this fear existed and exercised such sway before the day of the
-Nile, it may be imagined how great was the influence of that disastrous
-tidings. Not only, however, did a moral effect follow, but the
-annihilation of the French fleet permitted the British cruisers to
-scatter, and so indefinitely increased the real danger of capture to
-French ships. Surrounded by deserts and the sea, the commander-in-chief
-in Egypt saw, on and beyond both, nothing but actual or possible
-enemies. Not only so, but being in utter ignorance of the attitude of
-most of the powers as well as of European events, he could not know
-what bad effect might result from action taken by him upon imperfect
-information. His embarrassment is vividly depicted in a letter dated
-December 17, 1798: "We are still without news from France, not a
-courier has arrived since July 6; this is unexampled even in the
-colonies."[230] The courier mentioned, leaving France in July, had
-reached Bonaparte on the 9th of September; but the vessel which brought
-him had been obliged to run ashore to escape the British cruisers, and
-only one letter from the Directory was saved.[231] The next tidings
-came on the 5th of February, when a Ragusan ship, chartered by two
-French citizens, succeeded in entering Alexandria. "The news," he
-said, "is sufficiently contradictory; but it is the first I have
-had since July 6." He then first learned definitely that Turkey had
-declared war against France.[232] His troops were at that moment in the
-desert, marching upon Syria, and he himself on the point of following
-them.
-
-Up to that time Bonaparte had hoped to cajole the Porte into an
-attitude of neutrality, upon the plea that his quarrel was solely
-with the Mamelukes on account of injury done by them to French
-commerce. On the 11th of December he had sent to Constantinople a M.
-Beauchamp, recently consul at Muscat, with instructions how to act in
-the twofold contingency of war having been declared or not. At that
-time he expected that Talleyrand would be found in Constantinople as
-Ambassador of France.[233] The news by the Ragusan enlightened him
-as to the actual relations with Turkey; but the disquieting rumors
-before received, coinciding with his ultimate purpose to advance
-upon India through Syria, had already determined him to act as the
-military situation demanded.[234] He had learned that troops were
-assembling in Syria and in the island of Rhodes, and divined that he
-was threatened with a double invasion,—by the desert of Suez and by
-the Mediterranean Sea. True to his sound and invariable policy, he
-determined to use his central position to strike first one and then the
-other, and not passively to wait on the defensive until a simultaneous
-attack might compel him to divide his force. During the violent winter
-weather, which would last yet for six weeks or two months, landing on
-the Egyptian coast was thought impracticable.[235] For that period,
-probably for longer, he could count upon security on the side of the
-sea. He would improve the interval by invading Syria, driving back the
-enemy there, breaking up his army, and seizing his ports. Thus he would
-both shut the coast to the British cruisers off Alexandria, which drew
-supplies from thence, and make impossible any future invasion from the
-side of the desert. He counted also upon the moral effect which success
-in Syria would have upon the negotiations with the Porte, which he
-conceived to be in progress.[236]
-
-The first essential point in the campaign was to possess El Arish, just
-occupied by the troops of Djezzar. General Reynier advanced against
-it with his division on the 5th of February, 1799. The Turks were by
-him routed and driven from the oasis, and the fort besieged. Bonaparte
-himself arrived on the 15th, and on the 20th the garrison capitulated.
-The corps destined for the expedition, numbering in all thirteen
-thousand men, having now assembled, the advance from El Arish began
-on the 22d. On the 25th Gaza was taken. On the 3d of March the army
-encamped before Jaffa, and on the 7th the place was carried by storm.
-A port, though a very poor one, was thus secured. The next day there
-entered, from Acre, a convoy of Turkish coasters laden with provisions
-and ammunition, which fell a welcome prize to the French, and was sent
-back to Hayfa, a small port seven miles south of Acre, for the use of
-the troops upon arrival. On the 12th of March the army resumed its
-march upon Acre, distant about sixty miles. On the 17th, at five in the
-afternoon, a detachment entered and held Hayfa, to provide a place of
-safety for the flotilla, which, coasting the beach, slowly followed
-the advance of the troops. From Hayfa Bonaparte could see the roadstead
-of Acre, and lying there two British ships-of-the-line, the "Tigre" and
-the "Theseus," both under the command of Sir Sidney Smith, the captain
-of the former; who, as ranking officer on the spot, represented the
-naval power of Great Britain, about again to foil the plans of the
-great French leader.
-
-Sir Sidney Smith, to whom now fell the distinguished duty of meeting
-and stopping the greatest general of modern times, was a man who has
-left behind him a somewhat singular reputation, in which, and in the
-records commonly accessible, it is not always easy to read his real
-character. He was not liked by St. Vincent nor by Nelson, and their
-feeling towards him, though much intensified by the circumstances
-under which he now came to the Mediterranean, seems to have depended
-upon their previous knowledge of his history. The First Lord, in
-assigning him to this duty, felt obliged to take an almost apologetic
-tone to Earl St. Vincent. "I am well aware," he wrote, "that there
-may perhaps be some prejudices, derived from certain circumstances
-which have attended this officer's career through life; but, from a
-long acquaintance with him personally, I think I can venture to assure
-your lordship that, added to his unquestioned character for courage
-and enterprise, he has a great many good points about him, which those
-who are less acquainted with him may not be sufficiently apprised
-of. I have no doubt you will find him a very useful instrument to
-be employed on any hazardous or difficult service, and that he will
-be perfectly under your guidance, as he ought to be."[237] In the
-concluding sentence Earl Spencer sums up Sir Sidney's real character,
-as far as it can be discerned in the dim light of the recorded facts—or
-rather in the false lights which have exaggerated some circumstances
-and distorted others. He was bold and enterprising to Quixotism;
-he was a most useful instrument; but so far from having no doubt,
-the First Lord must have had very serious, if unacknowledged, doubts
-as to how far he would be under the guidance of St. Vincent, or any
-one else, out of signal distance. A self-esteem far beyond what the
-facts warranted, a self-confidence of the kind which does not inspire
-confidence in others, an exaggerated view of his own importance and
-of his own services, which was apt to show itself in his bearing and
-words,[238]—such seem to have been the traits that alienated from Sir
-Sidney Smith the esteem of his contemporaries, until his really able,
-as well as most gallant, conduct at Acre showed that there was more in
-him than the mere vainglorious knight-errant. His behavior even there
-has been distorted, alike by the malevolence of Napoleon and by the
-popular adulation in Great Britain, which, seizing upon the brilliant
-traits of energy and valor he exhibited, attributed to him the whole
-conduct of the siege;[239] whereas, by entrusting the technical
-direction of the defence to an experienced engineer, he made proof of a
-wisdom and modesty for which few of his contemporaries would have given
-him credit. At this time Smith had received some severe snubbings,
-which, administered by men of the standing of St. Vincent and Nelson,
-could not be disregarded, and may have had a wholesomely sobering
-effect.
-
-The circumstances of his coming to the Mediterranean were as follows.
-Having been a prisoner of war in Paris for nearly two years, he escaped
-through the stratagem of a French royalist, Phélippeaux, about a week
-before Bonaparte left the city for Toulon.[240] The incidents of his
-release were dramatic enough in themselves, and, in common with all
-his adventures, were well noised abroad. He became a very conspicuous
-figure in the eyes of the government, and of the public outside the
-navy. In October, 1798, he was given command of the "Tigre," with
-directions to proceed to Gibraltar and put himself under St. Vincent's
-orders. At the same time he was appointed minister plenipotentiary to
-the Porte, being associated in that capacity with his younger brother,
-Spencer Smith, who was already ambassador at Constantinople; the object
-being that, with the diplomatic rank thus conferred, he should be able
-to direct the efforts of the Turkish and Russian forces in the Levant,
-in case the military officers of those nations were of grade superior
-to his. This somewhat complicated arrangement, which presupposed in
-the Turks and Russians a compliance which no British naval officer
-would have yielded, was further confused by the instructions issued,
-apparently without concert, by the Foreign Office to Smith himself, and
-by the Admiralty to St. Vincent. The latter clearly understood that
-Smith was intended to be under his command only, and that merely _pro
-formâ_;[241] but under no obedience to Nelson, although his intended
-scene of operations, the Levant, was part of Nelson's district. This
-view, derived from the Admiralty's letter, was confirmed by an extract
-from the Foreign Office instructions, communicated by Smith to Nelson,
-that "his (Smith's) instructions will enable him to take the command
-of such of his Majesty's ships as he may find in those seas (the
-Levant) unless, _by some unforeseen accident_, it should happen that
-there should be among them any of his Majesty's officers of superior
-rank."[242]
-
-Nelson, of course, was outraged. Here was intruded into his command,
-where he had achieved such brilliant success, and to the administration
-of which he felt fully equal, a man of indifferent reputation as
-an officer, though of unquestioned courage, authorized to act
-independently of his control, and, as it seemed, even to take his
-ships. He was hurt not only for himself, but for Troubridge, who
-was senior to Smith, and would, so Nelson thought, have done the
-duty better than this choice of the Government. The situation when
-understood in England was rectified. It was explained that diplomatic
-rank was considered necessary for the senior naval officer, in order
-to keep in the hands of Great Britain the direction of combined
-operations, essentially naval in character; and that Smith had been
-chosen to the exclusion of seniors because of his relationship to the
-minister at Constantinople, who might have felt the association with
-him of a stranger to be an imputation upon his past conduct. Meanwhile
-St. Vincent, indignant at what seemed to him Smith's airs, had sent him
-peremptory instructions to put himself under Nelson's orders. Thus,
-in the double character of naval captain and minister plenipotentiary
-to Turkey, Smith went up the Mediterranean; where he did first-rate
-service in the former capacity, and in the latter took some action of
-very doubtful discretion, in which he certainly did not trouble himself
-about the guidance or views of his naval superiors.
-
-In compliance with orders from Lord St. Vincent, Nelson in January
-sent Troubridge with some bomb-vessels to Alexandria, to bombard the
-shipping in the port; after performing which service he was to turn
-over to Sir Sidney Smith the blockade of Alexandria and the defence
-of the Ottoman Empire by sea, of which Nelson thenceforth washed his
-hands.[243] The bombardment was maintained during several days in
-February, doing but little harm; and on the 3d of March Sir Sidney,
-having made his round to Constantinople, arrived and took over the
-command. Troubridge left with him the "Theseus," seventy-four, whose
-captain was junior to Smith, with three smaller vessels; and on the
-7th sailed to rejoin Nelson. This was the day that the French stormed
-Jaffa, and the same evening an express with the news reached the
-"Tigre." Smith at once sent the "Theseus" to Acre, with Phélippeaux,
-the French officer who had aided him to escape from Paris and had
-accompanied him to the East.
-
-Of the same age as Bonaparte, Phélippeaux had been his fellow-pupil
-at the military school of Brienne, had left France with the royalists
-in 1792, and returned to it after the fall of Robespierre. He had
-naturally, from his antecedents, joined the party of reaction; and,
-after its overthrow in September, 1797, was easily moved to aid in Sir
-Sidney's escape from Paris. Accompanying him to England, he received
-from the Crown a colonel's commission. To the guidance of this able
-engineer the wisdom and skill of the defence was mainly due. Never did
-great issues turn on a nicer balance than at Acre. The technical skill
-of Phélippeaux, the hearty support he received from Smith, his officers
-and crews, the untiring activity and brilliant courage of the latter,
-the British command of the sea, all contributed; and so narrow was the
-margin of success, that it may safely be said the failure of one factor
-would have caused total failure and the loss of the place. Its fall was
-essential to Bonaparte, and his active, far-seeing mind had long before
-determined its seizure by his squadron, if the British left the Levant.
-"If any event drives us from the coast of Egypt," wrote Nelson on the
-17th of December, 1798, "St. Jean d'Acre will be attacked by sea. I
-have Bonaparte's letter before me."[244] As the best port and the best
-fortress on the coast, Acre was the bridgehead into Palestine. To Syria
-it bore the relation that Lisbon did to the Spanish Peninsular War.
-If Bonaparte advanced, leaving it unsubdued, his flank and rear would
-through it be open to attack from the sea. If it fell, he had good
-reason to believe the country would rise in his favor. "If I succeed,"
-said he at a late period of the siege, when hope had not yet abandoned
-him, "I shall find in the city the treasures of the Pasha, and arms for
-three hundred thousand men. I raise and arm all Syria, so outraged by
-the ferocity of Djezzar, for whose fall you see the population praying
-to God at each assault. I march upon Damascus and Aleppo. I swell my
-army, as I advance, by all malcontents. I reach Constantinople with
-armed masses. I overthrow the Turkish Empire. I found in the East a new
-and great empire which shall fix my place in posterity."[245] Dreams?
-Ibrahim Pasha advanced from Egypt in 1831, took Acre in 1832, and
-marched into the heart of Asia Minor, which the battle of Konieh soon
-after laid at his feet; why not Bonaparte? Damascus had already offered
-him its keys, and the people were eager for the overthrow of the pashas.
-
-On the 10th of March Sir Sidney Smith himself left the blockade of
-Alexandria, and on the 15th anchored with the "Tigre" off Acre.
-He found that much had already been done, by Phélippeaux and the
-"Theseus," to make the obsolete fortifications more fit to withstand
-the approaching siege. Sending the "Theseus" now to cruise down the
-coast towards Jaffa, it fell to himself to deal the heaviest and most
-opportune blow to Bonaparte's projects. Some light coasters had sailed
-with a siege train from the Damietta (eastern) mouth of the Nile,
-which the British never had ships enough to blockade. On the morning
-of the 18th they were seen approaching Acre, under convoy of a small
-corvette. The "Tigre" at once gave chase, and captured all but the
-corvette and two of the coasters. The cannon that should have been
-turned against the walls were landed and served to defend them; while
-the prizes, receiving British crews, thenceforth harassed the siege
-works, flanking the two walls against which the attacks were addressed,
-and enfilading the trenches. The French, having by this mishap lost
-all their siege guns proper, had to depend upon field-pieces to breach
-the walls until the 25th of April, when half a dozen heavy cannon
-were received from Jaffa.[246] This time was simply salvation to the
-besieged and ruin to the assailants; for, in the interval, the skill of
-Phélippeaux and the diligence of the men under him prepared the place
-to withstand attacks which at an early period would have caused its
-fall.
-
-Into the details of this siege, petty in itself but momentous in
-its bearing upon events, it will not be expected that this work
-shall enter. The crucial incident was the capture of the siege train
-and the precious respite thus obtained. Orders were indeed sent to
-Rear-Admiral Perrée to come as speedily as possible, with his small
-squadron of three frigates and two corvettes, to Jaffa and land
-guns; but Alexandria was already blockaded, and, from the narrowness
-of the entrance, very difficult to leave in face of a foe. On the
-5th of April, however, the blockading force had to go to Cyprus for
-water,[247] and on the 8th Perrée got away. On the 15th he landed
-at Jaffa six ship's guns, and so much ammunition as left his little
-squadron with only fifteen rounds. He then received orders to cruise
-to the westward of Acre and intercept the communications of the Turks
-with Candia and Rhodes. Returning from this duty on the 14th of May, he
-was seen and chased by the "Theseus." An accidental explosion on board
-the latter forced her to give over pursuit; but Perrée, recognizing the
-danger of capture, and being short of water and supplies, determined
-to go to France, as his instructions allowed in case of necessity. On
-the 17th of June, when only sixty miles from Toulon, he met a British
-fleet, by which all five vessels were taken.
-
-On the 4th of May, when the besieged and besiegers had been mining,
-countermining, and daily fighting, for over six weeks—separated by but
-a stone's throw one from the other—a breach thought practicable by
-the French general was made, the mine for blowing in the counterscarp
-was finished, and a general assault was ordered for the 5th; but
-the engineers of the besieged countermined so industriously that by
-daybreak they had ruined the mine before being discovered. This caused
-the assault to be postponed to the 9th. On the 7th, towards evening,
-some thirty or forty sail were seen on the western horizon. They bore
-the long expected Turkish succors from Rhodes; whose commander even
-now had only been induced to approach by a peremptory exercise of Sir
-Sidney Smith's powers as British minister. Bonaparte saw that no more
-time could be lost, and ordered the assault at once; the weather being
-calm, twenty-four hours might still elapse before the re-enforcements
-could enter the place. Under a heavy fire from one side and the other,
-the attack was made; and in the morning the British seamen saw the
-French flag flying on the outer angle of one of the towers. It marked
-the high water of Bonaparte's Syrian expedition.
-
-On the 8th the assault was renewed. As the French columns advanced,
-the Turkish ships were still detained in the offing by calms, and
-the soldiers were being brought ashore in boats, but still far from
-the landing. Then it was that Sir Sidney Smith, seeing that a few
-critical moments might determine the success or failure of his weary
-struggle, manned the boats of his ships, and pulling rapidly ashore
-led the British seamen, armed with pikes, to help hold the breach
-till the troops could arrive. The French carried the first line, the
-old fortifications of the town; but that done, they found themselves
-confronted with a second, which Phélippeaux, now dead, had formed by
-connecting together the houses and garden walls of the seraglio within.
-The strife raged throughout the day, with varied success in different
-quarters; but at nightfall, after a struggle of twenty-four hours,
-the assailants withdrew and Acre was saved. On the 20th the siege was
-raised, the French retreating during the night. Upon the 25th they
-reached Jaffa, and on the 29th Gaza. Both places were evacuated; and
-the army, resuming its march, next day entered the desert. On the 2d
-of June it encamped in the oasis of El Arish. The garrison of the fort
-there was re-enforced, the works strengthened with more artillery, and
-the place provisioned for six months. It was the one substantial result
-of the Syrian expedition,—an outpost which, like Acre, an invader must
-subdue before advancing. On the 7th, after nine days' march through the
-desert under the scorching heat of the June sun, the army re-entered
-Egypt. It had lost since its departure fifteen hundred killed or dead
-of disease, and more than two thousand wounded.
-
-The reputation of Sir Sidney Smith with posterity rests upon the
-defence of Acre, in which he made proof of solid as well as brilliant
-qualities. Bonaparte, who never forgave the check administered to his
-ambition, nor overcame the irritation caused by sixty days fretting
-against an unexpected and seemingly trivial obstacle, tried hard to
-decry the character of the man who thwarted him. "Smith is a lunatic,"
-he said, "who wishes to make his fortune and keep himself always before
-the eyes of the world. He is a man capable of any folly, to whom no
-profound or rational project is ever to be attributed."[248] "Sir
-Sidney Smith occupied himself too much with the detail of affairs on
-shore, which he did not understand, and where he was of little use; he
-neglected the maritime business, which he did understand, and where
-he had everything in his power." This accusation was supported by the
-circumstantial mis-statement that six big guns, with a large quantity
-of ammunition and provisions, were landed by Perrée, undetected, seven
-miles from Smith's ships.[249]
-
-That there was a strong fantastic and vainglorious strain in Smith's
-character seems certain, and to it largely he owed the dislike of his
-own service; but so far as appears, he showed at Acre discretion and
-sound judgment, as well as energy and courage. It must be remembered,
-in justice, that all power and all responsibility were in his hands,
-and that the result was an eminent success. Under the circumstances
-he had to be much on shore as well as afloat; but he seems to have
-shown Phélippeaux, and after the latter's death, Colonel Douglas, the
-confidence and deference which their professional skill demanded, as he
-certainly was most generous in recognizing their services and those of
-others. When the equinoctial gales came on he remained with his ship,
-which had to put to sea; an act which Bonaparte maliciously attributed
-to a wish to escape the odium of the fall of the place. Whether
-ashore or afloat, Smith could not please Bonaparte. The good sense
-which defers to superior experience, the lofty spirit which bears
-the weight of responsibility and sustains the courage of waverers,
-ungrudging expenditure of means and effort, unshaken determination to
-endure to the end, and heroic inspiration at the critical moment of
-the last assault,—all these fine qualities must in candor be allowed
-to Sir Sidney Smith at the siege of Acre. He received and deserved
-the applause, not only of the multitude and the government, but of
-Nelson himself. The deeds of Acre blotted out of memory the exaggerated
-reports of the almost total destruction of the French fleet at his
-hands when Toulon was evacuated; reports which had left upon his name
-the imputation of untrustworthiness. But, whatever the personal merits
-of Sir Sidney Smith in this memorable siege, there can be no doubt
-that to the presence of the British ships, and the skilled support
-of the British officers, seamen, and marines—manning the works—is
-to be attributed the successful resistance made by the brave, but
-undisciplined Turks.
-
-During the last days of the siege of Acre and while Bonaparte was
-leading his baffled army through the sands of the desert back into
-Egypt, the western Mediterranean was thrown into a ferment by the
-escape of the French fleet from Brest. This very remarkable episode,
-having led to no tangible results, has been little noticed by general
-historians; but to the student of naval war its incidents are most
-instructive. It is scarcely too much to say that never was there a
-greater opportunity than that offered to the French fleet, had it
-been a valid force, by the scattered condition of its enemies on
-this occasion; nor can failure deprive the incident of its durable
-significance, as illustrating the advantage, to the inferior navy, of
-a large force concentrated in a single port, when the enemy, though
-superior, is by the nature of the contest compelled to disseminate his
-squadrons. The advantage is greatest when the port of concentration is
-central with reference to the enemy's positions; but is by no means
-lost when, as was then the case with Brest, it is at one extremity
-of the theatre of war. It was a steady principle in the policy of
-Napoleon, when consul and emperor, to provoke dissemination of the
-British navy by threatening preparations at widely separated points of
-his vast dominions; just as it was a purpose of the British government,
-though not consistently followed, to provoke France to ex-centric
-efforts by naval demonstrations, menacing many parts of the shore line.
-The Emperor, however, a master of the art of war and an adept at making
-the greatest possible smoke with the least expenditure of fuel, was
-much more than a match in the game of deception for the unmilitary and
-many-headed body that directed the affairs of Great Britain.
-
-Although in 1799 the Channel fleet had attached to it as many as
-fifty-one ships-of-the-line,[250] of which forty-two upon the alarm
-that ensued very soon got to sea,[251] Lord Bridport had with him but
-sixteen when he took command off Brest, on the 17th of April, relieving
-the junior admiral who, with eight or nine ships, had done the winter
-cruising. On the 25th Bridport looked into the port and saw there
-eighteen ships-of-the-line ready for sea. The wind being fresh at
-north-east, the British admiral stood out until he reached a position
-twelve miles west-south-west of Ushant Island. The entrance being thus
-clear and the wind fair, the French fleet, numbering twenty-five of
-the line and ten smaller vessels, slipped out that night under command
-of Admiral Bruix, then minister of marine, who, by his close official
-relations to the government, was indicated as a proper person to fulfil
-an apparently confidential mission, for which his professional ability
-and activity eminently fitted him.
-
-Being bound south and the wind favoring, Bruix passed through the
-southern passage, known as the Passage du Raz,[252] distant thirty
-miles or more from the spot where Bridport had stationed his fleet,
-which consequently saw nothing, though it had great reason to suspect
-a movement by the French. At 9 A. M. on the 26th, however, a British
-inshore frigate caught sight of the enemy just as the last ships were
-passing through the Raz, and hastened toward her fleet. At noon she
-lost sight of the French, and an hour later, the signal being repeated
-from vessel to vessel, Bridport learned that the enemy were out. He at
-once made sail for Brest, assured himself on the 27th that the news
-was true, and then steered for Ireland to cover it from a possible
-invasion, sending at the same time warning to Keith off Cadiz and to
-St. Vincent at Gibraltar, as well as orders into the Channel ports for
-all ships to join him off Cape Clear. The whole south coast of England
-was at once in an uproar; but the government, knowing how scattered
-were the vessels in the Mediterranean, had a double anxiety. On the
-6th of May, five ships-of-the-line sailed from Plymouth to join St.
-Vincent.[253] The rest of the Channel fleet got off as fast as they
-could to Bridport, who, in spite of the reports from merchant vessels
-that had seen the French to the southward, and steering south, refused
-to believe that Ireland was safe. In this delusion he was confirmed by
-a barefaced and much-worn ruse, a small French vessel being purposely
-allowed to fall into his hands with dispatches for Ireland. On the
-12th of May there remained in Plymouth but a single ship-of-the-line,
-and that detained by sickness among the crew,—"a circumstance scarcely
-ever remembered before."[254] Despite this accumulation of force, it
-was not till June 1 that Bridport detached to the southward sixteen
-sail-of-the-line,[255] of which twelve went on to the Mediterranean.
-
-On the morning of the 3d of May Admiral Keith, off Cadiz, was joined by
-a British frigate chased the day before by Bruix's fleet, of which she
-had lost sight only at 4 P. M. The next morning the French appeared,
-twenty-four ships to the British fifteen, which were to leeward of
-their enemy. The wind, that had been blowing fresh from north-west
-since the day before, rapidly increased to a whole gale, so that
-though there were nineteen Spanish ships in Cadiz and twenty-four
-French outside, the British remained safe; and not only so, but by
-making it impossible for the French to enter without an engagement,
-prevented this first attempt at a junction. "Lord Keith," wrote St.
-Vincent, "has shown great manhood and ability, his position having
-been very critical, exposed to a hard gale of wind, blowing directly
-on shore, with an enemy of superior force to windward, and twenty-two
-ships-of-the-line in Cadiz ready to profit by any disaster that might
-have befallen him."[256] Bruix, who knew that his captains, long
-confined to port by the policy of their government, were not able to
-perform fleet manœuvres in ordinary weather, dared not attack on a
-lee shore with a wind that would tax all the abilities of experienced
-seamen.[257] He therefore kept away again to the south-east,
-determining to lose no time, but at once to enter the Mediterranean;
-and the following day Lord St. Vincent, gazing from the rock of
-Gibraltar through the thick haze that spread over the Straits, saw,
-running before the gale, a number of heavy ships which, from dispatches
-received the day before, he knew must be French.
-
-The situations of the vessels in his extensive command, as present
-that morning to the mind of the aged earl, must be realized by the
-reader if he would enter into the embarrassment and anxiety of the
-British commander-in-chief, or appreciate the military significance
-of Bruix's appearance, with a large concentrated force, in the midst
-of dispositions taken without reference to such a contingency. The
-fifteen ships off Cadiz, with one then lying at Tetuan, on the Morocco
-side of the Straits, where the Cadiz ships went for water, were the
-only force upon which St. Vincent could at once depend, and if they
-were called off the Spanish fleet was released. At Minorca, as yet
-imperfectly garrisoned,[258] was an isolated body of four ships under
-Commodore Duckworth. Lord Nelson's command in the central Mediterranean
-was disseminated, and the detachments, though not far out of supporting
-distance, were liable to be separately surprised. Troubridge with four
-vessels was blockading Naples, now in possession of the French, and
-at the same time co-operating with the resistance made to the foreign
-intruders by the peasantry under Cardinal Ruffo. Nelson himself, with
-one ship, was at Palermo, and the faint-hearted court and people
-were crying that if he left them the island was lost. Captain Ball,
-with three of the line, blockaded Malta, the only hope of subduing
-which seemed to be by rigorous isolation. Far to the eastward, up the
-Mediterranean, without a friendly port in which to shelter, Sidney
-Smith with two ships, unsuspicious of danger from the sea, was then
-drawing to an end the defence of Acre.
-
-Each of these British divisions lay open to the immensely superior
-force which Bruix brought. Not only so, but the duties of an important
-nature to which each of them was assigned were threatened with
-frustration. So large a fleet as that of Bruix might, and according
-to the usual French practice probably would, have numerous troops
-embarked.[259] No amount of skill could rescue Troubridge's division
-from such a disproportion of force, and with it would fall the
-resistance of Naples. Only flight could save the ships off Malta, and
-St. Vincent saw the blockade raised, the garrison re-enforced and
-re-victualled; as within his own memory had so often been done for
-Gibraltar, in its famous siege not twenty years before. Duckworth's
-little squadron could not prevent the landing of an army which would
-sweep Minorca again into the hands of Spain, and the British commodore
-might consider himself fortunate if, in so difficult a dilemma, he
-extricated his ships from a harbor always hard to leave.[260] Spain
-also had in Cartagena and Majorca a number of soldiers that could be
-rapidly thrown into Minorca under cover of such a fleet.
-
-The British admiral instantly decided to sacrifice all other objects to
-the concentration of his fleet in such a position as should prevent the
-junction of the French and Spaniards; against which the presence off
-Cadiz of Keith's squadron, though inferior in numbers to either, had so
-far effectually interposed. He at once sent off dispatches to all his
-lieutenants; but the westerly gales that were driving Bruix to his goal
-made it impossible to get ship or boat to Keith. This admiral was only
-reached by an indulgence from the Spanish officials, between whom and
-the British an intercourse of courtesy was steadily maintained. These
-granted to Admiral Coffin, who had been appointed to a post in Halifax,
-passports to proceed to Lisbon through Spain; and Coffin on the way
-contrived to get a boat sent off to Keith, with orders which brought
-him to Gibraltar on the 10th. To Nelson the earl wrote that he believed
-the enemy were bound to Malta and Alexandria; and that the Spaniards,
-whom he was forced to release from Cadiz, would descend upon Minorca.
-Nelson received this message on the 13th of May. The day before, a
-brig coming direct from the Atlantic without stopping at Gibraltar had
-notified him of the escape from Brest, and that the French had been
-seen steering south. On the strength of this he drew from Naples and
-Malta all the ships-of-the-line except one before each, directing a
-rendezvous off Port Mahon, where he would join Duckworth; but when St.
-Vincent's letter came, he called them all in, leaving only frigates
-on each station, and ordered the heavy vessels to meet him off the
-island of Maritimo, to intercept the French between Sicily and Africa.
-He also sent to Duckworth to ask his help; but the commodore declined
-until he could communicate with the commander-in-chief, from whom he
-had received orders to keep his division in readiness to join the main
-fleet when it appeared.
-
-St. Vincent's position, in truth, was one of utter and dire perplexity.
-If the French and Spaniards got together, he would have forty-four
-enemy's vessels on his hands; against which, by sacrificing every other
-object, he could only gather thirty until re-enforced by the Channel
-fleet, upon whose remissness he could hardly fail to charge his false
-position. To lose Minorca and Sicily, to see Malta snatched from his
-fingers when ready to close upon it, the French position in Naples
-established, and that in Egypt so strengthened as to become impregnable
-to either attack or reduction by want, such were the obvious probable
-consequences of Bruix's coming. Besides these evident dangers, he very
-well knew from secret official information that the Spanish court were
-in constant dread of a popular insurrection, which would give the
-French a pretext for entering the peninsula,—not, as in 1808, to impose
-a foreign king upon an unwilling nation, but to promote a change in
-the government which the distress of the people, though usually loyal,
-would probably welcome. In March he had received a communication from
-the Spanish prime minister, asking that a British frigate might be
-detailed to bring remittances from the Spanish colonies to Gibraltar,
-to be afterwards conveyed into Spain. The reason given for making
-this request of an enemy was that the want of specie, and consequent
-delay in public payments, especially to the soldiery, made revolution
-imminent. St. Vincent recommended his government to comply, because of
-the danger, in case of disturbances, that both Spain and Portugal might
-fall under subjection to France.[261]
-
-Fortunately, amid the conflicting claims of diverse interests, the
-path of military wisdom was perfectly clear to one understanding its
-principles. St. Vincent might be agitated by apprehensions; but he
-knew what he must do, and did it. To get his own fleet together and at
-the same time prevent the allies from uniting theirs, was the first
-thing; and the point of concentration indicated for this purpose
-should be one that would cover Minorca, if he arrived before it was
-reduced. For Sicily, Malta, and all to the eastward, he must trust to
-the transcendent abilities of Nelson and his "band of brothers."[262]
-On the 12th, after two days of hurried preparations, the British
-fleet sailed from Gibraltar. On the 20th it reached Minorca, found it
-still safe, and was joined by Duckworth's division, raising the force
-to twenty ships-of-the-line. St. Vincent here received information
-that the French had on the 12th been seen north of Minorca, heading
-for Toulon.[263] Sending this news to Nelson he sailed on the 22d in
-pursuit; but learning that the Spaniards after Keith's departure had
-left Cadiz, as he had expected, he decided to cruise off Cape San
-Sebastian on the Spanish coast. Seventeen sail of Spaniards had indeed
-reached Cartagena on the 20th; but in the passage from Cadiz eleven had
-been partly or totally dismasted, and this circumstance was sufficient
-excuse for not proceeding to a junction, to which the policy of their
-court was but little inclined.
-
-On the 30th of May St. Vincent heard that the French had sailed again
-from Toulon, but for what purpose was not known. As it might follow the
-course of Bonaparte's expedition, east of Corsica, and fall upon Sicily
-and Malta, he sent Duckworth with four ships to Nelson at Palermo,
-and four hours later was joined by the first detachment of five
-sail-of-the-line from the Channel,[264] of whose nearness he doubtless
-had some intimation before parting with Duckworth. With twenty-one sail
-he now stood south-west toward Barcelona, then north-east for Toulon.
-On the 2d of June, when seventy miles from this port, his health gave
-way altogether. He turned over the command to Keith and departed to
-Port Mahon.
-
-Keith continued steering to the northward and eastward. On the 5th of
-June he was joined by a small cruiser, which had seen the French fleet
-in Vado Bay the day before. Bruix had reached Toulon May 14, and sailed
-again on the 26th, taking with him twenty-two ships; the others being
-left in port for repairs. He steered east, carrying supplies and a few
-recruits for the army of Italy. On the 4th of June he had anchored in
-Vado Bay. A detachment from the fleet threw the supplies into Genoa,
-and it would seem that Bruix there had an interview with General
-Moreau, then commanding the army of Italy. On the 6th,[265] turning
-short round, he doubled on his tracks, following close along the coast
-of Piedmont and Provence to avoid the British,[266] passed again in
-sight of Toulon to obtain information,[267] and from there pushed on to
-Cartagena, where he anchored on the 22d; thus making with the Spanish
-fleet the junction which had been frustrated before Cadiz.
-
-On the same day that Bruix turned, Lord Keith, who had also passed
-close along the French coast between Cannes and Nice,[268] standing to
-the eastward, reached as far as Monaco. Then the wind shifted to the
-eastward, and he wrote as follows to Nelson: "Soon after I despatched
-the 'Telegraph'" (the vessel which saw the French in Vado Bay) "last
-night, _the wind came fresh from the east_, which is of course a fair
-wind for the enemy, if bound towards you" (by the east of Corsica) "and
-a foul wind for me to follow them, which is unfortunate; for, if my
-information was just, I had no doubt of overtaking them before they had
-left the coast of Italy; ... but _the defenceless state of Minorca_,
-without a fleet, the great force prepared (at Cartagena) to attack it,
-added to my having so far exceeded my orders already, will oblige me to
-relinquish the pursuit, and return to the protection of that island.
-But I have detached to your lordship the 'Bellerophon' and 'Powerful'
-(seventy-fours), which I hope will arrive in time, as I am confident
-_the French are not thirty leagues hence at this moment_."[269]
-
-Being close in with the shore with an east wind, Keith could only stand
-off on the port tack, and it would appear that he still clung to the
-hope of a shift favorable for reaching Bruix; for on the 8th he was
-sixty miles south of Monaco,[270] not on the route for Minorca. There
-he received from St. Vincent, who, though relinquishing the immediate
-command of the fleet, retained that of the station, pressing orders
-to take a position off the Bay of Rosas. This was evidently intended
-to block the junction of the two fleets, though St. Vincent could not
-have known Bruix's purpose to return. Keith did not obey the order; but
-seems under its influence to have abandoned definitively his hope of
-overtaking the French, for he made sail for Minorca, and arrived there
-on the 12th.[271] Had he obeyed St. Vincent he could scarcely have
-failed to meet Bruix, for at the moment of receiving his letter the two
-fleets were hardly sixty miles apart, and both would have passed within
-sight of Cape San Sebastian, the natural landfall of vessels going from
-Toulon to Cartagena.
-
-Keith remained at Minorca but a few days, during which St. Vincent
-turned over to him the command of the station as well as of the
-fleet.[272] He sailed again on the 15th for Toulon; but the British had
-completely lost trace of the French from the time that they surrendered
-the touch of them obtained on the 5th of the month. From the 15th of
-June to the 6th of July[273] was passed groping blindly in the seas
-between Minorca, Toulon, and Genoa. On the latter date Keith regained
-Minorca, and there found the twelve ships-of-the-line which Bridport
-had detached from Ireland on the 1st of June, and which seem to have
-reached Port Mahon about the 17th of that month.[274] Scarcely an hour
-after his arrival,[275] information was received of the French having
-entered Cartagena. The ships that had accompanied Keith on the recent
-three weeks' cruise had to fill with water; but on the 10th he started
-for the Straits of Gibraltar with thirty-one ships-of-the-line, on a
-stern chase—proverbially a long chase—after the allies, known to be
-bound to the westward.
-
-The latter, however, had a long start. Bruix, aware of the reluctance
-of the Spaniards, and secretly informed that in case of attack they
-could not be depended upon, hurried them away after a week's waiting,
-in virtue of stringent orders wrung from Madrid by the persistence of
-the French ambassador. On the 29th of June he sailed, having sixteen
-Spanish ships-of-the-line in company. On the 7th of July, just as Keith
-reached Minorca from his profitless cruise off Toulon, the allies
-were passing the Straits; and it happened, somewhat singularly, that
-the old Earl of St. Vincent, who had seen them pass Gibraltar, bound
-in, had arrived in a frigate twenty-four hours before,—just in time
-to hear their guns as they went out. They entered Cadiz on the 11th
-of July, the day after Keith sailed in pursuit from Minorca. On the
-21st, still numbering forty sail, they sailed from Cadiz, and on the
-30th Keith with his thirty-one passed the Straits, after a moment's
-delay at Gibraltar. The British pressed their chase, and, despite its
-long start, came off Brest barely twenty-four hours after the French
-and Spaniards, who entered the port on the 13th of August. Lord Keith
-then went on to Torbay. The news of the junction of the French and
-Spaniards, and of their entering the Atlantic, had preceded him, and
-caused a renewal of the excitement about intended invasion to which
-Great Britain at this epoch was always prone. The arrival of the
-large force under his command restored confidence; but although, in
-conjunction with the Channel fleet, there were now as many as fifty-six
-ships-of-the-line assembled in Torbay, some time elapsed before the
-country would part with any of them, while so many enemies lay in
-Brest. Keith did not return to the Mediterranean until December, the
-chief command there being exercised by Nelson during his absence.
-
-The exact aims of the French in this cruise, which from the
-inefficiency of their officers and seamen was as hazardous in its
-undertaking as it proved barren of results, have never been precisely
-ascertained. This uncertainty is probably due to the fact that the
-Directory itself was not clear as to what could be accomplished, and
-that Bruix had somewhat unlimited powers, based upon his confidential
-knowledge of the views of the government. It would seem that the first
-object, both in importance and in order, was a junction with the
-Spaniards in Cadiz. This being frustrated by Keith's division and by
-Bruix's distrust of the efficiency of his captains, the opportunities
-for offensive action, offered by the scattered condition of the
-British ships, were neglected in favor of going to Toulon; for Bruix
-seems to have neither felt nor betrayed any doubt as to his course.
-"The Brest squadron had such a game to play at Malta and Sicily," wrote
-St. Vincent to the First Lord, "that I trembled for the fate of our
-ships employed there, and for the latter island. Your lordship made a
-better judgment by fixing their operations to the coast of Genoa."[276]
-As a matter of fact, this is true; but as a question of military
-forecast, St. Vincent was perfectly right, and the action of the
-French can only be explained on the ground of distrust of their navy,
-or by the old faulty policy—traditional in all French governments,
-republican, royal, or imperial—of preferring ulterior objects to the
-destruction of the enemy's ships.
-
-That the relief or re-enforcement of Bonaparte was intended seems
-improbable; although both St. Vincent and Nelson entertained this
-suspicion, upon which the latter acted. M. Thiers, indeed, finds
-Bruix's cruise inexplicable on any other supposition, but he does
-not assert the fact.[277] The feelings of the Directory towards that
-general were not strictly benevolent, and the ships carried neither
-troops nor supplies of importance; but the destruction of Nelson's
-scattered detachments, coupled as that might have been with the
-victualling of Malta, would have been a most worthy object, and one
-of very probable fulfilment. It is noteworthy that Nelson received
-his first news of Bruix's approach on the 12th of May, at Palermo,
-and on the 14th the French admiral entered Toulon. Now the distance
-from Gibraltar to Toulon is only one hundred and fifty miles less
-than that from Gibraltar to Palermo. Nelson could not have collected
-his ships in time to present a united front; and even could he, his
-whole force did not exceed ten or twelve to the enemy's twenty-four.
-As it was, Bruix's adventure, though daring in conception and active
-in execution, resulted merely in bringing back to France sixteen
-Spanish ships-of-the-line to be hostages for the continuance of the
-Spanish alliance, tottering under the adverse events of 1799; and this
-possibly was the great purpose of the Directory. If so, the excursion
-was political rather than military; and hence an opportunity, of a
-kind which, when rightly improved, has always been most pregnant of
-military consequences—concentration opposed to dispersion—remains to us
-merely an impressive lesson of what might have been, but was not. "Your
-lordship," wrote Nelson four years later to St. Vincent, "knows what
-Admiral Bruix might have done had he done his duty."[278] "The cruise
-of Admiral Bruix," says Captain Chevalier,[279] "was well conceived,
-but failed through the weakness of our allies and the inexperience of
-our own officers and crews.... The Spanish squadron brought to Brest,
-the gage of an alliance then very tottering, was the only result of
-this campaign. It is impossible to have any illusion as to the extent
-of the services rendered by the fleet on the coast of Italy. A division
-of frigates would have done as much."
-
-The conduct of the British admirals in the Mediterranean, caught at
-so serious a disadvantage through no fault of their own, deserves
-to be considered. Dispersed in a fashion that was perfectly proper
-and efficient under the previous conditions, the arrival of Bruix
-imposed concentration, with a consequent enforced abandonment of some
-positions. St. Vincent's first step was to order Nelson to concentrate
-in the neighborhood of Sicily, while he himself drew Keith and
-Duckworth together at Minorca. This effected, the British would present
-two squadrons; one of twenty ships-of-the-line in the west, centring
-about Minorca; the other, four hundred miles distant, of fifteen or
-sixteen ships,[280] gathered off the west end of Sicily to dispute
-the passage to Malta and Alexandria. This smaller division thus seems
-to have been much exposed; but, independently of its greatly superior
-efficiency to the French, it must be remembered that St. Vincent,
-as soon as he reached Minorca, knew that Nelson was in no immediate
-danger, for the French had given him the go-by and gone to Toulon.
-Cruising therefore off Cape San Sebastian, to intercept the junction
-of the Spaniards to the French, he was in constant touch of Minorca,
-barely one hundred miles distant, and, at the same time, was as near
-to Nelson as were the French in Toulon, whether they went east or west
-of Corsica. Being only one hundred and twenty miles from Toulon, and
-in such a position that a wind fair for the French to sail was also
-fair to bring his lookouts down to him, he could hope to overtake
-them,—if not in time to save Nelson, yet with the certainty of finding
-the French so badly handled that they could scarcely escape him. He no
-doubt reasoned as did Nelson to the ministry just before Trafalgar: "I
-ventured without any fear [to predict] that if Calder [with eighteen
-ships] got fairly alongside their twenty-seven or twenty-eight sail,
-by the time the enemy had beat our fleet soundly, they would do us
-no harm this year."[281] Save Malta, which could not have maintained
-the twenty thousand men in their fleet for a month and was otherwise
-barren of resources, the French would have had no port to fall back on
-and would have been lost to the republic.[282] Had St. Vincent cruised
-off Cartagena, where the Spaniards were, he would have been in better
-position to check them, but he would have uncovered both Minorca and
-Nelson to the French; both being nearer to Toulon than to Cartagena.
-Not only so, but Cartagena being three hundred miles farther from
-Toulon than Cape San Sebastian is, the British lookout ships would have
-had all that greater distance to go to their admiral, who, when found,
-would then be further from his chief points of interest than when off
-the Cape. As soon, however, as St. Vincent learned that the French had
-gone east from Toulon, being relieved from any immediate apprehension
-concerning the Spaniards, he re-enforced Nelson with four ships,
-raising his squadron to sixteen British against a possible French
-twenty-four.
-
-It was during the week following the detachment to Nelson that St.
-Vincent left the fleet, and that Keith made the false move which
-has been so severely blamed. It appears to the author, from all the
-information accessible to him, that Keith took this step wholly
-independent of St. Vincent's special orders, which are alleged as
-controlling him. He acted in deference, partly, to the general orders
-given before turning over the command, and partly to his own views
-of the situation.[283] These seem to have differed from those of St.
-Vincent, who laid most stress on disabling the enemy's fleets; whereas
-Keith was dominated by the fear of losing Minorca. This feeling led
-him to deviate from the order to cruise off the Gulf of Rosas, as it
-also led him soon after, on two occasions, to direct Nelson to detach
-ships for the defence of the island; which Nelson, with very doubtful
-propriety, refused to do.[284] Minorca, in this case, very appositely
-illustrates the embarrassment of a fleet upon which an important
-seaport wholly depends for security. In the present instance the
-beating of the French fleet and the protection of Minorca introduced
-two apparently divergent motives, which became personified in St.
-Vincent and his lieutenant. The former saw the best protection to the
-island to be in beating the fleet; Keith subordinated the latter to the
-former. With St. Vincent agreed Nelson's simple but accurate view of
-naval strategy: "I consider the best defence for his Sicilian Majesty's
-dominions is to place myself alongside the French."[285] Keith, on the
-other hand, in a somewhat later letter, expresses almost pathetically
-the embarrassment caused by his inferior strategic insight. "It is
-very hard I cannot find these vagabonds in some spot or other, and
-that I am so _shackled_ with this defenceless island."[286] Properly
-every seaport should be able to hold out for a length of time, longer
-or shorter, according to its importance, entirely independent of the
-fleet. The latter will then be able to exert its great faculty, its
-mobility, unfettered by considerations of what is happening at the
-port. For so long the latter is safe; meanwhile the fleet may be
-absent. The best coast-defence is a navy; not because fortifications
-are not absolutely necessary, but because beating the enemy's fleet is
-the best of all defences.
-
-After the vain pursuit of Admiral Bruix, Lord Keith brought his fleet
-into Torbay on the 17th of August. On the 18th Earl St. Vincent landed
-at Portsmouth, thus formally quitting the Mediterranean command, which
-he had held for three years and nine months. Four days afterwards, on
-the 22d of August, 1799, Bonaparte secretly embarked at Alexandria to
-return into France.
-
-After the Syrian campaign the French army had re-entered Cairo on the
-14th of June. On the 11th of July Sir Sidney Smith, with his two ships,
-anchored in Aboukir Bay, accompanying, or being accompanied by, a
-Turkish fleet of thirteen ships-of-the-line with a hundred other sail
-of frigates and transports. Embarked on board the latter were troops
-variously estimated at from ten to thirty thousand men.[287] On the
-15th Bonaparte, at Cairo, learned that his anticipations of an attack
-by sea, during the fine season, had been realized. He promptly ordered
-Desaix to evacuate upper Egypt for the security of Cairo, and rapidly
-drew together in the neighborhood of Alexandria the detachments in
-lower Egypt. This concentration was effected on the 19th, but by that
-time the Turks had landed and stormed the Castle of Aboukir, which fell
-on the 16th. On the 25th the French attacked the enemy on the peninsula
-of Aboukir, and the same scene that had witnessed the destruction of
-Brueys's squadron a year before now saw the entire overthrow of the
-Mahometan army. All who had landed were either killed, driven into the
-sea and drowned, or taken prisoners. Among the latter was the Turkish
-commander-in-chief.
-
-After the defeat flags of truce passed between Bonaparte and the
-British commodore, through which the former received English newspapers
-up to the 10th of June.[288] By them he learned the victorious advance
-of the second coalition, and the defeats of the French in Germany
-and Italy. His resolution was speedily taken to return to France. It
-has been disputed whether this was a sudden determination not before
-entertained, as asserted by his secretary Bourrienne; or whether
-it represents a purpose gradually and naturally formed. Napoleon
-himself in later years attributed his decision to information obtained
-from Phélippeaux in the trenches before Acre; when the combatants,
-separated by but a few yards, often exchanged words.[289] It is,
-however, certain that the thought had long been familiar to him;
-for, in a letter to the Directory as early as October 7, 1798, he
-had announced his intention of returning to Europe in certain very
-probable contingencies.[290] The same message was repeated a few
-months later.[291] In truth his keen military sagacity, resembling
-the most delicate yet most highly cultivated intuitions, had divined
-the misfortunes awaiting France at the time he learned by the Ragusan
-ship that Naples had declared war and that all[292] the powers were
-arming. During his own Italian campaign, even after the British had
-left the Mediterranean, his mind had been preoccupied with the danger
-from Naples; and he foresaw in Egypt the disasters that must result
-from an ex-centric movement of the French army in that quarter, if
-followed by any reverses in upper Italy. Bourrienne tells a story
-which illustrates vividly the superstitious vein in his character,
-as well as the foreboding of evil that he had carried with him into
-Syria. While before Acre, news was received that a Nile boat named the
-"Italy," in the employ of the French army, had after a gallant defence
-been blown up by her crew to avoid capture by the Arabs. The incident
-and the name made a strong impression upon Bonaparte. "My friend,"
-said he to Bourrienne, "Italy is lost to France. All is over; my
-presentiments never deceive me;" nor could any argument rid his mind of
-this conviction, dependent rather upon his instinctive perceptions than
-upon a slight and fortuitous coincidence.[293] So, when he read Sidney
-Smith's gazettes, he cried again: "My presentiment did not deceive me!
-Italy is lost!"[294]
-
-Admiral Ganteaume was directed to prepare rapidly two of the frigates
-which had fallen to France in her share of the spoil of Venice; and
-the persons intended to accompany the general were quietly notified.
-After the defeat of the Turks at Aboukir, Sidney Smith had resumed
-the blockade of Alexandria; but on the 9th of August he withdrew
-to Cyprus, probably for water. Taking advantage of the opportunity,
-Bonaparte sailed, and after a tedious passage landed at Fréjus on the
-9th of October. One month later the Directory was overthrown and the
-supreme power in France passed into Bonaparte's hands.
-
-Thus ended, so far at least as the great designer was concerned,
-Bonaparte's Oriental Expedition; an undertaking which has been freely
-stigmatized as a dream, marked by the eccentricities of its author's
-genius, not by his usual keen intelligence. A dream it was, it is true;
-but not for its Eastern impossibilities, nor for its wide flights of
-imagination, the faculty which Bonaparte possessed in so eminent a
-degree, without which he never could have conceived his extraordinary
-policy, and to which he usually joined a width and depth of practical
-wisdom which balanced his imagination and made possible the realizing
-of his visions. That it was no dream to rouse and combine the nations
-of the East under the headship of one man, witness the careers of the
-adventurers who there, from age to age, have risen to empire; and who
-certainly were not superior in genius, nor as leaders of men, to the
-great Corsican. Witness, too, the motley host which he gathered under
-one standard, from all the highly organized nations of continental
-Europe, for that other great Eastern expedition in which he wrecked
-his fortunes. The Egyptian enterprise and all its brilliant hopes
-definitively failed at Acre, in the march against Turkey through
-Syria; and it failed,—why? Because a British seaman, by his command
-of the sea and his support to the garrison, maintained the possession
-of a place, to advance beyond which, unsubdued, would entail ruin.
-Forty years later an army, not of the superb soldiers of the French
-revolution, but of native Egyptians, led by Ibrahim Pasha, whom none
-will equal to Napoleon, undertook the same march, captured Acre, and
-had progressed victoriously into the heart of Asia Minor when the
-British navy again interfered and called a halt. How came it that a
-naval captain, with two ships-of-the-line and a few small vessels,
-controlled absolutely the far east of the Mediterranean? Because in
-Aboukir Bay, nine months before, Nelson had destroyed the French fleet.
-That magnificent battle not only signalized the genius for war of the
-British admiral, but proclaimed aloud the existence of a power destined
-ever, and in all parts, to clip the wings of the coming emperor. The
-Eastern enterprise of Bonaparte failed, not because of miscalculations
-as to what was possible in that far East, which Western people so ill
-can understand; but because he, to the end of his career, was never
-able rightly to appreciate the conditions of naval warfare. His perfect
-military insight was not mistaken in affirming that the principles of
-war upon the sea must be the same as upon land; it was by the failure
-to comprehend the circumstances to which the principles must be
-applied—the failure to realize the possibilities and the limitations
-of the naval warfare of his day—that the general and the emperor
-were alike led into fatal miscalculations. The Nile and Trafalgar,
-each the grave of a great conception, proclaimed the same cause and
-the same effect; underlying each was the inability of Napoleon to
-understand what ships could do and what they could not, according to
-the conditions of the sea and the capacity of the seamen.
-
-There was, however, one radical fallacy underlying Bonaparte's
-Egyptian, or rather Oriental, expedition,—for in his mind it far
-outleaped the narrow limits of the Nile valley,—and that lay in the
-effect he expected to produce upon Great Britain. It is all very
-well to stigmatize, after Lanfrey's fashion, as the vagaries of a
-distempered fancy, the vast projects of Eastern conquest and dominion,
-which unquestionably filled his mind with dreams of a sweep to his arms
-rivalling that of Alexander and of the Roman legions. An extraordinary,
-perhaps even an extravagant, imagination was one of the necessary
-conditions of Napoleon's wonderful career. That it should from time
-to time lead him into great mistakes, and ultimately to his ruin, was
-perhaps inevitable. Without it, or with it in a markedly less degree,
-he might have died in his palace an old man and left his throne to
-a son, if not to a dynasty; but also without it he would not have
-produced upon his own age and upon all subsequent history the effects
-which he has left. To it were due the Oriental visions, to which,
-regarded as a military enterprise, the present writer is certainly not
-ready to apply the word "fantastic." But, as a blow directed against
-Great Britain, there was in them a fatal defect of conception, due more
-to a miscalculation of the intellect, a prejudice of his day, than to a
-wild flight of fancy.
-
-In the relations of India to Great Britain, Bonaparte, in common with
-all Frenchmen of his age, mistook effect for cause. The possession
-of India and of other colonies was to them the cause of British
-prosperity; just as at a later time, and now, the wide extent of
-British commerce has seemed to many the cause of Great Britain's wealth
-and eminence among the nations. That there is truth in this view is not
-to be denied; but it is the kind of truth compatible with putting the
-cart before the horse, mistaking the fruit for the tree, the flower
-for the plant. There was less excuse for a blunder of this kind in a
-quick-witted nation like the French, for they had before their eyes
-the fact that they had long owned some of the richest colonies in
-the world; and yet the British had, upon their own ground, amid all
-disadvantages of position, absorbed the commerce of the West Indies,
-French as well as Spanish. In local advantages, Great Britain in the
-West Indies had not the tenth of what France and Spain had; yet she so
-drank the wealth of the region that one fourth of her envied commerce
-then depended upon it. So in India; Great Britain sucked the wealth
-of India, because of the energy and commercial genius of her people.
-Had Bonaparte's visions been realized and India dominated, Great
-Britain would not have been overcome. A splendid bough would have been
-torn from a tree, and, in falling, would have carried to the ground
-the fruit depending from it; but not only was the amount of the fruit
-exaggerated, but the recuperative power of the root, the aptitude
-of the great trunk to throw out new branches, was not understood.
-Had Bonaparte converted the rule of India from England to France, he
-would have embarrassed, not destroyed, British traffic therein. Like
-the banyan tree, a new sucker would have been thrown out and reached
-the soil in some new spot, defying efforts at repression; as British
-commerce later refused to die under the far more searching efforts of
-the Continental System.
-
-The strength of Great Britain could be said to lie in her commerce
-only as, and because, it was the external manifestation of the wisdom
-and strength of the British people, unhampered by any control beyond
-that of a government and institutions in essential sympathy with
-them. In the enjoyment of these blessings,—in their independence and
-untrammelled pursuit of wealth,—they were secured by their powerful
-navy; and so long as this breastplate was borne, unpierced, over the
-heart of the great organism, over the British islands themselves, Great
-Britain was—not invulnerable—but invincible. She could be hurt indeed,
-but she could not be slain. Herein was Bonaparte's error. His attempt
-upon India was strategically a fine conception; it was an attack
-upon the flank of an enemy whose centre was then too strong for him;
-but as a broad effort of military policy,—of statesmanship directing
-arms,—it was simply delivering blows upon an extremity, leaving the
-heart untouched. The same error pervaded his whole career; for, with
-all his genius, he still was, as Thiers has well said, the child of
-his century. So, in his later years, he was beguiled into the strife
-wherein he bruised Great Britain's heel, and she bruised his head.
-Yet his mistake, supreme genius that he was, is scarce to be wondered
-at; for after all the story of his career, of his huge power, of
-his unrelenting hostility, of his indomitable energy, unremittingly
-directed to the destruction of his chief enemy,—after all this and its
-failure,—we still find men harping on the weakness of Great Britain
-through her exposed commerce. Her dependence upon trade, and the
-apparent slackening of the colonial ties, foretell her fatal weakness
-in the hour of trial. So thought Napoleon; so think we. Yet the
-commercial genius of her people is not abated; and the most fruitful
-parts of that colonial system existed scarcely, if at all, in those old
-days, when her commerce was as great in proportion to her numbers as it
-is now. To paralyze this, it must be taken by the throat; no snapping
-at the heels will do it. To command the sea approaches to the British
-islands will be to destroy the power of the State; as a preliminary
-thereto the British navy must be neutralized by superior numbers, or by
-superior skill.
-
-Like the furtive intrusion and hasty retreat of Bruix's fleet, the
-stealthy manner of Bonaparte's return to Europe proclaimed the control
-of the Mediterranean by the British navy, and foretold the certain fall
-of his two great conquests, Egypt and Malta. His own personal credit
-was too deeply staked upon their deliverance, both by his original
-responsibility for the expedition and by the promises of succor made to
-the soldiers abandoned in Egypt, to admit a doubt of his wish to save
-them, if it could be done. His correspondence is full of the subject,
-and numerous efforts were made; as great, probably, as were permitted
-by the desperate struggle with external enemies and internal disorder
-in which he found France plunged. All, however, proved fruitless. The
-detailed stories of the loss of Egypt and of Malta by France have much
-interest, both for the military and unprofessional reader; but they
-are summed up in the one fact which prophesied their fall: France had
-lost all power to dispute the control of the sea. From February, 1799,
-when a small frigate entered La Valetta, to January, 1800, not a vessel
-reached the port. In the latter month a dispatch-boat got in, bringing
-news of Bonaparte's accession to power as First Consul; which event,
-though two months old, was still unknown to the garrison. On the 6th
-of February Admiral Perrée, who had served on the Nile and in Syria to
-Bonaparte's great satisfaction, sailed from Toulon with the "Généreux,"
-seventy-four, one of the ships that had escaped from Aboukir Bay, three
-smaller vessels, and one large transport. A quantity of supplies and
-between three and four thousand troops for the relief of Malta were
-embarked in the squadron. On the 18th they fell in with several British
-ships, under Nelson's immediate command; and after the exchange of a
-few shots, one of which killed Perrée, the "Généreux" and the transport
-struck to a force too superior to be resisted. The other ships returned
-to Toulon.
-
-All further attempts to introduce relief likewise failed. During the
-two years' blockade, from September, 1798, to September, 1800, only
-five vessels succeeded in entering the port.[295] The "Guillaume
-Tell," which had lain in Valetta harbor since the battle of the
-Nile, attempted to escape on the night of the 31st of March, being
-charged with letters to Bonaparte saying that the place could not
-hold out longer than June. The ship was intercepted by the British,
-and surrendered after a brilliant fight, in which all her masts were
-shot away[296] and over a fifth of her crew killed and wounded. One of
-the vessels sharing in this capture was Lord Nelson's flag-ship, the
-"Foudroyant," but the admiral himself was not on board. Swayed by a
-variety of feelings, to analyze which is unnecessary and not altogether
-pleasant to those who admire his fame, he had asked, after the return
-of Lord Keith, to be relieved and granted a repose to which his long
-and brilliant services assuredly entitled him. He thus failed to
-receive the surrender of the last of the ships which escaped from the
-Nile, and to accomplish the reduction of Malta, whose ultimate fate had
-been determined by his previous career of victory. The island held out
-until the 5th of September, 1800. Nelson on the 11th of July struck his
-flag in Leghorn, and in company with the Hamiltons went home overland,
-by way of Trieste and Vienna, reaching England in November.
-
-The story of Egypt is longer and its surrender was later,—due also to
-force, not to starvation. An army powerful enough to hold in submission
-and reap the use of the fertile valley of the Nile, could never be
-reduced like the port of a rocky island, blocked by sea and surrounded
-by a people in successful insurrection. Nevertheless, the same cause
-that determined the loss of Malta operated effectually to make Egypt a
-worse than barren possession.
-
-Bonaparte, though wielding uncontrolled sway over all the resources
-of France, found as great difficulty in getting news from his
-conquest or substantial succor to it as he had had, when in Egypt, to
-obtain intelligence from home. Unwearying official effort and lavish
-inducements to private enterprise alike proved vain. In the first
-week of September, 1800, the return of the "Osiris," a dispatch-boat
-that had successfully made the round voyage between France and Egypt,
-was rewarded by a gift of three thousand dollars to the captain and
-two months' pay to the crew. This extravagant recompense sufficiently
-testifies the difficulty of the feat; and over seven weeks later, on
-October 29, Bonaparte writes to Menou, "We have no direct news of you
-since the arrival of the 'Osiris.'" This letter was to be entrusted
-to Admiral Ganteaume; but three months elapsed before that officer
-was enabled by a violent gale to evade the British blockade of Brest.
-Appeals were made to Spain, and government agents sent throughout
-the south of France, as well as to Corsica, to Genoa, to Leghorn, to
-the Adriatic, to Taranto, when Italy after Marengo again fell under
-Bonaparte's control. Numerous small vessels, both neutral and friendly,
-were from every quarter to start for Egypt, if by chance some of them
-might reach their destination; but no substantial result followed. For
-the most part they only swelled the list of captures, and attested the
-absolute control of the sea by Great Britain.
-
-Kleber, the illustrious general to whom Bonaparte left the burden he
-himself dropped, in a letter which fell into the hands of the British,
-addressed to the Directory the following words:[297] "I know all the
-importance of the possession of Egypt. I used to say in Europe that
-this country was for France the fulcrum, by means of which she might
-move at will the commercial system of every quarter of the globe; but
-to do this effectually, a powerful lever is required, and that lever
-is a Navy. Ours has ceased to exist. Since that period everything
-has changed; and peace with the Porte is, in my opinion, the only
-expedient that holds out to us a method of fairly getting rid of an
-enterprise no longer capable of attaining the object for which it was
-undertaken."[298] In other words, the French force of admirable and
-veteran soldiers in Egypt was uselessly locked up there; being unable
-either to escape or to receive re-enforcement, they were lost to their
-country. So thought Nelson, who frequently declared in his own vehement
-fashion that not one should with his consent return to Europe, and who
-gave to Sir Sidney Smith most positive orders on no account to allow
-a single Frenchman to leave Egypt under passports.[299] So thought
-Bonaparte, despite the censure which he and his undiscriminating
-supporters have seen fit to pass upon Kleber. Six weeks before he
-sailed for Europe[300] he wrote to the Directory: "We need at least
-six thousand men to replace our losses since landing in Egypt.... With
-fifteen thousand re-enforcements we could go to Constantinople. We
-should need, then, two thousand cavalry, six thousand recruits for the
-regiments now here; five hundred artillerists; five hundred mechanics
-(carpenters, masons, etc.); five demi-brigades of two thousand men
-each; twenty thousand muskets, forty thousand bayonets, etc. etc. _If
-you cannot send us all this assistance it will be necessary to make
-peace_; for, between this and next June, we may expect to lose another
-six thousand men."[301] But how was this help to be sent when the sea
-was securely closed?
-
-Bonaparte and Kleber held essentially the same view of the situation;
-but the one was interested, like a bankrupt, in concealing the state
-of affairs, the other was not. Kleber therefore gladly closed with a
-proposition, made by the Turks under the countenance of Sir Sidney
-Smith, who still remained in the Levant, by which the French were to
-be permitted to evacuate Egypt and to be carried to France; Turkey
-furnishing such transports as were needed beyond those already in
-Alexandria. A convention to this effect was signed at El Arish on the
-24th of January, 1800, by commissioners representing Kleber on the
-one hand and the commander-in-chief of the Turks on the other. The
-French army would thus be restored to France, under no obligations
-that would prevent its at once entering the field against the allies
-of Great Britain and Turkey. Sir Sidney Smith did not sign; but it
-appears from his letter of March 8, 1800,[302] to M. Poussielgue, one
-of Kleber's commissioners, that he was perfectly cognizant of and
-approving the terms of an agreement in direct contravention of the
-treaty of alliance between Turkey and Great Britain, and containing an
-article (the eleventh) engaging his government to issue the passports
-and safe conducts for the return of the French,[303] which depended
-absolutely upon its control of the sea, and which his own orders from
-his superiors explicitly forbade.
-
-The British government had meantime instructed Lord Keith that the
-French should not be allowed to leave Egypt, except as prisoners of
-war. On the 8th of January, over a fortnight before the convention
-of El Arish was signed, the admiral wrote from Port Mahon to notify
-Smith of these directions, which were identical in spirit with
-those he already had from Nelson. With this letter he enclosed one
-to Kleber, "to be made use of if circumstances should so require."
-This letter, cast in the peremptory tone probably needed to repress
-Smith, informed Kleber curtly that he had "received positive orders
-not to consent to any capitulation of the French troops, unless they
-should lay down their arms, surrender themselves prisoners of war, and
-deliver up the ships and stores in Alexandria." Even in this event
-they were not to be permitted to return to France until exchanged.
-The admiral added that any vessel with French troops on board, having
-passports "from others than those authorized to grant them," would
-be forced by British cruisers to return to Alexandria.[304] Smith,
-knowing that he had exceeded his authority, had nothing to do in face
-of this communication but to transmit the letters apologetically to
-Kleber, expressing the hope that the engagement allowed by him would
-ultimately be sustained. In this he was not deceived. The British
-cabinet, learning that Kleber had executed an essential part of his
-own agreements, under the impression that Smith had authority to
-pledge his government, sent other instructions to Keith, authorizing
-the carrying out of the convention while expressly denying Smith's
-right to accede to it. Owing to the length of time required in that age
-for these communications to pass back and forth, such action had been
-taken by Kleber, before these new instructions were received, that the
-convention never became operative. The French occupation lingered on.
-Kleber, being assassinated on the 14th of June, 1800, was succeeded
-by Menou, an incapable man; and in March, 1801, a British army under
-General Abercromby landed in Aboukir Bay. Abercromby was mortally
-wounded on the 21st, at the battle of Alexandria; but his successor was
-equal to the task before him, and in September, 1801, shortly before
-the preliminaries of peace with Great Britain were signed, the last of
-the French quitted Egypt.
-
-The terms under which the evacuation was made were much the same as
-those granted at El Arish; but circumstances had very greatly changed.
-The battle of Marengo, June 14, 1800, and the treaty of Lunéville,
-February 9, 1801, had restored peace to the Continent; the French
-troops would not now re-enforce an enemy to the allies of Great
-Britain. Not only so, but since the power of Austria had been broken,
-Great Britain herself was intending a peace, to which the policy of
-Bonaparte at that time pointed. It was therefore important to her that
-in the negotiations the possession of Egypt, however barren, should not
-be one of the cards in the adversary's hand. No terms were then too
-easy, provided they insured the immediate departure of the French army.
-
-[Illustration: English Channel and North Sea.]
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XI.
-
-THE ATLANTIC, 1796-1801.—THE BREST BLOCKADES.—THE FRENCH EXPEDITIONS
-AGAINST IRELAND.
-
-
-The decision taken by the French executive in the latter part of
-1795,—after the disastrous partial encounters of Martin with Hotham
-in the Mediterranean and of Villaret Joyeuse with Bridport in the
-Bay of Biscay,—to discontinue sending large fleets to sea, and to
-rely upon commerce-destroying, by single cruisers or small squadrons,
-to reduce the strength of Great Britain, remained unchanged during
-the following years, and was adopted by Bonaparte when the Consular
-government, in 1799, succeeded that of the Directory. This policy was
-in strict accord with the general feeling of the French nation, as well
-naval officers as unprofessional men, by which the action of the navy
-was ever subordinated to other military considerations, to "ulterior
-objects," as the phrase commonly ran,—a feeling that could not fail to
-find favor and expression in the views of the great director of armies
-who ruled France during the first fourteen years of this century. It
-amounted, however, simply to abandoning all attempt to control the sea.
-Consequently, whenever any enterprise was undertaken which required
-this to be crossed, resort was necessarily had to evasion, more or less
-skilfully contrived; and success depended, not upon the reasonable
-certainty conferred by command of the water, by the skilful massing
-of forces, but upon a balance of chances, which might be more or less
-favorable in the particular instance, but could never be regarded
-as reaching the degree of security which is essential, even in the
-hazardous combinations of the game of war. This formal relegation of
-the navy to a wholly inferior place in the contest then raging, was
-followed, under the embarrassments of the treasury, by a neglect of
-the material of war, of the ships and their equipments, which left
-France still at Great Britain's mercy, even when in 1797 and 1798 her
-Continental enemies had been shaken off by the audacity and address of
-Bonaparte.
-
-Thrice only, therefore, during the six years in question, ending
-with the Peace of Amiens in 1802, did large French fleets put to
-sea; and on each occasion their success was made to depend upon the
-absence of the British fleets, or upon baffling their vigilance. As
-in commerce-destroying, stealth and craft, not force, were the potent
-factors. Of the three efforts, two, Bonaparte's Egyptian expedition
-and Bruix's escape from Brest in 1799, have been already narrated
-under the head of the Mediterranean, to which they chiefly—-the former
-wholly—belong. The third was the expedition against Ireland, under
-the command of Hoche, to convoy which seventeen ships-of-the-line and
-twenty smaller vessels sailed from Brest in the last days of 1796.
-
-The operations in the Atlantic during this period were accordingly,
-with few exceptions, reduced to the destruction of commerce, to the
-harassment of the enemy's communications on the sea, and, on the part
-of the British, to an observation, more or less vigilant, of the
-proceedings in the enemy's naval ports, of which Brest was the most
-important. From the maritime conditions of the two chief belligerents,
-the character of their undertakings differed. British commerce covered
-every sea and drew upon all quarters of the world; consequently French
-cruisers could go in many directions upon the well known commercial
-routes, with good hope of taking prizes, if not themselves captured.
-British cruisers, on the other hand, could find French merchant
-vessels only on their own coast, for the foreign traffic of France
-in ships of her own was destroyed; but the coasting trade, carried
-on in vessels generally of from thirty to a hundred tons, was large,
-and in the maritime provinces took in great measure the place of
-land carriage. The neutrals who maintained such foreign trade as was
-left to the enemies of Great Britain, and who were often liable to
-detention from some infraction, conscious or unconscious, of the rules
-of international law, were naturally to be found in greatest numbers in
-the neighborhood of the coasts to which they were bound. Finally, the
-larger proportion of French privateers were small vessels, intended to
-remain but a short time at sea and to cruise in the Channel or among
-its approaches, where British shipping most abounded. For all these
-reasons the British provided for the safety of their distant commerce
-by concentrating it in large bodies called convoys, each under the
-protection of several ships of war; while their scattered cruisers were
-distributed most thickly near home,—in the English Channel, between the
-south coast of Ireland and Ushant, in the waters of the bay of Biscay,
-and along the coasts of Spain and Portugal. There they were constantly
-at hand to repress commerce-destroying, to protect or recapture their
-own merchantmen, and to reduce the coasting trade of the enemy, as well
-as the ability of his merchants to carry on, under a neutral flag, the
-operations no longer open to their own. The annals of the time are
-consequently filled, not with naval battles, but with notes of vessels
-taken and retaken; of convoys, stealing along the coast of France,
-chased, harassed and driven ashore, by the omnipresent cruisers of the
-enemy. Nor was it commerce alone that was thus injured. The supplying
-of the naval ports, even with French products, chiefly depended upon
-the coasting vessels; and embarrassment, amounting often to disability,
-was constantly entailed by the unflagging industry of the hostile
-ships, whose action resembled that which is told of the Spanish
-guerillas, upon the convoys and communications of the French armies in
-the Peninsular War.[305]
-
-The watch over the enemy's ports, and particularly over the great and
-difficult port of Brest, was not, during the earlier and longer part of
-this period, maintained with the diligence nor with the force becoming
-a great military undertaking, by which means alone such an effort can
-be made effective in checking the combinations of an active opponent.
-Some palliation for this slack service may perhaps be found in the
-knowledge possessed by the admiralty of the condition of the French
-fleet and of the purposes of the French government, some also in the
-well-known opinions of that once active officer, Lord Howe; but even
-these circumstances can hardly be considered more than a palliation for
-a system essentially bad. The difficulties were certainly great, the
-service unusually arduous, and it was doubtless true that the closest
-watch could not claim a perfect immunity from evasion; but from what
-human efforts can absolute certainty of results be predicted? and
-above all, in war? The essential feature of the military problem, by
-which Great Britain was confronted, was that the hostile fleets were
-divided, by the necessities of their administration, among several
-ports. To use these scattered divisions successfully against her mighty
-sea power, it was needed to combine two or more of them in one large
-body. To prevent such a combination was therefore the momentous duty of
-the British fleet; and in no manner could this be so thoroughly carried
-out as by a close and diligent watch before the hostile arsenals,—not
-in the vain hope that no squadron could ever, by any means, slip out,
-but with the reasonable probability that at no one period could so many
-escape as to form a combination threatening the Empire with a crushing
-disaster. Of these arsenals Brest, by its situation and development,
-was the most important, and contained usually the largest and most
-efficient of the masses into which the enemies' fleets were divided.
-The watch over it, therefore, was of supreme consequence; and in the
-most serious naval crisis of the Napoleonic wars the Brest "blockading"
-fleet, as it was loosely but inaccurately styled, by the firmness
-of its grip broke up completely one of the greatest of Napoleon's
-combinations. To it, and to its admiral, Cornwallis, was in large
-measure due that the vast schemes which should have culminated in the
-invasion of England, by one hundred and fifty thousand of the soldiers
-who fought at Austerlitz and Jena, terminated instead in the disaster
-of Trafalgar. Yet it may be said that had there prevailed in 1805
-the system with which the names of Howe and Bridport are identified,
-and which was countenanced by the Admiralty until the stern Earl St.
-Vincent took command, the chances are the French Brest fleet would have
-taken its place in the great strategic plan of the Emperor.
-
-This far-reaching combination, so tremendous in its risks and in its
-issues that men have doubted, and always will doubt, whether Napoleon
-seriously meant to carry it through, was but the supreme example of
-the dangers to which Great Britain was exposed, and from which her
-fleets had to shield her. It was aimed, with the true insight of
-genius, directly at her heart; and except from occasional assertions
-of the emperor, whose words can never be implicitly believed, there is
-really little cause for doubt that he was prepared to take many chances
-of ruin in order to execute an enterprise which, both in conception
-and details, was so clearly stamped with the characteristics of his
-intellect and temperament. But the widely scattered dominions of Great
-Britain offered many points, besides the British islands themselves,
-to the blows of an enemy; and her navy had to protect not merely the
-heart but the extremities, each and all of which were threatened,
-in proportion to their value and their means of resistance, when a
-hostile squadron was loose upon the sea. How, then, should this service
-be performed? By dividing the fleet among the points threatened,
-and establishing the line of defence close before the region to be
-defended? Not so should the true maxim, that the British navy was
-the first line of defence, have been interpreted. As in all military
-campaigns, the front of operations of a powerful fleet should be pushed
-as far towards the enemy as is consistent with the mutual support of
-the various detachments, and with secure communication with their base.
-By so doing, not only are the great national interests placed more
-remote from the alarms of war, but the use of the region behind the
-front of operations, in this case the sea, is secured to the power that
-can afford to maintain its fighting line close to the enemy's positions.
-
-Not merely to check great combinations threatening great disasters,
-but to protect as far as possible minor but important interests, and
-for the security of commerce itself, the true station for the British
-fleets, superior in temper if not in numbers to the enemy, was before
-the hostile ports and as close to them as might be. There, though their
-function was defensive, as in the last analysis that of the British
-Empire also was, they were ever ready, did opportunity offer, to
-assume the offensive. "Every opportunity will be given to the Toulon
-squadron to put to sea," wrote Nelson, "for it is on the sea that we
-hope to realize the expectations of our country,"—a hope which it was
-given him to fulfil at Trafalgar, where the greater designs of Napoleon
-were forever crushed. This hope of Nelson's was, however, based upon
-a close watch of his port, to establish which by constant cruising
-before it he avowed his purpose;[306] and the enforced abandonment of
-this plan, from the crazy condition of several of his ships, was the
-first cause of the perplexities which pursued him through the campaign.
-Did an enemy's division escape, as from Toulon and at other times, the
-general policy was not invalidated by such occasional failure. The
-first line of defence had been pierced at a single point; there still
-remained the other lines, the fortified ports and the soldiers behind
-them, or, in a maritime region like the West Indies, a detachment of
-ships more or less adequate to contest the ground until re-enforced.
-
-A wisely co-ordinated system of defence does not contemplate that
-every point is to hold out indefinitely, but only for such time as
-may be necessary for it to receive the support which the other parts
-of the whole are intended to supply. That the navy is the first line
-of defence, both in order and in importance, by no means implies
-that there is or should be no other. This forced and extravagant
-interpretation, for which naval officers have been largely responsible,
-of the true opinion that a navy is the best protection for a sea
-frontier, has very much to do with that faulty strategy which would tie
-the fleet, whatever its power, to the home ports, and disseminate it
-among them. Navies do not dispense with fortifications nor with armies;
-but when wisely handled, they may save their country the strain which
-comes when these have to be called into play,—when war, once remote,
-now thunders at the gates, and the sea, the mother of prosperity, is
-shut off. This kindly office did British seamen for Great Britain in
-the days of Napoleon, and mainly through those close blockades of which
-St. Vincent set the pattern before Toulon in the Mediterranean,[307]
-and afterwards before Brest, when he took command of the Channel fleet.
-
-The port of Brest, regarded as the principal hostile arsenal round
-which must centre the operations of a great part of the British navy,
-has to be considered under two sets of conditions: 1st, as to its
-position, relatively to the British bases of operations and to points
-of British territory open to attack; 2d, as to its own immediate
-surroundings, how far they facilitated the action of the French navy,
-and what dispositions of the British fleet were necessary in order
-best to impede that action. The former question is strategic in its
-character, the latter tactical.
-
-[Illustration: Brest and Its Approaches.]
-
-At the end of the peninsula which forms the north-western extremity of
-France, there is a deep recess in the land, between two capes which
-lie nearly in the same north and south line, and are called Pointe St.
-Mathieu and Pointe du Raz. The former is the more northerly, and the
-distance separating the two is seventeen miles. A promontory making
-out from the bottom of the recess divides it into two bays of unequal
-dimensions, of which the southern is known as the Bay of Douarnenez
-and the northern as that of Brest. The entrance to the former is five
-miles wide and unobstructed, so that only partial shelter is obtained;
-it gives, however, a safe though rough anchorage, even in westerly
-gales. The Bay of Brest, of smaller surface, is entered by a passage
-three miles long and only one wide, called the Goulet. With such an
-approach, and further favored by the configuration of the surrounding
-land, perfect security is found there, as well as facility for carrying
-on the work of a fleet, when it would be impossible at the more exposed
-anchorage of Douarnenez. From the Goulet to Pointe St. Mathieu the
-distance is seven miles; and immediately outside the former are two
-open roadsteads, Bertheaume to the north and Camaret to the south,
-frequently occupied by French ships prior to a final start on an
-expedition, or when waiting for a wind.
-
-Had these features constituted the whole of the hydrographic
-surroundings of Brest Harbor, the task of a British admiral would
-have been simpler. A singular combination of dangers conspired to
-force him, even in favorable weather, to a station much further from
-the coast, and at the same time tended to facilitate the exit of the
-French. From both Pointe St. Mathieu and Pointe du Raz a strip of foul
-ground, comparatively narrow, extends for fifteen miles directly out
-to sea. That from St. Mathieu trends west-north-west and terminates
-in the island of Ushant;[308] while from Pointe du Raz a succession
-of reefs, shoals, and low islands, the whole known as the Chaussée de
-Sein, stretches nearly due west to a point due south of Ushant and
-distant from it twenty-two miles. Between these two long, low barriers
-lay the principal approach to Brest, the Iroise Channel,—fifteen miles
-long and of a width varying from seventeen to twenty-two, nearly double
-that of the Straits of Gibraltar,—in which it was not possible to
-maintain a body of heavy vessels, particularly the three-decked ships,
-of ninety guns and over, which formed a large fraction of the Channel
-fleet and were singularly wanting in weatherly qualities. Their short,
-high hulls and heavy top-hamper caused them to drift rapidly in bad
-weather; and they needed plenty of open sea to leeward for this reason,
-and also that they might run before the wind, if too violent. To try
-to keep these formidable but unhandy vessels in the Iroise during the
-heavy westerly gales which prevail in the Bay of Biscay,[309] with no
-refuge from the sea save the enemy's port under their lee, was to court
-destruction.
-
-To keep the English Channel open in case of very heavy weather was
-therefore essential to the British fleet. The Island of Ushant, as
-favoring this object and also as a conspicuous, easily recognized
-off-shore position, became the strategic centre around which the
-movements of the main body of the fleet revolved, and to which all
-dispositions made to ensure the watching of Brest must have regard, as
-to their natural point of reference.
-
-Given the superiority of force which the British navy usually
-possessed, a superiority none too great to bear the tremendous strain
-imposed by the dangerous weather and coasts it had to encounter, the
-supreme strategic factor was the wind. Brest is farther west than any
-English Channel port except Falmouth, which is on the meridian of
-Ushant. Falmouth, however, did not stand well as a port in the general
-naval opinion of the day, though it had warm advocates;[310] and it
-was undoubtedly wanting in room for a number of heavy ships to anchor
-together. East of Falmouth there were available the anchorages of
-Plymouth, Torbay, and Spithead, distant from Ushant respectively 120,
-135, and 210 miles, Falmouth being only 100; but with the exception
-of Spithead, they were not secure in all winds. Plymouth Sound was
-exposed to the point of danger in south-west gales. Torbay, though safe
-in westerly weather, was at times dangerous, as well as difficult to
-leave, in the south-easterly storms, which were, however, exceptional.
-
-Spithead was secure, and was moreover the roadstead of a great naval
-arsenal, as was also Plymouth Sound; but its distance, a hundred miles
-east of Torbay, with the wind prevailing three-fourths of the time from
-the westward, should have been considered an insuperable strategic
-objection to sailing ships destined to watch Brest, and especially to
-fleets. A sailing ship of fair qualities, proceeding against a dead
-head wind, makes good only one third of the distance she actually
-sails. With such a wind a port one hundred miles distant is actually
-three hundred, and with fleets progress is even slower. To this was
-added at Spithead a difficulty seemingly trivial, yet so insuperable
-as to be humiliating. With a south-east wind, favorable to go down
-Channel, three-decked ships could not get from the anchorage to St.
-Helen's (the outer roads only three miles distant), whence they could
-sail with a fair wind.
-
-The whole theory of the blockade of Brest rested on the fact that the
-French fleet could not sail in such westerly weather as forced the
-British to take refuge in port,[311] and upon the expectation that the
-latter by diligence could regain their station with the first of the
-east wind, in time to prevent the enemy's escape. This expectation
-depended upon the greater rapidity of the British movements and
-consequently upon the distance of the point of refuge. For this reason
-Spithead was singularly unfit to be the rendezvous of the fleet; yet it
-was chosen and maintained by both Howe and Bridport during the seven
-years of their consecutive commands. To this they added the practice of
-keeping the main body of the fleet in port during the winter months.
-The Admiralty, doubtless, was ultimately responsible; but, even with
-the sharp lessons of the Irish expedition and Bruix's escape, it needed
-the advent of an admiral of St. Vincent's sagacity and temper to insure
-the adoption of a more rational and vigorous system. In his words
-to the second in command,—when the wild winter weather and his own
-declining years compelled him to withdraw from the flag-ship,—"You are
-on _no_ account to authorize any ships to go to Spithead, unless you
-receive special orders from the Admiralty or from me,"[312] is summed
-up the simple, yet fundamental, difference between his policy and that
-of his predecessors. All his other careful arrangements to expedite
-the refitting of ships, and prolong their stay on the station, are but
-detailed instances of the same effort to save time, to keep his fleet
-concentrated at the decisive point, and in the largest mass possible.
-
-After Howe finally retired from the command, Bridport established his
-headquarters at Spithead, where during the winter and early spring the
-main body of the fleet was commonly assembled. The commander-in-chief
-seems himself to have lived ashore, being in April, 1796, created
-general port-admiral with liberal appointments. Squadrons of seven or
-eight ships-of-the-line, about a fourth of the total force, cruised
-to the westward of Ushant, "in the soundings," during the winter, for
-periods of two or three months, returning to Spithead when relieved.
-Thus was practically realized Lord Howe's policy, to economize the
-ships and depend upon vessels kept in good order by staying in port to
-follow the French, when information of their sailing was received. This
-also was the general plan at the time of the French expedition against
-Ireland in the winter of 1796-1797.
-
-The widespread discontent in Ireland, especially in the Protestant
-North, was well known to the Directory, with which, through the French
-minister at Hamburg, Irish agents had been in communication as early
-as April, 1796. Another, the somewhat celebrated Wolfe Tone, had in the
-first months of the year arrived in Paris from the United States with a
-similar mission. To their efforts was added the powerful influence of
-General Hoche, who had in other fields of action shown military ability
-of the highest order; and who, having established his claims upon the
-gratitude of his country by the pacification of La Vendée and Brittany,
-was now in command of the army in that quarter. In all directions
-circumstances seemed favorable. Bonaparte was in the midst of his great
-Italian successes; and the reverses inflicted upon Jourdan and Moreau
-in Germany by the Archduke Charles were neutralized, for the winter
-at least, by the necessity of drawing upon his troops to renew the
-Austrian armies in Italy. Spain had declared war against Great Britain;
-and there were hopes, destined to be frustrated by the lethargy of her
-movements and by the battle of Cape St. Vincent, that the Spanish fleet
-could be made to combine with the French for the purposed invasion. The
-mission of Lord Malmesbury, although the British government held its
-head high, seemed to indicate failing confidence; and the British navy,
-however successful in seizing the colonial possessions of its enemies
-in all parts of the world, had been unable, through the retirement of
-the French fleets from the sea, to win any of those brilliant victories
-which restore the courage of nations. St. Vincent, Camperdown, and the
-Nile were still in the future.
-
-The proposed invasion was consequently resolved. It depended avowedly
-upon the co-operation of the disaffected inhabitants; but Hoche did
-not make the mistake of trusting to them for the most serious part of
-the work. No less than twenty thousand troops were to be embarked; and
-as the general recognized that the difficulties would by no means be
-over when Ireland was reached,—that the British navy, if successfully
-eluded by the expedition, would nevertheless seriously interfere
-with subsequent supplies,—he insisted upon carrying with him as much
-of these, and consequently as many ships, as could be had in Brest.
-Efforts were made to increase the force in that port. Five ships under
-Admiral Villeneuve were ordered round from Toulon;[313] Richery's
-squadron was expected from North America,[314] and the Spaniards were
-also called upon. These efforts, however, only caused delay, and
-contributed but two of Richery's ships to swell the expedition, the
-others being found too shaken to be sent at once to sea. Villeneuve did
-not arrive in time, and the Spaniards remained in the Mediterranean.
-
-The number of seamen at the disposal of the government was limited,
-owing to many causes; among which the principal were discontent with
-the navy, and the superior attractions of privateering, which had led
-not merely to their choosing that service, but also to many being
-captured at sea and so lost to their country. This deficiency imposed
-a proportionate limit to the number of ships that could be fitted.
-There was a dearth likewise of good watch officers. Besides these
-controlling circumstances, there were also some manifest advantages in
-reducing to the smallest numbers the vessels composing an expedition,
-which was to avoid action, to make a short passage at the stormiest
-season of the year, and which it was all important should keep united
-and arrive together. For these reasons it was decided that the troops
-should be embarked on the ships-of-war to their fullest capacity. Each
-ship-of-the-line carried six hundred soldiers, making with her crew
-a ship's company of thirteen hundred souls. The frigates received
-about two hundred and fifty each. Although in this particular instance
-the arguments in favor of transporting the army in the ships-of-war
-outweighed those against, there is always a grave disadvantage to the
-handling and fighting of vessels encumbered by so many useless and
-generally sea-sick men.
-
-Never, however, was a great expedition, destined to encounter
-extraordinary risks and to brave one of the stormiest of seas,
-more favored than this at the first was by the elements and by the
-mismanagement of its enemies. For nearly six weeks before it sailed the
-winds prevailed from the east; and during the passage, in mid-winter,
-fine weather with favorable winds lasted until the bulk of the fleet
-reached the Irish coast. Nor was an enemy's vessel met, to take
-advantage of the crowded and inefficient condition of the French ships.
-Like Bonaparte's expedition to Egypt, though from other causes, Hoche's
-ships passed to their destination unseen by any foe powerful enough to
-molest. To the enfeebled state of the French navy, to the decay of its
-material, to the want of seamen, to the disappearance of the trained
-officers, and to the consequent disinclination of the superiors to
-undertake the expedition, is to be attributed the failure of an attempt
-in which their sympathies had never been enlisted. Hoche, who had
-supreme command of both army and navy,[315] found by bitter experience
-the delays which incompetent or ill-affected subordinates can impose,
-especially in a branch of service of which the commander-in-chief
-has not particular knowledge. Villaret Joyeuse, first appointed to
-command the fleet, being keenly aware of its defects, was averse from
-an enterprise which, in all reasonable probability, would lead to a
-meeting at once with the British and with excessively bad weather. He
-wished, as did also Truguet, the Minister of Marine, to take a heavy
-squadron of eight ships to India; whereby, if the first encounter with
-the enemy were evaded, a long passage with much good weather would
-permit the crews to be trained, while in the Indian seas they would be
-superior in force to their opponents. Truguet, however, harmonized this
-object with the proposed expedition by purposing to send the ships to
-India after their return from Ireland; while Villaret, who had spent
-in the ports the years which the minister had passed in Paris, and
-knew intimately the deplorable state of both men and ships, had little
-hope of the latter coming back in any state to undertake his favorite
-project.
-
-The hardly concealed bias of the admiral, and the apathy of the
-naval officers generally, inspired Hoche with doubts of Villaret's
-faithfulness to his task; and upon his urgent remonstrance Morard de
-Galles, who fifteen years before had been like Villaret among the
-bravest captains of the great Suffren, succeeded to the command. The
-new admiral brought to his duty the submissive devotion of a military
-man, and had not, as Villaret had, any counter-project of his own; but
-the radical defects of an organization, vitiated by years of neglect
-and false standards, could not be overcome by a man already advanced
-in years in the few short days of hurried preparation. Such as the
-French navy had become, through the loss of its heads and the vagaries
-of the legislature, such it sailed on the expedition to Ireland. "God
-keep me from having anything to do with the navy!" wrote Hoche. "What
-an extravagant compound! A great body whose parts are disunited and
-incoherent; contradictions of all kinds, indiscipline organized in a
-military body. Add to that, haughty ignorance and foolish vanity, and
-you have the picture filled out. Poor Morard de Galles! he has already
-aged twenty years; how I pity him!"[316]
-
-The administrative difficulties, caused by poverty of resources,
-conspired with the non-arrival of Richery and Villeneuve to delay the
-expedition. Fixed first for the early autumn and then for the first of
-November, it was not able to sail till the middle of December. Richery
-had reached the anchorage of Île d'Aix[317] on the 5th of November with
-five ships-of-the-line; but not till the 8th of the following month
-could his vessels, racked by their long cruise, sail for Brest. On the
-11th they entered the port, where upon examination two only of them
-were found fit for the Irish voyage; and the wait for these entailed a
-delay which had a singular effect upon the fortunes of the undertaking.
-
-On the 15th of December the whole body of ships, except Richery's two,
-got under way, stood through the Goulet, and anchored that evening in
-Bertheaume and Camaret roads, ready for a start,—the wind still fair as
-fair could be, at east. The British, under the lax and cautious system
-pursued by Bridport and his lieutenants, had then no ships-of-the-line
-close up to the port, but only two or three frigates, and these Morard
-de Galles drove off with a small detached squadron, hoping thus to
-deprive the enemy of precise knowledge of his movements. Sir Edward
-Pellew, the senior officer of the frigates, sent one of them, the
-"Phœbe," to Admiral Colpoys, commanding the division of Bridport's
-fleet then cruising; which, in consequence of the preparations known to
-be going on in Brest, had been increased to fifteen sail-of-the-line,
-double the usual winter squadron. Contrary to Lord St. Vincent's sound
-maxim, "Well up with Ushant in an easterly wind," Colpoys's rendezvous
-was about eight leagues to the west of the island, and thither
-the frigate went to seek him; but his force, composed largely of
-three-deckers, having let go the shelter of the land, had been driven
-farther still to leeward, and being nearly fifty miles from Ushant was
-not found by the "Phœbe" till the 19th, three days after the French
-finally sailed.
-
-Pellew, one of the most active frigate captains of the time, retired
-but a short distance from his pursuers, and next day, the 16th, again
-stood in for the French anchorage with his own ship,—well named the
-"Indefatigable,"—and the "Révolutionnaire." At noon the enemy were
-again sighted, and not long after, Pellew's vigilance was rewarded
-by seeing them get under way. Richery's two ships, "Pégase" and
-"Révolution," came through the Goulet towards noon, and all the
-expedition began at once to lift their anchors between two and three P.
-M. of the short winter day. Dispatching the "Révolutionnaire" to the
-admiral, Pellew himself remained to watch the course taken by the enemy.
-
-The imperative need of the French being to escape meeting the British,
-and to reach Ireland with force undiminished either by capture or
-straggling, Morard de Galles' first object was to avoid Colpoys's
-fleet. This was known to be in the direction of Ushant, having been
-seen on more than one occasion from the island, and by Richery when
-entering Brest. If the departure were unperceived, the uncertainty
-of the enemy as to the destination might be counted on to favor the
-further movements of the expedition. The French admiral therefore
-determined to use the advantage, inestimable to a naval port, which
-Brest possesses in a double entrance. Between the Pointe du Raz and the
-Chaussée de Sein[318] there is a channel known as the Passage du Raz.
-It is narrow, being less than three miles wide in one part, and is sown
-with dangers, formidable above all in the night season, during which
-it must be passed if the enemy were to be kept in ignorance; but with
-a fair wind and good pilots the thing could be done. Morard de Galles
-therefore gave the order to the fleet to head, upon getting under way,
-for the Passage du Raz, and informed the captains that, after clearing
-it, he intended to steer west for one hundred miles. Having provided
-for keeping the fleet together so far, each commanding officer was also
-given a sealed packet, directing him what to do in case of separation.
-It may be said here that these packets,—which were not to be opened
-unless in case of parting company,—directed to make Cape Mizen Head
-on the south coast of Ireland, near the entrance of Bantry Bay, the
-anchorage whence the landing was to be made. There the separated
-vessels were to cruise five days, waiting for orders.
-
-At three o'clock the whole fleet was under sail, the sun was sinking
-fast, the weather gloomy and squally; and the vessels, unable to form
-from the inexperience of their officers, were running disorderly for
-the dangerous pass, the entrance to which, being fifteen miles from
-the anchorage they were leaving, could not be reached before dark. The
-flag-officers, except Richery, had quitted their own ships-of-the-line
-and gone aboard frigates, the two commanders, Hoche and Morard de
-Galles, being together on board the "Fraternité." As night fell,
-the wind hauled to the southward, threatening to become foul, under
-which conditions the passage of the Raz would be impossible. Moved
-by the danger, and considering that Colpoys was not within sight,
-the admiral by signal countermanded his order, and directed the
-fleet to put before the wind and run out by the Iroise channel. In
-the confusion and growing darkness this order was not understood.
-Morard's own ship and half a dozen more, one only of which was of the
-line, obeyed; but all the others continued for the Passage du Raz.
-Thus, at the very moment of starting, the two principal officers were
-separated from their command. In vain did Morard send a corvette to
-enforce his order by voice or by signal,—she was not understood; and
-the confusion was increased by Pellew, who, attaching himself to the
-leading ships, kept on with them through the Iroise, and by burning
-rockets and blue lights, and firing guns, rendered utterly incoherent
-the attempts of the French admiral to convey by similar means his
-meaning to his fleet.[319] In the midst of the turmoil the "Séduisant,"
-of seventy-four guns, ran on a rock which lies across the entrance to
-the passage, and was totally wrecked, her guns and signals of distress
-adding to the uproar.[320] At half-past eight, the "Indefatigable"
-saw the ships with which she had kept company pass round the outer
-end of the Chaussée de Sein and steer to the southward, with the
-hope, doubtless, of rejoining their consorts. Pellew then made sail
-for Falmouth, where he arrived on the 20th of December. Had this port
-then been the rendezvous of the Channel fleet, or even of a strong
-detachment, there would still have been time, for the French did not
-reach Bantry Bay till the 22d; the wind was east, and the distance but
-two hundred and fifty miles.
-
-On the morning of the 17th of December, the French were divided
-into three bodies out of sight of each other. With the two
-commanders-in-chief were one ship-of-the-line and three frigates.
-Rear-Admiral Bouvet, the second in command, had with him eight
-ships-of-the-line and nine other vessels. In accordance with his
-orders he continued to steer west during the 17th and 18th. On the
-19th, having opened his sealed instructions and reached the longitude
-of Mizen Head, he changed the course to north, and the same day was
-joined by the third section of the expedition, thus concentrating under
-his command fifteen ships-of-the-line, and, with three unimportant
-exceptions, all the other vessels except those with Hoche and Morard.
-Grouchy, second to Hoche, was with Bouvet; so that the admiral now had
-with him practically the whole body of the expedition. Unfortunately
-the soul, the young, gallant, and skilful Hoche, the emulous rival of
-Bonaparte's growing glory, who saw in the Irish expedition the great
-hope of restoring the brilliancy of his own star, paling before that of
-his competitor,—Hoche was absent.
-
-With a brief exception of southwesterly weather, the wind continued
-from the eastward during the whole of Bouvet's passage; and
-notwithstanding a good deal of fog, at times very dense,[321] all those
-who were with him on the 19th—thirty-five out of the forty-three
-which composed the expedition—found themselves on the early morning
-of December 21st together, and in full sight of the Irish coast. "It
-is most delicious weather," wrote the eager, restless Irishman, Wolfe
-Tone, who was on board one of the ships, "with a favorable wind and
-everything we can desire, except our missing comrades. At the moment
-I am writing we are under easy sail, within three leagues at most of
-the coast, so that I can discern patches of snow upon the mountains.
-What if the general do not join? If we cruise here five days according
-to our instructions, the English will be upon us and all will be over.
-_Nine o'clock_ (P. M.). We are now at the rendezvous appointed; stood
-in for the coast till twelve (noon), when we were near enough to toss
-a biscuit ashore. At twelve tacked and stood out again, so we have now
-begun our cruise of five days in all its forms.... We opened Bantry
-Bay; and in all my life rage never entered so deep into my heart
-as when we turned our backs. Continue making short tacks; the wind
-foul."[322]
-
-The wind was now foul, not because of its own change, but because
-from the entrance of Bantry Bay to its head the direction is
-east-north-east. The wind that had been favorable for leaving Brest
-and for the passage was for the short remaining distance, not over
-thirty miles at the most, nearly dead ahead. Unfortunately, also, in
-sailing north along the meridian of Bantry Bay, the east wind had set
-the fleet imperceptibly to the westward, so that the land first seen
-was not Mizen Head, at the eastern side of the entrance, but Dursey
-Island, at the western.[323] Had the intended landfall been made, the
-ships might, by hauling close round Mizen Head, have fetched a point
-at least twelve miles inside of Dursey Island and there anchored. Now
-that fortune ceased to waft them with favoring gales, the weaknesses
-of the expedition became painfully apparent. Crews composed mainly of
-landsmen, with a very small sprinkling of able seamen, crowded and
-impeded at every turn by the swarming mass of soldiery, were ill able
-to do the rapid handling of ropes and canvas necessitated by a dead
-beat of thirty miles, against a strong head wind in a narrow bay, where
-every rod lost tells, and requires three or four rods of sailing to
-be regained; where sails must be reefed or hoisted, set or furled,
-at a moment's notice, and the canvas spread varies from half-hour to
-half-hour. Such a tug tasks the skill, as it proclaims the excellence,
-of the smartest single ship, though she find the channel clear of other
-vessels; but to a fleet of thirty-five, manned and equipped as those
-of Bouvet, and compelled to give way continually as they crossed each
-other's paths, it proved impossible to reach the head of Bantry Bay,
-where shelter would have been found from the east winds, which for the
-following week blew with relentless fury.
-
-Through the night of the 21st and all day of the 22d, the fleet
-continued turning to windward; and toward nightfall the admiral
-anchored with eight of-the-line and seven other vessels off Bear
-Island, still twelve miles from the head of the bay. The other twenty
-ships remained outside under way. All the 23d it blew hard from the
-eastward, and nothing was done. On the 24th the weather moderated,
-and it was decided to attempt a landing, although no more ships had
-come in,—the twenty outside having been blown to sea. Those at the
-anchorage got under way, but made no progress. "I believe," wrote the
-exasperated Wolfe Tone, "that we have made three hundred tacks, and
-have not gained a hundred yards in a straight line." At sunset the
-division again anchored; and during the night the wind rose to a gale,
-which continued all the 25th and prevented any boat work. Several
-ships dragged, and some cables parted. Soon after nightfall the cable
-of Bouvet's flag-ship gave way, and the "Immortalité" began to drive
-upon Bear Island. A second anchor failing to hold her, the admiral cut
-both cables and put to sea, signalling the other vessels to do likewise
-and hailing to the same effect those near whom he passed, among others
-the ship on board which Wolfe Tone was. This, however, held on—her
-captain becoming the senior naval officer present—till the 27th.
-The wind then falling, a council of war was held, and decided that
-as there were but four thousand soldiers in the bay, and as neither
-cannon, ammunition nor provisions necessary for the landing remained
-at the anchorage, the attempt must be abandoned. The wind now changing
-to south-west and threatening a storm, this little division, reduced
-to six ships-of-the-line and four smaller vessels, sailed for Brest,
-where they arrived on the 12th of January. Rear-Admiral Bouvet had long
-preceded them, having reached Brest on the 1st of the month.[324] By
-the 14th, four weeks and a day after sailing from Brest, thirty-five
-of the expedition had returned safe, though greatly battered, to
-French ports, after various adventures not necessary to relate. Five,
-including the "Séduisant," wrecked on the night of sailing, had been
-lost or destroyed by their officers, and six captured[325] by the
-British.
-
-The one still to be accounted for closed dramatically the adventure,
-which, having begun by the wreck of one ship-of-the-line, ended with
-the yet more deplorable destruction of another. This, called by the
-good revolutionary name "Droits de l'Homme," had clung tenaciously
-to the Irish coast till January 5th; but, finding herself alone and
-no hope remaining, started then to return to Brest. On the 13th she
-fell in with two British frigates, one the "Indefatigable," Pellew's
-ship. The two closed with her, and just before nightfall the French
-vessel carried away her fore and main topmasts. The wind was blowing
-hard from the westward, and her captain, fearing momentarily to meet
-enemy's ships of greater force and numbers, decided to run steadily
-for his own coast. At half-past five the "Indefatigable," whose sail
-power was untouched, drew up, and the battle began. An hour later her
-consort, the "Amazon," came within range. Through the long night, with
-a few intermissions at the choice of the uncrippled British frigates,
-the strife went on,—the embarrassed condition of the "Droits de
-l'Homme" being increased by the fall of her mizzen mast at half-past
-ten. The sea was running so high that the crews of the frigates fought
-up to their middles in water, while the ship-of-the-line could not
-use her lower tier of guns; and at the end the "Indefatigable," the
-sole survivor of the conflict, had four feet of water in her hold. At
-half-past four on the morning of the 14th, land, for which a lookout
-had been anxiously kept, was suddenly seen. The two British ships
-were then holding positions a little ahead, and on either bow, of the
-"Droits de l'Homme." Each hauled to the wind on its own side of the
-enemy; the "Indefatigable" to the south, the "Amazon" to the north. All
-three were embayed in Audierne Bay, an unsheltered beach thirty-five
-miles south of Brest, between Pointe du Raz and the Penmarck rocks. By
-strenuous efforts the "Indefatigable," after wearing twice, cleared
-the latter by three quarters of a mile. As she passed them in broad
-daylight, the "Droits de l'Homme" lay on her side at the bottom of
-the bay, the surf beating over her. The "Amazon," whose situation
-had allowed too little time for skill to play, was also aground two
-miles to the northward. Here, however, the resemblance ceased. The
-trained and disciplined British crew got safe to land. The unfortunate
-French ship, crowded to repletion with men for the most part wholly
-unaccustomed to the sea, had had the further misfortune to take the
-bottom on a bank at a great distance from the beach. Three days of
-awful exposure, without food or water, followed. Not till the 17th did
-the subsidence of the gale allow relief from shore, and only on the
-18th did the last survivor quit the wreck. Out of thirteen hundred men
-on board her when the battle began, two hundred and sixty were killed
-and wounded, and two hundred and seventeen lost their lives through the
-wreck.
-
-The singular circumstance that, despite the first separation of the
-fleet on the night of sailing, the disconnected units were yet for the
-most part brought together and together reached the coast of Ireland,
-and yet that from this happy meeting the most important vessel of
-all, carrying the two commanders-in-chief, was excepted, creates a
-legitimate curiosity as to the movements of the "Fraternité" during
-these critical days. On the 17th, this ship had with her two frigates
-and one ship-of-the-line,—the "Nestor." On the 20th the other frigates
-had disappeared, the "Nestor" alone remaining; but it was found,
-from subsequent examination of the logs, that had the fog which then
-covered the ocean lifted, the "Fraternité" would have been in sight
-of the main body, which then, under Bouvet, was steering north to
-make Mizen Head. That night the "Nestor" parted company. On the 24th
-of December the "Fraternité" was pursuing her course for Bantry Bay,
-where the main body had already arrived, when a ship resembling a
-ship-of-the-line was seen. As the stranger did not reply to the signals
-made, the "Fraternité" took flight to the westward, and, finding
-herself outsailed, threw overboard some of her guns. During the night
-the pursuer was thrown off, and the frigate again shaped her course
-for Bantry Bay; but the same easterly gale which drove Bouvet from
-the anchorage was now blowing in her teeth. On the 29th Hoche and
-Morard fell in with the first of the expedition they had seen since
-the "Nestor" left them, and a sad meeting it was. One, the "Scevola,"
-was sinking; the other, the "Révolution," which had been badly injured
-by a collision in Bantry Bay, was saving the "Scevola's" crew. In the
-dangerous condition of the "Révolution," now having twenty-two hundred
-souls on board, with provisions for but eight days, and having learned
-the dispersal of the vessels in Bantry Bay, Hoche and Morard determined
-to return. The two ships reached Rochefort on the 13th of January.
-Whether Hoche, with his military ardor, the high prestige of his fame,
-and the intense personal interest felt by him in the success of the
-expedition, could have triumphed over the material obstacles which
-defeated the lukewarm energies of Bouvet, may be questioned; but it was
-certainly an extraordinary circumstance that, of the whole large body
-of ships, the one containing the two commanders was almost alone in her
-failure to reach the Irish coast.
-
-From the preceding account, it is evident that the success or failure
-of the French landing depended entirely upon their ability to make the
-thirty miles intervening between the entrance and the head of Bantry
-Bay. Whatever may be thought of their prospects of ultimate success in
-the conquest or deliverance of Ireland,—a matter of pure speculation,
-dependent upon many conditions rather political and economical than
-military,—it cannot be questioned that they had succeeded in crossing
-the sea and reaching almost their point of destination, not only
-despite the British navy but without even seeing it. On December 21st
-the bulk of the expedition was at the mouth of Bantry Bay. Not till the
-22d did Colpoys, commanding the fleet watching, or rather detailed to
-watch, off Brest, know they had actually sailed; and then he did not
-know in what direction. Bridport at Portsmouth received the news on
-the same, or possibly on the previous day, through Pellew's diligence
-and forethought. Not till the 31st of December was it known in London
-that the enemy had actually appeared off the Irish coast, and at that
-time Bridport's fleet had not even sailed. Only continued bad weather,
-and that ahead, prevented the landing which even Bouvet would not have
-hesitated to make under better conditions. Had no other harm resulted,
-the capture of Cork, only forty-five miles distant, was certain. "We
-propose to make a race for Cork as though the devil were in us," wrote
-Wolfe Tone in his journal; and how severe the blow would have been may
-be imagined, for in that place were collected stores and supplies to
-the value of a million and a half sterling, including the provisions
-for feeding the navy during the next year. Ireland was then the great
-source from which naval provisions were drawn.
-
-Such a failure on the part of the British navy, with its largely
-superior forces, can scarcely be called less than ignominious, and
-invites now, as it did then, an examination into the causes. The
-outcry raised at the time by panic and disappointment has long ceased;
-but the incident affords a fruitful field for study, as to how far
-the disposition of the Channel fleet conformed to a reasonable
-interpretation of the principles of war, as applied to the sea.
-
-It must be obvious to any one stopping to think, that, for a fleet
-charged with thwarting the combinations of an enemy's navy, there
-can be no point so well adapted as one immediately before the port
-from which the greatest fraction must sail. Once away, to an unknown
-destination, the position to be taken becomes a matter of surmise, of
-guess, which may be dignified by the name of sagacity if the guess
-prove right, but which should not be allowed to cover the original
-fault of disposition, if it could have been avoided. To multiply
-instances would be tedious; but reference may be made to two detailed
-elsewhere in this work, viz: Bridport, upon the escape of Bruix in
-1799,[326] and Nelson after the escape of Villeneuve in 1805,[327]
-though in the latter case the admiral's reasons for not cruising
-before Toulon were not only adequate, but imperative.
-
-A similar perplexity existed in the closing months of 1796. The
-government and the admiral of the Channel fleet knew that a large
-expedition was preparing in Brest, and they had reason to fear the
-co-operation with it of the Spaniards. Opinion was somewhat divided
-as to the objective; according to reports industriously circulated by
-the French government, it might be Portugal the ally, Gibraltar the
-outpost, or Ireland the dependency, of Great Britain. One thing only
-was certain, that the surest and largest component of the undertaking
-was in Brest. There soldiers were gathering, and there also arms were
-being shipped largely in excess of the troops,[328] pointing to a hope
-of co-operation by inhabitants at the point of landing. Such conditions
-dictated certainly three things: 1, a force before Brest superior to
-that of the enemy inside; 2, inasmuch as the heavier ships must keep
-the channel open, against the danger of violent westerly gales, there
-should be an advance squadron of handier vessels close in with the
-port, powerful enough to hold its ground if the enemy came out and
-to keep touch with him if he sailed; 3, since Ireland was by far the
-most important of the interests threatened, the government should have
-indicated it to the admiral as the point to be covered, in case he did
-lose knowledge of the hostile fleet. The first of these provisions sums
-up the main strategic requirement, to effect which all other strategic
-dispositions should conduce. The second is tactical in character,
-relating to the disposition of the force upon the ground to which
-strategic considerations assign it. The third presents the alternative,
-the second line of defence, upon which, in case the first is forced,
-the defending fleet falls back.
-
-Colpoys's fleet of fifteen sail was certainly not superior to the
-French. It might be considered adequate to frustrate the expedition,
-if met, but not sufficient to inflict the crushing blow that the
-policy and needs of Great Britain imperatively demanded. Moreover,
-a military body is not an inanimate object, like a rock, which once
-placed abides unchanged for years. It is rather a living organism,
-depending on daily nourishment, subject to constant waste, and needing
-constant renewal. If to station a competent force before Brest met the
-chief strategic requirement, its maintenance there embraced a number
-of subordinate strategic provisions, which in terms of land warfare
-are called communications. Ships meet with accidents; they degenerate
-by wear and tear; they consume water and provisions, their crews
-diminish by illness and need rest by occasional returns to port. These
-communications were not threatened by the French; but they were open
-to injury by insufficient forethought and by excessive distance, and
-from both they suffered. A division like Colpoys's may be renewed in
-two ways. Either it may be relieved by a body of similar number and go
-home; or it may be continually receiving fresh ships and continually
-sending old ones to the rear for rest. It need scarcely be said that
-the latter is by far the better, preserving a continuity of life and
-administration which the former breaks. Not only so; but the other
-system presupposes a squadron in port equal to that cruising, a
-reserve equal to the body in the field,—a fantastic proportion, which
-sacrifices every principle of warfare, and divides the available force
-into two masses, which do not even pretend to support but merely to
-replace each other.
-
-A fleet charged with duty like that before Brest needs to be fixed at
-the highest number the resources of the nation can supply and supported
-by a reserve so proportioned that, by a constant coming and going, no
-ship at the front should ever be suffering from an exhaustion, either
-of condition or of supplies, against which diligent human forethought
-could have provided. The station of this reserve is obviously a matter
-of the utmost importance. It should, of course, be as near as possible
-to the main body, and, for sailing ships, favorably situated with
-reference to prevailing winds; for a head wind meant not merely the
-loss of time caused by itself, but often the loss of an opportunity
-which passes with the time. Thus, on this very occasion, when the wind
-blew fresh from the eastward, fair to go from Portsmouth to Ireland,
-Bridport's ships were unable to use it, because they could not make
-the stretch of three miles from Spithead to St. Helen's. Nor is the
-nearness of a dockyard a controlling condition for the reserve, though
-it may be admitted that dockyards should be placed with reference to
-probable theatres of war. On the contrary, a yard is the last place to
-which to send an active ship. Naval officers knew then, as they know
-now, that vessels at dockyards become valetudinarians, whose doctors,
-like some others, flatter the ailments of their patients to increase
-their practice. An available reserve is one thing, a ship needing
-dockyard repairs quite another; and no countenance should be given to
-any confusion of the two by keeping the reserve at, or close by, a
-yard. Properly, the reserve should be simply that portion of the active
-force which, for the benefit of the whole, is for a moment resting, but
-is ready at once to proceed.
-
-How very little the government of the day and the then admiral of the
-Channel fleet realized these principles, is evident by a few facts. The
-reserve was at Spithead, a roadstead over two hundred miles distant.
-It was equal in force to the division before Brest. "The government
-thought it the wisest plan," said its authorized defender in the
-Commons, "to separate the fleet into different divisions. One fleet
-was off Brest to watch the enemy and intercept the sailing of the
-expedition; and another at home to relieve the fleet off Brest, if
-necessary, or to pursue the enemy, if he should sail."[329] When the
-French had escaped, Colpoys received the news December 22d. His orders
-did not cover the contingency, and in his uncertainty he first decided
-to keep his station,[330] than which nothing could be more satisfactory
-to the French, who had made a long circuit to avoid that particular
-spot. Like all men in the dark, however, the admiral soon changed his
-mind and concluded to go off the Lizard, a cape near Falmouth, where he
-might receive information.[331] Here, in the entrance to the Channel,
-he found several ships in want of necessaries, and the weather such
-that he could not provide them from others.[332] This statement was
-disputed by the Admiralty, which, however, admitted that some of these
-ships had not water in abundance.[333] With a properly worked reserve,
-a few ships might have been short,—those, that is, whose turn was to
-go in next,—but it is evident that a very disproportionate number were
-here affected; for the explanation of these short ships being still
-out was, that Curtis's squadron of _seven_ ships was to have relieved
-them, but had been delayed for certain causes.[334] Whatever the
-reason, the important conclusion was that Colpoys, a good officer under
-a bad system, put his helm up and ran into Spithead, where he arrived
-December 31st, more than a week after the French reached Bantry Bay.
-
-While the subordinate was thus badgered by the inadequate measures
-of his government and his chief, the latter was leisurely preparing
-to relieve him off Brest. On the 21st or 22d, he was spurred up by
-news of the French sailing, and replied that in _four_ days he would
-be ready,—a truly handy reserve with the British Islands about to be
-invaded. On the 25th he got under way, and demonstrated at once the
-fitness of Spithead as a station for the reserve. Eight ships only
-succeeded in getting to St. Helen's that day, a sudden change of wind
-to south-east supervening; "which, although favorable for his getting
-to sea, was directly on the bows of the ships coming to join him from
-Spithead."[335] It was not thought prudent to sail with only eight
-ships, and through the delay of waiting for the others Bridport did
-not get away from St. Helen's (Portsmouth) until January 3, 1797,—the
-day before the last of the French abandoned Bantry Bay,—when he sailed
-with fourteen of-the-line, a mass equal to Colpoys's division which had
-just returned. An inadequate force at the decisive point, inadequately
-maintained, and dependent upon a reserve as large as itself, but
-unready and improperly stationed,—such were the glaring faults of the
-strategic disposition.
-
-The tactical mistakes are equally apparent. The main fleet was
-stationed so far at sea as to derive no shelter from easterly storms.
-It contained several three-decked ships,[336] whose poor sailing
-qualities exaggerated to the last degree the drift consequent upon
-bad weather. As a result, at the critical moment, Colpoys, instead of
-being, according to St. Vincent's maxim, "close in with Ushant in an
-easterly wind," was over forty miles west of it, "working up against a
-fresh east-south-east wind,"[337] and the next day was driven to the
-northward by southerly weather. Under such conditions any lookouts in
-the "Iroise" were almost a vain show. It is of the essence of such
-a lookout, however, that it should not be driven from its post by a
-detachment so small that the enemy does not weaken himself by making
-it. Of what consequence in this way were three or four frigates, which
-the French could and should have driven off by a half dozen, backed
-by two sail-of-the-line? Properly to watch Brest required a strong
-detachment of line-of-battle-ships of the medium class, which were
-handy and weatherly, and whose grip could only be loosened by fighting.
-The correlative, however, of such a big detachment is the main body
-close up, ready to support it. The whole theory hangs together. The
-advanced detachment close up, else it cannot watch; big enough, else
-it cannot stay; the main body also close up, else the advance guard is
-hazarded.
-
-Under all these circumstances it is not strange that the careful
-British chronicler, James, has to record that "during the three or four
-weeks the French ships were traversing in every direction the Irish
-and English Channels, neither of the two British fleets (Bridport's
-nor Colpoys's), appointed to look after them, succeeded in capturing
-a single ship;" and "the principal losses by capture sustained by the
-enemy arose from the diligence and activity of a sixty-four-gun ship
-and four or five frigates, which, on the 29th of December, were lying
-in the harbor of Cork."[338] Yet, after satisfying himself that the
-French had gone back to Brest, Bridport returned to Spithead, and the
-old system was resumed. In Parliament the ministry strongly maintained
-that they had done all that could be expected; and the First Lord went
-so far as to say that even an inquiry would be considered an unmerited
-censure.[339]
-
-It is no more than just to note, in this slack and shiftless conduct
-of the war, the same sluggish spirit that, after making all allowances
-for the undeniable grievances of the seamen, was also responsible for
-the demoralization of discipline in the Channel fleet, which soon after
-showed itself openly,—among the crews in the mutinies of 1797, and
-among the officers, at a later day, in the flagrant insubordination
-with which St. Vincent's appointment was greeted. Both show a lax hand
-in the chief naval commander; for, while a government is responsible
-for its choice of the latter, it must, especially in so technical a
-profession as the navy then was, depend upon him for the enforcement
-of discipline and for the choice of measures, at once practicable and
-adequate, to compass the ends of the war. Upon him, more than upon
-any other, must fall the responsibility of failure; for he knows, or
-should know, better than the government, what the fleet can be made to
-do, what the state of discipline really is, and what his own capacity
-to carry out the one and support the other. Only through him can the
-government act. When it disregards or overrides, without displacing
-him, mischief ensues; but the correlative of the generous confidence
-and hearty support it owes to him is, on his part, unceasing intense
-effort, or resignation.
-
-It is a relief, and instructive, to turn to the methods of Earl St.
-Vincent. Having returned from the Mediterranean in August, 1799,
-he was chosen to succeed Bridport upon the latter's resignation
-in the following April. It is told that, when his appointment
-became known, one of the naval captains, at the table of the former
-commander-in-chief, gave the toast, "May the discipline of the
-Mediterranean never be introduced into the Channel fleet." If, as is
-said, the admiral (presumably Lord Bridport) suffered this to pass
-unrebuked, no words could depict more forcibly than the simple incident
-the depths to which his own dignity and control had sunk.[340] It is,
-perhaps, needless to say that St. Vincent met this temper with the same
-unbending firmness that he had shown in his former command.
-
-It is not, however, in his discipline, but in his management of the
-Brest blockade, and the Channel fleet for the support of that blockade,
-that we are here interested. The force before Brest was largely
-increased, consisting at this time of never less than twenty-four
-sail-of-the-line, and, until ordered by the Admiralty to be reduced,
-was maintained by St. Vincent at thirty.[341] The rendezvous, or
-central station round which the main body was to revolve, and where,
-if possible, it was always to be found, was changed from eight leagues
-west of Ushant to "well in with Ushant in an easterly wind." How the
-commander-in-chief understood this order is shown by his instructions
-to his second in command, when the fleet was for a time turned over to
-him. "I recommend you in the strongest manner _never_ to be farther
-than six or eight leagues from Ushant with the wind easterly; and if
-westerly to make the Saintes (Chaussée de Sein) as often as the weather
-will permit; and when the wind is such as to permit the French to slip
-out of Brest, to stand in on the first of the flood so far as to see
-the inshore squadron."[342] In another letter to the same he says:
-"The principle on which the squadron acts, with the wind easterly, is
-to wear ... during the night, so as to be within a couple of leagues
-of Ushant at daylight."[343] So constant was this practice during the
-summer and early autumn months, while he himself remained on board,
-that in one hundred and twenty-one days there was but one, and then
-owing to fog, in which the main body did not communicate by signal with
-the inshore squadron stationed between Ushant and Brest.[344]
-
-To sustain the ships in the greatest and most constant efficiency, in
-other words to maintain the communications, his care and watchfulness
-are incessant; and, though not expressly so stated, it is evident from
-the general tenor of his correspondence that the ships went in to
-refit and rest not in large numbers, but singly, or in small groups.
-"I am at my wits' end," he writes, "to compose orders to meet every
-shift, evasion, and neglect of duty. Seven-eighths of the captains who
-compose this fleet are practising every subterfuge to get into harbor
-for the winter."[345] A constant pressure is kept upon all officers
-of the fleet, and especially upon those stationed to supervise at the
-anchorages for refittal and taking in stores, that vessels should
-lose no time and should come back as full as possible. The time for
-remaining "in Plymouth Sound or Cawsand Bay _never_ ought to exceed
-six days, unless a mast is to be shifted, and in that event not more
-than ten days."[346] "A thousand thanks are due you," he writes to
-Rear-Admiral Whitshed, "for the pains you have taken to dispatch the
-ships which were necessarily sent into Cawsand Bay. Without such
-powerful aid, all my endeavors to fulfil the wishes of the Cabinet
-would be vain."[347] It was for this purpose he gave the order, so
-bitterly resented, that no officer, from the captain down, should sleep
-out of his ship, or go more than three miles from the beach.
-
-Throughout he strove, according to his own practice and that of Suffren
-and Nelson,[348] to make the ships self-dependent, and to keep them
-out of the dockyards and on the station to the last moment. "Under
-the present impending storm from the North of Europe," wrote he in
-January, 1801, "and the necessity there is of equipping every ship
-in the royal ports that can swim, no ship under my command must have
-anything done to her at Plymouth or Portsmouth that can be done at this
-anchorage."[349] The question of wind and distance weighed heavily with
-him. Torbay and Cawsand Bay, an anchorage in Plymouth Sound, were made
-the ordinary resorts of ships going in to refit; and his orders to the
-second in command, when left in charge off Brest, were "on no occasion
-to authorize any ships to go to Spithead, unless by special orders
-from the Admiralty or from me." Finally, when his health compelled him
-to abandon the immediate command afloat, he again, as at Gibraltar
-during his Mediterranean career, took up his station at the point of
-next importance to the efficiency of the Brest fleet, settling himself
-in a house near Torbay, overlooking the anchorage, whence he directly
-supervised the refitting and speedy dispatch of the ships sent in for
-repair and refreshment. In short, when unable to be with the main body,
-he made a point of seeing personally to the reserve and to the supplies.
-
-To mass the fleet before Brest,—to maintain it in a high state of
-efficiency, by the constant flow of supplies in transports and the
-constant exchange between worn and fresh ships,—and to fix a rendezvous
-which assured its hold upon the enemy,—such were the strategic measures
-adopted and enforced by St. Vincent. The disposition of the ships when
-before the port, with a view to prevent the evasion which was the
-height of French naval ambition, and to compel the enemy to battle if
-he came out, may be more properly called tactical. It may be given
-nearly in his own words. "A squadron of five ships-of-the-line is
-_always anchored_ during an easterly wind between the Black Rocks and
-Porquette Shoal" (about ten miles from the entrance). "Inside, between
-them and the Goulet, cruise a squadron of frigates and cutters plying
-day and night in the opening of the Goulet; and outside, between the
-Black Rocks and Ushant, three sail-of-the-line cruise to support the
-five anchored."[350] A group of eight line-of-battle ships was thus
-always on the lookout,—a force too strong to be driven off without
-bringing on the general engagement which was the great object of the
-British, and so disposed that, if not the inner, at least the outer
-members could be signalled every day by the main body. The mutual
-support of all parts of the fleet was thus assured. "Unless this is
-done," wrote St. Vincent, "the ships appointed to that important
-service may not feel the confidence necessary to keep them in their
-post,—a failure in which has frequently happened before I was invested
-with this command."[351]
-
-The seamanlike care with which, as a general officer, he studied
-his ground, is also evidenced by his remarks, some of which have
-already been quoted. "I never was on a station so readily, and with
-so little risk maintained as that off Ushant with an easterly wind"
-(with which alone the enemy could get out), "owing to the length and
-strength of flood-tide;"[352] and he adds, in another place, "If the
-flood flows strong, you will find _much shelter_ between Ushant and
-the Black Rocks during the day."[353] The investment of Brest was
-completed by stationing detachments, amounting in all to from two to
-four ships-of-the-line with numerous frigates, to the southward of
-the Passage du Raz and thence to Quiberon Bay, forming a chain of
-lookouts to intercept vessels of all kinds, but especially the coasters
-upon which the port depended for supplies; while other cruisers
-were stationed all along the shores of the Bay of Biscay, from the
-mouth of the Loire to Cape Finisterre, and their captains specially
-incited and encouraged to approach and scour the coast. In the various
-"cutting out" expeditions engaged in by these, the numerous small
-vessels captured are usually stated to have been loaded with stores
-for the Brest fleet. By this means, if the enemy did not come out and
-fight to break up the blockade, he must soon be reduced to impotence
-by exhaustion of the commonest supplies. As there were in Brest, in
-1800, forty-eight ships-of-the-line, French and Spanish, a combination
-resulting from Bruix's cruise of the year before, this end was soon
-obtained, as French accounts abundantly testify.[354]
-
-The immediate adoption and enforcement of these measures, after St.
-Vincent succeeded to the command, illustrate clearly the inevitable
-dependence of the government upon the admiral of the Channel fleet,
-and its inability to conceive or enforce the system by which alone so
-necessary yet hazardous a service could be effectually performed. Only
-a thorough seaman, and of exceptional force of character, could both
-devise and execute a scheme demanding so much energy and involving so
-heavy a responsibility. It was hard to find a man of St. Vincent's
-temper to carry out his methods; and the government was further
-handicapped by a tradition requiring a certain rank for certain
-commands. So strong was the hold of this usage that even St. Vincent,
-in 1801, yielded to it, lamenting that Nelson, "of whom he felt quite
-sure, had not rank enough to take the chief command" of the vitally
-important expedition to Copenhagen; which was entrusted to Sir Hyde
-Parker, "of whom he could not feel so sure, because he had never been
-tried."[355] Later, when First Lord of the Admiralty, Earl St. Vincent
-was fortunate enough to find in Admiral Cornwallis a man who, whatever
-his intellectual grasp, possessed all the nerve and tenacity of his
-predecessor; but the necessary rank was too apt to bring with it a
-burden of years, accompanied by the physical weakness which, in lesser
-men, led to failing energy and shrinking from responsibility, and by
-actual prostration drove even St. Vincent ashore in the winter weather.
-His predecessor, Lord Bridport, had been well on in the seventies, and
-his first successor, Sir Hyde Parker, announced his intention "not to
-risk staying with the whole fleet off Brest at this season [winter],
-when it blows hard from west or west-south-west,"[356]—a decision which
-may have been no more than prudent, but the open avowal of which,
-taken with Nelson's opinion of him,[357] seems to show that, though a
-brave and good officer, he was not equal to the stern work demanded.
-
-Lord St. Vincent, though perfectly satisfied with his own arrangements,
-doubtless never cherished the vain hope that no evasion of them could
-ever be practised. On the contrary, he had at the very outset of his
-command, and in the comparatively genial month of May, the experience
-of a terrific hurricane, which drove his fleet headlong to Torbay,
-and rejoiced the hearts of the cavilling adherents of the old system.
-That the fleet must at times be blown off, he knew full well; and also
-that the escape of the enemy, in whole or in part, before its return,
-was possible, though it ought not to be probable. To provide against
-this contingency, he recommended the government to give to the officer
-commanding the inshore squadron, who would remain, special orders in
-a sealed packet to be opened only in case the enemy got out.[358] The
-failure to provide Colpoys with such specific directions had been
-charged by the Opposition, and most justly, as a grave fault of the
-government in 1796.[359] It is right and wise to leave great discretion
-to the officer in command on the spot,—minute instructions fetter
-rather than guide him; but a man in Colpoys's situation, bewildered as
-to the enemy's objects, aware only that the first line of defence is
-forced, but ignorant where the second will be assailed, is entitled
-to know precisely what the government considers the most important
-among the interests threatened. This decision is one for the statesman
-rather than the seaman. Not only, in 1796, was Ireland distinctly the
-most vulnerable point, but the ministers had information, almost to
-certainty, that there was the enemy's aim.
-
-In 1800, as when Bruix escaped in 1799, circumstances were somewhat
-different. The disaffection, or at least the disloyalty, of the
-Irish had been shown to be a broken reed for the enemy to lean on;
-while in the Mediterranean the French had acquired, in Egypt and
-Malta, interests peculiarly dear to the First Consul. Those valuable
-possessions were in deadly straits, and the attempt to relieve them was
-more probable than another attack on Ireland. St. Vincent, therefore,
-wrote to the then head of the Admiralty, saying with perfect propriety
-that it became him, "in the situation I stand at this critical period,
-to suggest to your lordship any ideas for the good of the public
-service," and suggesting that Sir James Saumarez, commanding the
-inshore squadron, should have specific orders that, "if the combined
-fleets get out before I can return to the rendezvous, he should in that
-case push for Cadiz with the eight ships-of-the-line stationed between
-me and the Goulet; for I," he added, "shall have sufficient force to
-protect England and Ireland, without counting upon his eight sail."
-Such instructions completed the scheme; precise, but not detailed,
-they provided for the second line, in case the careful precautions for
-guarding the first were foiled.
-
-The dispositions adopted by St. Vincent remained the standard to
-which subsequent arrangements for watching Brest were conformed. From
-Commander-in-Chief of the Channel fleet he became, in February, 1801,
-First Lord of the Admiralty. In this position he naturally maintained
-his own ideas; and, as has before been said, found in Cornwallis a man
-admirably adapted to carry them out. In May, 1804, the ministry with
-which he was connected resigned; but, although as an administrator
-he provoked grave criticism in many quarters, and probably lost
-reputation, his distinguished military capacity remained unquestioned,
-and the methods of the Brest blockade were too sound in principle and
-too firmly established to be largely modified. During the strenuous
-months from 1803 to 1805, when Great Britain and France stood alone,
-face to face, in a state more of watchful tension than of activity,
-the Channel fleet kept its grip firm on the great French arsenal.
-Nelson's justly lauded pursuit of Villeneuve would have been in vain,
-but for the less known tenacity of Cornwallis; which, by preventing the
-escape of Ganteaume, was one of the most potent factors in thwarting
-Napoleon's combinations. Wherever else the great naval battle which
-has immortalized the name of Trafalgar might have been fought, the
-campaign would have taken a different form but for the watch over Brest
-conducted on St. Vincent's lines.
-
-The result of this strict blockade and of the constant harrying
-of the French coasts from Dunkirk on the North Sea to the Spanish
-border, was to paralyze Brest as a port of naval equipment and
-construction, as well as to render very doubtful the success of any
-combination in which the Brest fleet was a factor. This result has
-been, historically, somewhat obscured; for abortive attempts to get out
-obtained no notoriety, while an occasional success, being blazoned far
-and wide, made an impression disproportioned to its real importance.
-When Ganteaume, for instance, in January, 1801, ran out with seven
-ships-of-the-line,—the blockading fleet having lost its grip in a
-furious north-east gale,—more was thought of the escape than of the
-fact that, to make it, advantage had to be taken of weather such
-that six of the seven were so damaged they could not carry out their
-mission. Instead of going to Egypt, they went to Toulon. The journals
-of the day make passing mention of occasional sorties of divisions,
-which quickly returned to the anchorage; and Troude, in a few condensed
-sentences, under the years 1800 and 1801,[360] vividly shows the
-closeness of the watch and the penury of the port. Remote from the
-sources of naval supplies in the Baltic and the Mediterranean, with the
-sea approaches to both swarming with enemy's cruisers, and in a day
-when water carriage, always easier and ampler than that by land, was
-alone adequate to the transport in sufficient quantity of the bulky
-articles required for ship building and equipment, it became impossible
-to fill the storehouses of Brest.
-
-Partly for this reason, yet more because his keen military
-perceptions—at fault only when confronted with the technical
-difficulties of the sea—discerned the danger to Great Britain from a
-hostile navy in the Scheldt, Napoleon decided to neglect Brest, and
-to concentrate upon Antwerp mainly his energies in creating a navy.
-In later years this prepossession may have partaken somewhat of the
-partiality of a parent for a child; and he himself has said that there
-was a moment, during his receding fortunes in 1814, when he could have
-accepted the terms of the allies had he been able to bring himself to
-give up Antwerp. In close proximity to the forests of Alsace, Lorraine,
-and Burgundy; able to draw from the countries bordering on the Rhine
-and its tributaries flax and hemp, and from the mines of Luxemburg,
-Namur and Liège iron, copper and coal,—the naval resources of Antwerp
-could be brought to her on the numerous streams intersecting those
-countries, and were wholly out of reach of the British. Many were the
-difficulties to be overcome,—docks to be excavated, ships to be built,
-seamen gathered and trained, a whole navy to be created from nothing;
-but the truth remained that the strategic position of Antwerp, over
-against the mouth of the Thames and flanking the communications of
-Great Britain with the Baltic, was unequalled by any other single port
-under the emperor's control.
-
-The expedition against Ireland, thwarted by the elements in 1796,
-was never seriously renewed. It remained, to the end of his short
-life, the dream of Hoche. Transferred from the army of the Ocean to
-that of the Sambre and Meuse, his career there was cut short by the
-preliminaries of Leoben, by which Bonaparte extricated himself from
-the dangers of his advance into Carinthia. Sacrificed thus, as he
-felt, to the schemes of a rival, Hoche supported with all the weight
-of his interest an expedition of fifteen thousand men, who, under the
-pressure of the Directory, were gathered in the Texel in the summer of
-1797 for an invasion of Ireland under convoy of the Dutch navy. Here
-again Wolfe Tone for two months fretted his heart out, waiting for the
-fleet to sail; but, though the period seemed most propitious, through
-the mutinies in the British fleet and the cessation of hostilities on
-the continent, a peculiar combination of wind and tide were wanting
-to cross the bar, and that combination did not come. In October the
-Dutch ships-of-war, numbering sixteen small ships-of-the-line, put to
-sea by themselves, and on the 11th met the fleet of Admiral Duncan,
-of equal numbers but distinctly superior in broadside force. The
-British, having the wind, bore down and attacked—passing when possible
-through the enemy's line, so as to cut off his retreat to the Dutch
-coast, then less than ten miles distant. The battle, known by the
-name of Camperdown, from a village on the adjoining shore, was fought
-with all the desperation that in every age has marked the meetings of
-the British and the Dutch. It closed with the defeat of the latter,
-who left nine ships-of-the-line and some frigates in their enemy's
-hands. This put an end to the Texel expedition. Hoche had died a few
-weeks before, on the 18th of September; and with him passed away the
-strongest personal interest in the invasion of Ireland, as well as the
-man most able to conduct it.
-
-The following year, 1798, open rebellion existed in Ireland, and
-the Directory undertook to support it with troops and arms; but the
-equipment of Bonaparte's Egyptian expedition absorbed the energies of
-the Ministry of Marine, and there was no Hoche to give the enterprise
-the development and concert essential to a great success. A small
-division of four frigates sailed from Rochefort on the 6th of August,
-carrying twelve hundred troops under General Humbert, who had served
-in the expedition of 1796 and shared the shipwreck of the Droits de
-l'Homme. This squadron escaped observation, landed its detachment on
-the 21st of the month, and returned safely to France; but the small
-corps, unsupported by regular troops, again demonstrated the imprudence
-of trusting to the co-operation of insurgents. On the 8th of September
-Humbert was obliged to surrender with the bulk of his force.
-
-A week later, before the news reached France, a ship-of-the-line,
-appropriately called the "Hoche," and eight frigates, under the command
-of Commodore Bompart, sailed from Brest, carrying a second division
-of three thousand troops. Though they escaped the eyes of Bridport's
-vessels, if there were any in the neighborhood, by running through the
-Passage du Raz, they were seen on September 17, the day after sailing,
-by three British frigates; one of which, after ascertaining that the
-French were really going to sea, went to England with the news, while
-the others continued to dog the enemy, sending word to Ireland of the
-approaching danger as opportunity offered. On the 4th of October, in
-a gale of wind, the enemies separated, and the French commodore then
-made the best of his way towards his destination, in Lough Swilly, at
-the north end of Ireland; but the news had reached Plymouth on the 23d
-of September, and when he drew near his port he found the way blocked
-by three British ships-of-the-line and five frigates, which had sailed
-at once for the insurgent district. An engagement followed, fought on
-the 12th of October, under circumstances even more disadvantageous than
-that of mere numbers, for the "Hoche" shortly before the action had
-lost some of her most important spars. Of the little squadron, she and
-three frigates were compelled to surrender that day, and three more
-were intercepted later by British vessels, so that only two of the
-expedition regained a French port. The enthusiastic and unfortunate
-Irishman, Wolfe Tone, was on board the "Hoche" and wounded in the
-action. He shortly afterwards committed suicide in prison. A third
-French division had sailed from Rochefort on the very day the "Hoche"
-was captured. It succeeded in reaching Ireland; but learning the fate
-of Bompart's squadron, returned without landing the troops. This was
-the last of the expeditions against Ireland that sailed from French
-ports. Other interests and other rulers combined with the pronounced
-naval ascendency of Great Britain to give a different direction to the
-efforts of the republic.
-
- END OF VOL. I.
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[1] Martin, Histoire de France, vol. xix. p. 370.
-
-[2] Nineteenth Century Review, June, 1887, p. 922.
-
-[3] Lord John Russell's Life of Fox, vol. ii. p. 137.
-
-[4] Annual Register, vol. 27, p. 10.
-
-[5] See Annual Register, 1769, pp. 2-4; 1770, pp. 27-41, 67, 71, 75.
-
-[6] Annual Register, 1788, p. 59.
-
-[7] King's Message, March 29, 1781.
-
-[8] Fox's Speeches (London, 1815), vol. iv. p. 178.
-
-[9] Parl. Hist., vol. xxix. pp. 75-79.
-
-[10] Annual Register, 1791, p. 102.
-
-[11] Annual Register, 1793; State Papers, p. 118.
-
-[12] Annual Register, 1793; State Papers, pp. 127, 128.
-
-[13] Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la République, p. 49.
-
-[14] Nap. to Decrès, Aug. 29, 1805.
-
-[15] Troude, Batailles Nav., vol. iii. p. 370.
-
-[16] Moniteur, Jan. 19, 1790, p. 82.
-
-[17] Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la République, p. 11.
-
-[18] Ibid., p. 12.
-
-[19] Guérin, Histoire de la Marine, vol. iii. p. 156 (1st ed.).
-
-[20] Troude, Batailles Nav. de la France, vol. ii. p. 201.
-
-[21] Guérin, Hist. Mar., vol. iii. p. 195 (1st ed.).
-
-[22] Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. 2, p. 320.
-
-[23] Guérin, vol. iii. p. 213.
-
-[24] Guérin, vol. iii. p. 153.
-
-[25] See Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la République, pp. 20-23.
-
-[26] The decree of April 22 is in the Moniteur of the 23d. That of
-the 28th is not; but it will be found in the "Collection Générale des
-Décrets rendus par l'Ass. Nat." for April, 1791.
-
-[27] The word _entretenu_, here rendered "paid," is difficult to
-translate. The dictionary of the French Academy explains it to mean
-an officer kept on pay, without necessarily being employed. Littré
-says that an officer "non entretenu" is one not having a commission.
-The word carries the idea of permanence. By the decree of April 28,
-"enseignes non entretenus" had no pay nor military authority, except
-when on military service; nor could they wear the uniform, except when
-so employed.
-
-[28] Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 260.
-
-[29] Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. pp. 261, 262.
-
-[30] Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 397.
-
-[31] Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 396.
-
-[32] Guérin, Hist. de la Mar., vol. iii. p. 411 (note). (Ed. 1848.)
-
-[33] Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép., p. 126.
-
-[34] Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép., p. 126.
-
-[35] Jurien de la Gravière, Guerres Mar., vol. i. p. 138 (1st ed.).
-
-[36] Ibid., vol. i. p. 139 (1st ed.).
-
-[37] Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép., pp. 51, 52.
-
-[38] Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép., pp. 97-101.
-
-[39] Chevalier, p. 42.
-
-[40] Chevalier, Rép. p. 219.
-
-[41] Tronde, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 423.
-
-[42] Letter of the Ordonnateur de la Marine, Najac; Jurien de la
-Gravière, Guerres Mar. (4th ed. App.).
-
-[43] Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous le Consulat, p. 47.
-
-[44] Ibid., p. 49.
-
-[45] Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. iii. p. 337.
-
-[46] La Gravière, Guerres Mar., p. 51.
-
-[47] Chevalier, Rép., p. 132.
-
-[48] See Chapter VI.
-
-[49] Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous le Consulat, p. 43.
-
-[50] Collingwood's Correspondence, p. 48. (First American from fourth
-London edition.)
-
-[51] Nelson's Dispatches, vol. vi. p. 480.
-
-[52] Collingwood's Correspondence, pp. 265, 266.
-
-[53] Collingwood's Correspondence, p. 208.
-
-[54] Brenton's Naval History, vol. i. p. 415. (Ed. 1823.)
-
-[55] Brenton's Naval History, vol. i. p. 455.
-
-[56] James' Nav. Hist. vol. i. p. 53 (ed. 1878). This system had been
-adopted in France a century before by Colbert (Revue Mar. et Coloniale,
-September, 1887, p. 567).
-
-[57] Brenton's Nav. Hist., vol. ii. p. 105.
-
-[58] James' Nav. Hist., vol. i. pp. 57, 58.
-
-[59] Guerres Mar., vol. i. p. 49 (1st ed.).
-
-[60] James, vol. i. p. 55.
-
-[61] Guerres Mar., vol. i. p. 164 (note).
-
-[62] Nels. Disp. i. 309-311.
-
-[63] Nels. Disp., i. p. 312.
-
-[64] Ibid., ii. pp. 70, 77, 241.
-
-[65] Life of Sir Jahleel Brenton.
-
-[66] James' Nav. Hist., vol. i. p. 54. (Ed. 1878).
-
-[67] For example, that any captain surrendering to a force less than
-double his own should suffer death; and if of a ship-of-the-line, to
-any number of enemies unless the vessel was actually sinking. The same
-fate awaited him who, in a fleet action, allowed the line to be broken.
-So also the decree not to give quarter. See Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous
-la Rép., p. 128; Guérin, Hist. de la Mar., vol. iii. p. 395.
-
-[68] The Peninsular War, so brilliant in many of its features and in
-the end so triumphantly successful, has some analogies to the smaller
-expeditions here criticised, and may be thought to refute the remarks
-in the text. The analogy, however, fails in some very decisive points.
-The landing and base of operations at Lisbon were in the territory of
-an ally of long standing; the projected advance was into a country in
-general insurrection against foreign rule; above all, the position of
-Lisbon and its distance from France imposed upon the French, in case
-they advanced against it in great force as they did in 1810, a long and
-very difficult line of communication, while the British had the sea
-open. Toulon, in 1793, was disadvantageous to the British as compared
-with Lisbon in 1809, because farther from England and in France. For
-remarks on Peninsular War see note at end of this chapter.
-
-[69] For the strategic discussion of the British naval dispositions on
-the occasion of the Irish Expedition of 1796, see Chapter XI.
-
-[70] Brenton's Life of St. Vincent, vol. i. p. 295.
-
-[71] Of the thirty ships-of-the-line in Toulon when occupied by the
-allies, three or four had been sent to Rochefort without guns, carrying
-French prisoners whom it was inconvenient to keep.
-
-[72] The author is keenly aware that this policy, of garrisoning
-several somewhat separated ports, is seemingly inconsistent with
-sound military principles as to concentration, as well as with what
-he himself has elsewhere said about the proper dispositions for
-maintaining military control of a maritime region. It is, therefore,
-well to explain that those principles and dispositions apply where the
-belligerent navies are so far equal as to create a real struggle. This
-was not the case in the French Revolution. Great Britain had undisputed
-naval supremacy in the West Indies, and the question before her was,
-not to beat the enemy's fleet, but to secure her own commercial routes.
-To this end it was necessary to disseminate, not concentrate her ships,
-and to provide them with convenient centres of refuge and supply along
-the routes. The case was analogous to the police arrangements of a
-city. In ordinary quiet times the police are distributed to cope with
-individual offenders; when a mob gathers and threatens the peace they
-are concentrated in large bodies.
-
-[73] Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, vol. iv. p. 454.
-
-[74] Ardouin, Études sur l'Hist. de Haïti, vol. iv. p. 45.
-
-[75] Account of Jamaica, London, 1808, pp. 51, 52.
-
-[76] Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 326.
-
-[77] Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 327. James says May 6.
-
-[78] See _ante_ p. 101.
-
-[79] A ship is said to be hove-to when some of the sails are so
-arranged as to move her ahead and others to force her astern,—the
-result being that she remains nearly in the same spot, but drifts
-slowly to leeward.
-
-[80] Villaret had been joined on the 19th of May by a ship-of-the-line,
-which had separated from Nielly's squadron; this raised his force from
-twenty-five to twenty-six.
-
-[81] A raking shot is one that passes from end to end, lengthwise, of a
-ship, instead of across, from side to side. It not only ranges through
-a greater space within, but attacks more vital parts, particularly
-about the stern, where were the rudder and the more important officers
-of a ship.
-
-[82] Another advantage in engaging to leeward was that the lower-deck
-batteries, which contained the heaviest guns, were so near the water
-that a ship heeling over with a strong breeze could not always open
-her lee ports. The lee ship of two opponents, using her weather guns,
-would escape this inconvenience and have a proportionate advantage. On
-the First of June the weather was too moderate to affect the use of the
-lower-deck batteries; but on the 29th of May, the "Queen Charlotte,"
-using her lee as well as her weather guns as she broke through the
-French line, had the lower deck full of water. One of her officers,
-Lieutenant (afterwards Admiral) Codrington, being knocked down by the
-recoil of a gun and thrown to the lee side of the deck, could, when
-leaning on his left arm, barely keep his head out of water. (Life of
-Admiral Codrington.)
-
-[83] A whimsical incident is told as occurring in this grim scene of
-slaughter and destruction. "The 'Brunswick' had a large figurehead of
-the Duke, with a laced hat on. The hat was struck off by a shot during
-the battle. The crew of the ship sent a deputation to the quarter-deck
-to request that Captain Harvey would be pleased to order his servant to
-give them his laced cocked-hat to supply the loss. The captain, with
-great good-humor, complied, and the carpenter nailed it on the Duke's
-head, where it remained till the battle was finished." (Barrow's Life
-of Howe.)
-
-[84] Official narrative of the loss of the "Vengeur," by the survivors.
-Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 355.
-
-[85] The speech of Barrère in the National Convention was as follows:
-"Imagine the 'Vengeur' ship-of-the-line pierced with cannon shot,
-opening in all directions, and surrounded by English tigers and
-leopards, a crew composed of wounded and dying men, battling against
-the waves and the cannon. All at once the tumult of the action, the
-fear of danger, the pain-stricken cries of the wounded cease; all mount
-or are carried upon deck. Every flag, every pennant is hoisted. Cries
-of 'Vive la République!' 'Vive la Liberté et la France!' are heard
-on all sides; it is the touching and animated spectacle of a civic
-festival, rather than the terrible moment of a shipwreck. For a moment
-they must have thought upon their fate. But no, citizens, our brothers
-thought no more upon that, they see only the English and their country.
-They choose rather to be engulfed than to dishonor her by a surrender.
-They hesitate not an instant. Their last prayers are for liberty and
-for the Republic. They disappear."
-
-[86] The French accounts state that he remained until eight P.M.,
-during all which time he might have been attacked. The English on the
-contrary say that the whole French fleet was out of sight by quarter
-past six. The question is not material, for it is certain that Villaret
-did remain for some time, and that he would not have been attacked had
-he stayed longer.
-
-[87] Life of Admiral (then Lieutenant) Codrington.
-
-[88] Barrow's Life of Lord Howe, p 256. There are similar statements as
-to the bearing of Howe and Curtis made by Admiral Codrington.
-
-[89] At noon of June 1, by the "Queen Charlotte's" log-book, the island
-of Ushant bore east one-half north, distant 429 miles.
-
-[90] The carelessness with which naval affairs are too often described
-by general historians may be illustrated by the account of this battle
-given by one of the most distinguished. "Lord Howe gained so decisive
-a success from the adoption of the same principles which gave victory
-to Frederic at Leuthen, to Napoleon at Austerlitz, and to Wellington
-at Salamanca, viz.: _to direct an overwhelming force against one half
-of the enemy's force_, and making the attack obliquely, keeping the
-weather gage of the enemy, to render it impossible for the ships to
-leeward to work up to the assistance of those engaged. By this means
-he reduced one half of the enemy's fleet to be the passive spectators
-of the destruction of the other.... Had he succeeded _in penetrating
-the line at all points_, or had his captains implicitly obeyed his
-directions in that particular, and engaged the whole to leeward, he
-would have brought twenty ships-of-the-line to Spithead." (Alison's
-"History of Europe.") How an attack upon one half of the line is
-consistent with penetrating the same line at all points does not
-clearly appear; but the statement concerning Lord Howe's principle of
-action on the 1st of June is absolutely contrary to all the facts,
-although Alison had James's painstaking work before him and refers
-to it frequently. His statement is that of Jomini's "Guerres de la
-Révolution Française;" but the latter author writes only as a military
-man, introduces naval matters merely incidentally, and was doubtless
-misled in the scanty information attainable when he wrote.
-
-[91] It is a curious coincidence, though not necessarily significant,
-that the number of men hit in each of these ships was nearly the same.
-The "Royal Sovereign" lost fifty-four, the "Queen" fifty-four, and the
-"Glory" fifty-two.
-
-[92] Brenton, in his naval history of Great Britain, tells an amusing
-story of the captain of one of the ships a little to Howe's left, which
-at once characterizes a type of officer and illustrates the above
-remark. He was, Brenton says, so occupied with preserving his station
-by the azimuth compass that he lost sight of his intended antagonist,
-and in the smoke never found him.
-
-[93] James, Nav. Hist., vol. i. p. 144. (Ed. 1878.)
-
-[94] Troude says that he reached his station on the 21st of May. Bat.
-Nav., vol. ii. p. 330.
-
-[95] Many years later Admiral Villaret was governor of Martinique. When
-that island was taken by the British in 1809, he went to England as
-a passenger in a ship commanded by Capt. E. P. Brenton. This officer
-in his naval history states that Villaret told him that Robespierre's
-orders were to go to sea, and that, if the convoy fell into Howe's
-hands, his head should answer for it. Therefore he avoided action
-so long, and endeavored to draw Lord Howe out of the track of the
-convoy. The loss of the ships taken was to him a matter of comparative
-indifference. "While your admiral amused himself refitting them, I
-saved my convoy, and I saved my head."
-
-[96] Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 337. Chevalier, Hist. de la Mar.
-Fran. sous la Rép., p. 144.
-
-[97] Ross's Life of Saumarez, vol. i. p. 146.
-
-[98] Page 140.
-
-[99] Martin, Hist. de France depuis 1789, vol. ii. p 240.
-
-[100] Nels. Disp., ii., p. 32.
-
-[101] Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép. p. 216. Life of Adm.
-Codrington, vol. i. pp. 36, 37.
-
-[102] See _post_, Chap. VIII., Martin's actions with Hotham.
-
-[103] Jomini, Guerres de la Rév., livre viii. p. 74.
-
-[104] Jomini, Guerres de la Rév., livre ix. p. 341.
-
-[105] L'horrible route de la Corniche sous le feu des cannonières
-anglaises.—JOMINI, _Guerres de la Rév._, livre x. p. 62.
-
-[106] Life of Lord Minto, vol. ii. p. 274.
-
-[107] Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép., p. 174.
-
-[108] Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p. 26.
-
-[109] Mar. Fran. sous La Rép., p. 186.
-
-[110] Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p. 50.
-
-[111] See _ante_, p. 176.
-
-[112] "We cannot get another mast this side of Gibraltar." (Nels Disp.,
-May 4, 1795.)
-
-[113] James, vol. i. p. 297. Nelson says six. (Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p
-47.)
-
-[114] Jomini, Guerres de la Rév., livre viii. p. 75.
-
-[115] The effects were, however, very severely felt in France. (Corr.
-de Nap., vol. i., pp. 65, 79, 95.)
-
-[116] Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p. 84.
-
-[117] The Austrian generals say, and true, they were brought on the
-coast at the express desire of the English to co-operate with the
-fleet, which fleet nor admiral they never saw.—_Nels. Disp._, vol. ii.
-p. 213.
-
-[118] Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p. 98a. See also p. 110.
-
-[119] Nels. Disp., June 6, 1800.
-
-[120] Ibid., vol. ii., p. 64.
-
-[121] For Nelson's complaints about the force under his command, see
-ibid., pp. 106-114.
-
-[122] Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p. 118.
-
-[123] Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p. 63.
-
-[124] Commentaires de Nap., vol. i. p. 112.
-
-[125] Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép. p. 251.
-
-[126] Comment. de Nap., vol. i. p. 71.
-
-[127] Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p. 128.
-
-[128] Corr. de Nap., vol. i. p. 465.
-
-[129] For O'Hara's characteristics, see life of Lord Minto, vol. ii.
-pp. 190, 195.
-
-[130] See Nelson's Disp., vol. ii. p. 258, note.
-
-The letter of the Admiralty to Admiral Mann may possess some interest
-as an example of the official correspondence of the day, as well as an
-expression of disapprobation too profound for reproach:—
-
-SIR,—I have received and communicated to my Lords Commissioners of the
-Admiralty your letter to me of the 29th December, giving an account of
-your proceedings and of the severe [several?] occurrences which have
-taken place during your passage from Gibraltar, with the squadron under
-your command; and I have their Lordships' commands to acquaint you that
-they cannot but feel the greatest regret that you should have been
-induced to return to England with the squadron under your orders, under
-the circumstances in which you were placed.
-
-I have their Lordships' further commands to acquaint you that orders
-will be to sent to you, either by this or to-morrow's post, to strike
-your flag and come on shore. I am, &c.,
-
- EVAN NEPEAN,
- _Secretary to the Admiralty_
-
-Tucker's St. Vincent, vol. i. p. 216.
-
-[131] Life of Lord Minto, vol. ii. p. 358.
-
-[132] This was Jervis's opinion. (See Life of St. Vincent by Tucker,
-vol. i. p. 240; also Nelson's Dispatches, vol. ii. p. 294.)
-
-[133] Napoleon's Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 76. See also generally
-pp. 73-80. The relief obtained by Bonaparte from the departure of the
-British crops out on every page.
-
-[134] Life of Lord Minto, vol. ii. p. 373.
-
-[135] The project of forcing the entrance to the Tagus by a squadron
-from Brest had been openly discussed in France. (Chevalier, Mar. Fran.
-sous la République, p. 258.)
-
-[136] An exciting incident occurred during this chase. In the height
-of it a man fell overboard. A boat was lowered and picked him up; but
-the enemy's ships were so close it became doubtful whether the British
-frigate could afford to await her return. Nelson, always generous to
-the verge of rashness, backed a topsail, saying "I won't let Hardy go,"
-and succeeded in carrying him off. The anecdote gains in interest when
-it is remembered that Hardy, who was taken in the prize of December
-20, had just been released from Spain; and that, as captain of the
-flag-ship at Trafalgar, he was witness of Nelson's fall and death-scene.
-
-[137] The distinguishing flag which shows a commodore is on board the
-ship.
-
-[138] A favorite project with the Directory, as with Napoleon, was to
-mass the French and Spanish navies in one great body; as had several
-times been done under Louis XVI. during the American Revolution. Such
-a combination was hoped for the Irish expedition of 1796; and, though
-too late for that purpose, the movement from Cartagena to Cadiz was
-regarded by the Directory as a step toward uniting the fleets. This was
-one of the objects of Bruix's adventurous sortie from Brest in 1799,
-when he actually brought back to that port in his train fifteen Spanish
-ships,—nominal allies, actual hostages. The combination at Trafalgar is
-well known. Later on the Emperor sought to build up a patch-work fleet
-out of all the minor navies of the Continent, as he pieced together
-out of all the nations the immense army which was swallowed up in his
-Russian enterprise. But here, as usually, a homogeneous body, centrally
-placed, triumphed over an incongruous coalition.
-
-[139] The stringent exactions of the close-hauled line-of-battle
-imposed upon a fleet, in the presence of an enemy, the tactical
-necessity of rectifying the order with any considerable change of
-wind,—an evolution whose difficulty increased in direct proportion to
-the number of the ships; and in a more than geometrical progression,
-when they were badly drilled.
-
-[140] Tucker's Life of St. Vincent, vol. i. p. 255.
-
-[141] James's Nav. Hist., vol ii. p. 37.
-
-[142] Nelson's Narrative. Dispatches, vol. ii. pp. 340, 343.
-
-[143] James states that these ships first came to the wind on the
-starboard tack, heading as did the British, "as if intending to weather
-the whole British fleet." The superior speed and weatherliness of the
-Spanish ships, if well handled, might have enabled them very seriously
-to molest the British in their attack; but, from the whole conduct
-of the Spaniards on this day, it is probable that the movement, if
-made, was only one of the successive vacillations of men who had put
-themselves in a false position. (Vol. ii. p. 39.)
-
-[144] Notably in Keppel's action in 1778, in which he bore a
-distinguished part. See Mahan's Influence of Sea Power upon History,
-1660-1783, p. 351.
-
-[145] "When the 'Prince George' tacked, the two three-deckers [of
-the Spanish lee division] tacked after us, and which the rest of the
-enemy's rear were about to do; but the commander-in-chief, with the
-ships of [our] centre and rear, following close, _covered us from their
-attack upon the rear of the ships with me_, and obliged them to re-tack
-... and effectually divided the enemy's fleet." (Sir William Parker's
-narrative of the conduct of the British van. Nelson's Dispatches, vol.
-ii. p. 473.) The gallant admiral's style is confused, but his meaning
-is clear enough after half a dozen readings. He must not be taken
-for the very distinguished officer of the same name, but of the next
-generation.
-
-Both Parker and Nelson (Dispatches, vol. ii. pp. 340, 344) speak of
-the main Spanish division as "the van." In truth, when the "Culloden"
-interposed, the whole enemy's fleet were so nearly joined on the port
-tack as to seem in line, though disorderly and not quite connected.
-
-[146] Nelson's Narrative, Dispatches, vol. ii. pp. 341, 345.
-
-[147] Annual Register, 1797, p. 148.
-
-[148] Life of Lord Minto, vol. ii. p. 379.
-
-[149] See Chapter X.
-
-[150] For a striking incident of St. Vincent's energy in suppressing
-mutiny, see note at end of this chapter.
-
-[151] April 19, 1797. Napoleon's Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 655.
-
-[152] Napoleon's Correspondence, vol. iii. p. 346.
-
-[153] Martin, Hist. de France depuis 1789, vol. ii. p. 479.
-
-[154] Corr. de Nap., vol. ii. p. 590.
-
-[155] See page 235.
-
-[156] Corr. de Nap., vol. ii. p. 622.
-
-[157] Ibid., vol. iii. p. 21.
-
-[158] Ibid., vol. iii. p. 73.
-
-[159] Ibid., p. 89.
-
-[160] Corr. de Nap., May 26, 1797, vol. ii. pp. 86, 87.
-
-[161] Ibid., Sept. 13, 1797, vol. ii. p. 392.
-
-[162] Ibid., Aug. 16, 1797, vol. ii. p. 311.
-
-[163] Bonaparte to Minister of Foreign Affairs, Corr., vol. iii. p. 392.
-
-[164] Corr. de Nap., vol. iii. p. 313.
-
-[165] "Upon reaching Venice, Commodore, you will call, in company with
-the commanding general and the Minister of France, on the provisional
-government. You will tell them that the conformity of principles
-existing between the French and Venetian republics, and the protection
-granted by us to them, exact the prompt equipment of their navy, in
-order to concert with us, to maintain the mastery of the Adriatic
-and the islands; that for this purpose I have sent troops to Corfu,
-to preserve it to the Venetian Republic; and that henceforth it is
-necessary to work actively to put their navy in good condition.
-
-"You will get possession of everything under this pretext; having
-continually on your tongue the unity of the two republics, and using
-always the name of the Venetian Navy.... It is my intention to seize
-for the (French) Republic all the Venetian ships, and all the stores
-possible for Toulon." To Commodore Perrée, June 13, 1797.—_Napoleon's
-Correspondence_, vol. iii. p. 155. See also instructions to Admiral
-Brueys, ibid., p. 291.
-
-[166] Corr. de Nap., vol. iii. pp. 519, 520.
-
-[167] Corr. de Nap., vol. iii. p. 597.
-
-[168] Ibid., vol. iii. p. 609 (Dec. 14, 1797).
-
-[169] Ibid., p. 644 (Feb. 23, 1798).
-
-[170] Corr. de Nap., vol. iii. p. 643.
-
-[171] Jurien de la Gravière, Guerres Maritimes (4th ed.), vol. i. p.
-350.
-
-[172] So moderate a man as Collingwood wrote (Jan. 26, 1798): "The
-question is not merely who shall be conqueror, ... but whether we shall
-be any longer a people,—whether Britain is still to be enrolled in the
-list of European nations."—_Collingwood's Memoirs._
-
-[173] See Correspondence of Brueys with Bonaparte; Jurien de la
-Gravière, Guerres Maritimes (Appendix, 4th ed.).
-
-[174] "There are fitting out at Brest but ten ships-of-the-line, which
-have no crews, and are still far from being in condition to keep the
-sea.... The expedition against England would appear not to be possible
-before next year." (Corr. de Nap., vol. iii. p. 644, Feb. 23, 1798.)
-The British Channel fleet at this time numbered forty-seven of the
-line, exclusive of sixteen in the North Sea.
-
-[175] Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 35.
-
-[176] Marmont attributes the approach to Candia to a wish to give the
-shelter of the island to the numerous coasters in the convoy. (Mémoires
-du Duc de Raguse, vol. i. p. 362.)
-
-[177] Bonaparte in his preparations laid special stress on having
-enough small vessels. "It is indispensable to have with the squadron
-the greatest attainable number of corvettes and despatch vessels. Send
-orders to all the ports for all such to join the fleet."—_Corr. de
-Nap._, vol. iv. pp. 79, 80.
-
-[178] This statement is based on the plate in the "Commentaires de
-Napoléon," vol. ii. p. 190. There are evident inaccuracies in the
-British positions there given (_e.g._, for June 22, and in the approach
-to Alexandria); but that of the 25th seems probable. James states that
-on the night of June 22 the tracks of the two fleets crossed, but at
-a sufficient interval of time to prevent a meeting,—the more so as a
-constant haze prevailed. (Nav. Hist., vol. ii. p. 177.)
-
-[179] Narrative in Naval Chronicle, vol. i. p. 48.
-
-[180] Corr. de Nap., vol. iv. pp. 275-277.
-
-[181] In a chart of the old port of Alexandria, made in 1802 by Major
-Bryce of the Royal Engineers, attached to Abercromby's expedition, it
-is said that not less than five fathoms will be found throughout the
-middle passage. The directions add that heavy ships cannot get out
-unless with good weather for warping. This was Brueys's great objection
-to entering, and it was well taken; but the alternative of destruction
-was worse.
-
-[182] Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 128.
-
-[183] See Coast Map, Alexandria to Rosetta, and Plan of the Battle of
-the Nile.
-
-[184] Chevalier, Mar. Fran, sous la République, p. 365.
-
-[185] A spring is a rope taken from the stern of a ship at anchor and
-fastened either to the riding cable or to an anchor suitably placed, so
-as to turn the broadside in the direction wished. Owing to the boats
-being away to get water when Nelson appeared, to the failure of many
-of them to return, and to the rapidity with which the attack was made,
-these precautions were not carried out.
-
-[186] Mahan's "Influence of Sea-Power upon History," pp. 469-478.
-Plates XVIII. and XIX.
-
-[187] Letter of DeGrasse to Kerguelen, Jan. 8, 1783. Hood "ranged his
-vessels in very close order (_très-serrés_), and it was impossible
-to pass between the land and them, as I wished."—_Kerguelen's Guerre
-Maritime de 1778_, p. 259.
-
-[188] Letter of Brueys to Bonaparte, July 13, 1798; La Gravière,
-Guerres Maritimes, vol. i. p. 367. This is a somewhat singular example
-of following a rule, the principle of which is not grasped. The rear of
-a column of sailing ships under way was the weaker end, because less
-easily helped by the van; but in a column of ships at anchor, head to
-wind, the weather ships were incomparably more exposed, the lee having
-a very hard pull to get up to them.
-
-[189] Narrative of Sir Edward Berry. See Naval Chronicle, vol. i. p. 52.
-
-[190] James, ii. p. 177. The Vanguard's Journal, quoted by Sir Harris
-Nicolas, Nelson's Disp. vol. iii. p. 49, says 4 P. M.
-
-[191] The ships-of-the-line needed nearly five fathoms in smooth water,
-more if there was much sea.
-
-[192] James's Naval History, vol. ii. p. 184 (ed. 1878). In the main,
-the author has followed James in the details of this and other battles,
-though not without careful comparison with other sources of information
-accessible to him.
-
-[193] Until after the middle of this century there were in the British
-navy three flags of the same general design, but with red, white, and
-blue grounds. Admirals were divided into three classes, of the Red,
-the White, and the Blue; and, according to their classification, ships
-under their immediate command showed the corresponding ensign. Nelson
-being at this time a rear-admiral of the Blue, his ships would usually
-carry the blue flag, almost invisible at night.
-
-At the present day all British naval vessels wear the white flag, and
-merchant ships the red.
-
-[194] The first attack of the thirteen British ships (counting among
-them the "Leander," fifty,) was confined to the eight head ships of
-the French line, down to and including the "Tonnant." As these were
-one by one crushed, the British dropped down and engaged those in the
-rear,—but with a vigor necessarily diminished by the injuries they
-had themselves received, not to speak of the physical fatigue induced
-by the labor and excitement of the previous hours. Nevertheless the
-"Mercure," when she hauled down her flag, had lost one hundred and
-five killed and one hundred and forty-eight wounded, and had but six
-guns that could be used. The loss of the "Heureux" is not stated, but
-she had nine feet of water in her hold. (Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la
-Rép., pp. 376, 377.)
-
-[195] Jurien de la Gravière, Guerres Maritimes, vol. i. pp. 228-230;
-Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la République, pp 386-388. A letter from
-Villeneuve, justifying his inaction, is to be found in the former work,
-p. 231, and in Troude, Batailles Navales, vol. iii. p. 121.
-
-[196] Corr. de Nap., vol. iv. p. 520.
-
-[197] The two that escaped were captured by Lord Nelson's squadron
-before July, 1800, when he resigned the Mediterranean command.
-
-[198] Chevalier, p. 381.
-
-[199] Nels. Disp., vol. iii. p. 10.
-
-[200] Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 84.
-
-[201] For this discussion see Nelson's Dispatches and Letters, vol.
-iii. pp. 62-65; also App. p. 474.
-
-[202] Ross's Life of Saumarez, vol. i. p. 228.
-
-[203] Nelson's Disp., vol. iii.; Appendix, p. 474. Letter of Admiral
-Browne.
-
-[204] The American novelist and naval historian, Fenimore Cooper, in
-the preface to the "Two Admirals," has attributed the whole tactical
-combination to the captains, on the authority of Captain Ball of the
-"Alexander," speaking to the late Commodore Morris of the United
-States Navy, who in turn was Cooper's informant. This constitutes a
-perfectly respectable oral tradition, coming through intelligent men of
-unquestioned integrity; but when opposed to the contemporary written
-statement of Captain Berry, Nelson's flag-captain, who had the fullest
-opportunity of knowing the facts, it becomes impossible to doubt that
-somewhere in the chain of witnesses there has been a misunderstanding.
-That Captain Foley conceived on the moment the plan he executed is
-perfectly credible; but that the whole body of captains were inspired
-to carry out, as by mutual consent, a combination of which there
-had been no previous mention, is a marvel of which Berry's account
-of Nelson's constant discussions and explanations with his officers
-effectually disposes. (See Narrative of an Officer of Rank, etc. Naval
-Chronicle, vol. i. p. 52.)
-
-[205] Marine Fran. sous la République, p. 381.
-
-[206] Commentaires de Napoléon, vol. ii p. 350.
-
-[207] "Good gunners would assuredly have modified the issue of these
-sinister dramas, for they would have crushed the English fleet at the
-first act." (Jurien de la Gravière, Guerres Mar., vol. ii. p. 225, 1st
-ed.). "If Nelson had led in upon an American fleet, as he did upon the
-French at the Nile, he would have seen reason to repent the boldness of
-the experiment." (Cooper, preface to "The Two Admirals.")
-
-[208] Annual Register, 1798; State Papers, pp. 267-272.
-
-[209] Martin, Histoire de France depuis 1789, vol. iii. p. 6.
-
-[210] Martin, Hist. de France depuis 1789, vol. iii. p. 9.
-
-[211] Ibid., p. 11.
-
-[212] Martin, Hist. de France depuis 1789, vol. iii. p. 16.
-
-[213] Martin, Hist. de France depuis 1789, vol. iii. p. 24.
-
-[214] See _post_, Chapter XVII.
-
-[215] Annual Register, 1798; State Papers, p. 237.
-
-[216] Ibid. Martin, Hist. de France, vol. iii. p. 23.
-
-[217] Corr. de Nap., vol. iv. pp. 226, 233.
-
-[218] Annual Register, 1798; State Papers, p. 276.
-
-[219] Martin, Hist. de France, vol. iii. p. 27.
-
-[220] Ibid. pp. 24, 25.
-
-[221] Jurien de la Gravière, Guerres Maritimes, vol. i. p. 229 (1st
-ed.).
-
-[222] Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 105.
-
-[223] This division consisted of the "Vanguard," flag-ship, which had
-not had proper lower masts since she was dismasted immediately after
-entering the Mediterranean (p. 256); the "Culloden," that had beaten
-heavily on Aboukir reef for seven hours during the battle; and the
-"Alexander," both masts and hull in very bad order.
-
-[224] Corr. de Nap., vol. iv. p. 660.
-
-[225] Nels. Disp., vol. iii. p. 160.
-
-[226] Ibid., p. 204.
-
-[227] Commentaires de Napoléon, vol. iii. pp. 19, 20.
-
-[228] Of all obstacles that can cover the frontiers of an empire, a
-desert like that of Suez is indisputably the greatest. It is easy to
-understand that a fort at El Arish, which would prevent an enemy from
-using the wells and encamping under the palm-trees, would be very
-valuable.—_Commentaires de Napoléon_, vol. iii. p. 16.
-
-[229] For a graphic account of the anxieties of the French officers in
-Toulon, illustrated by letters, see Jurien de la Gravière's Guerres
-Maritimes (4th edition), pp. 352-362. (Appendix.)
-
-[230] Corr. de Nap., vol. v. p. 276.
-
-[231] Ibid., vol. iv., Letter to Directory, Sept. 8, 1798 (postscript).
-
-[232] Corr. de Nap., vol. v. pp. 385, 391, 392. It is interesting to
-note that by this mail Bonaparte seems first to have heard the word
-"conscript," applied to the system of which he later made such an
-insatiable use (p. 387).
-
-[233] Instructions pour le citoyen Beauchamp, Corr. de Nap., vol. v.
-pp. 260-263.
-
-[234] Commentaires de Napoléon, vol. iii. p. 24.
-
-[235] The roadstead of Aboukir is not safe in winter. It can protect a
-squadron during the summer. (Commentaires de Nap., vol. ii. p. 235.)
-In Abercromby's expedition, 1801, "all the pilots accustomed to the
-Egyptian coast declared that till after the equinox it would be madness
-to attempt a landing." (Sir R. Wilson's History of British Expedition
-to Egypt, 2d edition, p. 6.) The fleet then lay in Aboukir Bay from
-March 2 to March 8, before landing could be made.
-
-[236] Corr. de Nap., vol. v. p. 402, where the reasons for the Syrian
-expedition are given categorically, and can probably be depended upon
-as truthful.
-
-[237] Barrow's Life of Sir Sidney Smith, vol. i. p. 244.
-
-[238] The opinion of a French officer may be worth quoting. "Although
-every one knows what he is, I will nevertheless say a word about
-Sir Sidney Smith. He has something at once of the knight and of the
-charlatan. A man of intelligence, yet bordering upon insanity, with
-the ability of a leader, he has thought to honor his career by often
-running absurd risks, without any useful end, but only to be talked
-about. Every one ridicules him, and justly; for in the long run he is
-wearisome, though very original." (Mémoires du Duc de Raguse (Marmont),
-vol. ii. p. 30.)
-
-[239] The melodramatic painting of Sir Sidney Smith in the breach at
-Acre represents graphically the popular impression of his character.
-See frontispiece to Barrow's Life of Sir Sidney Smith.
-
-[240] Smith escaped from Paris on the 25th of April; Bonaparte left
-Paris May 2; Nelson sailed from Cadiz on his great mission May 2,—a
-very singular triple coincidence.
-
-[241] Brenton's Life of Lord St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 6; Barrow's Life
-of Sir Sidney Smith, vol. i. p. 236.
-
-[242] Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 216. The Admiralty, upon
-remonstrance, emphatically denied any such purpose. (Ibid., p. 335.)
-
-[243] For Nelson's attitude until he received orders (Feb. 1, 1799)
-from St. Vincent to take Smith under his orders, see Dispatches, vol.
-iii. pp. 223, 224.
-
-[244] Nels. Disp., vol. iii. pp. 204, 205.
-
-[245] Mémoires de Bourrienne, vol. ii. pp. 243-245.
-
-[246] "The siege of Acre lasted sixty-two days. There were two periods.
-The first from March 19 to April 25, thirty-six days, during which
-the artillery of the besiegers consisted of two carronades, 32 and 24
-pound, taken from British boats, and thirty-six field guns. The second
-period was from April 25 to May 21, twenty-six days." (Commentaires de
-Napoléon, vol. iii., p. 63.) "During the latter period the park was
-increased by two 24-, and four 18-pounders." (Ibid, p. 82.)
-
-[247] Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 351.
-
-[248] Corr. de Nap., June 26, 1799, vol. v. p. 617.
-
-[249] Commentaires de Napoléon, vol. iii. pp. 81, 82. It is only fair
-to say that an attempt was made by Perrée a few weeks later to land
-ammunition back of Mt. Carmel, when he was discovered and chased off.
-(Barrow's Life of Sir Sidney Smith, vol. i. p. 300.) Napoleon may have
-confused the two circumstances. His own correspondence (vol. v., pp.
-517, 518) contradicts the landing near Acre. The guns were put on shore
-at Jaffa and thence dragged to Acre.
-
-[250] Schomberg's Naval Chronology. Appendix No. 374.
-
-[251] Ibid. Appendix No. 376.
-
-[252] See map of Brest in next chapter.
-
-[253] Naval Chronicle, vol. i. p. 537.
-
-[254] Ibid., p. 539.
-
-[255] Ibid., vol. ii. p. 81. Osler's Life of Lord Exmouth, p. 191.
-
-[256] Brenton's Life of St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 17.
-
-[257] "Admiral Bruix, being able to rely more on the devotion of his
-captains than upon their exactitude and precision in manœuvring, took
-pains before sailing to lay down the duties of a captain under all
-circumstances; carefully refraining, however, from making a special
-application of these lessons to any one individual, that their
-self-love might not be wounded. This wise precaution did not prevent
-new mistakes, whose consequences would have been much aggravated had
-we been obliged, by meeting the enemy, to manœuvre either to avoid
-or compel action." (Journal of Captain Moras, special aide-de-camp
-to Admiral Bruix. La Gravière, Guerres Maritimes, vol. i. p. 373.
-Appendix, 4th edition.)
-
-The gunnery, apparently, was equally bad. "I will cite only one fact to
-give an idea of the effects of our artillery. When Admiral Bruix was
-bringing to Brest the French and Spanish fleets, at least nine hundred
-guns were fired in very fine weather at an Algerian corsair without
-doing any harm. I do not believe that ever, in a combat of that kind,
-was so much useless firing done." (Article by "an officer of marine
-artillery;" Moniteur, 3 Fructidor, An 8 [Aug. 20, 1800].)
-
-[258] Two months later Lord Keith, having succeeded St. Vincent in the
-command, wrote to Nelson: "If Minorca is left without ships it will
-fall." (Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 415, note.)
-
-[259] Bruix did not have over a thousand troops with him, the pressure
-on the land frontiers by the Second Coalition demanding all the force
-that could be raised to resist it; but the fleet carried twenty-four
-thousand seamen or artillerists, a force capable by itself of
-accomplishing much. The reputation of the admiral caused both officers
-and men to flock to his flag.
-
-[260] "Port Mahon is a very narrow harbor, from which you cannot get
-out without great difficulty." (Collingwood's letters, August 18,
-1799.) "Ships had better be under sail off Port Mahon than in the
-harbor." (Nelson's Dispatches, May 12, 1799.)
-
-[261] Brenton's St. Vincent, vol. i. p. 493.
-
-[262] "I had the happiness to command a band of brothers." (Nelson's
-Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 230) The best of his Nile captains were, for
-the most part, still with him.
-
-[263] Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. pp. 366, 374.
-
-[264] See ante, p. 306.
-
-[265] Jurien de la Gravière, Guerres Maritimes, vol. i. p. 288 (4th
-edition); also James, Naval History, vol. ii. p. 264 (edition 1847).
-Other authorities say the 8th. The reconcilement seems to be that Bruix
-did not take his fleet to Genoa, but only a detachment; the main body
-anchoring in Vado Bay. He would thus leave Genoa the 6th, Vado the 8th.
-
-[266] "We avoided the enemy by skirting very close, and under cover
-of foggy weather, the coasts of Piedmont and Provence." (Journal of
-Captain Moras, special aid to Bruix. La Gravière, Guerres Maritimes,
-vol. i. p. 376. Appendix, 4th edition.)
-
-[267] "In our passage before Toulon we learned the vexatious accidents
-which had happened to the Spanish fleet, and went to rejoin them at
-Cartagena." (Ibid. Also James, Nav. Hist., vol. ii. p. 264.)
-
-[268] The British fleet was sighted off St. Tropez (Troude, vol. iii.
-p. 158); and fired upon by coast batteries near Antibes on June 6th.
-(James, Nav. Hist. vol. ii. p. 262).
-
-[269] Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 379, note. This east wind seems
-to have been overlooked in the criticisms of Keith's conduct.
-
-[270] Cape delle Melle bore, on the 8th, N. N. E., distant ninety
-miles. James, Nav. Hist., vol. ii. p. 262.
-
-[271] Lord Keith's biographer (Allardyce) says he determined "to take
-Minorca on his way to Rosas" (p. 165); which was certainly a liberal
-construction, though not beyond the discretion of an officer in Keith's
-position. To take Minorca on his way to Rosas, from his position on
-the 8th, was to go two hundred miles to the former and one hundred and
-fifty more to Rosas, when the latter at the moment was not two hundred
-distant. He was a few miles nearer Rosas than Minorca, when he took the
-decision which finally wrecked the cruise.
-
-[272] Brenton's Life of St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 24.
-
-[273] It was during this time that Perrée's squadron was captured. See
-ante, p. 301.
-
-[274] Mutineers belonging to the "Impétueux," one of the division, were
-tried by court martial in Port Mahon, June 19 and 20. (Osler's Life of
-Lord Exmouth, p. 192. Nels. Disp., vol. iii. p. 415, note.)
-
-[275] James, Nav. Hist., vol. ii. p. 265 (edition 1847). Nels. Disp.,
-vol. iii p. 415 note.
-
-[276] Brenton's Life of St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 25.
-
-[277] Histoire de la Révolution, vol. x. p. 392, note.
-
-[278] Nels. Disp., July 4, 1803, vol. v. p. 116.
-
-[279] Mar. Fran, sous la Rép. p. 415.
-
-[280] Ten or twelve British, four or five Portuguese; the former
-exceptionally well-ordered ships. (Nels. Disp., vol. iii. p. 365.)
-
-[281] Nels. Disp., vol. vii. p. 16.
-
-[282] To this must be added that, from conditions of wind and weather,
-Malta was very far from Toulon, much farther than Toulon from Malta.
-Of this Nelson complained often and bitterly in the later war, when
-commander-in-chief off Toulon. Malta was valuable, he said (Disp., vol.
-v. p. 107), as a most important outwork to India and for influence in
-the Levant; valueless against Toulon.
-
-[283] This is plain from his letter of June 6 to Nelson. (Ante,
-p. 313.) Keith's failure is usually attributed to St. Vincent's
-dispatches, received June 8; whereas the letter shows that he had
-decided to return to Minorca two days before receiving them.
-
-[284] Nels. Disp., vol. iii. pp. 408 and 414, with notes.
-
-[285] Nels. Disp., vol. iii. p. 380.
-
-[286] Keith to Nelson, July 12, 1799; Nels. Disp., vol. iii. p. 419,
-note.
-
-[287] The larger number is the estimate in Napoleon's Commentaries,
-which ordinarily exaggerate the enemy's forces. (Vol. iii. p. 107.)
-
-[288] Corr. de Nap., vol. v. p. 710.
-
-[289] Commentaires de Napoléon, vol. iii. p. 89.
-
-[290] Corr. de Nap., vol. v. p. 56.
-
-[291] Ibid., p. 403 (Feb. 10, 1799).
-
-[292] See ante, p. 291.
-
-[293] Mém. de Bourrienne, vol. ii. p. 238.
-
-[294] Ibid., p. 305.
-
-[295] Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous le Consulat, etc., p. 16.
-
-[296] Nels. Disp. vol iv. p. 219, note.
-
-[297] Naval Chronicle, vol. iii. p. 149.
-
-[298] Napoleon's Commentaries give Sept. 26, 1799, as the date of this
-letter,—only a month after Bonaparte sailed. (Vol. iii. p. 183.)
-
-[299] Nels. Disp. vol. iii. p. 296.
-
-[300] June 28, 1799. Corr. de Nap. vol. v. p. 622.
-
-[301] At the same time he made requisitions for clothing for double
-the number of men actually in Egypt, notifying the officers concerned
-that he did so to deceive Europe as to the strength of the army. Corr.
-de Nap. vol. v. p. 721. This has a significant bearing on the charges,
-made by him against Kleber, of exaggerating his weakness.
-
-[302] Annual Register, 1800; State Papers, p. 225. It may be added the
-commissioners first met on board Smith's ship.
-
-[303] For the convention of El Arish, see Annual Register, 1800, State
-Papers, p. 217.
-
-[304] Allardyce's Life of Lord Keith, pp. 226, 227.
-
-[305] "At the theatre last night I had a conversation with General
-Kilmaine [commanding the division intended to send into Ireland]. He
-told me ... the arsenals at Brest are empty; and what stores they
-have in other ports they cannot convey thither, from the superiority
-of the naval force of the enemy, which kept everything blocked up."
-(Wolf Tone's Journal, June 16, 1798.) In 1801 "the port of Brest lacked
-provisions. The difficulty of getting the convoys into it decided the
-First Consul to break up the fleet there and send part to Rochefort....
-The Spanish admiral (who had come there with Bruix in 1799) was invited
-to escort the division. To equip the necessary ships, this officer had
-to give them equipments taken from the others of his squadron, and
-could obtain provisions only for seventeen days. Baffled by the winds
-and by the constant presence of the enemy, the ships did not sail." A
-combined expedition against the Cape of Good Hope failed for the same
-reason. "The blockade of the Dutch ports was no less rigorous than
-that of the coast of France." "At Brest, they lived from day to day.
-Villaret Joyeuse was ordered to go out with ten French and ten Spanish
-ships to support the entry of convoys. He did not go, and received
-another mission." (Troude, Batailles Navales, vol. iii. p. 222.)
-
-[306] Nelson's Disp., vol. v. pp 300, 306, 411, 498.
-
-[307] See ante, p. 212.
-
-[308] There is between Ushant and the reefs a narrow passage,
-practicable for ships-of-the-line, which was surveyed under Lord St.
-Vincent; but it could only be used with pilots, and was rather a
-convenience than an important feature.
-
-[309] In the English Channel and the neighboring western coasts of
-Europe, winds from S.W. to N.W. prevail during three fourths of the
-days of the year, and are often exceedingly violent.
-
-[310] See "Twelve letters to the Rt. Hon. Spencer Perceval," by Capt.
-James Manderson, 1812; in which it is also said that Mr. Pitt was
-towards the end of his life much impressed with the advantages of
-Falmouth's position. To this opinion is probably due the following
-statement in a magazine of the day, during Pitt's short second
-administration: "It is now (Feb. 1805) determined that the Channel
-fleet shall in future rendezvous at Falmouth, and moorings are
-immediately to be laid down for fifteen sail-of-the-line." (Nav.
-Chron., vol. xiii. p. 328.) Lord Exmouth seems to have shared this
-opinion. (Life, p. 140.) While Falmouth was by position admirably
-suited for a rendezvous, ships running for refuge to Torbay would have
-the wind three points more free, an advantage seamen will appreciate.
-
-[311] With the wind to the southward of south-east we know full well
-that no ship-of-the-line can get out of Brest.—_Letter of St. Vincent_;
-Tucker's Life, vol. ii. p. 119.
-
-[312] Tucker's Life of Earl St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 14.
-
-[313] See ante, p. 220.
-
-[314] See ante, pp. 202, 214.
-
-[315] Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép., p. 265.
-
-[316] Rousselin's "Vie de Hoche," quoted by Troude, Bat. Nav., vol.
-iii. p. 6.
-
-[317] Before Rochefort.
-
-[318] See map of Brest, p. 343.
-
-[319] In performing this audacious service Pellew was somewhat favored
-by the fact that his ship was a French prize, easily mistaken for one
-of the expedition. He kept close, often within half gun-shot of the
-leading ship.
-
-[320] The greater part of the "Séduisant's" crew was saved.
-
-[321] "Fog so thick we cannot see a ship's length. Has been foggy all
-day." (Wolfe Tone's Journal, Dec. 18.) "The state of the weather was
-such that it was impossible for Admiral Colpoys to keep his own fleet
-under observation, and the air so hazy that fog guns had continually to
-be fired." (Parliamentary Hist. xxxiii, p. 12. March 3, 1797.)
-
-[322] Wolfe Tone's Journal, Dec. 21, 1796.
-
-[323] James Nav. Hist. vol. ii. p. 7. Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la
-Rép. p. 281.
-
-[324] Bouvet was broken without trial by the Directory on the 15th of
-February, 1797, and was not restored to the navy until 1801, under the
-Consulate. Captain Chevalier's judgment is that "he despaired too soon
-of the success of the expedition, ... and forgot that he should have
-been inspired only by the great interests entrusted by accident to his
-hands." (Mar. Fran. sous la Rép., pp. 309, 311.)
-
-[325] Chevalier. James makes the number captured to be seven.
-
-[326] See ante, p 306.
-
-[327] See post, Chap. XVI.
-
-[328] Parliamentary History, vol. xxxiii. pp. 113, 116. Wolfe Tone
-states that there were on board the ships of the expedition 41,160
-muskets. (Journal, Dec. 22, 1796.)
-
-[329] Dundas's Speech, Mar. 3, 1797, Parl. Hist. vol. xxxiii. p. 12.
-
-[330] Ibid., vol. xxxiii. 13.
-
-[331] Ibid., vol. xxxiii. pp. 109, 111.
-
-[332] Speech of Lord Albemarle, ibid., p. 109.
-
-[333] Speech of Earl Spencer, First Lord of Admiralty, ibid., p. 111.
-
-[334] Dundas, Parl. Hist. vol. xxxiii. p. 13.
-
-[335] James's Nav. Hist., vol. ii. p. 21.
-
-[336] Of fifteen ships four were of ninety-eight guns or over.
-(Schomberg's Nav. Chronology, vol. iv. p. 525.)
-
-[337] James, vol. ii. p. 20.
-
-[338] James's Nav. Hist., vol. ii. pp. 20, 22.
-
-[339] Earl Spencer's Speech, Parl. Hist., vol. xxxiii. p. 115.
-
-[340] Tucker's Life of Earl St. Vincent, vol. ii. pp. 10 and 70; the
-latter reference being to a letter from St. Vincent to the First Lord
-of the Admiralty. The incident occurred on board Bridport's flag ship,
-the "Royal George."
-
-[341] Tucker's Life of Earl St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 58.
-
-[342] Ibid., vol. ii. p. 13.
-
-[343] Ibid., p. 114.
-
-[344] Ibid., p. 24.
-
-[345] Tucker's St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 114.
-
-[346] Ibid., p. 80.
-
-[347] Ibid., p. 78.
-
-[348] See Nelson's letter to Earl St. Vincent, Feb. 1, 1800. (Nelson's
-Dispatches.)
-
-[349] Tucker, vol. ii. p. 121. Modern ships, so much more complex, are
-much more liable to derangement than those of St. Vincent; and, unless
-such pains as his are taken to make them self-sufficing, their officers
-and the dockyards will make a heavier drain on the force of the fleet
-than in his day. Perhaps in no point will provident administration more
-affect the efficiency of the fleet than in this.
-
-[350] Tucker's St. Vincent, vol. ii. pp. 13, 88.
-
-[351] Tucker's St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 14.
-
-[352] Ibid., p. 14.
-
-[353] Ibid., p. 115.
-
-[354] See Troude, Batailles Navales, 1800, 1801, vol. iii. pp. 190,
-222, 223. "We had at Brest (in 1800) neither provisions nor material.
-The Franco-Spanish fleet there was of consideration only from its
-numbers." (Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous le Consulat, p. 10.)
-
-[355] Tucker's St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 136.
-
-[356] Naval Chronicle, vol. iv. p. 520.
-
-[357] See _post_, Chap. XIII.
-
-[358] Tucker's St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 105.
-
-[359] Parliamentary History, vol. xxxiii. pp. 111-116.
-
-[360] Batailles Navales, vol. iii. pp. 187-190, 222, 223.
-
-
-
-
- +-------------------------------------------------------------------+
- | |
- | Transcriber's Note: |
- | |
- | Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note. |
- | Other corrections are noted below. I
- | |
- | Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. |
- | |
- | Word combinations that appeared with and without hyphens were |
- | changed to the predominant form if it could be determined. |
- | |
- | Italicized words are surrounded by underline characters, _like |
- | this_. |
- | |
- | Mid-paragraph illustrations have been moved between paragraphs |
- | and some illustrations have been moved closer to the text that |
- | references them. The paginations in the List of Illustrations |
- | have been adjusted accordingly. |
- | |
- | Footnotes were moved to the end of the book and numbered in one |
- | continuous sequence. |
- | |
- | Other corrections: |
- | p. 278: "which did away the provincial independence" changed to |
- | "which did away with the provincial independence." |
- | |
- | p. 365: "the impotent conclusion" changed to "the important |
- | conclusion." |
- +-------------------------------------------------------------------+
-
-
-
-
-
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-<pre>
-
-The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Influence of sea Power upon the French
-Revolution and Empire 1793-1812, vol I, by Alfred Thayer Mahan
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
-almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
-re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
-with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
-
-
-Title: The Influence of sea Power upon the French Revolution and Empire 1793-1812, vol I
-
-Author: Alfred Thayer Mahan
-
-Release Date: July 21, 2016 [EBook #52588]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER, VOL I ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by StevenGibbs, Christian Boissonnas and the
-Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
-
-
-
-
-
-
-</pre>
-
-
-<div class="transnote">
-<p class="ac">Transcriber's Note:</p>
-<p>This book was published in two volumes, of which this is the first. The second
- volume was released as Project Gutenberg ebook #52589, available at
- <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/52589">http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/52589</a></p>
-</div>
-
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<h1 class="no-break"><span class="x-smaller">THE</span><br /><br />
-INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER<br /><br />
-<span class="xx-smaller">UPON THE</span><br /><br />
-<span class="smaller">FRENCH REVOLUTION AND EMPIRE<br /><br />
-1793-1812</span></h1>
-</div>
-
-<p class="ac p2">BY</p>
-
-<p class="ac">CAPTAIN A. T. MAHAN, U.S.N.</p>
-
-<p class="ac xx-smaller">PRESIDENT UNITED STATES NAVAL WAR COLLEGE</p>
-
-<p class="ac x-smaller">AUTHOR OF "THE INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER UPON HISTORY,
- 1660-1783"<br />
-OF "THE GULF AND INLAND WATERS," AND OF A<br />
-"LIFE OF ADMIRAL FARRAGUT"</p>
-
-<p class="ac p2">IN TWO VOLUMES</p>
-
-<p class="ac"><span class="sc">Vol. I.</span></p>
-
-<p class="ac p4">FOURTH EDITION.</p>
-
-<p class="ac p4">LONDON</p>
-
-<p class="ac smaller">SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON, SEARLE, &amp; RIVINGTON<br />
-<span class="x-smaller">(LIMITED)</span>
-</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p class="ac p4">University Press:<br />
-John Wilson and Son, Cambridge, U.S.A.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[Pg iii]</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<h2>PREFACE.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="drop-cap">THE present work, like its predecessor, "The
-Influence of Sea Power upon History, 1660-1783,"
-is wholly a result of the author's connection
-with the United States Naval War College as lecturer
-upon Naval History and Naval Tactics.</p>
-
-<p>When first asked to undertake that duty, the
-question naturally arose how to impart to the subject
-of Naval History an aspect which, in this very
-utilitarian age, should not be open to the ready
-reproach of having merely archæological interest,
-and possessing no practical value for men called
-upon to use the changed materials of modern naval
-war. "You won't have much to say about history,"
-was then the somewhat discouraging comment of a
-senior officer of his own service.</p>
-
-<p>In pondering this matter, it occurred to the author—whose
-acquaintance with naval history was at
-that time wholly superficial—that the part played
-by navies, and by maritime power generally, as a
-factor in the results of history, and as shaping the
-destinies of nations and of the world, had received
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[Pg iv]</a></span>
-little or no particular attention. If this were so,
-an analysis of the course of events through a series
-of years, directed to show the influence of Sea Power
-upon History, would at least serve to imbue his
-hearers with an exalted sense of the mission of their
-calling; and might also, by throwing light upon the
-political bearings of naval force, contribute to give
-the service and the country a more definite impression
-of the necessity to provide a fleet adequate to
-great undertakings, lest, if an occasion should arise
-for what he has ventured to call "statesmanship
-directing arms," we should be found unprepared,
-through having no sufficient armed force to direct.</p>
-
-<p>In avowing this as the original, and, for a time at
-least, almost the sole motive of his work, the author
-practically confesses that he at the beginning had no
-scientific appreciation or reasoned knowledge of the
-naval history of the past. Upon giving this the attention
-required by his new duties, and collating the
-various incidents with the teachings of recognized
-authorities upon land warfare, he soon came to recognize
-that the principles which they claimed to be of
-general application in their own specialty received
-also ample and convincing illustration in naval annals;
-although the development of the Art of War
-at sea has been slower, and is now less advanced,
-than on shore. This backward result has been due,
-partly, to uncertainties peculiar to the sea, and partly
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[Pg v]</a></span>
-to a contempt for the study of the past, and of its
-experience, as "not practical," from which the naval
-profession has not yet wholly rid itself.</p>
-
-<p>Thus, in its course, the author's former work,
-without abandoning its first simple motive, expanded
-into an attempt to analyze the strategic
-conduct of the naval campaigns, as well as the tactical
-features of the various battles—all too few—in
-which any clear tactical purpose was shown by
-the commanders engaged. The cordial reception
-given to the work by his professional brethren, in
-Great Britain as well as at home, has been to him
-not only most gratifying, but wholly unexpected.
-Its chief significance is, however, not personal. The
-somewhat surprised satisfaction testified is virtually
-an admission that, in the race for material and mechanical
-development, sea-officers as a class have
-allowed their attention to be unduly diverted from
-the systematic study of the Conduct of War, which
-is their peculiar and main concern. For, if the commendation
-bestowed be at all deserved, it is to
-be ascribed simply to the fact that the author has
-been led to give to the most important part of the
-profession an attention which it is in the power
-of any other officer to bestow, but which too few
-actually do.</p>
-
-<p>That the author has done so is due, wholly and
-exclusively, to the Naval War College, which was instituted
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[Pg vi]</a></span>
-to promote such studies. If further success
-attend his present venture, it is his hope that this
-avowal may help to assure the long uncertain fortunes
-of the College, to which,—and to its founder,
-Rear-Admiral Stephen B. Luce,—he gratefully acknowledges
-his indebtedness for guiding him into
-a path he would not himself have found.</p>
-
-<p>The term of this work is fixed at the year 1812;
-a date signalized by Napoleon's invasion of Russia,
-which wrecked his empire,—or at least gave the
-outward and visible token of the wreck,—and also
-by the outbreak of war between Great Britain and
-the United States. To the latter, as a subject of
-particular national interest, the author hopes in the
-near future to devote a special study.</p>
-
-<p class="ar">A. T. MAHAN.</p>
-
-<p class="sc">October, 1892.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Pg vii]</a></span></p>
-
-
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<h2>CONTENTS OF VOL. I.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<table id="TOC" summary="CONTENTS">
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><a name="Chapter_1" id="Chapter_1"></a>
- <a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head">INTRODUCTORY</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><span class="sc">Outline of Events in Europe,
- 1783-1793.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td></td>
- <td class="c2 smaller">Page</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_1">Prominence of the year 1793</a></td>
- <td class="c2">1</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_2">Leading features and results of the war of 1778</a></td>
- <td class="c2">2</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_3">Condition of the different belligerents at its termination</a></td>
- <td class="c2">3</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_5">Success of the second Pitt as a peace minister </a></td>
- <td class="c2">5</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_6">Advantage to Great Britain arising from his secure tenure of power</a></td>
- <td class="c2">6</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_7">Desire of Western Europe for peace</a></td>
- <td class="c2">7</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_7">Causes of disturbance</a></td>
- <td class="c2">7</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_7">Accession of Joseph II. to crown of Austria</a></td>
- <td class="c2">7</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
- <a href="#Page_8"> Commercial expansion of Austrian Netherlands during
- war of 1778</a></td>
- <td class="c2">8</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_9">Question of the navigation of the Scheldt</a></td>
- <td class="c2">9</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_10">Wide-spread interests therein involved</a></td>
- <td class="c2">10</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_11">The Eastern Question, 1780-1790</a></td>
- <td class="c2">11</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_12">Change of relations between Great Britain and Russia from 1770 to 1785</a></td>
- <td class="c2">12</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_14">Interests of France and of Great Britain in the Levant and Baltic</a></td>
- <td class="c2">14</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_15">Importance of Antwerp as a naval station</a></td>
- <td class="c2">15</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_16">Interests of European States in Holland and the Netherlands</a></td>
- <td class="c2">16</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_17">Relations between Russia and France, 1780-1790</a></td>
- <td class="c2">17</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_17">Preponderance of French influence in Dutch politics</a></td>
- <td class="c2">17</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_18">Joseph II. drops the question of the Scheldt</a></td>
- <td class="c2">18</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_18">Treaty of alliance between France and Holland, 1785</a></td>
- <td class="c2">18</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_19">Armed interference of Prussia in Holland, 1787</a></td>
- <td class="c2">19</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_19">British party regains ascendency in Holland, 1787</a></td>
- <td class="c2">19</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_19">Meeting of the Notables in France, February, 1787</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[Pg viii]</a></span></td>
- <td class="c2">19</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_19">Turkey declares war against Russia, August, 1787</a></td>
- <td class="c2">19</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_19">Austria declares war against Turkey, February, 1788</a></td>
- <td class="c2">19</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_20">Great Britain and Holland proclaim a strict neutrality</a></td>
- <td class="c2">20</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_20">Consequent effect upon Russia's maritime projects</a></td>
- <td class="c2">20</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_21">Sweden attacks Russian Finland, June, 1788</a></td>
- <td class="c2">21</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_21">Defensive alliance between Great Britain, Prussia, and Holland, 1788</a></td>
- <td class="c2">21</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_21">Denmark attacks Sweden</a></td>
- <td class="c2">21</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_21">Interposition of Great Britain and Prussia in the Baltic</a></td>
- <td class="c2">21</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_22">Significance of this action</a></td>
- <td class="c2">22</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_22">Dawn of the modern Eastern Question</a></td>
- <td class="c2">22</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_23">Conflicting views of British statesmen about Russia, 1791</a></td>
- <td class="c2">23</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_24"> External influence of France paralyzed by home troubles</a></td>
- <td class="c2">24</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_24">Progress of the war in southeastern Europe</a></td>
- <td class="c2">24</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_25">Renewed interference of Great Britain and Prussia in the Baltic</a></td>
- <td class="c2">25</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_25">Meeting of the States-General in France, 1789</a></td>
- <td class="c2">25</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_26">Cessation of hostilities between Austria and Turkey,
-September, 1790</a></td>
- <td class="c2">26</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_26">Storming of Ismail by Suwarrow, Christmas, 1790</a></td>
- <td class="c2">26</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_27">Peace of Galatz between Russia and Turkey, August, 1791</a></td>
- <td class="c2">27</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_27">General peace in eastern Europe, 1791</a></td>
- <td class="c2">27</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_28">Progress of the Revolution in France, 1789-1791</a></td>
- <td class="c2">28</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_28">Flight of the King, 1791</a></td>
- <td class="c2">28</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_28">Declaration of Pilnitz, August, 1791</a></td>
- <td class="c2">28</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_29">Significant coincidence of this date with Peace of Galatz</a></td>
- <td class="c2">29</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_29">France declares war against Austria, April, 1792</a></td>
- <td class="c2">29</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_30">Disorders in Paris, June-September, 1792</a></td>
- <td class="c2">30</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_30">Suspension of the King, August, 1792</a></td>
- <td class="c2">30</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_30">Battle of Valmy, September 20, 1792</a></td>
- <td class="c2">30</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_31">Meeting of National Convention, September 22, 1792</a></td>
- <td class="c2">31</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_31">Royalty abolished in France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">31</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_31">Battle of Jemappes, November 6, 1792</a></td>
- <td class="c2">31</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_31">The French occupy Austrian Netherlands and open the Scheldt</a></td>
- <td class="c2">31</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_31">Decree of Fraternity, November 19, 1792</a></td>
- <td class="c2">31</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_32">Decree extending the French system with their armies, December 15, 1792</a></td>
- <td class="c2">32</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_32">Strained relations between Great Britain and France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">32</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_32">Execution of Louis XVI., January 21, 1793</a></td>
- <td class="c2">32</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_34">Dismissal of the French minister by the British court</a></td>
- <td class="c2">34</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_34">France declares war against Great Britain and Holland, February 1, 1793</a></td>
- <td class="c2">34</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><hr class="sect2" /></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><a name="Chapter_2" id="Chapter_2"></a>
- <a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</a>
- <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Pg ix]</a></span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><span class="sc">The Condition of the
-Navies in 1793—and especially of the French Navy.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_35">Causes of the deterioration of the French navy after 1789</a></td>
- <td class="c2">35</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_37">Ignorance of maritime conditions among French administrators</a></td>
- <td class="c2">37</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_38">Value of the lessons derivable from this experience</a></td>
- <td class="c2">38</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_38">Factors conditioning the effects of any form of military activity</a></td>
- <td class="c2">38</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_39">The gun the one sea-weapon of the period in question</a></td>
- <td class="c2">39</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_39">A ship is a mobile battery</a></td>
- <td class="c2">39</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_39">It is handled by an organic body, whose members are mutually dependent</a></td>
- <td class="c2">39</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_40">Necessity of special training to such an organization</a></td>
- <td class="c2">40</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_41">Blindness of the French Legislature to these facts</a></td>
- <td class="c2">41</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_41">Rise and growth of insubordination in the navy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">41</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_42">The disturbances in Toulon, 1789</a></td>
- <td class="c2">42</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_43">Maltreatment of Commodore D'Albert de Rions</a></td>
- <td class="c2">43</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_43">Weakness of the National (Constituent) Assembly</a></td>
- <td class="c2">43</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_44">The Nootka Sound trouble between Spain and Great Britain, 1790</a></td>
- <td class="c2">44</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_45">France prepares to support Spain</a></td>
- <td class="c2">45</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_45">De Rions ordered to command the Brest fleet</a></td>
- <td class="c2">45</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_45">Mutiny in the Brest fleet</a></td>
- <td class="c2">45</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_46">De Rions leaves the navy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">46</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_46">His services and distinguished professional reputation</a></td>
- <td class="c2">46</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_47">Disorders in the navy abroad</a></td>
- <td class="c2">47</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_48">Disastrous effects upon the French colonies</a></td>
- <td class="c2">48</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_49">Emigration of French naval officers</a></td>
- <td class="c2">49</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_50">Reorganization of the navy by the Constituent Assembly, 1791</a></td>
- <td class="c2">50</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_51">Previous measures of the monarchical government, 1786</a></td>
- <td class="c2">51</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_52">Reorganization decrees of the Assembly, April, 1791</a></td>
- <td class="c2">52</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_53">Essential spirit of this legislation</a></td>
- <td class="c2">53</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_54">The Second (Legislative) Assembly lowers the qualifications for officers</a></td>
- <td class="c2">54</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_54">Naval officers in the Reign of Terror</a></td>
- <td class="c2">54</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_55">Further legislation by Third Assembly (National Convention), 1793</a></td>
- <td class="c2">55</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_56">Results of the successive measures</a></td>
- <td class="c2">56</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_57">Action of the Assemblies touching enlisted men</a></td>
- <td class="c2">57</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_58">Singular arguments based on equality of rights</a></td>
- <td class="c2">58</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_59">Extravagancies of the period</a></td>
- <td class="c2">59</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_60">Direct results of these measures as shown in battle</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Pg x]</a></span></td>
- <td class="c2">60</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_60">Indirect effects of the laxness of the Assemblies upon discipline</a></td>
- <td class="c2">60</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_62">Mutiny in the Brest fleet, 1793</a></td>
- <td class="c2">62</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_63">Disorders in the Mediterranean fleet, 1792</a></td>
- <td class="c2">63</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_64">Deterioration of the material of the navy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">64</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_64">Misery of officers and seamen</a></td>
- <td class="c2">64</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_67">Want of naval supplies and equipment</a></td>
- <td class="c2">67</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_68">Effect of these disadvantages upon naval efficiency</a></td>
- <td class="c2">68</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_68">Effect of naval inefficiency upon the general results of the war</a></td>
- <td class="c2">68</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_69">Endurance and success of Great Britain due to her Sea Power</a></td>
- <td class="c2">69</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_69">Condition of the British navy in 1793</a></td>
- <td class="c2">69</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_69">Possesses a body of trained officers having a continuous tradition</a></td>
- <td class="c2">69</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_70">Embarrassment of Great Britain for seamen</a></td>
- <td class="c2">70</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_71">Condition and health of the crews</a></td>
- <td class="c2">71</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_72">Mutinies in the British navy. How characterized</a></td>
- <td class="c2">72</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_73">Character of the material in the British navy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">73</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_75">Comparative force of the French and British navies</a></td>
- <td class="c2">75</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_75">Numbers and condition of the Spanish navy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">75</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_76">Inefficiency of its officers and seamen</a></td>
- <td class="c2">76</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_78">Navies of Holland, Naples, and Portugal</a></td>
- <td class="c2">78</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_78">Of Turkey and the Baltic States</a></td>
- <td class="c2">78</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><hr class="sect2" /></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><a name="Chapter_3" id="Chapter_3"></a>
- <a href="#CHAPTER_III" style="text-decoration: none;">CHAPTER III.</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><span class="sc">The General Political
- and Strategic Conditions, and the Events of 1793.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_79">France declares war against Spain, March 7, 1793</a></td>
- <td class="c2">79</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_79">Character of the governments arrayed against France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">79</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_80">Mutual jealousy of Austria and Prussia</a></td>
- <td class="c2">80</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_80">Attitude of the smaller German States</a></td>
- <td class="c2">80</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_81">Military and naval situation of Spain</a></td>
- <td class="c2">81</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_82">Policy of Great Britain</a></td>
- <td class="c2">82</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_82">Attitude of Russia</a></td>
- <td class="c2">82</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_82">Second Partition of Poland</a></td>
- <td class="c2">82</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_83">Course of Sweden and Denmark</a></td>
- <td class="c2">83</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_83">Internal dissensions and external dangers of Holland</a></td>
- <td class="c2">83</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_83">Dutch colonies</a></td>
- <td class="c2">83</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_84">Relations between Portugal and Great Britain</a></td>
- <td class="c2">84</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_84">Attitude of the Italian States</a></td>
- <td class="c2">84</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_85">Extent and disorganization of the Turkish Empire</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[Pg xi]</a></span></td>
- <td class="c2">85</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_85">Strategic importance of the Mediterranean islands</a></td>
- <td class="c2">85</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_86">Their political distribution</a></td>
- <td class="c2">86</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_87">Value of Malta and of Port Mahon</a></td>
- <td class="c2">87</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_88">Corsica in the beginning of the French Revolution</a></td>
- <td class="c2">88</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_89">Internal commotions in France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">89</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_89">Reverses in Belgium and treason of Dumouriez</a></td>
- <td class="c2">89</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_90">Reorganization of the Committee of Public Safety</a></td>
- <td class="c2">90</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_90">Revolt of Lyon against the Convention</a></td>
- <td class="c2">90</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_90">Fall of the Girondists</a></td>
- <td class="c2">90</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_90">Risings of their followers throughout France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">90</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_91">Siege of Lyon by Conventional troops</a></td>
- <td class="c2">91</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_92">Toulon delivered to the British and Spanish fleets</a></td>
- <td class="c2">92</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_93">French reverses on the eastern and northeastern frontiers</a></td>
- <td class="c2">93</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_93">Desperate state of France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">93</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_94">Mistakes of the allies</a></td>
- <td class="c2">94</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_94">Energy of the Convention and its commissioners</a></td>
- <td class="c2">94</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_94">Effect upon the armies</a></td>
- <td class="c2">94</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_95">Failure to attain similar results in the navy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">95</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_96">Causes of this failure</a></td>
- <td class="c2">96</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_96">Naval unpreparedness of Great Britain in 1793</a></td>
- <td class="c2">96</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_96">Difficulty in manning the fleet</a></td>
- <td class="c2">96</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_96">Distribution of the British naval forces</a></td>
- <td class="c2">96</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_97">Military and naval problem before Great Britain</a></td>
- <td class="c2">97</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_98">Military value of insurrections in an enemy's country</a></td>
- <td class="c2">98</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_99">Measures to compel the French navy to leave port</a></td>
- <td class="c2">99</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_99">Difficulty of blockading French ports</a></td>
- <td class="c2">99</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_100">Maritime claims of Great Britain</a></td>
- <td class="c2">100</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_101">Military character of Lord Howe</a></td>
- <td class="c2">101</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_101">His views of naval policy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">101</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_102">Proper strategic use of the British fleet</a></td>
- <td class="c2">102</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_102">Effects of inactivity upon a naval force</a></td>
- <td class="c2">102</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_103">Successes of the French armies toward the close of 1793</a></td>
- <td class="c2">103</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_104">Disasters of the Vendean insurgents</a></td>
- <td class="c2">104</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_105">Fall of Lyon</a></td>
- <td class="c2">105</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_105">The allies abandon Toulon, Dec. 19, 1793</a></td>
- <td class="c2">105</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_106">Disadvantages of Toulon for the allies</a></td>
- <td class="c2">106</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_106">End of the maritime year 1793</a></td>
- <td class="c2">106</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><hr class="sect2" /></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><a name="Chapter_4" id="Chapter_4"></a>
- <a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</a>
- <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[Pg xii]</a></span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><span class="sc">The West Indies,
- 1793-1810.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_109">Present importance of the West India islands</a></td>
- <td class="c2">109</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_109">Their value at the end of the eighteenth century</a></td>
- <td class="c2">109</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_110">Control of a maritime region dependent upon the navy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">110</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_110">Interests of Great Britain in the Caribbean Sea</a></td>
- <td class="c2">110</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_111">Condition of Haïti</a></td>
- <td class="c2">111</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_112">Relation of Haïti to the routes of commerce</a></td>
- <td class="c2">112</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_113">Mistaken policy of the British in Haïti</a></td>
- <td class="c2">113</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_114">Military and commercial value of the Lesser Antilles</a></td>
- <td class="c2">114</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_114">Their political distribution in 1793</a></td>
- <td class="c2">114</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_115">Naval weakness of Great Britain in that region</a></td>
- <td class="c2">115</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_115">Expedition of Jervis and Grey in 1794</a></td>
- <td class="c2">115</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_115">Capture of the French islands</a></td>
- <td class="c2">115</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_116">The French retake Guadaloupe</a></td>
- <td class="c2">116</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_117">Disastrous results to British possessions and commerce</a></td>
- <td class="c2">117</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_117">Expedition of Christian and Abercromby, 1796</a></td>
- <td class="c2">117</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_118">Its successes</a></td>
- <td class="c2">118</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_119">Criticism of British military policy in 1794</a></td>
- <td class="c2">119</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_120">Injury to Great Britain of Spanish and Dutch alliance with France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">120</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_121">Capture of Trinidad by the British</a></td>
- <td class="c2">121</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_121">Subsequent events in the West Indies</a></td>
- <td class="c2">121</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><hr class="sect2" /></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><a name="Chapter_5" id="Chapter_5"></a>
- <a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><span class="sc">The Naval Campaign of
- May, 1795, and Battle of the First of June.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_122">Distress in France in 1793 and 1794</a></td>
- <td class="c2">122</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_123">Food supplies ordered from the United States</a></td>
- <td class="c2">123</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_123">Ships of war sent to convoy them to France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">123</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_124">Squadrons of Nielly and Villaret sent to meet the convoy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">124</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_125">Determination of British government to intercept it</a></td>
- <td class="c2">125</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_125">Sailing of the Channel Fleet under Lord Howe</a></td>
- <td class="c2">125</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_126">Howe meets the French fleet under Villaret Joyeuse, May 28</a></td>
- <td class="c2">126</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_127">Partial engagement of May 28</a></td>
- <td class="c2">127</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_129">Manœuvres of May 29</a></td>
- <td class="c2">129</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_130">Partial engagement of May 29</a></td>
- <td class="c2">130</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_131">Lord Howe breaks the French line</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[Pg xiii]</a></span></td>
- <td class="c2">131</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_131">Villaret loses the advantage of the wind</a></td>
- <td class="c2">131</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_133">Summary of the results of the two days' engagements</a></td>
- <td class="c2">133</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_135">Merits of Howe's tactics</a></td>
- <td class="c2">135</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_135">Strategic mistake by which Montagu's squadron was not on hand</a></td>
- <td class="c2">135</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_135">Events of May 30 and 31</a></td>
- <td class="c2">135</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_136">Preparations for battle, June 1</a></td>
- <td class="c2">136</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_137">Character of Howe's attack</a></td>
- <td class="c2">137</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_138">Opening of the battle</a></td>
- <td class="c2">138</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_139">Howe's flag-ship again breaks the French line</a></td>
- <td class="c2">139</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_140">General success of the first attack</a></td>
- <td class="c2">140</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_140">The contest between the "Vengeur" and the "Brunswick"</a></td>
- <td class="c2">140</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_143">Sinking of the "Vengeur"</a></td>
- <td class="c2">143</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_144">Results of the encounter</a></td>
- <td class="c2">144</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_145">Villaret's manœuvre to rescue his crippled ships</a></td>
- <td class="c2">145</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_146">Howe's manœuvre to preserve his prizes</a></td>
- <td class="c2">146</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_147">Incomplete results of the British victory</a></td>
- <td class="c2">147</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_147">Physical prostration of Lord Howe</a></td>
- <td class="c2">147</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_149">Tactical analysis of the action</a></td>
- <td class="c2">149</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_152">Inferences deduced therefrom</a></td>
- <td class="c2">152</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_153">Conduct of the French captains</a></td>
- <td class="c2">153</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_155">Study of the strategic conduct of the two admirals</a></td>
- <td class="c2">155</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_160">Howe's tactical success neutralized by strategic error</a></td>
- <td class="c2">160</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_161">Termination of the campaign</a></td>
- <td class="c2">161</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_161">Safe arrival of the convoy at Brest</a></td>
- <td class="c2">161</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><hr class="sect2" /></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><a name="Chapter_6" id="Chapter_6"></a>
- <a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><span class="sc">The Year 1794 in the Atlantic
- and on the Continent.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_162">Inaction of the British Channel fleet</a></td>
- <td class="c2">162</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_162">Capture of the "Alexander," 74</a></td>
- <td class="c2">162</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_163">Disastrous winter cruise of the French Brest fleet</a></td>
- <td class="c2">163</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_164">Continued inactivity of the British Channel fleet</a></td>
- <td class="c2">164</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_165">Howe leaves the command afloat</a></td>
- <td class="c2">165</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_165">Succeeded by Bridport</a></td>
- <td class="c2">165</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_165">Change in the British Admiralty</a></td>
- <td class="c2">165</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_165">Little change of system</a></td>
- <td class="c2">165</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_166">Dangers incurred by faulty dispositions</a></td>
- <td class="c2">166</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_167">Reign of Terror in France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">167</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_167">Fall of Robespierre, July 27, 1794</a></td>
- <td class="c2">167</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_168">French successes on north-east frontier</a></td>
- <td class="c2">168</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_169">Divergent retreat of Austrians and Anglo-Dutch</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[Pg xiv]</a></span></td>
- <td class="c2">169</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_170">Conquest of Holland by the French</a></td>
- <td class="c2">170</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_170">Establishment of Batavian Republic</a></td>
- <td class="c2">170</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_170">Effect of this event upon the coalition</a></td>
- <td class="c2">170</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_170">War between Great Britain and Holland</a></td>
- <td class="c2">170</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_171">Fall of Dutch colonies</a></td>
- <td class="c2">171</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_171">French successes on the Rhine and in the Pyrenees</a></td>
- <td class="c2">171</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_172">Peace made with France by Prussia, Holland, and Spain</a></td>
- <td class="c2">172</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_172">Treaties of Great Britain with Austria and Russia</a></td>
- <td class="c2">172</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><hr class="sect2" /></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><a name="Chapter_7" id="Chapter_7"></a>
- <a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><span class="sc">The Year 1795 in the Atlantic
- and on the Continent.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_173">The year 1795 one of reaction in France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">173</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_174">Reactionary measures</a></td>
- <td class="c2">174</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_175">Counter-revolutionary disorders</a></td>
- <td class="c2">175</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_175">Constitution of 1795</a></td>
- <td class="c2">175</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_176">Dissolution of the National Convention</a></td>
- <td class="c2">176</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_176">Six French ships-of-the-line transferred from Brest to Toulon</a></td>
- <td class="c2">176</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_177">Action between Villaret Joyeuse and Cornwallis</a></td>
- <td class="c2">177</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_178">Bridport's action off Île Groix</a></td>
- <td class="c2">178</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_179">French adopt policy of commerce-destroying and withdraw their
- fleets from the ocean</a></td>
- <td class="c2">179</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_179">Criticism of this decision</a></td>
- <td class="c2">179</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_180">Military conclusions derivable from Napoleon's naval policy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">180</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_180">Weakness of French military action in 1795</a></td>
- <td class="c2">180</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_181">Serious reverses in Germany</a></td>
- <td class="c2">181</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_182">Suspension of arms in Germany</a></td>
- <td class="c2">182</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_183">Narrative shifts to the Mediterranean</a></td>
- <td class="c2">183</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_183">Summary of results in 1795</a></td>
- <td class="c2">183</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><hr class="sect2" /></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><a name="Chapter_8" id="Chapter_8"></a>
- <a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-no"><span class="sc">The Mediterranean and
-Italy.—From the Evacuation of Toulon in 1793 to the British Withdrawal
-from that Sea, in 1796, and Battle of Cape St. Vincent, in February,
-1797.—Austria Forced to Make Peace.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_184">Requirements of a base of operations</a></td>
- <td class="c2">184</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_185">Policy and objects of Great Britain in the Mediterranean</a></td>
- <td class="c2">185</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_185">Inadequacy of Gibraltar to these ends</a></td>
- <td class="c2">185</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_186">Advantages of Corsica as a base</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[Pg xv]</a></span></td>
- <td class="c2">186</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_187">Expulsion of the French from Corsica</a></td>
- <td class="c2">187</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_188">The crown of Corsica offered to the king of Great Britain</a></td>
- <td class="c2">188</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_188">Strained relations between Paoli and the viceroy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">188</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_189">French Toulon fleet puts to sea, in March, 1795</a></td>
- <td class="c2">189</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_190">Action with the British Mediterranean fleet, March 14</a></td>
- <td class="c2">190</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_192">Lethargy of Admiral Hotham</a></td>
- <td class="c2">192</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_192">Losses in the two fleets</a></td>
- <td class="c2">192</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_192">French re-enforced by a detachment from Brest</a></td>
- <td class="c2">192</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_193">Disturbances in Toulon</a></td>
- <td class="c2">193</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_194">Brush between the fleets off the Hyères Islands</a></td>
- <td class="c2">194</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_195">Military events in Italy, 1795</a></td>
- <td class="c2">195</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_196">Difficulty of suppressing coasting trade along the Riviera of Genoa</a></td>
- <td class="c2">196</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_197">Sluggish movements of the Austrian general Devins</a></td>
- <td class="c2">197</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_198">Decisive defeat of the Austrians at the battle of Loano</a></td>
- <td class="c2">198</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_198">They retire across the Apennines</a></td>
- <td class="c2">198</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_199">Criticism of the management of the British navy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">199</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_200">Importance of Nelson's services</a></td>
- <td class="c2">200</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_201">Commerce-destroying by the French</a></td>
- <td class="c2">201</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_203">Admiral Jervis assumes command in the Mediterranean, and
-General Bonaparte in Italy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">203</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_203">Professional Characteristics of Jervis</a></td>
- <td class="c2">203</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_207">Disastrous results of Hotham's inactivity</a></td>
- <td class="c2">207</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_207">Share of the French flotilla in maintaining Bonaparte's communications</a></td>
- <td class="c2">207</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_208">Bonaparte's Italian campaign of 1796</a></td>
- <td class="c2">208</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_209">Sardinia forced to peace</a></td>
- <td class="c2">209</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_210">Successive defeats of the Austrians</a></td>
- <td class="c2">210</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_210">Bonaparte occupies the line of the Adige, and blockades Mantua</a></td>
- <td class="c2">210</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_211">Political results of the campaign</a></td>
- <td class="c2">211</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_211">Naples abandons the Coalition, and the French occupy Leghorn</a></td>
- <td class="c2">211</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_212">Consequent effects upon the British fleet</a></td>
- <td class="c2">212</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_213">Bonaparte's designs upon Corsica</a></td>
- <td class="c2">213</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_213">The British seize Elba</a></td>
- <td class="c2">213</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_214">Offensive and defensive alliance between Spain and France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">214</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_214">Singular conduct of Rear-Admiral Mann</a></td>
- <td class="c2">214</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_215">Critical position of the British Mediterranean fleet</a></td>
- <td class="c2">215</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_215">Ordered to evacuate Corsica</a></td>
- <td class="c2">215</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_215">Junction of French and Spanish fleets</a></td>
- <td class="c2">215</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_216">Jervis withdraws his fleet to Gibraltar</a></td>
- <td class="c2">216</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_217">Policy of thus evacuating the Mediterranean</a></td>
- <td class="c2">217</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_218">Influence of Naples upon Bonaparte's plans</a></td>
- <td class="c2">218</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_219">Succession of disasters to Jervis's fleet</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[Pg xvi]</a></span></td>
- <td class="c2">219</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_219">He repairs with it to Lisbon, January, 1797</a></td>
- <td class="c2">219</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_219">Nelson's detached expedition to evacuate Elba</a></td>
- <td class="c2">219</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_220">Events leading to the battle of Cape St. Vincent</a></td>
- <td class="c2">220</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_221">Battle of Cape St. Vincent</a></td>
- <td class="c2">221</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_226">Nelson's brilliant action</a></td>
- <td class="c2">226</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_228">Merit of Sir John Jervis</a></td>
- <td class="c2">228</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_229">Results of the battle</a></td>
- <td class="c2">229</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_229">Sir John Jervis created Earl St. Vincent</a></td>
- <td class="c2">229</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_230">Public depression in Great Britain at this time</a></td>
- <td class="c2">230</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_231">Influence upon public feeling of the news of the battle</a></td>
- <td class="c2">231</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_232">St. Vincent establishes the blockade of Cadiz</a></td>
- <td class="c2">232</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_232">Critical condition of discipline in the British navy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">232</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_233">Bonaparte's position in Italy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">233</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_233">Capitulation of Mantua</a></td>
- <td class="c2">233</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_234">Bonaparte advances through Carinthia into Austria</a></td>
- <td class="c2">234</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_234">Preliminaries of peace signed at Leoben, April, 1797</a></td>
- <td class="c2">234</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_235">Conditions, both open and secret</a></td>
- <td class="c2">235</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_235">Austria treats alone, apart from Great Britain</a></td>
- <td class="c2">235</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_236">Advantage to Great Britain from her Sea Power</a></td>
- <td class="c2">236</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_236">Note,—incident of the mutinies of 1797 occurring in the fleet
-of Earl St. Vincent</a></td>
- <td class="c2">236-239</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><hr class="sect2" /></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><a name="Chapter_9" id="Chapter_9"></a>
- <a href="#CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><span class="sc">The Mediterranean in
- 1797 and 1798.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-no"><span class="sc">Bonaparte's Egyptian
- Expedition—The Return of the British to the Mediterranean and the
- Battle of the Nile.—Great Britain resumes control of the Mediterranean
- and the Second Coalition is formed.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_240">Negotiations for peace between Great Britain and France, 1796</a></td>
- <td class="c2">240</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_241">The British envoy ordered to quit France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">241</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_242">Difficulties between the United States and France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">242</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_243">Death of Catharine II. of Russia and accession of Paul I.</a></td>
- <td class="c2">243</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_243">Reactionary results of the French elections in 1797</a></td>
- <td class="c2">243</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_244">Coup d'État of September 3-4, 1797</a></td>
- <td class="c2">244</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_245">Reactionary members exiled from France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">245</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_245">Renewed negotiations with Great Britain, 1797</a></td>
- <td class="c2">245</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_246">The British envoy again dismissed</a></td>
- <td class="c2">246</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_246">Bonaparte's Eastern projects</a></td>
- <td class="c2">246</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_247">Insidious treatment of Venice</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvii" id="Page_xvii">[Pg xvii]</a></span></td>
- <td class="c2">247</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_249">Nelson's expedition against Teneriffe</a></td>
- <td class="c2">249</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_250">He is repulsed, loses his right arm, and returns to England</a></td>
- <td class="c2">250</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_250">Peace of Campo Formio between France and Austria</a></td>
- <td class="c2">250</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_251">Conditions of the peace</a></td>
- <td class="c2">251</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_251">Venice ceases to exist, and France acquires the Ionian islands</a></td>
- <td class="c2">251</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_252">Bonaparte leaves Italy and returns to Paris</a></td>
- <td class="c2">252</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_252">Commands army intended to invade England</a></td>
- <td class="c2">252</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_252">Difficulties of this enterprise</a></td>
- <td class="c2">252</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_253">The expedition to Egypt determined in its stead</a></td>
- <td class="c2">253</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_254">Absence of the British fleet from the Mediterranean in 1797</a></td>
- <td class="c2">254</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_256">Nelson rejoins the fleet off Cadiz, April, 1798</a></td>
- <td class="c2">256</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_256">Sent with three ships to watch the preparations in Toulon</a></td>
- <td class="c2">256</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_256">Bonaparte sails with expedition for Egypt, May 19, 1798</a></td>
- <td class="c2">256</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_257">Nelson joined by a re-enforcement of ten ships-of-the-line</a></td>
- <td class="c2">257</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_257">Bonaparte seizes Malta, and sails again for Alexandria</a></td>
- <td class="c2">257</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_258">Perplexity of Nelson as to the enemy's designs</a></td>
- <td class="c2">258</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_259">Pursues to Alexandria, but fails to find the French</a></td>
- <td class="c2">259</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_259">Cause of this disappointment</a></td>
- <td class="c2">259</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_260">Retraces his steps to the westward</a></td>
- <td class="c2">260</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_260">Bonaparte anchors off Alexandria, and at once disembarks troops</a></td>
- <td class="c2">260</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_261">Nelson anchors at Syracuse, and again sails for Alexandria</a></td>
- <td class="c2">261</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_261">Discovers the French fleet anchored in Aboukir Bay</a></td>
- <td class="c2">261</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_262">Indecision and lethargy of the French admiral Brueys</a></td>
- <td class="c2">262</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_263">Neglect of Bonaparte's orders</a></td>
- <td class="c2">263</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_263">Description of Aboukir Bay</a></td>
- <td class="c2">263</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_264">Brueys's inadequate preparations against attack</a></td>
- <td class="c2">264</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_265">Comparison with those made by Hood in a like position</a></td>
- <td class="c2">265</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_266">Battle of the Nile</a></td>
- <td class="c2">266</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_268">Concentration upon the head of the French column</a></td>
- <td class="c2">268</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_269">Grounding of the "Culloden"</a></td>
- <td class="c2">269</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_270">Arrival of the British reserve and concentration on the French centre</a></td>
- <td class="c2">270</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_271">The French flag-ship blows up</a></td>
- <td class="c2">271</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_271">Only two French ships-of-the-line escape</a></td>
- <td class="c2">271</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_273">Discussion of Nelson's claims to the credit of this action</a></td>
- <td class="c2">273</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_277">Successes of Bonaparte in Egypt</a></td>
- <td class="c2">277</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_277">Effect upon French troops of the battle of the Nile</a></td>
- <td class="c2">277</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_277">Effect of the battle upon foreign powers</a></td>
- <td class="c2">277</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_278">Aggressive action of France upon the continent of Europe</a></td>
- <td class="c2">278</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_279">Intervention in Switzerland and Rome</a></td>
- <td class="c2">279</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_280">Dissatisfaction of Naples and Austria</a></td>
- <td class="c2">280</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_281">Hostile attitude of Paul I. of Russia</a></td>
- <td class="c2">281</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_282">Alliance between Russia and Austria</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xviii" id="Page_xviii">[Pg xviii]</a></span></td>
- <td class="c2">282</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_282">Effect of the tidings of the battle of the Nile</a></td>
- <td class="c2">282</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_283">Influence of the battle in India</a></td>
- <td class="c2">283</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_284">Nelson ordered to Naples</a></td>
- <td class="c2">284</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_285">Blockade of Malta by the British</a></td>
- <td class="c2">285</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_286">Disposition of the British Mediterranean fleet</a></td>
- <td class="c2">286</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_286">Russo-Turkish attack upon the Ionian islands</a></td>
- <td class="c2">286</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_287">Minorca captured by the British</a></td>
- <td class="c2">287</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_287">Maritime results of the year 1798</a></td>
- <td class="c2">287</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><hr class="sect2" /></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><a name="Chapter_10" id="Chapter_10"></a>
- <a href="#CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><span class="sc">The Mediterranean
- from 1799 to 1801.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-no"><span class="sc">Bonaparte's Syrian
- Expedition and Siege of Acre.—The Incursion of the French Brest Fleet
- under Admiral Bruix.—Bonaparte's Return to France.—The French lose
- Malta and Egypt.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_288">Bonaparte's hopes from the Egyptian expedition</a></td>
- <td class="c2">288</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_289">Weakness of Egyptian institutions</a></td>
- <td class="c2">289</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_289">Conquest of Upper Egypt</a></td>
- <td class="c2">289</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_290">The Pasha of Syria advances against Egypt</a></td>
- <td class="c2">290</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_290">Isolation of the French in Egypt</a></td>
- <td class="c2">290</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_291">Consequent embarrassment of Bonaparte</a></td>
- <td class="c2">291</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_292">Bonaparte hears of the Turkish preparations against him</a></td>
- <td class="c2">292</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_292">Resolves to invade Syria</a></td>
- <td class="c2">292</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_293">The French capture El Arish and advance to Acre</a></td>
- <td class="c2">293</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_294">Character of Sir Sidney Smith, commanding the British squadron off Acre</a></td>
- <td class="c2">294</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_296">His naval and diplomatic mission to the Levant</a></td>
- <td class="c2">296</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_297">Annoyance thereby caused to Nelson and St. Vincent</a></td>
- <td class="c2">297</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_298">Smith assumes command off Alexandria</a></td>
- <td class="c2">298</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_299">Importance of Acre</a></td>
- <td class="c2">299</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_299">Smith arrives at Acre from Alexandria</a></td>
- <td class="c2">299</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_300">Captures a convoy with Bonaparte's siege train</a></td>
- <td class="c2">300</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_300">Siege of Acre</a></td>
- <td class="c2">300</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_301">Arrival of Turkish re-enforcements from Rhodes</a></td>
- <td class="c2">301</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_302">Final assault by the French</a></td>
- <td class="c2">302</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_302">They raise the siege and retreat to Egypt</a></td>
- <td class="c2">302</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_303">Services of Sir Sidney Smith at Acre</a></td>
- <td class="c2">303</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_304">The French fleet of twenty-five ships-of-the-line, under Admiral
-Bruix, escapes from Brest</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xix" id="Page_xix">[Pg xix]</a></span></td>
- <td class="c2">304</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_305">Conduct of Lord Bridport</a></td>
- <td class="c2">305</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_306">Excitement in Great Britain</a></td>
- <td class="c2">306</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_307">Bruix appears off Cadiz, and enters the Mediterranean</a></td>
- <td class="c2">307</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_308">Exposed position of the British naval detachments</a></td>
- <td class="c2">308</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_309">Anxieties of Earl St. Vincent</a></td>
- <td class="c2">309</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_309">Measures taken by him</a></td>
- <td class="c2">309</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_310">Action of Nelson</a></td>
- <td class="c2">310</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_311">Activity and sagacity shown by St. Vincent</a></td>
- <td class="c2">311</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_312">The Spanish fleet leaves Cadiz and reaches Cartagena</a></td>
- <td class="c2">312</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_312">St. Vincent's health fails, and he gives up command to Keith</a></td>
- <td class="c2">312</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_313">Bruix eludes Keith's pursuit and joins Spaniards in Cartagena</a></td>
- <td class="c2">313</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_316">The allied fleets pass the Straits and reach Brest</a></td>
- <td class="c2">316</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_316">Keith pursues to Brest and then goes to Torbay</a></td>
- <td class="c2">316</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_316">Discussion of the French objects in this cruise</a></td>
- <td class="c2">316</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_318">Conduct of the British admirals at the same time</a></td>
- <td class="c2">318</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_321">The Turkish army lands in Aboukir Bay to attack the French</a></td>
- <td class="c2">321</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_322">It is destroyed by Bonaparte</a></td>
- <td class="c2">322</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_323">Bonaparte quits Egypt and returns to France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">323</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_324">Criticism of the Egyptian expedition</a></td>
- <td class="c2">324</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_328">Absolute control of the Mediterranean by the British navy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">328</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_330">Surrender of Malta</a></td>
- <td class="c2">330</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_330">Isolation of Egypt</a></td>
- <td class="c2">330</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_332">Convention of El Arish for the evacuation of Egypt by the French</a></td>
- <td class="c2">332</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_333">Ratification refused by British government, because unauthorized</a></td>
- <td class="c2">333</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_334">Abercromby's expedition. Final loss of Egypt by the French</a></td>
- <td class="c2">334</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_334">Assassination of Kleber</a></td>
- <td class="c2">334</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><hr class="sect2" /></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><a name="Chapter_11" id="Chapter_11"></a>
- <a href="#CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="chap-head"><span class="sc">The Atlantic, 1796-1801.—The
- Brest Blockades.—The French Expeditions against Ireland.</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_335">The French resolution to depend upon commerce-destroying</a></td>
- <td class="c2">335</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_336">Consequent effect upon naval war and upon the control of the sea</a></td>
- <td class="c2">336</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_337">Resulting dispositions of French and British navies</a></td>
- <td class="c2">337</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_338">Inefficient character of the blockade of Brest</a></td>
- <td class="c2">338</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_339">Conditions of the maritime problem before Great Britain stated </a></td>
- <td class="c2">339</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_340">Measures proper to be adopted</a></td>
- <td class="c2">340</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_341">Mutual relations of the elements of a defensive system</a></td>
- <td class="c2">341</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_342">Two aspects under which the military value of Brest should be considered</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xx" id="Page_xx">[Pg xx]</a></span></td>
- <td class="c2">342</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_342">Description of the port and its surroundings</a></td>
- <td class="c2">342</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_344">Strategic importance of the winds</a></td>
- <td class="c2">344</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_344">Anchorages available to the British fleets as bases of operations
-against Brest</a></td>
- <td class="c2">344</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_345">Theory of the Brest blockade</a></td>
- <td class="c2">345</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_345">Fitness of the British bases relative to this theory</a></td>
- <td class="c2">345</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_346">Policies of St. Vincent, Howe, and Bridport</a></td>
- <td class="c2">346</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_347">Causes leading to the Irish expedition of 1796</a></td>
- <td class="c2">347</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_348">Preparations for the expedition</a></td>
- <td class="c2">348</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_349">Hoche appointed to command it</a></td>
- <td class="c2">349</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_349">Villaret Joyeuse appointed to command the fleet</a></td>
- <td class="c2">349</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_349">His distaste for the enterprise</a></td>
- <td class="c2">349</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_350">He is superseded by Morard de Galles</a></td>
- <td class="c2">350</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_350">Inefficiency of the French navy at this time</a></td>
- <td class="c2">350</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_351">Departure of the expedition</a></td>
- <td class="c2">351</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_353">Its dispersal on the night of starting</a></td>
- <td class="c2">353</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_354">Reunion of the greater part of the ships</a></td>
- <td class="c2">354</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_354">Absence of the two commanders-in-chief</a></td>
- <td class="c2">354</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_355">The expedition reaches the coast of Ireland</a></td>
- <td class="c2">355</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_356">Mishaps in Bantry Bay</a></td>
- <td class="c2">356</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_357">The ships return to France</a></td>
- <td class="c2">357</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_358">Shipwreck of the "Droits de l'Homme"</a></td>
- <td class="c2">358</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_359">Misfortunes of the ship carrying Hoche and Morard</a></td>
- <td class="c2">359</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_360">Inefficiency of the British dispositions against invasion</a></td>
- <td class="c2">360</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_361">Analysis of these dispositions</a></td>
- <td class="c2">361</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_367">Consequent impunity of the French</a></td>
- <td class="c2">367</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_368">St. Vincent succeeds, in 1800, to the command of the Channel fleet</a></td>
- <td class="c2">368</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_369">His strategic management of the general operations</a></td>
- <td class="c2">369</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_371">His tactical dispositions to maintain the watch of the port</a></td>
- <td class="c2">371</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_373">Dependence of the admiralty upon the commander-in-chief</a></td>
- <td class="c2">373</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_374">St. Vincent's provisions in case of the blockade being forced</a></td>
- <td class="c2">374</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_375">Decisive effects of the system introduced by him</a></td>
- <td class="c2">375</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_376">Paralysis of Brest under this watch</a></td>
- <td class="c2">376</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_377">Napoleon in consequence adopts Antwerp as his chief dockyard</a></td>
- <td class="c2">377</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_378">Purposed expedition against Ireland from the Texel</a></td>
- <td class="c2">378</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_378">Naval battle of Camperdown</a></td>
- <td class="c2">378</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_378">Death of Hoche</a></td>
- <td class="c2">378</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_379">The expeditions of 1798 against Ireland</a></td>
- <td class="c2">379</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c1">
-<a href="#Page_380">Cessation of the attempts upon Ireland</a></td>
- <td class="c2">380</td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxi" id="Page_xxi">[Pg xxi]</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<h2>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<table id="MAPS" summary="MAPS AND BATTLE PLANS">
- <tr>
- <td colspan="3" class="chap-head">VOLUME I.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="3" class="chap-head">MAPS AND BATTLE PLANS.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td></td>
- <td></td>
- <td class="c2 smaller">Page</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c2">I.</td>
- <td class="c1"><a href="#i-129.jpg">Manœuvres of May 29, 1794, Figures 1 and 2</a></td>
- <td class="c2">129</td>
- </tr>
-
- <tr>
- <td class="c2">II.</td>
- <td class="c1"><a href="#i-131.jpg">Manœuvres of May 29, 1794, Fig. 3</a></td>
- <td class="c2">131</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c2">III.</td>
- <td class="c1"><a href="#i-137.jpg">Battle of June 1, 1794</a></td>
- <td class="c2">137</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c2">IV.</td>
- <td class="c1"><a href="#i-195.jpg">Map of Northern Italy</a></td>
- <td class="c2">195</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c2">V.</td>
- <td class="c1"><a href="#i-223.jpg">Battle of Cape St. Vincent</a></td>
- <td class="c2">223</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c2">VI.</td>
- <td class="c1"><a href="#i-257.jpg">Map of the Mediterranean</a></td>
- <td class="c2">257</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c2">VII.</td>
- <td class="c1"><a href="#i-263.jpg">Coast Map, Alexandria to the Nile</a></td>
- <td class="c2">263</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c2">VIII.</td>
- <td class="c1"><a href="#i-267.jpg">Battle of the Nile</a></td>
- <td class="c2">266</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c2">IX.</td>
- <td class="c1"><a href="#i-335.jpg">Map of English Channel and North Sea</a></td>
- <td class="c2">335</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="c2">X.</td>
- <td class="c1"><a href="#i-343.jpg">Map of Brest and its Approaches</a></td>
- <td class="c2">342</td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1"></a>[Pg 1]</span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<p class="ac smaller">THE</p>
-
-<p class="ac larger">INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER</p>
-
-<p class="ac xx-smaller">UPON THE</p>
-
-<p class="ac">FRENCH REVOLUTION AND EMPIRE.</p>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="small p4" />
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="ac">INTRODUCTORY.</p>
-
-<p class="ac"><span class="sc">Outline of Events in Europe, 1783-1793.</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="drop-cap">THE ten years following the Peace of Versailles, September
-3, 1783, coming between the two great wars
-of American Independence and of the French Revolution,
-seem like a time of stagnation. The muttering and heaving
-which foretold the oncome of the later struggle were
-indeed to be heard by those whose ears were open, long
-before 1793. The opening events and violences which
-marked the political revolution were of earlier date, and
-war with Austria and Prussia began even in 1792; but the
-year 1793 stands out with a peculiar prominence, marked
-as it is by the murder of the king and queen, the beginning
-of the Reign of Terror, and the outbreak of hostilities with
-the great Sea Power, whose stubborn, relentless purpose
-and mighty wealth were to exert the decisive influence
-upon the result of the war. Untiring in sustaining with
-her gold the poorer powers of the Continent against the
-common enemy, dogged in bearing up alone the burden of
-the war, when one by one her allies dropped away, the
-year in which Great Britain, with her fleets, her commerce,
-and her money, rose against the French republic, with its
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span>
-conquering armies, its ruined navy, and its bankrupt treasury,
-may well be taken as the beginning of that tremendous
-strife which ended at Waterloo.</p>
-
-<p>To the citizen of the United States, the war whose results
-were summed up and sealed in the Treaty of Versailles
-is a landmark of history surpassing all others in
-interest and importance. His sympathies are stirred by
-the sufferings of the many, his pride animated by the
-noble constancy of the few whose names will be forever
-identified with the birth-throes of his country. Yet in a
-less degree this feeling may well be shared by a native of
-Western Europe, though he have not the same vivid impression
-of the strife, which, in so distant a land and on so
-small a scale, brought a new nation to life. This indeed
-was the <i>great</i> outcome of that war; but in its progress,
-Europe, India, and the Sea had been the scenes of deeds of
-arms far more dazzling and at times much nearer home
-than the obscure contest in America. In dramatic effect
-nothing has exceeded the three-years siege of Gibraltar,
-teeming as it did with exciting interest, fluctuating hopes
-and fears, triumphant expectation and bitter disappointment.
-England from her shores saw gathered in the
-Channel sixty-six French and Spanish ships-of-the-line,—a
-force larger than had ever threatened her since the days of
-the Great Armada, and before which her inferior numbers
-had to fly, for the first time, to the shelter of her ports.
-Rodney and Suffren had conducted sea campaigns, fought
-sea fights, and won sea victories which stirred beyond the
-common the hearts of men in their day, and which still
-stand conspicuous in the story of either navy. In one respect
-above all, this war was distinguished; in the development,
-on both sides, of naval power. Never since the
-days of De Ruyter and Tourville had so close a balance of
-strength been seen upon the seas. Never since the Peace
-of Versailles to our own day has there been such an approach
-to equality between the parties to a sea war.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The three maritime nations issued wearied from the
-strife, as did also America; but the latter, though with
-many difficulties still to meet, was vigorous in youth and
-unfettered by bad political traditions. The colonists of
-yesterday were thoroughly fitted to retrieve their own fortunes
-and those of their country; to use the boundless resources
-which Divine Providence had made ready to their
-hands. It was quite otherwise with France and Spain;
-while Great Britain, though untouched with the seeds of
-decay that tainted her rivals, was weighed down with a
-heavy feeling of overthrow, loss and humiliation, which for
-the moment hid from her eyes the glory and wealth yet
-within her reach. Colonial ambition was still at its loftiest
-height among the nations of Europe, and she had lost
-her greatest, most powerful colony. Not only the king
-and the lords, but the mass of the people had set their
-hearts upon keeping America. Men of all classes had predicted
-ruin to the Empire if it parted with such a possession;
-and now they had lost it, wrung from them after a
-bitter struggle, in which their old enemies had overborne
-them on the field they called their own, the Sea. The Sea
-Power of Great Britain had been unequal to the task laid
-upon it, and so America was gone. A less resolute people
-might have lost hope.</p>
-
-<p>If the triumph of France and Spain was proportionate to
-their rival's loss, this was no true measure of their gains,
-nor of the relative positions of the three in the years after
-the war. American Independence profited neither France
-nor Spain. The latter had indeed won back the Floridas
-and Minorca; but she had utterly failed before Gibraltar,
-and Jamaica had not even been attacked. Minorca, as
-Nelson afterwards said, was always England's when she
-wanted it. It belonged not to this power or that, but to
-the nation that controlled the sea; so England retook it in
-1798, when her fleets again entered the Mediterranean.
-France had gained even less than Spain. Her trading
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span>
-posts in India had been restored; but they, even more than
-Minorca, were defenceless unless in free communication
-with and supported by the sea power of the mother-country.
-In the West Indies she returned to Great Britain more
-than the latter did to her. "France," says a French historian,
-"had accomplished the duties of her providential
-mission" (in freeing America); "her moral interests, the
-interests of her glory and of her ideas were satisfied. The
-interests of her material power had been badly defended
-by her government; the only solid advantage she had obtained
-was depriving England of Minorca, that curb on
-Toulon, far more dangerous to us when in their hands than
-is Gibraltar."<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
-
-<p>Unfortunately at this moment France was far richer in
-ideas, moral and political, and in renown, than in solid
-power. The increasing embarrassment of the Treasury
-forced her to stay her hand, and to yield to her rival terms
-of peace utterly beyond what the seeming strength of either
-side justified. The French navy had reaped glory in the
-five years of war; not so much, nearly, as French writers
-claim for it, but still it had done well, and the long contest
-must have increased the efficiency of its officers along with
-their growing experience. A little more time only was
-wanted for France, allied to Spain, to gain lasting results
-as well as passing fame. This time poverty refused
-her.</p>
-
-<p>Spain, as for centuries back, still depended for her income
-almost wholly upon her treasure ships from America.
-Always risked by war, this supply became more than
-doubtful when the undisputed control of the sea passed to
-an enemy. The policy of Spain, as to peace or war, was
-therefore tied fast to that of France, without whose navy
-her shipping lay at England's mercy; and, though the national
-pride clung obstinately to its claim for Gibraltar, it
-was forced to give way.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Great Britain alone, after all her losses, rested on a solid
-foundation of strength. The American contest by itself
-had cost her nearly £100,000,000, and rather more than
-that amount had during the war been added to the national
-debt; but two years later this had ceased to increase, and
-soon the income of the State was greater than the outgo.
-Before the end of 1783, the second William Pitt, then a
-young man of twenty-four, became prime minister. With
-genius and aims specially fitted to the restorative duties of
-a time of peace, the first of British finance ministers in the
-opinion of Mr. Gladstone,<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> he bent his great powers to fostering
-the commerce and wealth of the British people.
-With firm but skilful hand he removed, as far as the
-prejudices of the day would permit and in the face of much
-opposition, the fetters, forged by a mistaken policy, that
-hampered the trade of the Empire. Promoting the exchange
-of goods with other nations, simplifying the collection
-of taxes and the revenue, he added at once to the
-wealth of the people and to the income of the State. Although
-very small in amount, as compared with the enormous
-figures of later years, the exports and imports of
-Great Britain increased over fifty per cent between the
-years 1784 and 1792. Even with the lately severed colonies
-of North America the same rate of gain, as compared
-with the trade before the war, held good; while with the
-old enemy of his father and of England, with France, there
-was concluded in 1786 a treaty of commerce which was
-exceedingly liberal for those days, and will, it is said, bear
-a favorable comparison with any former or subsequent
-treaty between the two countries. "In the course of little
-more than three years from Mr. Pitt's acceptance of office
-as First Lord of the Treasury," says the eulogist of his distinguished
-rival, Fox, "great commercial and financial reforms
-had been effected.... The nation overcoming its
-difficulties, and rising buoyant from depression, began
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span>
-rapidly to increase its wealth, to revive its spirit, and renew
-its strength."<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>
-
-<p>Such was the home condition of the British people; but
-fully to appreciate the advantageous position to which it
-was rising, in preparation for the great conflict still unforeseen,
-it must be remembered that all things worked together
-to centre and retain the political executive power in
-the hands of Pitt. The feelings of the king, then a very
-real force in the nation; the confidence of the people,
-given to his father's son and fixed by the wisdom of his
-own conduct and the growth of the moneyed prosperity so
-dear to the British heart; the personal character of his
-only rival in ability,—all combined to commit the political
-guidance of the State to one man at the great crisis when
-such unity of action was essential to strength. Whether
-the great peace minister was equal to the wisest direction
-of war has been questioned, and has been denied. Certainly
-it was not the office he himself would have chosen; but it
-was a great gain for England that she was at this time
-able to give herself wholly to a single leader. He took
-office with a minority of one hundred in the House of
-Commons, held it for two months constantly out-voted, and
-then dissolving Parliament appealed to the country. The
-election gave him a majority of over a hundred,—a foretaste
-of the unwavering support he received from the representatives
-of the people during the early and critical
-years of the French Revolution, when the yet fluid opinions
-of the nation were gradually being cast and hardened into
-that set conviction and determination characteristic of the
-race.</p>
-
-<p>How different the state of France is well known. The
-hopeless embarrassment of the finances, hopeless at least
-under the political and social conditions, the rapid succession
-of ministers, each sinking deeper in entanglements,
-the weak character of the king, the conflict of opinions, the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span>
-lack of sympathy between classes, all tending to the assembling
-of the Notables in February, 1787, and the yet
-more pregnant meeting of the States General, May 4, 1789,
-which was the beginning of the end. France was moneyless
-and leaderless.</p>
-
-<p>But while the Western countries of Europe were by these
-circumstances disposed or constrained to wish for the continuance
-of peace, restlessness showed itself in other quarters
-and in ways which, from the close relations of the
-European States, disquieted the political atmosphere. The
-Austrian Netherlands and Holland, Poland and Turkey,
-the Black Sea and the Baltic, became the scene of diplomatic
-intrigues and of conflicts, which, while they did not
-involve the great Western Powers in actual war, caused
-them anxiety and necessitated action.</p>
-
-<p>The Empress-Queen of Austria and Hungary, Maria
-Theresa, had died in 1780. Her son, the Emperor Joseph
-II., came to the throne in the prime of life, and with his
-head full of schemes for changing and bettering the condition
-of his dominions. In 1781, the weakness of Holland
-being plainly shown by her conduct of the war with Great
-Britain, and the other countries having their hands too full
-to interfere, he demanded and received the surrender of
-the fortified towns in the Austrian Netherlands; which,
-under the name of the "barrier towns," had been held and
-garrisoned by Holland since the Peace of Utrecht in 1713,
-as a bridle upon the ambition of France. At the same
-time the circumstances of the great maritime contest,
-which during the American Revolution covered all the seas
-of Europe, impelled every neutral nation having a seaboard
-to compete for the carrying trade. Holland for a time had
-shared this profit with the nations of the North; but when
-Great Britain, rightly or wrongly, forced her into war, the
-trade which had been carried on through Holland and her
-great rivers reaching into the heart of Germany, being
-denied its natural channel, sought a new one through the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span>
-Austrian Netherlands by the port of Ostend. The growth
-of the latter, like that of Nassau during the Civil War in
-the United States, was forced and unhealthy,—due not to
-natural advantages but to morbid conditions; but it fostered
-the already strong wish of the emperor for a sea
-power which no other part of his dominions could give.</p>
-
-<p>This movement of Belgian commerce was accelerated by
-the disappearance of the British carrying trade. As in the
-days of Louis XIV., before he had laid up his ships-of-the-line,
-so in the American War the cruisers and privateers
-of the allies, supported by the action of the combined fleets
-occupying the British navy, preyed ravenously on British
-shipping. In the days of the elder Pitt it had been said
-that commerce was made to live and thrive by war; but
-then the French great fleets had left the sea, and British
-armed ships protected trade and oppressed the enemy's
-cruisers. Between 1778 and 1783 Great Britain was fully
-engaged on every sea, opposing the combined fleets and
-protecting as far as she could her colonies. "This untoward
-state of things reduced the English merchants to
-difficulties and distresses, with respect to the means of
-carrying on their trade, which they had never experienced
-in any other war. Foreign vessels were used for the conveyance
-of their goods, and the protection of a foreign flag
-for the first time sought by Englishmen."<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The writer
-forgot the days of Jean Bart, Duguay-Trouin, and Forbin;
-we may profitably note that like conditions lead to like
-results.</p>
-
-<p>Thus, while America was struggling for life, and the
-contests of England, France, and Spain were heard in all
-quarters of the world, Netherland ships showed abroad on
-every sea the flag of an inland empire, and Ostend grew
-merrily; but if the petty port and narrow limits thus
-throve, how should the emperor bear to see the great city
-of Antwerp, with its noble river and its proud commercial
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span>
-record, shut up from the sea as it had been since the Treaty
-of Westphalia? His discontent was deep and instant;
-but it was the misfortune of this prince that he took in
-hand more than his own capacity and the extent of his
-estates would let him complete. His attention being for
-the moment diverted to southeastern Europe, where Austria
-and Russia were then acting in diplomatic concert against
-the Porte, the question of Antwerp was dropped. Before
-it could be resumed, the Peace of Versailles had left Great
-Britain, France, and Holland—all so vitally interested in
-whatever concerned Belgium—free, though loath, to enter
-into a new contention. Matters having been for the time
-arranged with Turkey, the emperor again in 1784 renewed
-his demands, alleging, after the manner of statesmen, several
-collateral grievances, but on the main issue saying
-roundly that "the entire and free navigation of the Scheldt
-from Antwerp to the sea was a <i>sine qua non</i>" to any
-agreement.</p>
-
-<p>The arguments—commercial, political, or founded on
-treaty—which were in this instance urged for or against
-the natural claim of a country to use a river passing
-through its own territory, to the sea that washes its shores,
-are not here in question; but it is important to analyze the
-far-reaching interests at stake, to note the bearing of this
-dispute upon them and so upon the general diplomacy of
-Europe, and thereby trace its intimate connection with
-that Sea Power whose influence upon the course of history
-at this period it is our aim to weigh. Though modified in
-expression by passing events, and even at times superficially
-reversed, like natural currents checked and dammed
-by contrary winds, these underlying tendencies—being
-dependent upon permanent causes—did not cease to exist
-during the storm of the Revolution. Ever ready to resume
-their course when the momentary opposition was removed,
-the appreciation of them serves to explain apparent contradictions,
-produced by the conflicts between transient necessity
-and enduring interests.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>From that great centre of the world's commerce where
-the Scheldt, the Meuse, the Rhine, and the Thames meet
-in the North Sea, near the Straits of Dover, there then
-parted two principal lines of trade passing through European
-waters,—through seas, that is, along whose shores
-were planted many different powers, foreign and possibly
-hostile to each other. Of these two lines, one ended in the
-Baltic; the other, after skirting the coasts of France and
-the Spanish peninsula and running the gantlet of the
-Barbary corsairs, ended in the Levant or Turkish Seas.
-The great Empire of Russia, which only made itself felt in
-the sphere of European politics after the Treaty of Utrecht,
-in 1713, had since then been moving forward not only its
-centre, which bore upon the continent of Europe, but also
-both its wings; one of which touched and overshadowed
-the Baltic on the North, while the other, through a steady
-course of pressure and encroachment upon the Turks, had
-now reached the Black Sea. This advance had been aided
-by the fixedness with which France and England, through
-their ancient rivalry and their colonial ambitions, had kept
-their eyes set upon each other and beyond the Atlantic;
-but the Peace of Versailles forced the combatants to pause,
-and gave them time to see other interests, which had
-been overlooked through the long series of wars waged,
-between 1739 and 1783, over commerce and colonies. It
-was then realized that not only had Russia, in the past
-half-century, advanced her lines by the partition of Poland
-and by taking from Sweden several provinces on the Baltic,
-but also that she had so added to her influence upon the
-Black Sea and over the Turkish Empire by successive
-aggressions, wresting bits of territory and establishing
-claims of interference in behalf of Turkish subjects, as to
-make her practical supremacy in Eastern waters a possibility
-of the future.</p>
-
-<p>The Western Question, as it may fitly be called, had
-been settled by the birth of a new nation, destined to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span>
-greatness and preponderance in the western hemisphere;
-the Eastern Question, phrase now so familiar, soon loomed
-on the horizon. Was it to receive a like solution? Was a
-great nation, already close to the spot, to win a position of
-exceptional advantage for dominating in eastern waters as
-America must do in western? for it must be remembered
-that, although the Levant was then only the end of a European
-trade route, both the history of the past and the well
-understood possibilities of the future pointed to it as one
-of the greatest centres of commerce, and therefore of
-human interest and political influence, in the world. The
-Levant and Egypt had then, and still keep, the same interest
-that is now being felt in the Isthmus of Panama and
-the Caribbean; and it is hard to imagine a more threatening
-condition of naval power than the possession of the
-Black Sea and its impregnable entrance, by a vigorous
-nation, so close to the Eastern highway of the world. The
-position in 1783 was the more dangerous from the close
-alliance and respective abilities of the rulers of Austria and
-Russia; the cool-headed and experienced Catharine,
-through her influence on her weaker colleague, directing
-the resources of both empires in a path most favorable to
-Russia.</p>
-
-<p>The tendency of Russian growth, and the historic events
-which marked its progress, were, of course, well enough
-known in England long before; but there is a difference
-between knowing facts and realizing their full meaning.
-Circumstances alter cases; and men's minds, when
-strongly bent one way, do not heed what is passing elsewhere.
-Hence, in 1785, we find the attitude of Great
-Britain toward Russia very different from that of fifteen
-years earlier, when the empress and the Porte were at
-war. In 1770, British officers commanded Russian fleets
-and ships, and a British admiral had leave to take a
-place in the Russian Admiralty, with the promise of his
-home rank being restored to him. The Czarina sent a
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span>
-fleet of twenty sail-of-the-line from the Baltic to the Levant.
-They stopped and refitted in Spithead; Russian
-soldiers were landed and camped ashore to refresh themselves;
-English sergeants of marines were employed to
-drill them; a Russian eighty-gun ship, flying the flag
-of an Anglo-Russian admiral, was docked in Portsmouth
-and cut down to improve her sailing qualities. Thus
-comforted and strengthened they sailed for the Mediterranean;
-and, receiving further damage from the poor
-seamanship of their crews, they were again fitted at Port
-Mahon,—then an English dockyard,—for action in the
-Levant.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
-When, among the hard knocks of the two following
-years, the Russians destroyed a Turkish fleet of
-fifteen ships-of-the-line in a port of Asia Minor, British
-lieutenants commanded the fire-ships, and a British commodore
-the covering squadron.</p>
-
-<p>To us now, with our remembrance of Kars and Silistria,
-of the Crimea and Hobart Pasha, of Cyprus and Besika
-Bay, these things seem like a dream; and the more so,
-that the Mediterranean powers of the earlier day viewed
-the Russian approach with ill-concealed mistrust, and laid
-severe restrictions upon the use of their ports. But Turkey
-then, though a good friend to Great Britain, was a
-yet better friend to France; the Turkish alliance had
-been useful to the latter country by making diversion in
-her wars with Austria, Great Britain's natural ally; the
-French were the favored nation by Turkish commercial
-treaties, and a naval war in eastern waters could not but
-be injurious to their commerce. Difficulties about trade
-might even bring about a collision between France and
-Russia, which at least could do no harm to Great Britain
-at a time when her rival was known to be steadily building
-up her navy with a view to revenge past defeats; just as
-now she is thought to be looking for a day of reckoning
-with Germany. The Baltic trade was also of immense
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span>
-value, and the friendship of Russia was necessary thereto.
-Altogether, in 1770, the Russian nation, notwithstanding
-the French leanings of the Czarina, was, upon the whole,
-the friend of Great Britain's friends, and the opponent of
-her enemies,—especially of the one traditional, or, as even
-generous Englishmen used to say, the <i>natural</i> enemy,
-France. Russia bore especially against Sweden, Poland,
-and Turkey; and these it was the consistent aim of the
-best school of French statesmen to court and strengthen.</p>
-
-<p>But in 1785 a great change had taken place. The war
-of 1770 had planted Russia firmly on the Black Sea. The
-treaty of Kainardji in 1774 admitted her trade freely to
-the Mediterranean,—a privilege which other trading nations,
-in the narrow spirit of the day, considered their own
-loss. Russian frigates had entered the Dardanelles on
-their way to the Black Sea; and though the Porte, terrified
-at the consequences of its action, stopped them at
-Constantinople, the move was none the less significant.
-Then there had come, in 1774, the partition of Poland,
-universally condemned as unrighteous and dangerous to
-the balance of power, though submitted to by the other
-States. If Great Britain, though restless over this, saw
-still some compensation in the injury done to France by
-the weakening of her allies, and hugged herself with the
-belief that her insular position made the continental balance
-of less moment, she had had a severe reminder of
-Russia's growing strength and power to injure, in the
-Armed Neutrality of 1780. This unfriendly blow, aimed
-by a State she had looked upon as almost a natural ally,
-which she had so greatly helped but ten years before, and
-which had now chosen the moment of her direst straits
-to attack what she considered her maritime rights, probably
-completed the alienation, and opened the eyes of British
-statesmen to the new danger with which they were
-threatened by the position of Russia upon the Baltic and
-close to the Mediterranean.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>France, also, had little less interest than England in
-this condition of things, and certainly felt no less. From
-the days of Henry IV. and Colbert, and even before, she
-had looked upon the Levant as peculiarly her own field,
-the home of a faithful ally, and the seat of a lucrative
-trade which was almost monopolized by her. Although
-so far foiled in India, she had not yet lost her hopes of
-overcoming and replacing the British hold upon that land
-of fabled wealth, and she understood the important bearing
-of the Levant and Egypt upon the security of tenure
-there. It need not then surprise us, in the great maritime
-war which we are approaching, to find Napoleon—for all
-his greatness, the child of his generation—amid all the
-glory and bewildering rush of his famous Italian campaign,
-planning conquest in Egypt and the East, and Nelson, that
-personification of the British sea power of his day, fighting
-his two most brilliant battles in the Levant and in the
-Baltic. Nor will we be unprepared to see an importance
-equal to that of Gibraltar and Mahon in former days, now
-attached to points like Malta, Corfu, Taranto, Brindisi, as
-well as to Sicily and Egypt, by the statesmen, generals,
-and admirals, whose counsels directed the military efforts
-of the belligerents. Many of these points had heretofore
-lain out of the field of action of the Western Powers, but
-the rising Eastern Question was bringing them forward.</p>
-
-<p>Nor was it in the Levant alone that questions vitally affecting
-the rival States awaited solution. The trade interests
-of the Baltic, as the outlet through which great rivers
-and the products of immense regions found their way to
-the world beyond, made its control also an object of importance
-to both the chief parties in the coming struggle,—to
-Great Britain who strove to drive her enemy off the
-sea, and to France who wished to shut out hers from the
-land. But, besides its commercial importance, the secluded
-character of the sea, the difficulty of the approach,—aggravated
-by the severe climate,—and the immense
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span>
-preponderance in strength of Russia over Sweden and
-Denmark, made always possible an armed combination
-such as that of 1780, which was in fact renewed in 1800,
-seriously threatening the naval supremacy of Great Britain.
-Such a coalition it was vital to the latter to prevent,
-and most desirable to her enemy to effect. If formed, it
-was a nucleus around which readily gathered all other
-malcontents, dissatisfied with the harsh and overbearing
-manner in which the great Sea Power enforced what she
-considered her rights over neutral ships.</p>
-
-<p>The nearness of England to the Baltic made it unnecessary
-to have naval stations on the way for the repair or
-shelter of her shipping, but it was most undesirable that
-the ports and resources of Holland and Belgium, lying
-close on the flank of the route, and doubly strong in the
-formidable outworks of shoals and intricate navigation
-with which nature had protected them, should be under
-the control of a great hostile power. Jean Bart, and his
-fellow-privateersmen of a hundred years before, had shown
-the danger to British shipping from even the third-rate
-port of Dunkirk, so situated. Where Dunkirk sent squadrons
-of frigates, Antwerp could send fleets of ships-of-the-line.
-The appearance of Russia, therefore, and her predominance
-on the Baltic, made weightier still the interest
-in the political condition of the Low Countries which, for
-generations past, Great Britain had felt on account of her
-commercial relations with them, and through them with
-Germany; an interest hitherto aroused mainly by the
-ambition of France to control their policy, if not actually
-to possess herself of a large part of their territory. She
-had to fear that which was realized under Napoleon,—the
-conversion of Antwerp into a great naval station, with
-free access to the sea, and the control of its resources and
-those of the United Provinces by a strong and able enemy.</p>
-
-<p>Great Britain, therefore, had in 1781 seen with just
-apprehension the aggressive attitude of Joseph II. toward
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span>
-the Dutch, and the fall of the "barrier towns." It is true
-that these fortresses had ceased to afford much protection
-to Holland, owing to her military decline, but the event
-emphasized her exposure to France; while the power of
-Austria to defend her own provinces, or the Dutch, was
-notoriously less than that of France to attack, owing to
-the relative distance of the two from the scene, and the
-danger to troops, on the march from Austria, of being assailed
-in flank from the French frontier. Now, again, in
-1784, she was forced to look with anxiety—less on account
-of Austria than of France—upon this raising of the
-question of the Scheldt. There was little cause to fear
-Austria becoming a great sea power now, when she had
-held the Netherlands three fourths of a century without
-becoming such; but there was good reason to dread that
-the movements in progress might result in increasing her
-rival's sea power and influence—perhaps even her territory—in
-the Low Countries. All these things did come
-to pass, though not under the dying monarchy.</p>
-
-<p>It may be presumed that the wise Catharine of Russia,
-without in the least foreseeing the approaching French
-convulsion which shook her plans as well as those of other
-European rulers, realized the true relations between her
-country and the Western powers, when she so heartily supported
-the emperor in his claim for the free navigation of
-the Scheldt. There was no likelihood then, as there is
-little likelihood now, that Great Britain and France would
-act together in the Eastern Question, then too new to outweigh
-former prejudices or to unite old enemies. If the
-contention of Austria were successful, Russia would secure
-a friendly port in a region naturally hostile to her
-pretensions. If unsuccessful, as things then looked, the
-result would probably be the extension of French influence
-in the Netherlands and in the United Provinces; and
-French gain there meant gain of sea power, with proportionate
-loss of the same to Great Britain. The empress
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span>
-could still reckon on their mutual antagonism; while the
-British navy, and the way in which it was used in war,
-were more serious dangers to Russia than the French
-armies. Whatever her reasoning, there is no doubt that
-at this time her policy was drawing closer to France.
-The French ministers in the East mediated between her
-and the Sultan in the unceasing disputes arising from the
-treaty of Kainardji. A commercial treaty on most favorable
-terms was concluded with France, while that with
-Great Britain was allowed to lapse, and its renewal was
-refused during many years.</p>
-
-<p>Such were the ambitions and the weighty solicitudes,
-well understood on all hands, which, during the eight
-years succeeding the emperor's demand for the opening
-of the Scheldt, underlay and guided the main tendencies
-of European policy, and continued so to do during the
-revolutionary wars. The separate events which group
-themselves round these leading outlines, up to the outbreak
-of war in 1793, can only be hastily sketched.</p>
-
-<p>Notwithstanding the close family relationship between
-Louis XVI. and the emperor, the French government
-looked coldly upon the latter's action in the matter of the
-Scheldt. The long-standing struggle in the United Provinces
-between partisans of Great Britain and France was
-just now marked by the preponderance of the latter, and,
-consequently, of French influence. As Austria seemed resolved
-to enforce her claims by war, the king first offered
-his mediation, and, when that was unavailing, told the
-emperor he would interpose by arms. His troops were
-accordingly massed on the Belgian frontier. It was understood
-that the king of Prussia, who was brother-in-law
-to the stadtholder, would act with France. Russia, on the
-other hand, proclaimed her intention to support Austria.
-Sweden, as the enemy of Russia, began to put ships in
-commission and enlist soldiers; while from Constantinople
-came a report that, if war began, the sultan also would
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span>
-improve so good an opportunity of regaining what he had
-lately lost. While the quarrel about the Scheldt was thus
-causing complications in all quarters, an incident occurred
-upon the chief scene of trouble, which under such conditions
-might well have precipitated a general war. An
-Austrian brig was ordered to sail from Antwerp to the
-sea, to test the intentions of Holland. Upon passing the
-boundary she was fired upon and brought to by a Dutch
-armed ship. This happened on the 8th of October, 1784.</p>
-
-<p>Yet after all war did not come, owing to Joseph's volatile
-attention being again drawn from the matter immediately
-in hand. He proposed to the elector of Bavaria to take
-the Netherlands in exchange for his electorate. This
-transfer, which by concentrating the possessions of Austria
-would greatly have increased her weight in the Empire,
-was resisted by the whole Germanic body with Frederic
-the Great at its head. It therefore came to naught; but
-the slackening of the emperor's interest in his Scheldt
-scheme promoted, under French auspices, a peaceful arrangement;
-which, while involving mutual concessions,
-left the real question substantially untouched. Its solution
-was not reached until the storm of the Revolution swept
-city and river into the arms of the French republic. This
-compromise was shortly followed by a treaty of the closest
-alliance between France and the United Provinces, engaging
-them to mutual support in case of war, fixing the
-amount of armed ships or men to be furnished, and promising
-the most intimate co-operation in their dealings with
-other States. This agreement, which, as far as compacts
-could, established French preponderance in the councils of
-Holland, was ratified on Christmas Day, 1785.</p>
-
-<p>This treaty gave rise to serious and regretful consideration
-in Great Britain; but the growing financial embarrassment
-and internal disturbance of France were rapidly
-neutralizing her external exertions. The following years
-were marked by new combinations and alliances among
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span>
-States. In 1786 Frederic the Great's death took away an
-important element in European politics. The quarrel between
-the two factions in Holland had reached the verge
-of civil war, when an insult offered by the French party to
-the wife of the stadtholder, sister to the new king of Prussia,
-led to an armed interference by this sovereign. In
-October, 1787, Prussian troops occupied Amsterdam and
-restored to the stadtholder privileges that had been taken
-from him. Even France had strongly condemned the act
-of those who had arrested the princess, and advised ample
-satisfaction to be given; but, nevertheless, when the French
-party appealed for aid against the Prussian intervention,
-she prepared to give it and notified her purpose to Great
-Britain. The latter, glad again to assert her own influence,
-replied that she could not remain a quiet spectator,
-issued immediate orders for augmenting her forces by sea
-and land, and contracted with Hesse for the supply of
-twelve thousand troops upon demand. The rapid success
-of the Prussians prevented any collision; but Great Britain
-had the gratification, and France the mortification, of seeing
-re-established the party favorable to the former.</p>
-
-<p>In February, 1787, the Assembly of Notables, which had
-not met since 1626, was opened by Louis XVI. at Versailles.
-But the most striking event of this year was the
-declaration of war against Russia by Turkey, which determined
-no longer to wait until its enemy was ready before
-engaging in an inevitable conflict. The Turkish manifesto
-was sent forth August 24; Russia replied on the 13th of
-September.</p>
-
-<p>The emperor, as the ally of Russia, declared war against
-Turkey on the 10th of February, 1788. Operations were
-carried on by the Austrians around Belgrade and on the
-Danube. The Russians, bent on extending their power on
-the Black Sea, invested Oczakow at the mouth and on the
-right bank of the Dnieper,—Kinburn on the left side having
-already been ceded to them by the treaty of Kainardji.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span>
-The czarina also decided to renew in the Mediterranean
-the diversion of 1770, again sending ships from the Baltic.
-When the distance and inconvenience of this operation,
-combined with the entire lack of any naval station in the
-Mediterranean, are considered in connection with the close
-proximity of Russia to that sea in mere miles, there will
-be felt most forcibly her tantalizing position with reference
-to commerce and sea power, to whose importance she has
-been keenly alive and to which she has ever aspired since
-the days of Peter the Great. It is difficult to understand
-how Russia can be quiet until she has secured an access
-to the sea not dependent upon the good-will of any other
-State.</p>
-
-<p>Notwithstanding the many causes of displeasure she had
-given to Great Britain, Catharine went on with her arrangements
-as though assured of the good-will and help
-before received. Pilot boats were engaged to meet the
-ships in British waters, and take them to British dockyards.
-Under her orders, British merchants chartered
-eighteen large ships to convey artillery and stores after the
-fleet. All these arrangements were quietly frustrated by
-Pitt's ministry, which forbade seamen to serve in any foreign
-ships; and, upon the ground that the nation was to
-be strictly neutral, made the contractors renounce their
-engagements. Catharine then turned to Holland, which
-also refused aid, pleading the same purpose of neutrality.
-This concert of action between the two maritime States
-forced Russia to abandon so distant an expedition and illustrated
-the advantage she would have obtained from the
-emperor's claim to the Scheldt. It was at this time that
-the celebrated Paul Jones, who had distinguished himself
-by his desperate courage in the American Revolutionary
-War, took service in the Russian Navy and was given a
-high command; but his appointment so offended the
-British officers already serving in the fleet, whom their
-government had foreborne to recall, that they at once resigned.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span>
-The Russians could not afford to lose so many
-capable men, and Jones was transferred from the Baltic to
-the Black Sea.</p>
-
-<p>Soon a fourth State took part in the contest. On the
-21st of June, 1788, Sweden advanced her troops into Russian
-Finland, and on the 30th war against her was declared
-by Russia. It now proved fortunate for the latter that she
-had not been able to get her fleet away from the Baltic.
-The fighting on land was there mainly confined to the
-north coast of the Gulf of Finland, while in the waters of
-the Gulf several very severe actions took place. These
-battles were fought not only between ships-of-the-line of
-the usual type, but by large flotillas of gunboats and galleys,
-and were attended with a loss of life unusual in naval
-actions.</p>
-
-<p>War being now in full swing throughout the East, Great
-Britain and Prussia drew together in a defensive treaty, and
-were joined by Holland also, under the new lease of power
-of the stadtholder and British party. The quota of troops
-or ships to be furnished in case of need by each State was
-stipulated. The allies soon had occasion to act in favor of
-one of the belligerents. Denmark, the hereditary enemy
-of Sweden, and now in alliance with Russia, took this opportunity
-to invade the former country from Norway, then
-attached to the Danish crown. On September 24, 1788,
-twelve thousand Danish troops crossed the frontier and
-advanced upon Gottenburg, which was on the point of surrendering
-when the sudden and unexpected arrival of the
-king, in person and alone, prevented. There was not,
-however, force enough to save the town, had not Great
-Britain and Prussia interfered. The British minister at
-Copenhagen passed over hastily into Gottenburg, induced
-the Swedish king to accept the mediation of the two governments,
-and then notified the Danish commander that,
-if the invasion of Sweden was not stopped, Denmark would
-be by them attacked. The peremptory tone held by the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span>
-minister swept away the flimsy pretext that the Danish
-corps was only an auxiliary, furnished to Russia in accordance
-with existing treaty, and therefore really a Russian
-force. There was nothing left for Denmark but to recede;
-an armistice was signed at once and a month later her
-troops were withdrawn.</p>
-
-<p>The true significance of the alliance between the two
-Western Powers, to which Holland was accessory, is
-markedly shown by this action, which, while ostensibly
-friendly to Sweden, was really hostile to Russia and a diversion
-in favor of the sultan. Great Britain and Prussia,
-in consequence of the growing strength and influence of
-Russia in the Baltic, the Black Sea, and the Continent,
-and to check her progress, followed what was then considered
-to be the natural policy of France, induced by ties
-and traditions long antedating the existing state of things
-in Europe. Sweden then, and Turkey later, traditional
-allies of France, and in so far in the opposite scale of the
-balance from Great Britain, were to be supported by the
-demonstration—and if need were by the employment—of
-force. This was done, not because France was as yet
-less dreaded, but because Russia had become so much more
-formidable. It was again the coming Eastern Question in
-which, from the very distance of the central scene of action
-from Western Europe, and from the character of the interests
-and of the strategic points involved, Sea Power, represented
-chiefly by the maritime strength and colonial
-expansion of Great Britain, was to play the leading and
-most decisive part. It was the dawning of the day, whose
-noon the nineteenth century has not yet seen, during which
-Nelson and Napoleon, Mohammed Ali and Ibrahim Pasha,
-the Sultan Mahmoud and the Czar Nicholas, Napier, Stopford,
-and Lalande in 1840, the heroes of Kars, Silistria,
-and the Crimea, and of the Russo-Turkish war of 1877,
-were to play their parts upon the scene.</p>
-
-<p>But in the years after the Peace of Versailles this was a
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span>
-new question, upon which opinions were unformed. It
-was true that, to quote from a contemporary writer, "England
-had had full leisure to ruminate upon, and sufficient
-cause to reprobate, that absurd and blind policy, under the
-influence of which she had drawn an uncertain ally, and
-an ever-to-be-suspected friend, from the bottom of the Bothnic
-Gulf to establish a new naval empire in the Mediterranean
-and Archipelago."<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> These meditations had not
-been fruitless, as was seen by the consistent attitude of
-Pitt's ministry at this time; but on the other hand, when
-it was proposed in 1791 to increase the naval force in commission,
-in order "to add weight to the representations"
-<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>
-being made by the allies to the belligerents,—in order, in
-other words, to support Turkey by an armed demonstration,—Fox,
-the leader of the Whigs, said that "an alliance
-with Russia appeared to him the most natural and advantageous
-that we could possibly form;"<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> while Burke, than
-whom no man had a juster reputation for political wisdom,
-observed that "the considering the Turkish Empire as any
-part of the balance of power in Europe was new. The principles
-of alliance and the doctrines drawn from thence were
-entirely new. Russia was our natural ally and the most useful
-ally we had in a commercial sense."<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> That these distinguished
-members of the opposition represented the feelings
-of many supporters of the ministry was shown by a diminished
-majority, 93, in the vote that followed. The opposition,
-thus encouraged, then introduced a series of resolutions,
-the gist of which lay in these words: "The interests of
-Great Britain are not likely to be affected by the progress
-of the Russian arms on the borders of the Black Sea."
-<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>
-In the vote on this, the minister's majority again fell to
-eighty, despite the arguments of those who asserted that
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span>
-"the possession of Oczakow by the empress would facilitate
-not only the acquisition of Constantinople, but of all lower
-Egypt and Alexandria; which would give to Russia the
-supremacy in the Mediterranean, and render her a formidable
-rival to us both as a maritime and commercial power."
-After making every allowance for party spirit, it is evident
-that British feeling was only slowly turning into the channels
-in which it has since run so strongly.</p>
-
-<p>France, under the pressure of her inward troubles, was
-debarred from taking part with her old allies in the East,
-and withdrew more and more from all outward action. On
-the 8th of August, 1788, the king fixed the 1st of May,
-1789, as the day for the meeting of the States General;
-and in November the Notables met for the second time, to
-consider the constitution and mode of procedure in that
-body, the representation in it of the Third Estate, and the
-vote by orders. They were adjourned after a month's session;
-and the court, contrary to the judgment of the majority
-among them, proclaimed on the 27th of December,
-1788, that the representatives of the Third Estate should
-equal in number those of the two others combined. No
-decision was given as to whether the votes should be individual,
-or by orders.</p>
-
-<p>Oczakow was taken by the Russians on the 17th of December,
-1788, and during the following year the Eastern
-war raged violently both in the Baltic and in southeastern
-Europe. Turkey was everywhere worsted. Belgrade was
-taken on the 8th of October by the Austrians, who afterwards
-occupied Bucharest and advanced as far as Orsova.
-The Russians reduced Galatz, Bender, and other places.
-Besides losing territory, the Turks were defeated in several
-pitched battles. The conduct of the war on their part was
-much affected by the death of the reigning sultan.</p>
-
-<p>The Swedish war was in its results unimportant, except
-as a diversion in favor of Turkey. To keep it up
-as such, subsidies were sent from Constantinople to Stockholm.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span>
-Great Britain and Prussia were obliged again to
-threaten Denmark, in 1789, to keep her from aiding Russia.
-The British minister, speaking for both States, expressed
-their fixed determination to maintain the balance
-of power in the North. A defensive alliance was then
-formed between Russia and Austria on the one hand, and
-France and Spain on the other. The Bourbon kingdoms
-pledged themselves to a strict neutrality in the Eastern
-War as it then existed; but if Russia or Austria were attacked
-by any other State, they were to be helped,—Austria,
-by an army of sixty thousand men; Russia, by a fleet of
-sixteen ships-of-the-line and twelve frigates. The latter
-provision shows both the kind of attack feared by Russia
-and the direction of her ambition.</p>
-
-<p>On the 4th of May of this year, 1789, the States General
-met at Versailles, and the French Revolution thenceforth
-went on apace. The Bastille was stormed July 14th. In
-October the royal family were brought forcibly from Versailles
-to Paris by the mob. The earlier events of the
-Revolution will hereafter be summarily related by themselves,
-before going on with the war to which they led. It
-will here be enough to say that the voice of France was
-now silent outside her own borders.</p>
-
-<p>In 1790 the Eastern War was practically brought to an
-end. On the 31st of January a very close treaty of alliance
-was made between Prussia and the Porte,—the king
-binding himself to declare war at a set time against both
-Russia and Austria. The emperor died in February, and
-was succeeded by his brother Leopold, who was disposed
-to peace. A convention was soon after held, at which sat
-ministers of Austria, Prussia, Great Britain, and the United
-Provinces; the two latter acting as mediators because Prussia
-had taken such a pronounced attitude of hostility to Austria.
-A treaty was signed July 27, by which the emperor
-renounced his alliance with Russia. On September 20, he
-agreed to an armistice with Turkey; which, after long
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span>
-negotiation, was followed by a definitive peace, concluded
-August 4, 1791.</p>
-
-<p>The Russian conflict with Turkey languished during the
-summer of 1790. Active operations began in October, and
-continued during a season whose severities the Russian
-could bear better than the Turk. The final blow of the
-campaign and of the war was the taking of Ismail by
-Suwarrow, a deed of arms so tremendous and full of horrors
-that a brief account of its circumstances is allowable
-even to our subject.</p>
-
-<p>The town, which was looked on as the key of the lower
-Danube, was surrounded by three lines of wall, each with
-its proper ditch, and contained a garrison of thirteen
-thousand. Its population, besides the troops, was about
-thirty thousand. Owing to the season, December, Suwarrow
-determined not to attempt a regular siege, but to carry
-the place by assault, at any cost of life. Batteries were
-consequently put up in every available place, and as rapidly
-as possible, in order to prepare for and cover the attack.
-At five o'clock Christmas morning they all opened together,
-and, after a furious cannonade of two hours, the
-Russians moved forward in eight columns. After a three
-hours struggle the assailants were forced back; but Suwarrow,
-whose influence over his soldiers was unbounded,
-ran to the front, and, planting a Russian flag on one of
-the enemy's works, asked his men if they would leave it
-behind them. Through his efforts and those of the officers,
-the troops returned to the charge. The conflict,
-which must have resolved itself into a multitude of hand-to-hand
-encounters, lasted till midnight, when, after an
-eighteen hours fight, the third line of defence was carried
-and resistance ceased, though bloodshed continued through
-the night. It was computed at the time that thirty thousand
-Turks, including women and children, and some
-twenty thousand Russian soldiers died violent deaths during
-that Christmas day of 1790. Warlike operations continued
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span>
-during the spring, but preliminaries of peace between
-Russia and Turkey were signed at Galatz on the
-11th of August, 1791.</p>
-
-<p>This put an end to hostilities throughout the East, peace
-having been made between Russia and Sweden a year before,
-on August 11, 1790. The time of attack had been
-well chosen by the Swedish king, and had public opinion
-in Great Britain approached unanimity, a powerful lever
-would have been put in her hands to break down the Russian
-attack on Turkey by supporting the diversion in the
-North. The Russian and Swedish fleets were so evenly
-balanced that a small British division would have turned
-the scale, controlled the Baltic, and kept open the Swedish
-communications from Finland to their own coast. So far,
-however, was the nation from being of one mind that, as
-we have seen, the minister's majority steadily fell, and he
-probably knew that among those who voted straight, many
-were far from hearty in his support. Prussia also did not
-back Sweden as she should have done, after definitely
-embracing that policy, though she was both disconcerted
-and angered at the peace for which she had not looked.
-This irresolution on the part of the allied States limited
-their action to interposing between Sweden and Denmark,
-and prevented the results which might reasonably have
-been expected in the north, and yet more in the east of
-Europe; but it does not take from the significance of their
-attitude, nor hide the revolution in British statesmanship
-which marks the ten years now being treated.</p>
-
-<p>The tendency thus indicated was suddenly, though only
-temporarily, checked by the Revolution in France. The
-troubles that had been so long fomenting in that country
-had, after a short and delusive period of seeming repose,
-begun again at nearly the very moment that the Eastern
-War was ending. This will be seen by bringing together
-the dates at which were happening these weighty events
-in the East and West.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>It was on the 6th of October, 1789, that the king and
-royal family were brought from Versailles to Paris, unwilling
-but constrained. After this outbreak of popular feeling,
-comparative quiet continued through the last months
-of 1789 and all of 1790, during which were fought in the
-East the most important battles of the war, both in the
-Baltic and on the Danube, including the bloody assault of
-Ismail. During this time, however, Louis XVI. underwent
-many bitter mortifications, either intended as such, or
-else unavoidably humiliating to his sense of position. In
-June, 1791, he fled with his family from Paris to put himself
-in the care of part of the army stationed in eastern
-France under the Marquis de Bouillé and believed to be
-thoroughly trustworthy. Before reaching his destination
-he was recognized, and brought back to Paris a prisoner.
-The greeting of the royal family was significant of the
-change that had passed over the people within a few years,
-and which their unsuccessful flight had intensified. They
-were met by perfect silence, while some distance ahead of
-them rode an officer commanding the bystanders not to
-uncover. Despite the distrust it felt, the Constituent Assembly
-went on with the work of framing a constitution in
-which the king still had a recognized position, and which
-he formally accepted on the 14th of September, 1791.
-During that summer, peace was signed between Russia
-and Turkey, and a meeting was had at Pilnitz between
-the emperor and the king of Prussia, after which they put
-out their joint declaration that the situation in which the
-king of France found himself was an object of common
-concern to all the rulers of Europe; that "they hoped this
-common concern would lead them to employ, in conjunction
-with the two declaring sovereigns, the most efficacious
-means, relative to their forces, in order to enable the king
-of France to consolidate in the most perfect liberty, the
-basis of a monarchical government equally suitable to the
-rights of sovereigns and the welfare of the French nation."
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span>
-The two princes ended by stating their own readiness to
-join in such united action with the force necessary to obtain
-the common end proposed, and that they would, meanwhile,
-give orders to their troops to be ready to put themselves
-in a state of activity.</p>
-
-<p>The close coincidence in date of the Declaration of Pilnitz,
-August 27, 1791, with the Peace of Galatz, signed
-August 11, is curious enough for passing remark; the one
-formally opening the new channel of European interest
-and action, while the other marked the close of the old.
-The Declaration, however, was in the same line of effort
-that the new emperor had for some time been following.
-It met with a somewhat hesitating response. Russia and
-Sweden agreed to raise an army, which Spain was to subsidize;
-but Great Britain, under Pitt, declined to meddle
-in the internal affairs of another state.</p>
-
-<p>The first National or, as it is conveniently called, Constituent
-Assembly, dissolved after framing a Constitution;
-and the following day, October 1, 1791, the second Assembly,
-known as the Legislative, came together. The Declaration
-of Pilnitz had strongly moved the French people
-and increased, perhaps unjustly, their distrust of the king.
-This change of temper was reflected in the Assembly.
-Strong representations and arguments were exchanged
-between the ministers of foreign affairs in Austria and
-France, through the ambassadors at either court; but in
-truth there was no common ground of opinion on which
-the new republic and the old empires could meet. The
-movements on either side were viewed with studied suspicion,
-and war was finally declared by France against Austria,
-April 20, 1792. The first unimportant encounters
-were unfavorable to the French; but more serious danger
-than that which threatened from without was arising within
-France itself. The king and the Assembly came into collision
-through the use by the former of his constitutional
-power of Veto. The agitation spread to the streets. On
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span>
-the 20th of June a deputation from the mob of Paris appeared
-before the Assembly, and asked permission for the
-citizens outside to defile before it, as a demonstration of
-their support. The extraordinary request was granted;
-and an immense crowd pressed forward, of people of all
-ages, armed with weapons of every kind, among which appeared
-a pike carrying the heart of a bull labelled an
-"Aristocrat's heart." From the Assembly the crowd went
-to the Louvre, and thence forced their way through the
-palace gates into the king's presence. The unhappy Louis
-bore himself with calm courage, to which perhaps he, at
-the moment, owed his life; but he submitted to put on the
-symbolic red cap, and to drink to the nation from a bottle
-handed him by a drunken rioter.</p>
-
-<p>Little was left in life for a king thus humbled, and his
-final humiliation was close at hand. Prussia had not long
-delayed to act in concert with the emperor, after France
-declared war. On July 26, a month after the strange scene
-in the Tuileries, was issued an exposition of her reasons
-for taking arms; and at the same time the Duke of Brunswick,
-commander-in-chief of the allied armies, put forth a
-proclamation to the French framed in such violent terms
-as to stir to the utmost the angry passions of a frantic and
-excitable race. On the 10th of August the Paris mob
-again stormed the Tuileries, the king and royal family fled
-for safety to the hall of the Legislature, the Swiss Guards
-were killed and the palace gutted. The Assembly then
-decreed the suspension of the king; and on the 13th of
-August the royal family was removed to the Temple, the
-last home on earth for several of them.</p>
-
-<p>On the 2d of September occurred the butcheries known
-as the September Massacres. To this date and this act is
-to be referred the great change in British feeling toward
-the Revolution. On the 20th the battle of Valmy, by some
-thought decisive of the fate of the Revolution, was won by
-the French. Though being otherwise far from a battle of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span>
-the first importance, it led to the retreat of the allied forces
-and destroyed for a time the hopes of the royalists. Two
-days after Valmy met the third Assembly, the National
-Convention of terrible memory. Its first act was to decree
-the abolition of royalty in France; but the power that
-swayed the country was passing more and more to the mob
-of Paris, expressing itself through the clubs of which the
-Jacobin is the best known. The violence and fanaticism
-of the extreme republicans and of the most brutal elements
-of the populace found ever louder voice. On the 19th of
-November the Convention passed a decree declaring, "in
-the name of the French nation, that they will grant fraternity
-and assistance to all people who wish to recover
-their liberty; and they charge the executive power to send
-the necessary orders to the generals to give assistance to
-such people, and to defend those citizens who have suffered,
-or may suffer, in the cause of liberty." It was denied by
-the French diplomatists that there was any intention of
-favoring insurrections or exciting disturbances in any
-friendly country; but such intention is nevertheless fairly
-deducible from the words, and when a motion was made to
-explain that they were not so meant, the Convention refused
-to consider it. Mr. Fox, the ardent champion of the
-Revolution in Parliament, spoke of this edict as an insult
-to the British people.</p>
-
-<p>Meantime the battle of Valmy had been followed by
-that of Jemappes, fought November 6. On the 14th the
-French army entered Brussels, and the Austrian Netherlands
-were rapidly occupied. This was instantly succeeded
-by a decree, dated November 16, opening the Scheldt, upon
-the express ground of natural right; the boisterous young
-republic cutting at one blow the knot which had refused to
-be untied by the weak hands of Joseph II. Decided action
-followed, a French squadron entering the river from the
-sea and forcing its way up, despite the protests of the
-Dutch officers, in order to take part in the siege of Antwerp.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span>
-This was a new offence to the British Sea Power,
-which was yet further angered by a decree of December
-15, extending the French system to all countries occupied
-by their armies. The words of this proclamation were so
-sweeping that they could scarcely but seem, to those untouched
-with the fiery passion of the Revolution, to threaten
-the destruction of all existing social order. The British
-ministry on the last day of the year 1792 declared that
-"this government will never see with indifference that
-France shall make herself, directly or indirectly, sovereign
-of the Low Countries, or general arbitress of the rights and
-liberties of Europe."<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p>
-
-<p>While the Revolution was thus justifying the fears and
-accusations of those who foretold that it could not confine
-itself to the overturn of domestic institutions, but would
-seek to thrust its beliefs and principles forcibly upon other
-nations, the leaders were hurrying on the destruction of
-the king. Arraigned on the 11th of December, 1792,
-Louis XVI. was brought to trial on the 26th, sentenced to
-death January 16, and executed January 21, 1793. This
-deed brought to a decided issue the relations between
-France and Great Britain, which, from an uncertain and
-unsatisfactory condition, had become more and more embittered
-by the course of events ever since the November
-decree of fraternity. As far back as August 10, when the
-king was suspended, the British government had recalled
-its ambassador, who was not replaced; and had persisted
-in attributing to the French minister in London an ambiguous
-character, recognizing him only as accredited by the
-king who had actually ceased to reign—by a government
-which in fact no longer existed. Points of form were
-raised with exasperating, yet civil, insolence, as to the
-position which M. Chauvelin, the minister in question, actually
-occupied; and his office was not made more pleasant
-by the failure of his own government to send him new credentials.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span>
-Papers written by him were returned by Lord
-Grenville, the foreign minister, because his claim to represent
-the French republic was not recognized; or, if accepted,
-they were only received as unofficial.</p>
-
-<p>The letters thus exchanged, under forms so unsatisfactory,
-were filled with mutual accusations, and arguments
-marked by the brisk vivacity of the one nation and the
-cool aggressiveness of the other; but starting as they did
-from the differing bases of natural rights on the one hand,
-and established institutions on the other, no agreement
-was approached. The questions of the Scheldt, of the
-decree of fraternity, and of that extending the French
-system to countries occupied by their armies, were thus
-disputed back and forth; and to them were added the
-complaints of France against an Alien Act, passed by Parliament,
-January 4, 1793, laying vexatious restrictions
-upon the movements of foreigners arriving in Great Britain,
-or wishing to change their abode if already resident.
-This act M. Chauvelin rightly believed to be specially
-aimed at Frenchmen. It sprang from the growing apprehension
-and change of feeling in England; a change
-emphasized by a break in the Parliamentary Opposition, a
-large number of whom, in this same month of January,
-1793, definitively took the step in which their great associate,
-Edmund Burke, had preceded them, broke their
-party ties, and passed over to the support of Pitt. The
-latter would seem to have become convinced that war was
-inevitable; that the question was no longer whether a nation
-should exercise a right of changing its institutions,
-but whether a plague should be stamped out before it had
-passed its borders and infected yet healthy peoples.</p>
-
-<p>Things had come to this state when news reached London
-of the death sentence of the French king. M. Chauvelin
-had just received and presented credentials from the
-republican government. On January 20, the minister informed
-him that the king, under present circumstances,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span>
-did not think fit to receive them, adding the irritating
-words: "As minister of the Most Christian King, you
-would have enjoyed all the exemptions which the law
-grants to public ministers, recognized as such; but as a
-private person you cannot but return to the general mass
-of foreigners resident in England."<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> On the 24th of January,
-the execution of Louis XVI. being now known, Lord
-Grenville wrote to him: "The King can no longer, after
-such an event, permit your residence here. His Majesty
-has thought fit to order that you should retire from the
-kingdom within the space of eight days, and I herewith
-transmit to you a copy of the order which His Majesty has
-given me to that effect."<a name="FNanchor_12a_12a" id="FNanchor_12a_12a"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p>
-
-<p>On the 1st of February, 1793, the French republic declared
-war against Great Britain and Holland. It was
-already at war with Austria, Prussia and Sardinia; while
-Russia and Sweden were avowedly unfriendly, and Spain
-almost openly hostile.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="ac"><span class="sc">The Condition of the Navies in 1793—and especially of
-the French Navy.</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="drop-cap">BEFORE following the narrative of directly warlike action,
-or discussing the influence of the naval factor
-upon the military and political events, it is proper to examine
-the relative position, strength, and resources, of the
-rival nations, particularly in the matter of Sea Power,—to
-weigh the chances of the struggle, as it were, beforehand,
-from the known conditions,—to analyze and point
-out certain reasons why the sea war took the turn it did,
-in order that the experience of the past may be turned to
-the profit of the future.</p>
-
-<p>First of all, it must be recognized that the problem to be
-thus resolved is by no means so simple as in most wars.
-It is not here a mere question of the extent, population,
-and geographical position of a country; of the number of
-its seamen, the tonnage of its shipping, the strength of its
-armed fleet; nor yet again, chiefly of the wealth and vigor
-of its colonies, the possession of good and well-placed maritime
-bases in different parts of the world; not even, at
-first hand, of the policy and character of its government,
-although it is undoubtedly true that in the action of
-French governments is to be found the chief reason for
-the utter disaster and overthrow which awaited the Sea
-Power of France. It was because the government so faithfully
-and necessarily reflected the social disorder, the
-crude and wild habits of thought which it was powerless
-to check, that it was incapable of dealing with the naval
-necessities of the day. The seamen and the navy of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span>
-France were swept away by the same current of thought
-and feeling which was carrying before it the whole nation;
-and the government, tossed to and fro by every wave of
-popular emotion, was at once too weak and too ignorant
-of the needs of the service to repress principles and to
-amend defects which were fatal to its healthy life.</p>
-
-<p>It is particularly instructive to dwell upon this phase
-of the revolutionary convulsions of France, because the
-result in this comparatively small, but still most important,
-part of the body politic was so different from that
-which was found elsewhere. Whatever the mistakes, the
-violence, the excesses of every kind, into which this popular
-rising was betrayed, they were symptomatic of strength,
-not of weakness,—deplorable accompaniments of a movement
-which, with all its drawbacks, was marked by overwhelming
-force.</p>
-
-<p>It was the inability to realize the might in this outburst
-of popular feeling, long pent up, that caused the mistaken
-forecasts of many statesmen of the day; who judged of
-the power and reach of the movement by indications—such
-as the finances, the condition of the army, the quality
-of the known leaders—ordinarily fairly accurate tests of
-a country's endurance, but which utterly misled those who
-looked to them only and did not take into account the
-mighty impulse of a whole nation stirred to its depths.
-Why, then, was the result so different in the navy? Why
-was it so weak, not merely nor chiefly in quantity, but in
-quality? and that, too, in days so nearly succeeding the
-prosperous naval era of Louis XVI. Why should the
-same throe which brought forth the magnificent armies
-of Napoleon have caused the utter weakness of the sister
-service, not only amid the disorders of the Republic, but
-also under the powerful organization of the Empire?</p>
-
-<p>The immediate reason was that, to a service of a very
-special character, involving special exigencies, calling for
-special aptitudes, and consequently demanding special
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span>
-knowledge of its requirements in order to deal wisely with
-it, were applied the theories of men wholly ignorant of
-those requirements,—men who did not even believe that
-they existed. Entirely without experimental knowledge,
-or any other kind of knowledge, of the conditions of sea
-life, they were unable to realize the obstacles to those processes
-by which they would build up their navy, and according
-to which they proposed to handle it. This was
-true not only of the wild experiments of the early days of
-the Republic; the reproach may fairly be addressed to the
-great emperor himself, that he had scarcely any appreciation
-of the factors conditioning efficiency at sea; nor did he
-seemingly ever reach any such sense of them as would
-enable him to understand why the French navy failed.
-"Disdaining," says Jean Bon Saint-André, the Revolutionary
-commissioner whose influence on naval organization
-was unbounded, "<i>disdaining</i>, through calculation and reflection,
-<i>skilful evolutions</i>, perhaps our seamen will think
-it more fitting and useful to try those boarding actions in
-which the Frenchman was always conqueror, and thus astonish
-Europe by new prodigies of valor."<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> "Courage and
-audacity," says Captain Chevalier, "had become in his
-eyes the only qualities necessary to our officers." "The
-English," said Napoleon, "will become very small when
-France shall have two or three admirals willing to die.
-"<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>
-So commented, with pathetic yet submissive irony, the ill-fated
-admiral, Villeneuve, upon whom fell the weight of
-the emperor's discontent with his navy: "Since his Majesty
-thinks that nothing but audacity and resolve are needed to
-succeed in the naval officer's calling, I shall leave nothing
-to be desired."<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p>
-
-<p>It is well to trace in detail the steps by which a fine
-military service was broken down, as well as the results
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span>
-thus reached, for, while the circumstances under which the
-process began were undoubtedly exceptional, the general
-lesson remains good. To disregard the teachings of experience,
-to cut loose wholly from the traditions of the past,
-to revolutionize rather than to reform, to launch out boldly
-on new and untried paths, blind to or ignoring the difficulties
-to be met,—such a tendency, such a school of thought
-exists in every generation. At times it gets the mastery.
-Certainly at the present day it has unusual strength, which
-is not to be wondered at in view of the change and development
-of naval weapons. Yet if the campaigns of Cæsar
-and Hannibal are still useful studies in the days of firearms,
-it is rash to affirm that the days of sail have no lessons
-for the days of steam. Here, however, are to be
-considered questions of discipline and organization; of the
-adaptation of means to ends; of the recognition, not only
-of the possibilities, but also of the limitations, imposed
-upon a calling, upon a military organization, by the nature
-of the case, by the element in which it moves, by the force
-to which it owes its motion, by the skill or lack of skill
-with which its powers are used and its deficiencies compensated.</p>
-
-<p>It is indeed only by considering the limitations as well
-as the possibilities of any form of warlike activity, whether
-it be a general plan of action,—as for instance commerce-destroying,—or
-whether it be the use of a particular
-weapon,—such as the ram,—that correct conclusions can
-be reached as to the kind of men, in natural capacities, in
-acquired skill, in habits of thought and action, who are
-needed to use such weapon. The possibilities of the ram,
-for instance, are to be found in the consequences of a successful
-thrust; its limitations, in the difficulties imposed by
-any lack of handiness, speed, or steering qualities in the
-ship carrying it, in the skill of the opponent in managing
-his vessel and the weapons with which he is provided for
-counter-offence. If these limitations are carefully considered,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span>
-there will be little doubt how to answer the question
-as to the chance of a man picked up at hazard, untrained
-for such encounter except by years of ordinary sea-going,
-reaching his aim if pitted against another who has at least
-given thought and had some professional training directed
-to the special end.</p>
-
-<p>Now the one sea-weapon of the period of the French
-Revolution was the gun; the cold steel, the hand-to-hand
-fight, commonly came into play only toward the end of an
-action, if at all. In naming the gun, however, it can by
-no means be separated from its carriage; using this word
-not merely in its narrow technical sense, but as belonging
-rightly to the whole ship which bore the gun alongside the
-enemy, and upon whose skilful handling depended placing
-it in those positions of advantage that involved most danger
-to the opponent and the least to one's self. This was the
-part of the commander; once there, the skill of the gunner
-came into play, to work his piece with rapidity and accuracy
-despite the obstacles raised by the motion of the sea,
-the rapid shifting of the enemy, the difficulty of catching
-sight of him through the narrow ports. Thus the skill of
-the military seaman and the skill of the trained gunner,
-the gun and the ship, the piece and its carriage, supplemented
-each other. The ship and its guns together formed
-one weapon, a moving battery which needed quick and
-delicate handling and accurate direction in all its parts.
-It was wielded by a living organism, knit also into one by
-the dependence of all the parts upon the head, and thus
-acting by a common impulse, sharing a common tradition,
-and having a common life, which, like all other life, is not
-found fully ripened without having had a beginning and a
-growth.</p>
-
-<p>It would be foolish, because untrue, to say that these
-things were easy to see. They were easy to men of the
-profession; they were not at all easy to outsiders, apt to
-ignore difficulties of which they have neither experience
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span>
-nor conception. The contempt for skilful manœuvres was
-not confined to Jean Bon Saint-André, though he was unusually
-open in avowing it. But the difficulties none the less
-existed; neither is the captain without the gunner, nor the
-gunner without the captain, and both must be specially
-trained men. It was not to be expected that the man
-newly taken from the merchant vessel, whose concern with
-other ships was confined to keeping out of their way, should
-at once be fitted to manœuvre skilfully around an antagonist
-actively engaged in injuring him, nor yet be ready to
-step at once from the command of a handful of men
-shipped for a short cruise, to that of a numerous body
-which he was to animate with a common spirit, train to
-act together for a common purpose, and subject to a
-common rigorous discipline to which he himself was, by
-previous habit, a stranger. The yoke of military service
-sits hard on those who do not always bear it. Yet the
-efficiency of the military sea-officer depended upon his fitness
-to do these things well because they had been so
-wrought into his own personal habit as to become a second
-nature.</p>
-
-<p>This was true, abundantly true, of the single ship in
-fight: but when it came to the question of combining the
-force of a great many guns, mounted on perhaps twenty-five
-or thirty heavy ships, possessing unequal qualities, but
-which must nevertheless keep close to one another, in certain
-specified positions, on dark nights, in bad weather,
-above all when before the enemy; when these ships were
-called upon to perform evolutions all together, or in succession,
-to concentrate upon a part of the enemy, to frustrate
-by well combined and well executed movements
-attacks upon themselves, to remedy the inconveniences
-arising from loss of sails and masts and consequent loss of
-motive power, to provide against the disorders caused by
-sudden changes of wind and the various chances of the
-sea,—under these conditions, even one not having the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span>
-knowledge of experience begins to see that such demands
-can only be met by a body of men of special aptitudes and
-training, such as in fact has very rarely, if ever, been found
-in perfection, in even the most highly organized fleets of
-any navy in the world.</p>
-
-<p>To these things the French National Assembly was
-blind, but not because it was not warned of them. In truth
-men's understandings, as well as their <i>morale</i> and beliefs,
-were in a chaotic state. In the navy, as in society, the
-<i>morale</i> suffered first. Insubordination and mutiny, insult
-and murder, preceded the blundering measures which in
-the end destroyed the fine <i>personnel</i> that the monarchy
-bequeathed to the French republic. This insubordination
-broke out very soon after the affairs of the Bastille and
-the forcing of the palace at Versailles; that is, very soon
-after the powerlessness of the executive was felt. Singularly,
-yet appropriately, the first victim was the most distinguished
-flag-officer of the French navy.</p>
-
-<p>During the latter half of 1789 disturbances occurred in
-all the seaport towns; in Havre, in Cherbourg, in Brest, in
-Rochefort, in Toulon. Everywhere the town authorities
-meddled with the concerns of the navy yards and of the
-fleet; discontented seamen and soldiers, idle or punished,
-rushed to the town halls with complaints against their
-officers. The latter, receiving no support from Paris,
-yielded continually, and things naturally went from bad to
-worse.</p>
-
-<p>In Toulon, however, matters were worst of all. The
-naval commander-in-chief in that port was Commodore
-D'Albert de Rions, a member of the French nobility, as
-were all the officers of the navy. He was thought the most
-able flag-officer in the fleet; he was also known and beloved
-in Toulon for his personal integrity and charitable life.
-After working his way with partial success through the
-earlier disorders, by dint of tact, concession, and his own
-personal reputation, he found himself compelled to send on
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span>
-shore from the fleet two subordinate officers who had excited
-mutiny. The men went at once to the town hall,
-where they were received with open arms, and a story before
-prevalent was again started that the city was mined
-and would be attacked the day or two following. Excitement
-spread, and the next day a number of people assembled
-round the arsenal, demanding to speak with De Rions.
-He went out with a few of his officers. The crowd closed
-round and forced him away from the gates. He went
-toward his house, apparently his official residence, the mob
-hustling, insulting, and even laying hands on his person.
-Having reached his home, the mayor and another city official
-came to him and asked forgiveness for the two culprits.
-He refused for a long time, but at length yielded against
-his judgment,—saying truly enough that such an act of
-weakness, wrung from him by the commune on the plea of
-re-establishing order, in other words of appeasing and so
-quieting the rabble, would but encourage new disorders
-and do irreparable wrong to discipline and the state.</p>
-
-<p>It proved also insufficient to arrest the present tumult.
-An officer coming to the door was insulted and attacked.
-A rioter rushed at another, who was leaning over a terrace
-attached to the house, and cut his head open with
-a sabre. Then the windows were broken. The national
-guard, or, as we might say, the city militia, were paraded,
-but did no service. An officer leaving the house was attacked,
-knocked down with stones and the butts of muskets,
-and would have lost his life had not De Rions sallied
-out with thirty others and carried him off.</p>
-
-<p>The national guard now surrounded the house, forbidding
-entry or withdrawal, and soon after demanded the
-surrender of an officer whom they accused of having ordered
-some seamen-gunners to fire on the mob. To De
-Rions's explanations and denials they replied that he was
-a liar, and that the officers were a lot of aristocrats who
-wished to assassinate the people. The commodore refusing
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span>
-to give up his subordinate, the guards prepared to
-attack them; thereupon all drew their swords, but the
-officer himself, to save his comrades, stepped quickly out
-and put himself in the hands of his enemies.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile, the city authorities, as is too usual, made
-no effective interference. Part of their own forces, the
-national guards, were foremost in the riot. Soon after,
-De Rions was required to give up another officer. He
-again refused, and laid orders upon this one not to yield
-himself as the former had done. "If you want another
-victim," said he, stepping forward, "here am I; but if you
-want one of my officers, you must first pass over me."
-His manliness caused only irritation. A rush was made,
-his sword snatched from him, and he himself dragged out
-of the house amid the hoots and jeers of the mob. The
-national guards formed two parties,—one to kill, the other
-to save him. Pricked with bayonets, clubbed with muskets,
-and even ignominiously kicked, this gallant old seaman,
-the companion of De Grasse and Suffren, was
-dragged through the streets amid cries of "Hang him!
-Cut off his head!" and thrust into the common prison.
-Bad as all this was, there was yet worse. Any age and
-any country may suffer from a riot, but De Rions could
-get from the national authority no admission of his
-wrongs. The assembly ordered an investigation, and six
-weeks later made this declaration: "The National Assembly,
-taking a favorable view of the motives which
-animated M. D'Albert de Rions, the other naval officers
-implicated in the affair, <i>the municipal officers, and the
-National Guard</i>, declares that there is no ground to blame
-any one."<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>
-De Rions told his wrongs in words equally
-pathetic and dignified: "The volunteers," said he, "have
-outraged the decrees of the National Assembly in all that
-concerns the rights of the man and of the citizen. Let us
-not here be considered, if you will, as officers, and I myself
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span>
-as the head of a respectable corps; see in us only quiet
-and well-behaved citizens, and every honest man cannot
-but be revolted at the unjust and odious treatment we
-have undergone."<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> His words were not heeded.</p>
-
-<p>The Toulon affair was the signal for the spread of mutiny
-among the crews and the breaking-up of the corps
-of commissioned sea-officers. Similar incidents occurred
-often and everywhere. The successor of De Rions was
-also hauled by the mob to prison, where he remained several
-days. The second in command to him, a little later,
-was dragged to a gallows, whence he was only accidentally
-delivered. In Brest, a captain who had been ordered to
-command a ship on foreign service was assaulted as an
-aristocrat by a mob of three thousand people and only
-saved by being taken to prison, where he remained with
-nineteen others similarly detained. Orders to release
-them and prosecute the offenders were issued in vain by
-the cabinet and the king. "It was evident," says Chevalier,
-"that the naval officers could no longer depend upon
-the support of local authorities, nor upon that of the
-government; they were outlaws."<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> "Thenceforth," says
-another French naval historian, "if some naval officers
-were found sanguine enough and patriotic enough to be
-willing to remain at their post, they but came, on account
-of their origin and without further inquiry, to the prison
-and to the scaffold."<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p>
-
-<p>In the fleets, insubordination soon developed into anarchy.
-In the spring of 1790 a quarrel arose between
-Spain and Great Britain, on account of the establishment
-of trading-posts, by British subjects, at Nootka Sound, on
-the north-west coast of America. These posts, with the
-vessels at them, were seized by Spanish cruisers. Upon
-news of the affair both nations made conflicting claims,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span>
-and both began to arm their fleets. Spain claimed the
-help of France, in virtue of the still existing Bourbon
-Family Compact. The king sent a message to the Assembly,
-which voted to arm forty-five ships-of-the-line.
-D'Albert de Rions was ordered to command the fleet at
-Brest, where he was coldly received by the city authorities.
-The seamen at the time were discontented at certain
-new regulations. De Rions, seeing the danger of the situation,
-recommended to the Assembly some modifications,
-which it refused to make, yet, at the same time, took no
-vigorous steps to ensure order. On the same day that it
-confirmed its first decree, September 15, 1790, a seaman
-from a ship called the "Léopard," visiting on board another,
-the "Patriote," used mutinous language and insulted one
-of the principal officers. The man was drunk. The case
-being reported to the admiral, he ordered him sent on
-board the flag-ship. This measure, though certainly very
-mild, called forth great indignation among the seamen of
-the "Patriote." De Rions, hearing that mutiny was beginning,
-summoned before him a petty officer, a coxswain,
-who was actively stirring up the crew. He quietly explained
-to this man that the first offender had not even
-been punished. The coxswain, being insolent, was sent
-back, saying, as he went, "that it belonged to the strongest
-to make the law; that he was the strongest, and that
-the man should not be punished."</p>
-
-<p>The next morning the admiral went to the "Patriote,"
-mustered the crew, told them that the first offender had
-not been punished, but that the conduct of the coxswain
-had been so bad that he must be put in confinement. The
-crew kept silent so far, but now broke out into cries of
-"He shall not go." De Rions, having tried in vain to re-establish
-order, took his boat to go ashore and consult with
-the commandant of the arsenal. As he pulled away, several
-seamen cried out to her coxswain, "Upset the boat!"</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile a riot had broken out in the town against the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span>
-second in command at the dockyard, based upon a report
-that he had said he would soon bring the San Domingo
-rebels to order, if he were sent against them. This officer,
-named Marigny, one of a distinguished naval family, only
-escaped death by being out of his house; a gallows was
-put up before it. These various outrages moved the National
-Assembly for a moment, but its positive action went
-no further than praying the king to order a prosecution
-according to legal forms, and ordering that the crew of the
-Léopard, which ship had been the focus of sedition, should
-be sent to their homes. D'Albert de Rions, seeing that he
-could not enforce obedience, asked for and obtained his
-relief. On the 15th of October this distinguished officer
-took his final leave of the navy and left the country. He
-had served at Grenada, at Yorktown, and against Rodney,
-and when the great Suffren, bending under the burden of
-cares in his Indian campaign, sought for a second upon
-whom the charge might fitly fall, he wrote thus to the
-minister of the day: "If my death, or my health, should
-leave the command vacant, who would take my place?...
-I know only one person who has all the qualities that can
-be desired; who is very brave, very accomplished, full of
-ardor and zeal, disinterested, a good seaman. That is
-D'Albert de Rions, and should he be in America even, send
-a frigate for him. I shall be good for more if I have him,
-for he will help me; and if I die, you will be assured that
-the service will not suffer. If you had given me him when
-I asked you, we should now be masters of India."
-<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p>
-
-<p>It was a significant, though accidental, coincidence that
-the approaching humiliation of the French navy should
-thus be prefigured, both ashore and afloat, both north and
-south, on the Mediterranean and on the Atlantic, in the
-person of its most distinguished representative. The incidents,
-however, though conspicuous, were but samples of
-what was going on everywhere. In the West India colonies
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span>
-the revolutionary impulse transmitted from the
-mother-country had taken on a heat and violence of its
-own, characteristic alike of the climate and of the undisciplined
-temper of the colonists. Commotions amounting to
-civil war broke out, and both parties tried to command the
-support of the navy, even at the price of inciting mutiny.
-Here the Léopard, afterwards the centre of the Brest
-mutiny, first inhaled the germs of disorder. In July, 1790,
-the crew revolted, and deprived the captain of the command,
-to assume which, however, only one commissioned officer
-was found willing. The commandant of the naval station
-at the Isle of France, Captain McNamara, after once escaping
-threatened death, was enticed ashore under promise
-of protection, and then murdered in the streets by the colonial
-troops themselves. In the peninsula of India, Great
-Britain, being then at war with Tippoo Saib, undertook to
-search neutral vessels off the coast. The French commodore
-sent a frigate to convoy two merchant ships, and the
-attempt of the British to search them led to a collision, in
-which the French vessel hauled down her colors after losing
-twelve killed and fifty-six wounded. The significance,
-however, of this affair lies in the fact that when the commandant
-of the division announced that another such
-aggression would be not only resisted, but followed by reprisals,
-the crews of two ships told him they would not
-fight unless attacked. The officer, being thus unable to
-maintain what he thought the honor of the flag demanded,
-found it necessary to abandon the station.</p>
-
-<p>Things abroad thus went on from bad to worse. Ships-of-war
-arriving in San Domingo, the most magnificent of
-the French colonies in size and fruitfulness, were at once
-boarded by the members of the party uppermost in the
-port. Flattered and seduced, given money and entertainment,
-filled with liquor, the crews were easily persuaded
-to mutiny. Here and there an officer gifted with tact and
-popularity, or perhaps an adept in that deft cajoling with
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span>
-words which so takes with the French people, and of which
-the emperor afterwards was so great a master, induced
-rather than ordered his ship's company to do their duty up
-to a certain point. As usual the tragedy of the situation
-had a comical side. Three ships, one of the line, anchored
-in San Domingo. The seamen as usual were worked upon;
-but in addition two of the commanders, with several officers,
-were arrested on shore and, after being threatened
-with death, were deprived of their commands by the local
-assembly. The next day the crew of the ship-of-the-line
-sent ashore to protest against the deprivation, which, they
-observed, "was null and void, as to them alone (the crew)
-belonged the right to take cognizance of and judge the
-motives of their officers."<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> An admiral on the United
-States coast was ordered by the French chargé d'affaires
-to take his ships, two of-the-line and two frigates, and
-seize the little islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon near
-Newfoundland. A few days after sailing, the crews said
-the orders were nonsense and forced the officers to go to
-France<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>
-No captain knew how long he would be in his
-nominal position, or receive the obedience it claimed. "It
-was not so easy," says a French historian, speaking of the
-one who most successfully kept his dizzy height, "it was
-not so easy for Grimouard to leave Port-au-Prince with his
-flag-ship; he had to get the consent of a crew which was
-incessantly told that its own will was the only orders it
-should follow. In fifteen months Grimouard had not taken
-a night's rest; always active, always on deck, reasoning
-with one, coaxing another, appealing to the honor of this,
-to the generosity of that, to the patriotism of all, he had
-kept up on board a quasi-discipline truly phenomenal for
-the times."<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>
-Later on, this same man lost his life by the
-guillotine. Nothing more disastrous to the French colonies
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span>
-could have happened than this weakening of the military
-authority, both ashore and afloat, for which the colonists
-were mainly answerable. The strife of parties,—at first
-confined to the whites, a very small minority of the population,—spread
-to the mixed bloods and the negroes, and a
-scene of desolation followed over all the islands, finding
-however its most frightful miseries and excesses in San
-Domingo, whence the whites were finally exterminated.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the condition of anarchy in which the fleet
-was as early as 1790 and 1791, and to which the whole
-social order was unmistakably drifting. In the military
-services, and above all in the navy, where submission to
-constituted authority is the breath of life, the disappearance
-of that submission anticipated, but only anticipated, the
-period of ruin and terror which awaited all France. The
-weakness which prevented the executive and legislature
-from enforcing obedience in the fleet was hurrying them,
-along with the whole people, to the abysses of confusion;
-the more highly organized and fragile parts of the state
-first fell to pieces under the shaking of the whole fabric.
-After what has been said, little surprise will be felt that
-naval officers in increasing numbers refused to serve and
-left the country; but it is a mistake to say on the one hand
-that they did so from pure motives of opposition to the new
-order of things, or on the other that they were forced by
-the acts of the first, or Constituent, Assembly. Both mistakes
-have been made. Emigration of the nobility and of
-princes of the blood began indeed soon after the storming
-of the Bastille, but large numbers of officers remained attending
-to their duties. The Brest mutiny was fourteen
-months later, and complaints are not then found of the lack
-of officers.</p>
-
-<p>After that event their departure went on with increasing
-rapidity. The successor of De Rions held his office but one
-week, and then gave it up. He was followed by a distinguished
-officer, De Bougainville. Aided by a temporary
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span>
-return to sober ideas on the part of the government and
-the town authorities, this flag-officer for a moment, by
-strong measures, restored discipline; but mutiny soon reappeared,
-and, from the complaints made by him later on,
-there can be little doubt that he must have asked for his
-detachment had not the fleet been disarmed in consequence
-of the ending of the Anglo-Spanish dispute. In the following
-March, 1791, Mirabeau died, and with him the hopes
-which the court party and moderate men had based upon
-his genius. In April the Assembly passed a bill re-organizing
-the navy, the terms of which could not have been
-acceptable to the officers; although, candidly read, it cannot
-be considered to have ignored the just claims of those
-actually in service. In June occurred the king's unsuccessful
-attempt at flight. On the first of July a return
-made of officers of the navy showed that more than three-fourths
-of the old corps had disappeared.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> The result was
-due partly to royalist feeling and prejudice shocked; partly,
-perhaps, to distaste for the new organization: but those
-familiar with the feelings of officers will attribute it with
-more likelihood to the utter subversion of discipline, destructive
-to their professional pride and personal self-respect,
-and for which the weakness and military ignorance
-of the Constituent Assembly are mainly responsible.</p>
-
-<p>It is now time to consider the plans upon which that
-Assembly proposed to re-create the navy, in accordance
-with the views popular at that day.</p>
-
-<p>During the War of the American Revolution, the corps
-of naval officers had been found too small for the needs of
-the service; there was a deficiency of lieutenants and
-junior officers to take charge of the watches and gun-divisions.
-A systematic attempt was made to remedy this
-trouble in the future. By a royal decree, dated January
-1, 1786, the navy was re-organized, and two sources of
-supply for officers were opened. The first was drawn
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span>
-wholly from the nobles, the youths composing it having to
-show satisfactory proofs of nobility before being admitted
-to the position of <i>élèves</i>, as they were called. These received
-a practical and rigorous training especially directed
-to the navy; and, so far as education went, there is reason
-to believe they would have made a most efficient body of
-men. The second source from which the royal navy was
-to be supplied with officers was a class called volunteers.
-Admission to this was also restricted, though extended to
-a wider circle. There could be borne upon its rolls only
-the sons of noblemen, or of sub-lieutenants serving either
-afloat or in the dockyards, of wholesale merchants, shipowners,
-captains, and of people living "nobly." These,
-though required to pass certain examinations and to have
-seen certain sea-service, were only admitted to the grade
-of sub-lieutenant, and could be promoted no further except
-for distinguished and exceptional acts.
-<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p>
-
-<p>Such was the organization with which, in 1791, a popular
-assembly was about to deal. The invidious privilege by
-which the naval career, except in the lower ranks, was
-closed to all but a single, and not specially deserving, class,
-was of course done away without question. There still remained
-to decide whether the privilege should in the future
-be confined to a single class, which should deserve it by
-giving all its life and energies to the career—whether the
-navy should be recognized as a special calling requiring
-like others a special training—or whether there was so little
-difference between it and the merchant service that men
-could pass from one to the other without injuring either.
-These two views each found upholders, but the latter prevailed
-even in the first Assembly; those who wished a
-wholly military service only succeeded in modifying the
-original scheme presented by the committee.</p>
-
-<p>The new organization was established by two successive
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span>
-acts, passed on the 22d and 28th of April, 1790.
-<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> Like the
-old, it provided two sources of supply; the one from men specially
-trained in youth, the other from the merchant service.
-The former began in a class called <i>Aspirants</i>, three
-hundred of whom were in pay on board ships of war; they
-were not then officers, but simply youths between fifteen
-and twenty learning their business. The lowest grade
-of officer was the <i>Enseigne</i>; they were of two kinds,
-paid<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>
-and unpaid, the former being actually in the navy.
-The latter were in the merchant service, but susceptible of
-employment in the fleet, and, when so engaged, took rank
-with other <i>enseignes</i> according to the length of time afloat
-in national ships. Admission to the grade of paid, or
-naval, <i>enseigne</i> could be had between eighteen and thirty,
-by passing the required examination and proving four
-years service at sea, no distinction being then made in
-favor of those who had begun as <i>aspirants</i> or had served in
-the navy. Those passing for <i>enseigne</i> and wishing to enter
-the navy had a more severe and more mathematical examination,
-while, on the other hand, those who returned to
-the merchant service had to have two years longer service,
-six in all, one of which on board a ship of war. All <i>enseignes</i>
-twenty-four years old, and only they, could command
-ships in the foreign trade and certain parts of the
-home, or coasting, trade. By the age of forty, a definitive
-choice had to be made between the two services. Up to
-that time <i>enseignes</i> could pass for lieutenant, and there
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span>
-seems to have been no inducement to follow one branch of
-the sea service rather than the other, except this: that
-five-sixths of the lieutenant vacancies at any one time were
-to be given to those who had most service as <i>enseignes</i> on
-board ships of war. To pass for lieutenant at the mature
-age of forty, only two years of military sea service were
-absolutely required. Thenceforth the officer was devoted
-to the military navy.</p>
-
-<p>The essential spirit and tendency of the new legislation
-is summed up in the requirements for the lieutenancy.
-Up to the age of forty, that is, during the formative years
-of a man's life, it was left to the choice, interest, or caprice
-of the individual, how he would pass his time between
-the two services. The inducements to stick to the
-navy were too slight to weigh against the passing inclinations
-of young or restless men. If the navy is the specialty
-that has been before asserted, there can be no doubt
-that this scheme was radically vicious. A period of commercial
-prosperity would have robbed it of its best men
-during their best years.</p>
-
-<p>It is due to the Constituent Assembly to say that, while
-thus establishing the navy of the future on foundations
-that reason and experience have both condemned, it did
-not, as has sometimes been said, reject or drive away the
-able officers still in France; that is, by direct legislative
-act. Although the decree of April 22 abolished the existing
-corps of the navy, it provided also that the new
-organization should be constituted, "for this time only,"
-by a selection made from the officers of the old service
-then available; from whom the higher grades, including
-lieutenants, were to be, as far as possible, filled. Those
-who were not so selected were to be retired with at least
-two-thirds of their present pay; and with the next higher
-grade, if they had served over ten years in the one they
-then held. Whatever dislike these officers may rightly
-have felt for the new organization, they personally lost
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span>
-little by it, unless not selected; but the failure on the part
-of the Assembly to realize the irreparable loss with which
-the country was threatened,—the unique value of a body of
-men already, and alone, fitted for the performance of very
-delicate duties,—and the consequent neglect to uphold and
-protect them, were as fatal in their results as though they
-had been legislated out of existence.</p>
-
-<p>The second, or Legislative, Assembly during its year
-of existence made no radical changes in the organization
-it found; but the increasing want of officers led inevitably
-to lowering the qualifications exacted for the different
-grades, which was done by several acts. The National
-Convention went still farther in the same direction. January
-13, 1793, immediately before the war with Great
-Britain, it decreed that rear-admirals might be taken from
-any captains whose commission dated back the month before.
-Merchant captains who had commanded privateers
-or ships in the foreign trade for five years, could be at once
-made post-captains. To be made lieutenant were needed
-only five years' sea-service, either in the navy or on board
-merchant ships. Decree now followed decree, all in the
-same direction, winding up on July 28 by authorizing the
-minister of marine, until otherwise ordered, to fill the
-places of flag and other officers from any grade and without
-regard to existing laws. Most of these measures were
-probably justified by stern and pressing necessity.
-<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p>
-
-<p>The reign of terror was now at hand. The scourge fell
-upon the naval officers who had not fled the country as
-well as upon others. Grimouard, whose activity in the
-West Indies has been noted; Philippe d'Orléans, admiral
-of France, who had commanded the van at Ushant; Vice-Admiral
-Kersaint, who had stood in the foremost rank of
-revolutionists till the murder of the king; D'Estaing, also
-admiral of France, who had held high command with distinguished
-courage, if not with equal ability, in the war
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span>
-of American Independence,—perished on the scaffold.
-The companions of their glory had for the most died before
-the evil days. D'Orvilliers, De Grasse, Guichen, the
-first Latouche-Tréville, Suffren, La Motte Piquet, passed
-away before the meeting of the States-General.</p>
-
-<p>Besides the judicial and other murders, the effect of the
-general suspiciousness was felt by the navy in new legislation
-of a yet more disastrous kind. By a decree of
-October 7, 1793, the minister of marine was to lay before
-the naval committee of the Assembly a list of all officers
-and <i>aspirants</i> whose ability or <i>civisme</i>,—<i>i. e.</i>, fidelity to the
-new order of things,—was suspected. This may have been
-well enough; but, in addition, lists of all officers and <i>aspirants</i>
-were to be posted in different places, and all people
-were invited to send in denunciations of those whom
-they believed to be lacking in ability or fidelity. These
-denunciations were to be passed upon by an assembly,
-made up of the general council of the Commune and all
-the seamen of the district. The decision was reached by
-majority of votes and forwarded to the minister, who was
-obliged to dismiss those against whom the charges were
-thus sustained.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p>
-
-<p>The navy being in this way purged, the vacancies were
-to be filled on a similar principle. The naval officers, merchant
-captains and other seamen of each district, who
-had qualified for <i>enseignes</i>, were to meet and name three
-candidates for each of the different vacancies. In the
-great want of officers then prevailing, some such system of
-nomination might have been very useful in lightening the
-immense burden resting on the minister; but it is obvious
-that the assemblies thus constituted were too numerous,
-too popular, too little fitted to carry on formal discussion,
-and too destitute of special technical knowledge, to be good
-judges. There was found here the same essential defect
-that underlay all the conceptions of the different assemblies
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span>
-of the early republic; ignorant of, and therefore undervaluing,
-the high and special requirements of the naval
-profession, they were willing to entrust its interests and
-the selection of its officers to hands that could not be
-competent.</p>
-
-<p>The result was depicted in a letter of Admiral Villaret
-Joyeuse, who was at once an officer of the old service, and
-yet had entered it from the auxiliary navy, having been
-captain of fireship; who, therefore, stood as nearly as possible
-between the two extremes of opinion. As a subordinate
-he had won the admiration of Suffren in the East
-Indies, and as admiral he commanded with honor the
-fleets of the Republic. He wrote: "The popular societies
-have been called on to point out the men having both seamanship
-and patriotism. The societies believed that it
-was enough for a man to have been long at sea to be a
-seaman, if he was besides a patriot. They did not reflect
-that patriotism alone cannot handle a ship. The grades
-consequently have been given to men without merit beyond
-that of having been much at sea, not remembering
-that such a man often is in a ship just as a bale is. It
-must be frankly said it is not always the man at once most
-skilful and patriotic that has had the suffrages of the societies,
-but often the most intriguing and the falsest,—he,
-who by effrontery and talk has been able to impose upon
-the majority."<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>
-In another letter he says: "You doubtless
-know that the best seamen of the different commercial
-ports kept behind the curtain in the beginning of the Revolution;
-and that on the other hand there came forward a
-crowd who, not being able to find employment in commerce,
-because they had no other talent than the phraseology
-of patriotism, by means of which they misled the
-popular societies of which they were members, got the first
-appointments. Experienced captains, who might have
-served the republic efficiently by their talents and skill,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span>
-have since then steadily refused to go to sea, and with inexcusable
-self-love still prefer service in the National Guard
-(ashore) to going to sea, where they say they would have
-to be under captains to whom they have often refused the
-charge of a watch. Hence the frequent accidents met
-with by the ships of the republic. Since justice and consequently
-talents are now (1795) the order of the day, and
-all France is now convinced that patriotism, doubtless one
-of the most necessary virtues in an officer of the government,
-is yet not the only one required to command armies
-and fleets, as was once claimed, you are quite right," etc.
-<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p>
-
-<p>Enough has been said to show the different causes that
-destroyed the corps of French naval officers. Some of
-these were exceptional in their character and not likely
-to recur; but it is plain that even their operation was hastened
-by the false notions prevalent in the government as
-to the character and value of professional training, while
-the same false notions underlay the attempts both to fill
-the vacant places and to provide a new basis for the official
-staff of the future. The results of these mistaken ideas
-will be seen in the narrative; but it may be useful to give
-here the professional antecedents (taken from a French
-naval historian) of the admirals and captains in the first
-great battle of this war, June 1, 1794, by which time
-the full effect of the various changes had been reached.
-These three admirals and twenty-six captains of 1794 held
-in 1791 the following positions: the commander-in-chief,
-Villaret Joyeuse, was a lieutenant; the two other flag-officers,
-one a lieutenant, the other a sub-lieutenant; of
-the captains, three were lieutenants, eleven sub-lieutenants,
-nine captains or mates of merchant ships, one a seaman
-in the navy, one a boatswain, one not given.
-<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p>
-
-<p>The action of the Assemblies with regard to the enlisted
-men of the fleet was as unreasonable and revolutionary as
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span>
-that touching the officers. For twenty years before the
-meeting of the States-General the navy had contained
-nine divisions of trained seamen-gunners, numbering some
-ten thousand men, and commanded, as in all services, by
-naval officers. It is scarcely possible to over-rate the
-value, in <i>esprit-de-corps</i> as well as in fighting effect, of
-such a body of trained men. In 1792 these were replaced
-by a force of marine artillerists, commanded by artillery
-officers. The precise relation of these to the sea-officers
-is not stated; but from the change must have sprung
-jealousies harmful to discipline, as well as injury to the
-military spirit of the naval officer. In 1794, these marine
-artillerists, and also the marine infantry, were suppressed
-on motion of Jean Bon Saint-André, so well known in connection
-with the French navy of the day. In his opinion,
-endorsed by the vote of the National Convention, it savored
-of aristocracy that any body of men should have an exclusive
-right to fight at sea. "The essential basis of our
-social institutions," said he, "is equality; to this touchstone
-you must bring all parts of the government, both
-military and civil. In the navy there exists an abuse, the
-destruction of which is demanded by the Committee of
-Public Safety by my mouth. There are in the navy troops
-which bear the name of 'marine regiments.' Is this because
-these troops have the <i>exclusive privilege</i> of defending
-the republic upon the sea? Are we not <i>all</i> called
-upon to fight for liberty? Why could not the victors of
-Landau, of Toulon, go upon our fleets to show their courage
-to Pitt, and lower the flag of George? This right cannot
-be denied them; they themselves would claim it, were
-not their arms serving the country elsewhere. Since they
-cannot now enjoy it, we must at least give them the prospect
-of using it."<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p>
-
-<p>"Thus," says a French writer, "a marine artillerist, a
-soldier trained in the difficult art of pointing a gun at sea
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span>
-and especially devoted to that service, became a kind of
-aristocrat."<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>
-None the less did the Convention, in those
-days of the Terror, vote the change. "Take care," wrote
-Admiral Kerguelen, "you need trained gunners to serve
-guns at sea. Those on shore stand on a steady platform
-and aim at fixed objects; those at sea, on the contrary, are
-on a moving platform, and fire always, so to speak, on the
-wing. The experience of the late actions should teach
-you that our gunners are inferior to those of the enemy."
-<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>
-The words of common sense could get no hearing in those
-days of flighty ideas and excited imaginations. "How,"
-asks La Gravière, "could these prudent words draw the
-attention of republicans, more touched by the recollections
-of Greece and Rome than by the glorious traditions of our
-ancestors? Those were the days in which presumptuous
-innovators seriously thought to restore to the oar its importance,
-and to throw flying bridges on the decks of English
-ships of the line, as the Romans did on board the
-galleys of Carthage; candid visionaries, who with simplicity
-summed up the titles of their mission in words
-such as these, preserved among the archives of the Navy:
-'Legislators, here are the outpourings of an ingenuous
-patriot, who has for guide no other principle than that
-of nature and a heart truly French.'"
-<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p>
-
-<p>The effects of this legislation were soon seen in the fighting
-at sea. The British seventy-four, Alexander, fought
-three French ships of her own size for two hours; the
-average loss of each of the latter equalled that of the one
-enemy. In June, 1795, twelve French ships-of-the-line
-found themselves in presence of five British. There was
-bad management in more ways than one, but five of the
-French had three of the enemy under their fire for several
-hours; only thirteen Englishmen were hurt, and no ship
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span>
-so crippled as to be taken. A few days later the same
-French fleet fell in with a British of somewhat superior
-force. Owing to light airs and other causes, only a partial
-engagement followed, in which eight British and twelve
-French took part. The whole British loss was one hundred
-and forty-four killed and wounded. Three French
-ships struck, with a loss of six hundred and seventy; and
-the nine others, which had been partially engaged, had a
-total of two hundred and twenty-two killed and wounded.
-In December, 1796, the British frigate Terpsichore met
-the French Vestale, of equal force. The latter surrendered
-after a sharp action of two hours, in which she
-lost sixty-eight killed and wounded against the enemy's
-twenty-two. This a French writer speaks of as a simple
-artillery duel, unmarked by any manœuvres. These are
-not instances chosen to prove a case, but illustrations
-of the general fact, well known to contemporaries, that
-the French gunnery was extremely bad. "In comparing
-this war with the American," says Sir Howard Douglas,
-"it is seen that, in the latter, the loss of English ships in
-action with French of equal force, was much more considerable.
-In the time of Napoleon, whole batteries of
-ships-of-the-line were fired without doing more harm than
-two pieces, well directed."</p>
-
-<p>Nor was it only by direct legislation that the Assemblies
-destroyed the efficiency of the crews. The neglect of discipline
-and its bad results have before been mentioned. The
-same causes kept working for many years, and the spirit
-of insubordination, which sprang from revolutionary excess,
-doubtless grew stronger as the crews found themselves
-more and more under incapable officers, through the emigration
-of their old leaders. As they threw off wholesome
-restraint, they lost unavoidably in self-respect; and
-the class of men to whom the confusion of an ill-ordered
-ship was intolerable, as it becomes even to the humblest
-seaman who has been used to regularity, doubtless did
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span>
-as the merchant officers of whom Villaret Joyeuse wrote.
-They withdrew, under cover of the confusion of the times,
-from the naval service. "The tone of the seamen is
-wholly ruined," wrote Admiral Morard de Galles, on
-March 22, 1793, a month after the declaration of war
-with England: "if it does not change we can expect
-nothing but reverses in action, even though we be superior
-in force. The boasted ardor attributed to them" (by
-themselves and national representatives) "stands only in
-the words 'patriot,' 'patriotism,' which they are ever repeating,
-and in shouts of 'Vive la nation! Vive la République!'
-when they have been well flattered. No idea
-of doing right or attending to their duties." The government
-thought best not to interfere, for fear of alienating
-the seamen. Morard de Galles's flag-ship, having carried
-away her head-sails in a storm, tried unsuccessfully to
-wear. "If I had had a crew such as we formerly had,"
-wrote the admiral to the minister, "I would have used
-means which would have succeeded; but, despite exhortations
-and threats, I could not get thirty seamen on deck.
-The army gunners and greater part of the marine troops
-behaved better. They did what they were told; but the
-seamen, even the petty officers, did not show themselves."
-<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p>
-
-<p>In May, it being then open war, a mutiny broke out
-when the Brest squadron was ordered to get under way.
-To obtain obedience, the naval authorities had to call in
-the city government and the Society of Friends of Liberty
-and Equality. In June De Galles wrote again: "I have
-sailed in the most numerous squadrons, but never in a
-year did I see so many collisions as in the month this
-squadron has been together." He kept the sea until
-toward the end of August, when the fleet anchored in
-Quiberon Bay, seventy-five miles south-east of Brest. The
-Navy Department, which was only the mouthpiece of the
-Committee of Public Safety, directed that the fleet should
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span>
-keep the sea till further orders. On the 13th of September,
-news reached it of the insurrection of Toulon and the
-reception there of the English fleet. Deputations from
-different ships came to the admiral, headed by two midshipmen,
-who demanded, with great insolence of manner,
-that he should return to Brest, despite his orders. This
-he firmly refused. The propositions of one of the midshipmen
-were such that the admiral lost his temper. "I
-called them," says he, "cowards, traitors, foes to the Revolution;
-and, as they said they <i>would</i> get under way, I replied
-(and at the instant I believed) that there were
-twenty faithful ships which would fire on them if they
-undertook any movements without my orders." The admiral
-was mistaken as to the temper of the crews. Next
-morning seven ships mast-headed their top-sails in readiness
-to sail. He in person went on board, trying to bring
-them back to obedience, but in vain. To mask his defeat
-under a form of discipline, if discipline it could be called,
-he consented to call a council of war, made up of one officer
-and one seaman from each ship, to debate the question
-of going back to Brest. This council decided to send deputies
-to the representatives of the Convention, then on mission
-in the department, and meanwhile to await further
-orders from the government. This formality did not hide
-the fact that power had passed from the commander-in-chief
-appointed by the State to a council representing a
-military mob.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p>
-
-<p>The deputies from the ships found the commissioners of
-the Convention, one of whom came to the fleet. Upon
-consultation with the admiral, it appeared that twelve
-ships out of twenty-one were in open mutiny, and four of
-the other nine in doubt. As the fleet needed repairs, the
-commissioner ordered its return to Brest. The mob thus
-got its way, but the spirit of the government had changed.
-In June the extreme revolutionary party had gained the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span>
-upper hand in the State, and was no longer willing to
-allow the anarchy which had hitherto played its game. The
-Convention, under the rule of the Mountain, showed extreme
-displeasure at the action of the fleet; and though
-its anger fell upon the admirals and captains, many of
-whom were deprived and some executed, decrees were issued
-showing that rank insubordination would no longer
-be tolerated. The government now felt strong.</p>
-
-<p>The cruise of Morard de Galles is an instance, on a
-large scale, of the state to which the navy had come in the
-three years that had passed since mutiny had driven De
-Rions from the service; but it by no means stood alone.
-In the great Mediterranean naval port, Toulon, things
-were quite as bad. "The new officers," says Chevalier,
-"obtained no more obedience than the old; the crews became
-what they had been made; they now knew only one
-thing, to rise against authority. Duty and honor had become
-to them empty words." It would be wearisome to
-multiply instances and details. Out of their own country
-such men were a terror rather to allies than foes. An
-evidently friendly writer, speaking of the Mediterranean
-fleet when anchored at Ajaccio in Corsica, says, under
-date of December 31, 1792: "The temper of the fleet
-and of the troops is excellent; only, it might be said,
-there is not enough discipline. They came near hanging
-one day a man who, the following day, was recognized as
-very innocent of the charge made against him by the agitators.
-The lesson, however, has not been lost on the
-seamen, who, seeing the mis-steps into which these hangmen
-by profession lead them, have denounced one of
-them."<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>
-Grave disorders all the same took place, and two
-Corsican National Guards were hanged by a mob of seamen
-and soldiers from the fleet; but how extraordinary
-must have been the feelings of the time when a critic
-could speak so gingerly of, not to say praise, the temper
-that showed itself in this way.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>While the tone and the military efficiency of officers and
-crew were thus lowered, the material condition of both
-ships and men was wretched. Incompetency and disorder
-directed everywhere. There was lack of provisions, clothing,
-timber, rigging, sails. In De Galles's fleet, though
-they had just sailed, most of the ships needed repairs.
-The crews counted very many sick, and they were besides
-destitute of clothing. Although scurvy was raging, the
-men, almost in sight of their own coast, were confined to
-salt food. Of the Toulon squadron somewhat later, in
-1795, we are told almost all the seamen deserted. "Badly
-fed, scarcely clothed, discouraged by constant lack of success,
-they had but one thought, to fly the naval service.
-In September, ten thousand men would have been needed
-to fill the complements of the Toulon fleet."
-<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> The country
-was ransacked for seamen, who dodged the maritime
-conscription as the British sailor of the day hid from the
-press-gang.</p>
-
-<p>After the action called by the British the Battle of
-L'Orient, and by the French that of the Île de Groix, in
-1795, the French fleet took refuge in L'Orient, where they
-remained two months. So great was the lack of provisions
-that the crews were given leave. When the ships were
-again ready for sea "it was not an easy thing to make the
-seamen come back; a decree was necessary to recall them
-to the colors. Even so only a very small number returned,
-and it was decided to send out singly, or at most by divisions,
-the ships which were in the port. When they
-reached Brest the crews were sent round to L'Orient by
-land to man other ships. In this way the fleet sailed at
-different dates in three divisions."
-<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> In the Irish expedition
-of 1796, part of the failure in handling the ships is
-laid to the men being benumbed with cold, because without
-enough clothes. Pay was constantly in arrears. The
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span>
-seamen, whatever might be their patriotism, could not
-be tempted back to the discomforts and hardships of such
-a service. Promises, threats, edicts, were all of no avail.
-This state of things lasted for years. The civil commissioner
-of the navy in Toulon wrote in 1798, concerning
-the preparations for Bonaparte's expedition to Egypt:
-"Despite the difficulties concerning supplies, they were
-but a secondary object of my anxiety. To bring seamen
-into the service fixed it entirely. I gave the commissioners
-of the maritime inscription the most pressing orders;
-I invited the municipalities, the commissioners of
-the Directory, the commanders of the army, to second
-them; and to assure the success of this general measure,
-I sent with my despatches money to pay each seaman
-raised a month's advance and conduct money. The inveterate
-insubordination of seamen in most of the western
-ports, their pronounced aversion to the service, making
-almost null the effects of the maritime commissioners, I
-sent a special officer from the port, firm and energetic," to
-second their efforts; "at length after using every lawful
-means, part of the western seamen have repaired to this
-port. There are still many stragglers that are being pursued
-unremittingly."<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p>
-
-<p>The chief causes for this trouble were the hardships and
-the irregularity of pay, with the consequent sufferings to
-their families. As late as 1801, Admiral Ganteaume drew
-a moving picture of the state of the officers and men under
-his command. "I once more call your attention to the
-frightful state in which are left the seamen, unpaid for
-fifteen months, naked or covered with rags, badly fed,
-discouraged; in a word, sunk under the weight of the
-deepest and most humiliating wretchedness. It would be
-horrible to make them undertake, in this state, a long and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span>
-doubtless painful winter cruise."<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> Yet it was in this condition
-he had come from Brest to Toulon in mid-winter.
-At the same time the admiral said that the officers, receiving
-neither pay nor table money, lived in circumstances
-that lowered them in their own eyes and deprived them
-of the respect of the crews. It was at about this time that
-the commander of a corvette, taken by a British frigate,
-made in his defence before the usual court-martial the following
-statement: "Three fourths of the crew were sea-sick
-from the time of leaving Cape Sepet until reaching
-Mahon. Add to this, ill-will, and a panic terror which
-seized my crew at the sight of the frigate. Almost all
-thought it a ship-of-the-line. Add to this again, that they
-had been wet through by the sea for twenty-four hours
-without having a change of clothes, as I had only been
-able to get ten spare suits for the whole ship's company."
-<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>
-The quality of the crews, the conditions of their life, and
-the reason why good seamen kept clear of the service, sufficiently
-appear from these accounts. In the year of Trafalgar,
-even, neither bedding nor clothing was regularly
-issued to the crews.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></p>
-
-<p>Surprise will not be felt, when human beings were thus
-neglected, that the needs of the inanimate ships were not
-met. In the early part of the war it is not easy to say
-whether the frequent accidents were due to bad handling
-or bad outfit. In 1793, the escape of six sail-of-the-line,
-under Admiral Van Stabel, from Lord Howe's fleet, is attributed
-to superior sailing qualities of the hulls and the
-better staying of the masts.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> The next year, however, the
-commissioner of the Convention who accompanied the
-great ocean fleet, Jean Bon Saint-André, tried to account
-for the many accidents which happened in good weather
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span>
-by charging the past reign with a deliberate purpose of
-destroying the French navy. "This neglect," wrote he,
-"like so many more, belonged to the system of ruining
-the navy by carelessness and neglect of all the parts composing
-it."<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> It was well known that Louis XVI. had
-given special care to the material and development of the
-service; nor is it necessary to seek any deeper cause for
-the deterioration of such perishable materials than the disorders
-of the five years since he practically ceased to reign.
-From this time complaints multiply, and the indications of
-the entire want of naval stores cannot be mistaken. To
-this, rather than to the neglect of the dockyard officials in
-Brest, was due the wretched condition of the fleet sent
-in December, 1794, by the obstinacy of the Committee of
-Public Safety, to make a mid-winter cruise in the Bay of
-Biscay, the story of whose disasters is elsewhere told.
-<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p>
-
-<p>The expedition to Ireland in 1796 was similarly ill-prepared;
-and indeed, with the British preponderance at sea
-hampering trade, the embarrassment could scarcely fail to
-grow greater. Spars carried away, rigging parted, sails
-tore. Some ships had no spare sails. This, too, was a
-mid-winter expedition, the squadron having sailed in December.
-In 1798 the preparation of Bonaparte's Egyptian
-expedition at Toulon met with the greatest difficulty. The
-naval commissioner showed much zeal and activity, and
-was fearless in taking upon himself responsibility; but the
-fleet sailed for an unknown destination almost without
-spare spars and rigging, and three of the thirteen were not
-fit for sea. Two had been condemned the year before, and
-on one they did not dare to put her regular battery. In
-January, 1801, a squadron of seven sail-of-the-line left
-Brest under Admiral Ganteaume, having the all-important
-mission of carrying a reinforcement of five thousand
-troops to the army in Egypt. Becoming discouraged,
-whether rightly or wrongly, after entering the Mediterranean,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span>
-the admiral bore up for Toulon, where he anchored
-after being at sea twenty-six days. Here is his report of
-his fleet during and after this short cruise: "The 'Indivisible'
-had lost two topmasts and had no spare one left. The
-trestle-trees of the mainmast were sprung and could not
-support the new topmast. The 'Desaix' had sprung her
-bowsprit. The 'Constitution' and the 'Jean-Bart' were in
-the same condition as the 'Indivisible,' neither having a
-spare main-topmast after carrying away the others. Both
-the 'Formidable' and the 'Indomptable,' on the night we
-got under way, had an anchor break adrift. They had to
-cut the cable; but both had their sides stove in at the
-water-line, and could not be repaired at sea. Finally, all
-the ships, without exception, were short of rope to a disquieting
-extent, not having had, on leaving Brest, a single
-spare coil; and the rigging in place was all bad, and in a
-state to risk every moment the speed and safety of the
-ships."<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>
-It will be unnecessary to quote more of these
-mishaps, in which lack of skill and bad equipment each
-bore its part; nor need we try to disentangle the one
-cause from the other.</p>
-
-<p>Enough has now been said to show the general state of
-the French navy in the last ten years of the eighteenth
-century. The time and space thus used have not been
-wasted, for these conditions, which continued under the
-empire, were as surely the chief cause of the continuous
-and overwhelming overthrow of that navy, as the ruin of
-the French and Spanish sea-power, culminating at Trafalgar,
-was a principal factor in the final result sealed at
-Waterloo. Great Britain will be seen to enter the war
-allied with many of the nations of Europe against France.
-One by one the allies drop away, until the island kingdom,
-with two-fifths the population of France and a disaffected
-Ireland, stands alone face to face with the mighty onset of
-the Revolution. Again and again she knits the coalitions,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span>
-which are as often cut asunder by the victorious sword of
-the French army. Still she stands alone on the defensive,
-until the destruction of the combined fleets at Trafalgar,
-and the ascendency of her own navy, due to the immense
-physical loss and yet more to the moral annihilation of
-that of the enemy, enable her to assume the offensive in
-the peninsula after the Spanish uprising,—an offensive
-based absolutely upon her control of the sea. Her presence
-in Portugal and Spain keeps festering that Spanish
-ulcer which drained the strength of Napoleon's empire.
-As often before, France, contending with Germany, had
-Spain again upon her back.</p>
-
-<p>There still remains to consider briefly the state of the
-other navies which bore a part in the great struggle; and
-after that, the strategic conditions of the sea war, in its
-length and breadth, at the time it began.</p>
-
-<p>The British navy was far from being in perfect condition;
-and it had no such administrative prescription upon
-which to fall back as France always had in the regulations
-and practice of Colbert and his son. In the admiralty and
-the dockyards, at home and abroad, there was confusion
-and waste, if not fraud. As is usual in representative governments,
-the military establishments had drooped during
-ten years of peace. But, although administration lacked
-system, and agents were neglectful or dishonest, the navy
-itself, though costing more than it should, remained vigorous;
-the possessor of actual, and yet more of reserved,
-strength in the genius and pursuits of the people,—in a
-continuous tradition, which struck its roots far back in a
-great past,—and above all, in a body of officers, veterans
-of the last, and some of yet earlier wars, still in the prime
-of life for the purposes of command, and steeped to the
-core in those professional habits and feelings which, when
-so found in the chief, transmit themselves quickly to the
-juniors. As the eye of the student familiar with naval
-history glances down the lists of admirals and captains
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span>
-in 1793, it recognizes at once the names of those who
-fought under Keppel, Rodney, and Howe, linked with those
-who were yet to win fame as the companions of Hood,
-Jervis, Nelson, and Collingwood.</p>
-
-<p>To this corps of officers is to be added, doubtless, a
-large number of trained seamen, who, by choice, remained
-in the navy under the reduced peace complement; a nucleus
-round which could be rapidly gathered and organized
-all the sea-faring population fit for active service. The
-strength of Great Britain, however, lay in her great body
-of merchant seamen; and the absence of so many of these
-on distant voyages was always a source of embarrassment
-when manning a fleet in the beginning of a war. The
-naval service was also generally unpopular with the sailor;
-to whom, as to his officer, the rigid yoke of discipline was
-hard to bear until the neck was used to it. Hence, in the
-lack of any system similar to the French maritime inscription,
-Great Britain resorted to the press; a method
-which, though legally authorized, was stained in execution
-by a lawlessness and violence strange in a people that so
-loved both law and freedom. Even so, with both press-gang
-and free enlistment, the navy, as a whole, was always
-shorthanded in a great war, so that men of all nations
-were received and welcomed; much very bad native material
-was also accepted. "Consider," wrote Collingwood,
-"with such a fleet as we have now, how large a proportion
-of the crews of the ships are miscreants of every description,
-and capable of every crime. And when those predominate
-what evils may we not dread from the demoniac
-councils and influence of such a mass of mischief."
-<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p>
-
-<p>The condition of the seamen on board left much to be
-desired. The pay had not been increased since the days
-of Charles II., although the prices of all the necessaries
-of life had risen thirty per cent. The exigencies of the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span>
-service, combined with the fear of desertion, led to very
-close enforced confinement to the ship, even in home
-ports; men were long unable to see their families. The
-discipline, depending upon the character of the captain,
-too little defined and limited by law, varied greatly in
-different ships; while some were disorganized by undue
-leniency, in others punishment was harsh and tyrannical.
-On the other hand, there was a large and growing class of
-officers, both among the sterner and the laxer disciplinarians,
-who looked upon the health and well-being of the
-crew as the first of their duties and interests; and better
-sanitary results have perhaps never been reached, certainly
-never in proportion to the science of the day, than under
-Jervis, Nelson, Collingwood, and their contemporaries, in
-fleets engaged in the hardest, most continuous service,
-under conditions of monotony and isolation generally unfavorable
-to health. Nelson, during a cruise in which he
-passed two years without leaving his ship even for another,
-often speaks with pride, almost with exultation, of the
-health of his crews. After his pursuit of Villeneuve's
-fleet to the West Indies, he writes: "We have lost neither
-officer nor man by sickness since we left the Mediterranean,"
-a period of ten weeks. The number of men in his
-ships must have been near seven thousand. Both French
-and Spaniards of the fleet he pursued were very sickly.
-"They landed a thousand sick at Martinique, and buried
-full that number during their stay."
-<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> Collingwood writes:
-"I have not let go an anchor for fifteen months, and on
-the first day of the year had not a sick-list in the ship—not
-one man."<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>
-And again a year later: "Yet, with all
-this sea-work, never getting fresh beef nor a vegetable, I
-have not one sick man in my ship. Tell that to Doctor ——."
-"His flag-ship had usually eight hundred men;
-was, on one occasion, more than a year and a half without
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span>
-going into port, and during the whole of that time never
-had more than six, and generally only four, on her sick-list."
-<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>
-Such results show beyond dispute that the crews
-were well clothed, well fed, and well cared for.</p>
-
-<p>Amid ship's companies of such mixed character, and
-suffering during the early years of the war from real and
-severe grievances, it was to be expected that acts of mutiny
-should occur. Such there were, rivalling, if not surpassing,
-in extent, those which have been told of the French
-navy. They also received intelligent guidance at the
-hands of a class of men, of higher educational acquirements
-than the average seaman, who, through drunkenness,
-crime, or simple good-for-nothingness, had found
-their way on board ship. The feature which distinguished
-these revolts from those of the French was the
-spirit of reasonableness and respect for law which at the
-first marked their proceedings; and which showed how
-deeply the English feeling for law, duty and discipline,
-had taken hold of the naval seamen. Their complaints,
-unheeded when made submissively, were at once allowed
-to be fair when mutiny drew attention to them. The
-forms of discipline were maintained by men who refused
-to go to sea before their demands were allowed, unless
-"the enemy's fleet should put to sea;"
-<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> and respect to
-officers was enjoined, though some who were obnoxious
-for severity were sent ashore. One very signal instance
-is given of military sympathy with obedience to orders,
-though at their own expense. A lieutenant, having shot
-one of several mutineers, was seized by the others, who
-made ready to hang him, and he stood actually under the
-yard-arm with the halter round his neck; but upon the
-admiral saying he himself was responsible, having given
-orders to the officer in accordance with his own from the
-Admiralty, the seamen stopped, asked to see the orders,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span>
-and, having satisfied themselves of their terms, abandoned
-their purpose.</p>
-
-<p>Captain Brenton, the naval historian, was watch-officer
-on board a ship that for many days was in the hands of
-mutineers. He says, "The seamen, generally speaking,
-throughout the mutiny conducted themselves with a degree
-of humanity highly creditable, not only to themselves, but
-to the national character. They certainly tarred and feathered
-the surgeon of a ship at the Nore, but he had been
-five weeks drunk in his cabin and had neglected the care of
-his patients; this was therefore an act which Lord Bacon
-would have called 'wild justice.' The delegates of the
-'Agamemnon'" (his own ship) "showed respect to every
-officer but the captain; him, after the first day, they never
-insulted but rather treated with neglect; they asked permission
-of the lieutenants to punish a seaman, who, from
-carelessness or design, had taken a dish of meat belonging
-to the ward-room and left his own, which was honestly
-and civilly offered in compensation."
-<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> Still, though begun
-under great provocation and marked at first by such
-orderly procedure, the fatal effects of insubordination once
-indulged long remained, as in a horse that has once felt
-his strength; while the self-control and reasonableness of
-demand which distinguished the earlier movements lost
-their sway. The later mutinies seriously endangered the
-State, and the mutinous spirit survived after the causes
-which palliated it had been removed.</p>
-
-<p>In meeting the needs of so great and widely scattered a
-naval force, even with the best administration and economy,
-there could not but be great deficiencies; and the
-exigencies of the war would not permit ships to be recalled
-and refitted as often as the hard cruising properly required.
-Still, by care and foresight, the equipment of the fleet was
-maintained in sufficient and serviceable condition. In the
-year 1783 a plan was adopted "of setting apart for every
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span>
-sea-going ship a large proportion of her furniture and
-stores, as well as of stocking the magazines at the several
-dockyards with imperishable stores."
-<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> The readiness thus
-sought was tested, and also bettered, by the two partial
-armaments of 1790 against Spain and of 1791 against Russia;
-so that, when orders to arm were received in 1793, in
-a very few weeks the ships-of-the-line in commission were
-increased from twenty-six to fifty-four, and the whole number
-of ships of all sizes from one hundred and thirty-six
-to over two hundred. The same care and foresight was
-continued into the war. It was as much an object with
-Great Britain to hinder the carriage of naval stores from
-the Baltic to France as to get them herself, and there was
-reason to fear that her seizure of ships so laden and bound
-to France would, as before, bring on trouble with the
-northern States. "In 1796 the quantity of naval stores
-remaining on hand was too small to afford a hope of their
-lasting to the end of the war; but the government, foreseeing
-that a rupture must ensue, provided an abundant
-supply of materials for naval equipment; ship timber was
-imported from the Adriatic, masts and hemp from North
-America, and large importations were made from the Baltic.
-The number of British ships which passed the Sound
-in one year was forty-five hundred, chiefly laden with naval
-stores, corn, tallow, hides, hemp, and iron. At the same
-time the most rigid economy was enforced in the dockyards
-and on board ships of war."<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p>
-
-<p>A bare sufficiency—to be eked out with the utmost
-care, turning everything to account, working old stuff up
-into new forms—was the economic condition of the British
-cruiser of the day. Under such conditions the knack
-of the captain and officers made a large part of the efficiency
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span>
-of the ship. "Some," wrote Collingwood, "who
-have the foresight to discern what our first difficulty will
-be, support and provide their ships as by enchantment;
-while others, less provident, would exhaust a dockyard and
-still be in want." Of one he said: "He should never sail
-without a storeship in company;" while of Troubridge
-Nelson wrote that "he was as full of resources as his old
-'Culloden' was of defects." A lieutenant of the day mentions
-feelingly the anxieties felt on dark nights and in
-heavy weather off the enemy's coast, "doubting this brace
-or that tack," upon which the safety of the ship might
-depend. The correspondence of Nelson often mentions
-this dearth of stores.</p>
-
-<p>The condition of the two navies in these various respects
-being as described, their comparative strength in mere
-numbers is given by the British naval historian James,
-whose statement bears every mark of careful study and
-accuracy. After making every deduction, the British had
-one hundred and fifteen ships-of-the-line, and the French
-seventy-six, when war was declared. The number of guns
-carried by these ships was respectively 8718 and 6002;
-but the author claims that, in consequence of the heavier
-metal of the French guns, the aggregate weight of broadside,
-undoubtedly the fairest method of comparison, of the
-line-of-battle in the two navies was 88,957 pounds against
-73,957,—a preponderance of one sixth in favor of Great
-Britain.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>
-This statement is explicitly accepted by the
-French admiral, La Gravière,<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> and does not differ materially
-from other French accounts of the numerical strength
-of that navy at the fall of the monarchy.</p>
-
-<p>The navy of Spain then contained seventy-six ships-of-the-line,
-of which fifty-six were in good condition.
-<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> Particular
-and detailed accounts are wanting, but it may
-safely be inferred from many indications scattered along
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span>
-the paths of naval records that the valid strength fell very,
-very far below this imposing array of ships. The officers
-as a body were inexpert and ignorant; the administration
-of the dockyards partook of the general shiftlessness of
-the decaying kingdom; the crews contained few good seamen
-and were largely swept out of the streets, if not out
-of the jails. "The Spaniards at this time," says La Gravière,
-"were no longer substantial enemies. At the battle
-of St. Vincent there were scarcely sixty to eighty seamen
-in each ship-of-the-line. The rest of the crews were
-made up of men wholly new to the sea, picked up a few
-months before in the country or in the jails, and who, by
-the acknowledgment of even English historians, when ordered
-to go aloft, fell on their knees, crying that they
-would rather be killed on the spot than meet certain death
-in trying so perilous a service."<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p>
-
-<p>"The Dons," wrote Nelson in 1793, after a visit to Cadiz,
-"may make fine ships,—they cannot, however, make
-men. They have four first-rates in commission at Cadiz,
-and very fine ships, but shockingly manned. I am certain
-if our six barges' crews, who are picked men, had got on
-board of one of them, they would have taken her." "If
-the twenty-one ships-of-the-line which we are to join off
-Barcelona are no better manned than those at Cadiz, much
-service cannot be expected of them, although, as to ships,
-I never saw finer men-of-war."<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> A few weeks later he
-fell in with the twenty-one. "The Dons did not, after
-several hours' trial, form anything that could be called a
-line-of-battle ahead. However, the Spanish admiral sent
-down two frigates, acquainting Lord Hood that, as his
-fleet was sickly nineteen hundred men, he was going to
-Cartagena. The captain of the frigate said 'it was no
-wonder they were sickly <i>for they had been sixty days at
-sea</i>.' This speech appeared to us ridiculous, for, from the
-circumstance of our having been longer than that time at
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span>
-sea do we attribute our getting healthy. It has stamped
-with me the measure of their nautical abilities; long may
-they remain in their present state."
-<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> In 1795, when
-Spain had made peace with France, he wrote, "I know the
-French long since offered Spain peace for fourteen ships-of-the-line
-fully stored. I take for granted not manned,
-as that would be the readiest way to lose them again."
-"Their fleet is ill-manned and worse officered, I believe;
-and besides they are slow." "From the event of Spain
-making peace much may be looked for,—perhaps a war
-with that country; if so, their fleet (if no better than
-when our allies) will be soon done for."
-<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p>
-
-<p>Captain Jahleel Brenton, a distinguished British officer
-of that day, being in Cadiz on duty before the war, sought
-and obtained permission to return to England in a Spanish
-ship-of-the-line, the "St. Elmo," with the express object of
-seeing the system of their service. He says, "This ship
-had been selected as one in the best state of discipline in
-the Spanish navy to be sent to England. She was commanded
-by Don Lorenzo Goycochea, a gallant seaman who
-had commanded one of the junto ships destroyed before
-Gibraltar in 1782. I had, during this voyage, an opportunity
-of appreciating Spanish management at sea. When
-the ship was brought under double-reefed topsails, it was
-considered superfluous to lay the cloth for dinner; I was
-told by the captain that not one officer would be able to
-sit at table, all being sea-sick, but that he had ordered dinner
-to be got ready in his own cabin for himself and me.
-It was the custom in the Spanish navy for the captain and
-officers to mess together in the ward-room. We had
-thenceforth a very comfortable meal together whenever
-the weather prevented a general meeting. As the safe
-arrival of this ship was deemed of great importance (she
-carried the Nootka Sound indemnity money), she had on
-board an English pilot to enable her to approach the coast
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span>
-of England in safety. A few nights before our arrival at
-Falmouth, the ship, having whole sails and topping sails,
-was taken aback in a heavy squall from the north-east,
-and I was awoke by the English pilot knocking at my
-cabin door, calling out,'Mr. Brenton! Mr. Brenton! rouse
-out, sir; here is the ship running away with these Spaniards!'
-When I got on deck I found this literally the
-case. She was 'running away' at the rate of twelve knots,
-and everything in confusion; she was indeed, to use the
-ludicrous expression of a naval captain 'all adrift, like a
-French post-chaise.' It required some hours to get things
-to rights."<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p>
-
-<p>Napoleon, in 1805, ordered Admiral Villeneuve to count
-two Spanish ships as equal to one French; and the latter
-certainly were not equal, ship for ship, to the British. It
-is only fair to add that he said of the Spanish crews,
-speaking of Calder's action, that they fought like lions.</p>
-
-<p>Holland, first the ally and afterwards the enemy of
-Great Britain in the war, had forty-nine ships-of-the-line,
-but, owing to the shoalness of her waters, they were mostly
-of light burden; many would not have found a place in a
-British line-of-battle. The frigates were also of small
-force. The condition of the ships being, besides, bad, the
-Dutch navy was not an important factor on either side.
-<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p>
-
-<p>Portugal and Naples had, the one six, the other four,
-ships-of-the-line, which, during the early years of the war,
-offered a respectable support to the British Mediterranean
-fleet;<a name="FNanchor_66a_66a" id="FNanchor_66a_66a"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>
-but the advance of the French under Bonaparte
-into the two peninsulas reduced these States to neutrality
-before the end of the century.</p>
-
-<p>The fleets of the Baltic powers and of Turkey played no
-part in the war which would, at this time, require a particular
-consideration of their strength.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="ac"><span class="sc">The General Political and Strategic Conditions, and the
-Events of 1793.</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="drop-cap">THE declaration of war against Great Britain was followed,
-on the part of the National Convention, by an
-equally formal pronouncement against Spain, on the 7th
-of March, 1793. Thus was completed the chain of enemies
-which, except on the mountain frontier of Switzerland,
-surrounded the French republic by land and sea.</p>
-
-<p>It is necessary to summarize the political and military
-condition, to take account of the strategic situation at this
-moment when general hostilities were opening, in order
-to follow intelligently the historical narrative of their
-course, and to appreciate critically the action of the nations
-engaged, both separately and, also,—in the case
-of the allies,—regarded as a combined whole.</p>
-
-<p>The enemies of France were organized governments,
-with constitutions of varying strength and efficiency, but
-all, except that of Great Britain, were part of an order
-of things that was decaying and ready to vanish away.
-They belonged to, and throughout the Revolutionary and
-Napoleonic wars were hampered by, a past whose traditions
-of government, of social order, and of military administration,
-were violently antagonized by the measures
-into which France had been led by pushing to extremes
-the philosophical principles of the eighteenth century. But
-while thus at one in abhorring, as rulers, a movement
-whose contagion they feared, they were not otherwise in
-harmony. The two most powerful on the continent, Austria
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span>
-and Prussia, had alternately, in a not remote past,
-sided with France as her ally; each in turn had sustained
-open and prolonged hostilities with the other, and they
-were still jealous rivals for preponderance in Germany.
-They entered the present war as formal allies; but were
-unable, from mutual distrust and their military traditions,
-to act in concert, or to take advantage of the disorganized
-condition into which France had fallen, and from which
-the despotism of the Convention had not yet raised her.
-Divergent lines of operations were imposed upon them, not
-by military expediency, but by the want of any unifying
-motive which could overcome their divergent ambitions.
-The smaller States of Germany followed the two great
-powers, seeking each from day to day its own safety and
-its own advantage in the troubled times through which
-Europe was passing. Several of them had associations
-with France as a powerful neighbor, who in the past had
-supported them against the overbearing pretensions of the
-great German monarchies. With the Convention and its
-social levelling they could have no sympathy, but when a
-settled government succeeded the throes of the Revolution
-the old political bias asserted itself against the more recent
-social prejudice, and these weaker bodies again fell naturally
-under French control.</p>
-
-<p>Spain under good government has, and at that crisis
-still more had, a military situation singularly fitted to give
-her weight in the councils of Europe. Compact and symmetrical
-in shape, with an extensive seaboard not deficient
-in good harbors, her physical conformation and remoteness
-from the rest of the Continent combined to indicate
-that her true strength was to be found in a powerful navy,
-for which also her vast colonial system imperiously called.
-Her maritime advantages were indeed diminished by the
-jog which Portugal takes out of her territory and coast
-line, and by the loss of Gibraltar. Lisbon, in the hands
-of an enemy, interposes between the arsenals of Ferrol and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span>
-Cadiz, as Gibraltar does between the latter and Cartagena.
-But there was great compensation in the extent of her
-territory, in her peninsular formation, and in the difficult
-character of her only continental frontier, the Pyrenees.
-Her position is defensively very strong; and whenever
-events make France the centre of European interest, as
-they did in 1793, and as the genius of that extraordinary
-country continually tends to make her, the external action
-of Spain becomes doubly interesting. So far as natural
-advantages go, her military situation at the opening of the
-French revolution may be defined by saying that she controlled
-the Mediterranean, and menaced the flank and rear
-of France by land. Despite Gibraltar, her action was to
-determine whether the British navy should or should not
-enter the Mediterranean—whether the wheat of Barbary
-and Sicily should reach the hungry people of southern
-France—whether the French fleet should leave Toulon—whether
-the French army could advance against the Germans
-and Piedmont, feeling secure as to the country behind
-it, then seething with revolt. The political condition
-of Italy, divided like Germany into many petty States, but
-unlike Germany in having no powerful centres around
-which to gather, left to Spain, potentially, the control of the
-Mediterranean. These advantages were all thrown away
-by bad government and inefficient military institutions.
-The navy of Spain was the laughing-stock of Europe;
-her finances depended upon the colonies, and consequently
-upon control of the sea, which she had not;
-while, between an embarrassed treasury and poor military
-administration, her army, though at first under respectable
-leadership, made little impression upon the yet unorganized
-levies of France, and an abject peace soon closed an
-ignominious war.</p>
-
-<p>The path of Great Britain, as soon as she had determined
-to enter the war, was comparatively clear, being
-indicated alike by the character of her military strength
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span>
-and by her history during the past century. Since the
-days of Charles II. she had been at times the ally, at times
-the enemy, of Austria, of Prussia, and of Holland; she had,
-in her frequent wars, found Spain at times neutral, at
-times hostile, in neither case a very powerful factor; but,
-under all circumstances, France had been her enemy,
-sometimes secret, usually open. Steeped in this traditional
-hostility, both the British government and nation with
-single eye fastened upon France as the great danger, and
-were not diverted from this attitude of concentrated purpose
-by any jealousy of the more powerful among their
-allies. Spain alone might have been an unwelcome rival,
-as well as a powerful support, upon the watery plain which
-Great Britain claimed as her own dominion. Spanish
-ships of war were numerous; but the admiralty soon saw
-that the Spanish navy, from the poor quality of its officers
-and men, could not seriously menace British preponderance
-upon the ocean, although at times it might be an
-awkward embarrassment, and even more so as a suspicious
-ally than as an open foe. The co-operation of the
-two navies, however, at the opening of the war effectually
-secured for the time the control of the Mediterranean and
-of the approaches to southern France.</p>
-
-<p>Russia, although declaring openly against the French
-Revolution, took no active part in the early military operations,
-except by a convention made with Great Britain on
-the 25th of March, 1793, to interdict the trade of France
-with the Baltic in grain and naval stores, as a means of
-forcing her to peace. Russia was then busily engaged
-with her projects against Poland, and a few days later, on
-the 9th of April, 1793, an imperial ukase was issued incorporating
-parts of that kingdom with the empire. This,
-with the Prussian decree of March 25, consummated the
-second partition of Poland,—the result of a series of aggressions
-by the two powers that had extended over the
-past two years, and the intermediate step to the final partition
-in 1795.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The smaller European States trimmed their course as
-best they could in the great convulsion which, far beyond
-most wars, left little room for neutrality. Sweden and
-Denmark strove hard to keep out of the turmoil and to
-retain the commercial advantages reaped by neutral flags
-in maritime wars. Their distance from the scene of the
-earlier strifes, and the peninsular position of Sweden, enabled
-them long to avoid actual hostilities; but the concurrence
-of Russia with Great Britain, in the latter's
-traditional unwillingness to concede neutral claims, deprived
-the smaller Baltic powers of the force necessary
-to maintain their contentions. Holland, as of old, was
-divided between French and British parties; but the latter,
-under the headship of the House of Orange, in 1793, held
-the reins of government and directed the policy of the
-State in accordance with the treaty of defensive alliance
-made with Great Britain in 1788. The ultimate policy of
-the United Provinces depended upon the fortune of the
-war. As France or her enemies triumphed, so would the
-party in the State favorable to the victor be retained in,
-or restored to, power. Neutrality was impossible to an
-open continental country, lying so near such a great conflagration;
-but, not to speak of the immediate dangers
-threatened by the attitude of the French Convention and
-its decrees of November 19 and December 15, Holland,
-with her vast colonial system, had more to fear from the
-navy of Great Britain, which had no rival, than from the
-armies of France which, in 1793, were confronted by
-the most powerful military States in Europe. At this
-time the United Provinces held, besides Java and other
-possessions in the far East, various colonies in the West
-Indies and South America, the island of Ceylon and the
-Cape of Good Hope. The last two alone Great Britain
-has finally retained; but all of them, as years went by,
-passed by conquest into her hands after Holland, in 1795,
-became the dependent of France.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Portugal retained her traditional alliance with Great
-Britain, and so became a point of supreme importance
-when the secession of Spain to France compelled the British
-navy to leave the Mediterranean. The formal connection
-between the two countries was for a short time
-severed by the genius and power of Napoleon; but, at the
-uprising of Spain in 1808, the old sentiment, unbroken,
-resumed its sway, and Portugal became the base of the
-British army, as in an earlier day she had been the secure
-haven of the British fleet.</p>
-
-<p>In northern Italy the extent of Piedmont and its contiguity
-to the Austrian duchies of Milan and Mantua gave
-the means of forming a powerful focus of resistance to
-their common enemy, the French republic, around which
-the smaller Italian States might feel secure to rally; but
-the sluggishness and jealousies of the two governments
-prevented the vigorous, combined action which alone
-could cope with the energy impressed by the Convention
-upon its men. In the centre of the peninsula, the Pope
-inevitably threw his immense spiritual influence, as well
-as such temporal power as he could exercise, against the
-revolution; while, in the south, the Bourbon kingdom of
-the Two Sicilies, with its capital at Naples, was chiefly
-controlled by the queen, herself a sister of Marie Antoinette.
-The military strength of this kingdom, like that
-of Spain, was rendered contemptible by miserable administration,
-and was further neutralized by its remoteness
-from the seats of actual war; but the bias of the monarchy
-was undoubted. Like all weak and corrupt governments,
-it shuffled and equivocated under pressure and was false
-when the pressure was removed; but, so far as it could,
-it favored the allied cause and was a useful base to the
-British fleet in the Mediterranean.</p>
-
-<p>In the eastern Mediterranean, the Turkish empire was
-not then the element of recognized critical hazard to the
-whole European system which it has since become; but its
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span>
-territorial limits were far wider than they now are. Extending
-on the north to the Save and the Danube, Turkey
-held also beyond the river Wallachia and Moldavia to the
-banks of the Dniester, and, on the south, the present kingdom
-of Greece. The islands of the Archipelago, with
-Crete and Cyprus, also belonged to her. Syria and Egypt likewise
-acknowledged the authority of the Porte, but in both
-the submission yielded was only nominal; the former,
-under Djezzar Pasha, and the latter, under the Mamelukes,
-were practically independent countries. At the outbreak
-of the French Revolution Turkey had sunk to the
-lowest pitch of disorganization and impotence; and her
-rulers, keenly feeling her condition and her danger from
-Russia, sought to avoid entanglement in the troubles of
-western Europe, from which their great enemy kept itself
-free. In this they were successful until Bonaparte, by his
-attack upon Egypt, forced them from their security and
-aroused Great Britain and Europe to their common interest
-in the East.</p>
-
-<p>The islands of the western Mediterranean had not only
-the importance common to all members of that geographical
-family in naval wars, nor yet only that due to their
-intrinsic values. In so narrow a sheet of water each possessed
-an added strategic weight due to its nearness, either
-to some part of the mainland or to some one of the maritime
-routes traversing the sea. The influence thus exerted
-would fall naturally into the hands of the nation
-which, by controlling the water, controlled the communications
-of the island; but this statement, though generally
-true, is subject to limitations. The narrowness of the
-belts of water, or, to use the military phrase, the shortness
-of the communications from land to land, made evasion
-comparatively easy. No navy, however powerful, can with
-certainty stop an intercourse requiring only a night's run,
-and which, therefore, can be carried on by very many
-small vessels, instead of having to be concentrated into
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span>
-a few large ones; and this was doubly true in the days of
-sail, when the smaller could have recourse to the oar
-while the larger lay becalmed. Thus the British found it
-impossible to prevent French partisans from passing into
-Corsica in 1796, when the victories of Bonaparte had
-placed the French army in Leghorn; and at a later day
-the emperor succeeded, though with infinite trouble, in
-sending re-enforcements and supplies from southern Italy
-to his garrison in Corfu, upon which his far-reaching genius
-hoped, in a distant future, to base a yet further extension
-of power in the East. These instances, however, were
-but the exception, and on the small scale demanded by the
-other conditions; for the garrison of Corfu was few in
-number, and the French found the Corsicans friendly. As
-the communications lengthened, the influence of Sea-Power
-asserted itself. It was found impossible to relieve Malta,
-or even to extricate the large vessels blockaded there;
-and the French army in Egypt remained isolated until
-forced to surrender, despite the efforts, the uncontrolled
-power, and the strong personal interest of Bonaparte in
-the success of an occupation for which he was primarily
-responsible. So also the narrow strip which separates
-Sicily from Italy withstood the French arms; not because
-it was impossible to send many detachments across, but
-because, to support them in a hostile country, with such
-insecure communications, was an undertaking more hazardous
-than was justified by the possible advantages.</p>
-
-<p>The political distribution in 1793 of the islands of the
-western Mediterranean was as follows. The most eastern,
-known as the Ionian islands, extending southward from
-the entrance of the Adriatic along the coast of Greece,
-from Corfu to Cerigo, were in possession of Venice. When
-the ancient republic fell before the policy of Bonaparte, in
-1797, the islands passed to France and began that circulation
-from owner to owner which ended in 1863 with their
-union to Greece. Sicily formed part of the kingdom of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span>
-the Two Sicilies. It became the refuge of that monarchy
-from the arms of France, and, by its fertility and the use
-of its ports, was a resource to Great Britain throughout
-the Napoleonic period. Malta was still in the hands of
-the Knights of St. John. Of immense military importance,
-from its geographical position and intrinsic strength, its
-transfer, through the medium of France, into the hands
-of the greatest of naval powers was due to Bonaparte. It
-is, perhaps, the greatest of Mediterranean strategic positions,
-Egypt being rather interoceanic than Mediterranean;
-but, being of scant resources, its utility is measured
-by the power of the fleet which it subserves. Its fate
-when in the hands of France, the history of Port Mahon
-in the hands of Great Britain, nay, even the glorious and
-successful resistance of Gibraltar, give warning that the
-fleet depends less upon Malta than Malta upon the fleet.</p>
-
-<p>Sardinia gave its name to the kingdom of which Piedmont,
-forming the Italian frontier of France, was the actual
-seat, and Turin the capital. Amid the convulsions
-of the period, the royal family, driven from the mainland,
-found an obscure refuge in this large but backward island.
-France could not touch it; Great Britain needed nothing
-but the hospitality of its harbors. In Maddalena Bay, at
-its northern extremity, Nelson found an anchorage strategically
-well-placed for watching the Toulon fleet, and
-possessing that great desideratum for a naval position,
-two exits, one or other of which was available in any
-wind. The Balearic islands were in the hands of Spain.
-The maritime importance of the other members of the
-group was dwarfed by that of Minorca, which contained
-the harbor, exceptionally good for the Mediterranean, of
-Port Mahon. Like Malta, though not to the same extent,
-the fate of Port Mahon depends ultimately upon the sea.
-The British took possession of the island in 1798, but
-restored it at the peace of Amiens. In the later hostilities
-with Spain, from 1804 to 1808, they appear not
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span>
-to have coveted it. Maddalena Bay, though a less agreeable
-and convenient anchorage than Mahon, is far better
-fitted for prompt military movement, the prime requisite
-in the clear and sound judgment of Nelson.</p>
-
-<p>Of the greater islands there remains to give account
-only of Corsica. This was a recent acquisition of France,
-received from Genoa in 1769, somewhat contrary to the
-wish of the people, who would have preferred independence.
-They were certainly not yet assimilated to the
-French, and there existed among them a party traditionally
-well-inclined to Great Britain. The preponderance of
-this or of the other national preference would be decisive
-of the final political connection; for if the British navy did
-control the surrounding sea, it was unable, as before said,
-entirely to isolate the island and so to compel an unwilling
-submission. On the other hand, France could not introduce
-any considerable body of troops, in the face of the
-hostile ships; and her standard, if raised, would depend
-for support upon the natives. In 1793, there was at the
-head of affairs the old leader of the struggle for independence,
-Paoli, who had passed many years in exile in England
-and had been recalled to the island by the National
-Assembly; but the excesses of the later days had shaken
-his allegiance to France, and the commissioners sent by
-the Convention into Corsica made themselves obnoxious to
-him and to the people. Denounced by the republicans of
-Toulon, Paoli was summoned to the bar of the Convention
-in April, 1793. The Revolutionary Tribunal had then been
-constituted, the Reign of Terror was begun; and Paoli,
-instead of complying, summoned the deputies from all the
-cities and communes of Corsica. These met in May and
-sustained him in his opposition; the revolt spread through
-the island, and the Commissioners with their handful of
-adherents were shut up in a few of the coast towns.</p>
-
-<p>Amid these surroundings stood, in the spring of 1793,
-the terrible and awe-inspiring figure of the French Revolution.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span>
-The Corsican revolt against the Convention reflected
-but faintly the passions agitating that body itself,
-and which were rapidly dividing all France into hostile
-camps. The four months following the execution of the
-king were one long strife between the party of the Gironde
-and the Jacobins; but the revolutionary fury demanded an
-expression more vigorous and more concentrated than
-could be had from a contest of parties in a popular assembly.
-The Girondists, men of lofty sentiment rather
-than of energetic action, steadily lost ground in the capital
-and in the legislative body, though retaining the allegiance
-of the provinces, with which they were identified.
-Embittered words and feelings took material shape in acts
-as violent as themselves. On the 9th of March was decreed
-the Revolutionary Tribunal, the great instrument of
-the Terror, from whose decisions there was no appeal.
-On the 13th of the same month, La Vendée rose for its
-long and bloody struggle in the royal cause. On the 18th,
-the Army of the North, which only four weeks before had
-invaded Holland, was signally defeated at Neerwinden,
-and its general, Dumouriez, the victor of Valmy and
-Jemappes, the most successful leader the war had yet
-produced, was forced to retreat upon France. On the
-30th, he evacuated the Austrian Netherlands, the prize of
-the last campaign, and his army took positions within the
-frontiers, upon which the enemy advanced. On the 1st of
-April, Dumouriez, long since violently dissatisfied with
-the course of the Convention, arrested the four commissioners
-and the minister of war that had been sent to his
-headquarters. The next day he delivered them to the
-Austrians; and on the 4th, finding that the blind attachment
-of his army could no longer be depended upon, he
-completed his treason by flying to the enemy.</p>
-
-<p>While disorganization, treason, and fear were spreading
-throughout France, from the capital to the frontiers, and
-seemed about to culminate in universal anarchy, an important
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span>
-measure was adopted, destined eventually to restore
-discipline and order, though at the expense of much
-suffering. On the 6th of April the Committee of Public
-Safety was reconstituted. Composed previously of twenty-five
-members who met in open session, it was now reduced
-to nine, a more manageable body, who sat in secret. To
-it was given authority over the ministers, and it was empowered
-to take all measures necessary for the general
-defence. The republic was thus provided with an efficient,
-though despotic, executive power which it had before
-lacked. The creature of the Convention, it was destined
-soon to become its master; being, as a French historian
-has aptly termed it, "a dictatorship with nine heads."</p>
-
-<p>Time was still needed for the new authority to make
-itself felt, and the strife between the parties waxed more
-and more bitter. On the 15th of April the city of Lyon
-demanded permission to investigate the conduct of the
-municipality appointed by the Jacobin commissioners.
-The request, being denied, became the signal for civil
-war. On the 26th of May the "sections" of the city
-rose against the mayor. At the same time the scenes in
-Paris and in the Convention were becoming more and
-more tumultuous, and on the 31st the sections of the capital
-also rose, but against the Girondists. After two days
-of strife in the streets and in the legislative halls, the Convention
-decreed the arrest, at their own houses, of thirty-two
-members of the party. Thus, on the 2d of June,
-1793, fell the Girondists, but their fall was followed by
-the revolt of their partisans throughout France. Marseille,
-Toulon, Bordeaux and Lyon all declared against the Convention;
-and movements in the same direction were manifested
-in Normandy and Brittany. In the western provinces,
-however, the attempts at resistance were chilled
-among the republicans by the proximity of the royalist
-insurrection in La Vendée. They were forced to reflect
-that armed opposition to the Convention, even as mutilated
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span>
-by the events of June 2, was a virtual alliance with
-royalism. In Bordeaux, likewise, the movement, though
-prolonged for some weeks, did not take shape in vigorous
-action. Words, not arms, were the weapons used; and
-the Girondist representatives were forced to fly the very
-department from which they took their name.</p>
-
-<p>In the east and south conditions were far more threatening.
-The rising of the sections in Lyon had been
-followed by fighting in the streets on the 29th of May,
-and the triumphant party, after the events of June 2, refused
-to acknowledge the Convention. The latter sought
-to gain over the city peaceably; but its overtures were
-rejected, a departmental army was formed, and the leading
-member of the Jacobin party formally tried and executed.
-The Lyonnese also stopped supplies being carried
-to the Army of the Alps. On the 12th of July a decree
-was issued to reduce the place by force. The troops of the
-Convention appeared before it in the latter part of the
-month; but resistance was firm and well organized, and
-the siege dragged, while at the same time the departments
-of the south in general rejected the authority of the central
-government. The two seaboard cities, Marseille and
-Toulon, entered into correspondence with Lord Hood, commanding
-the British fleet, who arrived off the coast of
-Provence in the middle of August, 1793. The party of
-the Convention, favored by that want of vigor which characterized
-most of the measures of their opponents, got
-possession of Marseille before the treason was consummated;
-but in Toulon, which had long suffered from the
-violence of a Jacobin municipality, the reaction swung to
-the opposite extreme. A movement, beginning in honest
-disgust with the proceedings in Paris and with the conduct
-of the dominant party in their own city, insensibly carried
-its promoters further than they had intended; until a
-point was reached from which, before the savage spirit of
-the capital, it became dangerous to recede. Long identified
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span>
-with the royal navy, as one of the chief arsenals of
-the kingdom, there could not but exist among a large class
-a feeling of loyalty to the monarchy. Submissive to the
-course of events so long as France had a show of government,
-now, in the dissolution of civil order, it seemed
-allowable to choose their own path.</p>
-
-<p>With such dispositions, a decree of the Convention
-declaring the city outlawed enabled the royalists to guide
-the movement in the direction they desired. The leading
-naval officers do not appear to have co-operated willingly
-with the advances made to the British admiral;
-but for years they had seen their authority undermined
-by the course of the national legislature, and had become
-accustomed to yield to the popular control of the
-moment. The news of the approach of the Conventional
-army, accompanied by the rush into the place of terror-stricken
-fugitives from Marseille, precipitated Toulon
-into the arms of Great Britain. The sections declared
-that the city adopted the monarchical government as
-organized by the Constituent Assembly of 1789; proclaimed
-Louis XVII. king; ordered the disarmament of
-the French fleet in the port, and placed in the hands
-of the British admiral the works commanding the harbor.
-Lord Hood undertook that the forts and ships
-should be restored unharmed to France, when peace was
-made. On the 27th, the British and Spanish fleets anchored
-in the outer harbor of Toulon, and the city ran up
-the white flag of the Bourbons. There were in the port
-at the time of its delivery to the British admiral thirty
-ships-of-the-line of seventy-four guns and upward, being
-rather more than one third the line-of-battle force of the
-French navy. Of these, seventeen were in the outer harbor
-ready for sea. There were, besides, twenty-odd frigates
-or smaller vessels.</p>
-
-<p>While one of the principal naval arsenals of France, and
-the only one she possessed on the Mediterranean, was thus
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span>
-passing into the hands of the enemy, disasters were accumulating
-on her eastern borders. On the 12th of July,
-the fortified town of Condé, on the Belgian frontier, surrendered.
-This was followed on the 28th by the capitulation
-of the first-class fortress of Valenciennes in the same
-locality, after six weeks of open trenches. These two
-prizes fell to the allied Austrians, British and Dutch, and
-their submission was followed by an advance of the combined
-armies and retreat of the French. Shortly before,
-on the 22d of July, Mayence, a position of the utmost
-importance on the Rhine, had yielded to the Prussians;
-and here also the enemy advanced into the Vosges mountains
-and toward the upper Rhine, the French receding
-gradually before them. The great inland city of Lyon was
-at the same time holding out against the central government
-with a firmness which as yet needed not the support
-of despair. In its resistance, and in the scarce smothered
-discontent of the southern provinces, lay the chief
-significance and utility of the British hold on Toulon. As
-a point upon which insurrection could repose, by which it
-could be supported from without, Toulon was invaluable;
-but with rebellion put down, surrounded by a hostile army
-and shut up to itself, the city would become a useless burden,
-unbearable from the demands for men which its extended
-lines would make. Had La Vendée rested upon
-a Toulon, the task of the republic would have been well-nigh
-hopeless.</p>
-
-<p>Among these multiplied disasters, with the Sardinians
-also operating on the Alpine frontier and the Spaniards
-entering their country by the eastern Pyrenees, France
-was confronted in every quarter by disciplined armies to
-which she could as yet oppose only raw and ragged levies.
-She found her safety in the stern energy of a legislature
-which silenced faction by terror, in her central position,
-which of itself separated from one another many of the
-centres of disturbance, and in the military policy of the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span>
-allies, which increased instead of seeking to diminish
-the dissemination of force which was to some extent unavoidable.
-The Spaniards could not combine with the
-Sardinians, Toulon could not help Lyon, La Vendée had
-to stand apart from all the others; but in the east it
-was possible for the Austrians, Prussians and British to
-direct against the forces standing between them and Paris
-a combination of effort which, in the then condition of
-the French army, might have been irresistible. Instead
-of so doing, the Austrians and British on the northeastern
-frontier decided, early in August, to cease their advance
-and to separate; the Austrians sitting down before Le
-Quesnoy, and the British undertaking to besiege the seaport
-of Dunkirk. On the Rhine, the mutual jealousies
-of Austria and Prussia, and the sluggish movements of
-routine generals, caused a similar failure to support each
-other, and a similar dilatory action.</p>
-
-<p>The opportunities thus lost by the allies, and the time
-conceded to the French, were improved to the full by
-the Committee of Public Safety and by the commissioners
-sent from the Convention to the headquarters of every
-army. Men, for the most part, without pity as without
-fear, their administration, stained as it was with blood,
-was effectual to the salvation of France. From the minister
-in the cabinet to the general in the field, and down
-to the raw recruit forced from his home, each man felt
-his life to depend upon his submission and his activity.
-In the imminent danger of the country and the hot haste
-of men who worked not only under urgent pressure, but
-often with a zeal as blindly ignorant as it was patriotic,
-many blunders and injustices were committed; but they
-attained the desired end of impressing the resistless energy
-of the Convention upon each unit of the masses it
-was wielding. If ever, for good or ill, men had the single
-eye, it was to be found in the French soldiers of 1793, as
-they starved and bled and died that the country might
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span>
-live. Given time,—and the allies gave it,—units animated
-by such a spirit, and driven forward by such an
-impetus as the Committee knew how to impart, were soon
-knit into an overpowering organism, as superior in temper
-as they were in numbers to the trained machines before
-them.</p>
-
-<p>Where there was conscious life to feel enthusiasm or
-fear, the contagion of the rulers' temper caught; but the
-fiery spirit of the Convention could not possess the stately
-ships of war that floated in the ports of the republic, nor
-make them yield, to the yet unskilled hands of the new
-officers, the docile obedience which their old masters had
-commanded from those beautiful, delicately poised machines.
-It was a vain hope to conjure victory at sea by
-harsh decrees,<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>
-pitched in unison to the passions of the
-times, but addressed to men whose abilities did not respond
-to their own courage nor to the calls thus made
-upon them. To the inexperience of the officers was added
-the further difficulty of the indiscipline of the crews, that
-had increased to a ruinous extent during the four years'
-paralysis of the executive government. With the triumph
-of the Jacobin party had now come a unity which, however
-terrible, was efficient. In September, 1793, in the mutiny
-of the Brest fleet in Quiberon Bay, the seamen again prevailed
-over their officers, and even over the commissioner
-of the Convention; but it was the last flagrant outburst.
-The past weakness of other authorities had played into
-the hands of the Mountain; now that the latter was supreme,
-it resolutely enjoined and soon obtained submission.
-Years of insubordination and license had, however,
-sapped the organization and drill of the crews; and the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span>
-new officers were not the men to restore them. The Convention
-and its commissioners therefore lacked the proper
-instruments through which they could impart direction as
-well as energy to the movement of the fleet. Ships were
-there and guns, men also to handle the one and fight the
-other; but between these and the government was needed
-an adequate official staff, which no longer existed. The
-same administrative weakness that had allowed discipline
-to perish, had also entailed upon the naval arsenals the
-penury of resources that was felt everywhere in the land.
-From all these circumstances arose an impotence which
-caused the year 1793 to be barren of serious naval effort
-on the part of France.</p>
-
-<p>Great Britain herself was in this first year of war unprepared
-to take a vigorous initiative. In 1792 she had
-in commission at home but twelve ships-of-the-line, and
-but sixteen thousand seamen were allowed for the fleet.
-Not till December 20, six weeks only before the declaration
-of war, did Parliament increase these to twenty-five
-thousand, a number less than one fourth that employed in
-the last year of the American war. In the Mediterranean
-and in the colonies there was not then present a single
-ship-of-the-line, properly so called. Fortunately, of the one
-hundred and thirteen actually borne on the roll of the
-line-of-battle as cruising ships, at the beginning of 1793,
-between eighty and ninety were reported in good condition,
-owing to the two alarms of war in 1790 and 1791; and
-provident administration had kept on hand in the British
-dockyards the necessary equipments, which had disappeared
-from those of France. More difficulty was experienced
-in manning than in equipping; but at the end
-of 1793, there were eighty-five of the line actually in commission.
-From twenty to twenty-five were allotted to the
-Channel fleet, cruising from thence to Cape Finisterre,
-under the command of Lord Howe; a like number to the
-Mediterranean under Lord Hood; and from ten to twelve
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span>
-to the West Indies. A reserve of twenty-five ships remained
-in the Channel ports, Portsmouth and Plymouth,
-ready for sea, and employed, as occasion demanded, for
-convoys, to fill vacancies of disabled ships in the cruising
-fleets, or to strengthen the latter in case of special need.</p>
-
-<p>The mobilization of the fleet, though energetic when
-once begun, was nevertheless tardy, and Great Britain
-had reason to be thankful that years of civil commotion
-and executive impotence had so greatly deteriorated the
-enemy's navy, and also, at a critical moment, had thrown
-so large a portion of it into her hands at Toulon. With
-a widely scattered empire, with numerous exposed and
-isolated points, with a smaller population and an army
-comparatively insignificant in numbers, war with France
-threw her—and must inevitably always throw her—at
-first upon the defensive, unless she could at once lay her
-grasp firmly upon some vital chord of the enemy's communications,
-and so force him to fight there. She could
-not assume the offensive by landing on French soil. No
-force she could send would be capable of resisting the
-numbers brought against it, much less of injuring the
-enemy; nor should the flattering hopes of such a force
-serving as a nucleus, round which to crystallize French rebellion,
-have been suffered to delude her, after the bitter
-deceptions of the recent American struggle. What hopes
-had not Great Britain then based upon old loyalty, and
-upon discontent with the new order of things! Yet,
-though such discontent undoubtedly existed—and that
-among men of her own race recently her subjects—the
-expeditions sent among them rallied no decisive following,
-kindled no fire of resistance. The natives of the soil,
-among whom such a force appears, either view it with
-jealous suspicion or expect it to do all the work; not
-unfrequently are both jealous and inactive. It is well,
-then, to give malcontents all the assistance they evidently
-require in material of war, to keep alive as a diversion
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span>
-every such focus of trouble, to secure wherever possible,
-as at Toulon, a fortified port by which to maintain free
-entrance for supplies to the country of the insurgents;
-but it is not safe to reckon on the hatred of the latter
-for their own countrymen outweighing their dislike for
-the foreigner. It is not good policy to send a force that,
-from its own numbers, is incapable of successful independent
-action, relying upon the support of the natives in a
-civil war. Such support can never relieve such expeditions
-from the necessity, common to all military advances,
-of guarding their communications while operating on their
-front; which is only another way of saying again that
-such expeditions, to be successful, must be capable of
-independent action adequate to the end proposed. Risings,
-such as occurred in many quarters of France in
-1793, are useful diversions; but a diversion is only a
-subordinate part in the drama of war. It is either a deceit,
-whose success depends rather upon the incapacity
-of the opponent than upon its own merits; or it is an
-indirect use of forces which, from their character or position,
-cannot be made to conduce directly to the main
-effort of the enterprise in hand. To enlarge such diversions
-by bodies of troops which might be strengthening
-the armies on the central theatre of war is a mistake,
-which increases in ever greater proportion as the forces
-so diverted grow more numerous.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Offensive action of this character was therefore forbidden
-to Great Britain. To use small bodies for it was
-impolitic; and large bodies she had not to send. To
-strike a direct blow at France, it was necessary to force
-her to come out of her ports and fight, and this was to
-be accomplished only by threatening some external interests
-of vital importance to her. Such interests of her
-own, however, France had not. Her merchant shipping,
-in peace, carried less than one third of her trade, and
-was at once hurried into her ports when war began. Her
-West India colonies had indeed been valuable, that of
-Haïti very much so; but the anarchy of the past four
-years had annihilated its prosperity. There remained
-only to strike at her communications, through neutrals,
-with the outside world, and this was to be accomplished
-by the same means as most surely conduced to the defence
-of all parts of the British empire,—by taking up positions
-off the French coast, and drawing the lines as closely as
-the exigencies of the sea and the law of nations would
-permit. If possible, in order to stop commerce by neutral
-vessels, a blockade of the French coast, similar to that
-of the Southern Confederacy by the United States, would
-have been the most suitable measure to adopt; but the
-conditions were very different. The weather on the coast
-of the Southern States is much more moderate; the heaviest
-gales blow along shore, whereas, in the Bay of Biscay,
-they blow dead on shore; and there was almost everywhere
-good, sometimes even sheltered, anchorage, which
-was not generally to be had on the coast of France. Finally,
-while steam certainly helps both parties, the inside
-and the out, the latter profits the more by it, for he can
-keep in with the shore to a degree, and for a length of
-time, impossible to the sailing ship; the necessity of gaining
-an offing <i>before</i> a gale comes on, and the helpless drifting
-during its continuance, not existing for the steamer.</p>
-
-<p>Despite, therefore, the decisions of the courts, that a
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span>
-blockade was not technically removed when the ships
-maintaining it were driven off by weather; a blockade of
-the whole French coast does not seem to have been contemplated
-by the British ministry. Its offensive measures
-against French commerce were consequently limited to the
-capture of property belonging to French subjects, wherever
-found afloat, even under neutral flags; and to the
-seizure of all contraband goods destined to France, to
-whomsoever they belonged. Both these were conceded
-to be within the rights of a belligerent by the United
-States and Great Britain; but the latter now endeavored
-to stretch the definition of contraband to a degree that
-would enable her to increase the pressure upon France.
-She claimed that naval stores were included in the category,—a
-position the more plausible at that time because,
-the French merchant ships being unable to go to sea, the
-stores must be for the navy,—and further, that provisions
-were so. Though these arguments were hotly contested
-by neutrals, the British navy was strong enough to override
-all remonstrances; and the dearth of provisions did
-force the Brest fleet out in 1794, and so led directly to
-the first great naval battle of the war.</p>
-
-<p>It cannot be considered a satisfactory result, nor one
-evincing adequate preparation, that the Channel fleet, to
-which belonged the protection of the approaches to the
-Channel,—the great focus of British trade,—to which
-also was assigned the duty of watching Brest, the chief
-French arsenál on the Atlantic, did not get to sea till
-July 14, and then only to the number of fifteen ships-of-the-line.
-A French fleet of similar size had sailed from
-Brest six weeks before, on the 4th of June, and taken a
-position in Quiberon Bay, off the coast of La Vendée, to
-intercept assistance to the insurgents of that province.
-The command of the Channel fleet was given to Lord
-Howe, an officer of very high character for activity and
-enterprise in previous wars, but now in his sixty-eighth
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span>
-year. Age had in no sense dulled his courage, which
-was as steadfast and well-nigh as impassive as a rock,
-nor impaired his mental efficiency; but it may be permitted
-to think that time had exaggerated and hardened
-a certain formal, unbending precision of action which distinguished
-him, and that rigid uniformity of manœuvre
-had become exalted in his eyes from a means to an end.
-This quality, however, joined to an intimate knowledge
-of naval tactics, eminently fitted him for the hard and
-thankless task of forming into a well-drilled whole the
-scattered units of the fleet, which came to him unaccustomed,
-for the most part, to combined action.</p>
-
-<p>Lord Howe brought also to his command a strong predisposition,
-closely allied with the methodical tendency
-just noted, to economize his fleet, by keeping it sparingly
-at sea and then chiefly for purposes of drill and manœuvre.
-Its preservation in good condition was in his eyes a consideration
-superior to taking up the best strategic position;
-and he steadily resisted the policy of continuous cruising
-before the ports whence the enemy must sail, alleging that
-the injury received in heavy winter weather, while the
-French lay at anchor inside, would keep the British force
-constantly inferior. The argument, though plausible and
-based on undoubted facts, does not justify the choice of
-a position clearly disadvantageous with reference to intercepting
-the enemy. War presents constantly a choice
-of difficulties, and when questions of material come in conflict
-with correct strategic disposition they must give way.
-The place for the British fleet, as reflection shows and
-experience proved, was before the hostile arsenals; or,
-allowably, if such a position could be found, in a port
-flanking the route along which the enemy must pass.
-For the Channel fleet no such port offered; and in keeping
-it at Spithead, far in rear of the French point of departure,
-Howe exposed himself to the embarrassment of
-their getting away while he remained in ignorance of the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span>
-fact until too late to intercept, and with imperfect knowledge
-in what direction to follow. The only solution of
-the difficulty that the British government should have
-adopted was to maintain a reserve of ships, large enough
-to keep the necessary numbers of efficient vessels cruising
-in the proper station. The experience gained by such
-constant practice, moreover, improved the quality of the
-men more than it injured the ships. Historically, good
-men with poor ships are better than poor men with good
-ships; over and over again the French Revolution taught
-this lesson, which our own age, with its rage for the last
-new thing in material improvement, has largely dropped
-out of memory.</p>
-
-<p>The embarrassment arising from the British fleet being
-in a Channel port received singular, perhaps even exceptional,
-illustration in the French expedition against Ireland
-in 1796. It has been said that that expedition would
-have succeeded in landing its force had it had steam;
-it would be more just to say that it would never have
-come so near succeeding had the British fleet been cruising
-in the station which strategic considerations would
-prescribe.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>
-There is also a certain indefinable, but real,
-deterioration in the <i>morale</i> of a fleet habitually in port,
-compared with one habitually at sea; the habit of being
-on the alert and the habit of being at rest color the whole
-conduct of a military force. This was keenly realized by
-that great commander, Lord St. Vincent, and concurred
-with his correct strategic insight to fix his policy of close-watching
-the enemy's ports. "I will not lie here," he
-wrote from Lisbon in December, 1796, "a moment
-longer than is necessary to put us to rights; for you well
-know that inaction in the Tagus must make us all cowards."
-<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>
-Doubtless this practice of lying at anchor in the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span>
-home ports contributed to the impunity with which French
-cruisers swept the approaches to the Channel during much
-of 1793 and 1794.</p>
-
-<p>The policy of Lord Howe combined with the crippled
-state of the French navy to render the year 1793 barren
-of striking maritime events in the Atlantic. In the interior
-of France and on her frontiers, amid many disasters
-and bloody tyranny, the saving energy of the fierce
-revolutionary government was making steady headway
-against the unparalleled difficulties surrounding it. After
-the ill-judged separation of the British and Austrians in
-August, the latter had succeeded in reducing Le Quesnoy,
-which capitulated on the 11th of September; but there
-their successes ended. Carnot, recently made a member
-of the Committee of Public Safety and specially charged
-with the direction of the war, concerted an overwhelming
-attack upon the British before Dunkirk, and raised the
-siege on the 9th of September; then, by a similar concentration
-upon the Austrians, now engaged in besieging
-Maubeuge, he caused their defeat at the battle of Wattignies,
-October 16, and forced them to retreat from before
-the place. In the north-east, both the allies and the
-French went into winter quarters early in November;
-but the prestige of a resistance that grew every day more
-efficient remained with the latter. On the eastern frontier
-also, after protracted fighting, the year closed with substantial
-success for them. The Prussians of the allied
-forces in that quarter retreated from all their advanced
-positions into Mayence; the Austrians retired to the east
-bank of the Rhine. Each of the allies blamed the other
-for the unfortunate issue of the campaign; and the veteran
-Duke of Brunswick, commanding the Prussians, sent
-in his resignation accompanied with predictions of continued
-disaster. At the same time the king of Prussia
-began to manifest the vacillating and shameless policy
-which made his country the byword of Europe during
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span>
-the next twelve years, and betrayed clearly his purpose
-of forsaking the coalition he had been so forward in forming.
-On the Spanish frontiers, the fortune of war was
-rather against the French, who were embarrassed by the
-necessity of concentrating all the force possible upon the
-siege of Toulon; the recovery of that port being urgently
-required for the national honor, as well as for the maritime
-interests of the republic in the Mediterranean.</p>
-
-<p>It was, however, in restoring internal submission and
-asserting the authority of the central government that
-the most substantial results of 1793 were attained. The
-resistance of the Vendeans, long successfully protracted
-through the blunders and lack of unity among the republican
-leaders, began to yield, as more concentrated
-effort was imparted by the reconstituted Committee of
-Public Safety. After the battle of Cholet, October 16,
-the insurgents, routed and in despair, determined to leave
-their own country, cross the Loire, and march into Brittany.
-They traversed the latter province slowly, fighting
-as they went, and on the 12th of November reached Granville
-on the Channel coast, where they hoped to open
-communications with England. Their assault on the town
-failed, and as the hoped-for ships did not arrive, they
-started back for La Vendée; but as a coherent body they
-never recrossed the Loire, and a pitched battle, fought
-December 22, at Savenay, on the north bank, completed
-their dispersion. The embers of the civil war continued
-to burn in La Vendée and north of the Loire during the
-following year; but as a general insurrection, wielding
-large bodies of fighting men, it had ceased to be formidable
-to the nation and wrought its chief harm to the
-province which supported it.</p>
-
-<p>The great stronghold of resistance in the east, Lyon,
-fell on the 9th of October. Despite the disaffection which
-had existed in the south and east, the commissioners of
-the government were able, without opposition, to collect
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span>
-round the city a body of men sufficient, first, to cut off
-its communications with the surrounding country, and,
-finally, to carry the works commanding the place. A
-spirit of discontent so feeble as to acquiesce tamely in
-the reduction of one of its chief centres gave no hope
-of support to any efforts made through Toulon by the
-allied forces; and the capitulation of Lyon showed that
-the port was not worth the cost of keeping, and at the
-same time released a large number of men to give activity
-to the siege. Toward the end of November, over twenty-five
-thousand republican troops were collected round the
-place. On the night of the 16th of December, the forts
-on a promontory commanding the anchorage for fleets
-were carried by assault. A council of war among the allies
-decided that the ships could not remain, and that the
-garrison could not hold out with its communications to
-the sea cut off. It therefore determined to evacuate the
-place, and on the 19th the British and Spaniards departed.
-Before sailing, an attempt was made to destroy both the
-dockyard and all the French ships that could not be taken
-away; but the danger threatening from the commanding
-positions that had now fallen to the enemy was so great,
-the necessity for quick departure so urgent, and so much
-had consequently to be done in a very limited time, that
-the proposed destruction was but imperfectly effected.
-Of twenty-seven French ships-of-the-line still in Toulon,
-nine were burned and three accompanied the retreat. The
-remaining fifteen constituted the nucleus of a powerful
-force, and most of them appear in the fleet which went
-with Bonaparte to Egypt and was there destroyed by
-Nelson in 1798.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p>
-
-<p>The loss of Toulon, after the extravagant hopes excited
-by its surrender, gave rise to much complaint in England.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span>
-It is improbable, however, that its retention, even if feasible,
-would have been beneficial. The expenditure of men
-and money necessary to hold a seaport surrounded by
-enemy's territory, and commanded by a long line of
-heights which had to be occupied, would have been out
-of proportion to any result likely to follow. The communications,
-being by sea only, would ultimately depend
-upon Great Britain as the power best able to insure them
-and most interested in a naval position; and the distance
-to England was great. The utter lack of dependence to
-be placed upon local discontent, as an element in the
-usefulness of Toulon to the allied cause, had been shown
-by the failure to support Lyon and by the tame submission
-made in the southern provinces to the petty Conventional
-army sent against them. The country, moreover,
-was in 1793 wasted by dearth; and had there been in
-Toulon an allied force large enough to advance, it would
-have had to depend absolutely upon immense accumulations
-of food in the port. So great was the scarcity, that
-the French at one time thought of abandoning the siege
-on that account. In short, Toulon had, for the British,
-the disadvantage of great distance, far greater than Gibraltar,
-without the latter's advantages of strategic position
-and easy defence; and its occupation by them would have
-caused jealousy among the Mediterranean powers and
-introduced more discord into a coalition already mutually
-suspicious.</p>
-
-<p>From Toulon Hood retired to Hyères Bay, a sheltered
-roadstead a few miles east of Toulon, where the end of
-the year found him still lying. Lord Howe took the
-Channel fleet into port in the middle of December, and
-there remained until the following May. Thus ended the
-maritime year 1793.</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><span class="sc"><a name="NOTE" id="NOTE">Note</a></span>
-(<a href="#Page_98">to page 98)</a>. The Peninsular War, in its inception, was
-justified, not because the odds were favorable, but because there was
-a "fighting" chance of great results; just as there was at Toulon,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span>
-where the attempt failed. The distinguished historian of that war
-claims that the British wrought the work of deliverance; and, after
-making every allowance for national prejudice, which in his case
-was certainly not undiscriminating, the general failure, except where
-the British arms were felt, may be taken to establish a fact which
-the disorganized state of Spain herself would alone render probable.
-The course of war in the west of the peninsula, where the
-British were, shows conclusively the limitations imposed upon the
-military enterprises of a state having a relatively small army with
-a great navy. Having landed in April, 1809, Wellesley, notwithstanding
-his genius and brilliant successes, notwithstanding the state
-of the peninsula, and notwithstanding, also, the immense length
-and difficulty of the French lines of communication, was still, in
-March, 1811, shut up within the lines of Torres Vedras; that is, he
-was simply holding on at Lisbon, unable to keep the country against
-the French. In external appearance, the military situation was just
-the same as at the beginning. The reasons for holding on were the
-same in character as in 1809; but the chances of success had become
-distinctly greater, owing to political and economical considerations,
-and to the extreme care and foresight by which the British leader
-had made his position round Lisbon inexpugnable. Nevertheless,
-the retreat and ultimate disaster of the French were due to the
-military difficulties of their enterprise, well understood and carefully
-improved by Wellington, and to the unmeasured political combinations
-of the emperor,—not to the power of the British army in
-Portugal, which, though admirable in quality and leadership, was
-very inferior in numbers. In the last analysis it was the emperor's
-Continental System, directed against the Sea Power of England,
-which gave to the army of England in the Peninsula the opportunity
-by which alone the weaker force can profitably assume the offensive.
-It is not a lessening, but a heightening, of the merit of the
-great Englishman, to say that he had the genius to foresee that the
-opportunity, though distant, must come, and the courage to hold on
-till it came.</p>
-
-<p>It is instructive to note the essential military resemblances between
-the British invasion of the Peninsula, which was finally
-crowned with success, and Napoleon's projected invasion of England,
-which came to nought. In the one case, a navy supreme on
-the ocean and a small military force; in the other, an unrivalled
-army, and a navy very inferior because of its quality. In each, the
-chances were largely against success. In each, the enterprise, strictly
-offensive in character by the inferior force, hinged upon the occurrence
-of the favorable opportunity, which it was the part of the offence
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span>
-to contrive and of the defence to prevent. That there was,
-in both cases, a long waiting of nearly equal duration is a fortuitous
-coincidence; but the attitude of unremitting watchfulness and
-constant readiness, in a skilfully chosen position, is the distinctive
-characteristic imposed upon the inferior force which hopes to escape
-from a mere defensive posture, and, by striking a blow, to
-make itself felt in the lists of war. The opportunity never came
-to Napoleon, because the British leaders never took their eyes off
-his fleet, upon which his profound combinations depended as an
-arch upon its keystone. It came to Wellington because the emperor
-turned his attention from the Peninsula, of whose troubles he was
-weary, and opposed inadequate means and divided commands to a
-single alert enemy.</p></div>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span></p>
-
-
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="ac"><span class="sc">The West Indies, 1793-1810.</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="drop-cap">AMONG the leading objects contemplated by the British
-ministry in this war was the control of the
-East and West Indies, particularly of the latter, as among
-the most important sources as well as markets of British
-trade. In the present day, the value of the West India
-islands, and of all positions in the Caribbean Sea, is
-chiefly military or maritime; due less to the commerce
-they maintain than to their relations, as coaling ports
-or fortified stations, to the commercial routes passing
-through that region. It is scarcely necessary to add that
-whatever importance of this character they now possess
-will be vastly increased when an interoceanic canal is
-completed. During the French revolution, however, the
-islands had a great commercial value, and about one
-fourth the total amount of British commerce, both export
-and import, was done with them. This lucrative trade
-Great Britain had gathered into her hands, notwithstanding
-the fact that other nations owned the largest and
-richest of the islands, as well as those producing the best
-sugar and coffee. The commercial aptitudes of the British
-people, the superior quality of their manufactures, their extensive
-merchant shipping and ingenious trade regulations,
-conspired to make it the interest of the foreign colonists
-to trade with them, even when by so doing the laws of
-their own governments were defied; and to a great extent
-the British free ports engrossed the West Indian
-trade, as well as that to the adjacent South and Central
-American coasts, known as the Spanish Main.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>In war, the control of a maritime region depends upon
-naval preponderance. When the opposing navies are of
-nearly equal strength, it is only by open battle, and by
-the reduction of one to a state of complete inferiority,
-that control can be asserted. If the region contested be
-small and compact, as, for instance, the immediate approaches
-to the English Channel, the preponderance of
-the fleet alone will determine the control and the safety
-of the national commerce within its limits; but if it be
-extensive, the distance between centres great, and the
-centres themselves weak, the same difficulties arise that
-are felt in maintaining order in a large and sparsely
-settled territory on land, as has till very lately been the
-case in our western Territories. In such circumstances
-the security of the traveller depends upon the government
-putting down nests of lawlessness, and establishing, at
-fitting stations, organized forces, that can by their activity
-insure reasonable safety in all directions.</p>
-
-<p>In the War of the French Revolution, it soon, though
-not immediately, became evident, that the British navy
-could everywhere preponderate in force over its enemy;
-but it could not be omnipresent. The Caribbean Sea
-offered conditions peculiarly favorable to marauders, licensed
-or unlicensed; while its commercial value necessitated
-the preservation, and, as far as possible, the monopoly,
-of so fruitful a source of revenue. The presence
-of hostile cruisers not only inflicted direct loss, which
-was measured by their actual captures, but, beyond these,
-caused a great indirect injury by the friction and delays
-which the sense of insecurity always introduces into commercial
-transactions. The ideal aim of the British ministry
-was to banish the enemy's cruisers absolutely from
-the region; but, if this was impossible, very much might
-be effected by depriving them of every friendly anchorage
-to which they could repair to refit or take their prizes,—in
-short, by capturing all the French islands. This would
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span>
-put an end to the myriads of very small craft, which,
-being able to keep the sea but for a few days, depended
-absolutely upon a near base; and would greatly cripple
-the operations of the larger vessels by throwing them,
-for supplies and refuge, upon the United States, which
-then extended a benevolent partiality to French cruisers
-and their prizes.</p>
-
-<p>The French islands had vividly reflected during the
-past four years the movements and passions of the mother-country;
-but only in Haïti did the turbulence, extending
-through all classes of society until it ended in a servile
-insurrection, result in destroying the control of the home
-government. The disorder, amounting often to anarchy,
-which prevailed through the French part of the island,
-somewhat simplified the problem before Great Britain.
-It was the only base of operations to the westward then
-available for French cruisers; and, though too large to
-admit the thought of conquest under the climatic conditions
-with the force that could be spared for such an
-attempt, it was possible, without serious opposition, to
-occupy many of the ports commanding the principal trade
-routes. Such occupation deprived the enemy of their use,
-converted them into harbors of refuge for British commerce,
-and made them centres for the operations of British
-cruisers. Unfortunately the government, misled by
-the representations of French planters who saw their
-property threatened with destruction, conceived the hope
-of an easy conquest, or rather transfer of allegiance in
-the colony. In pursuance of this idea, several places were
-taken into possession, being either delivered or captured
-with an ease that showed how readily, in the then disorganized
-state of the island, most of the seaports could
-have been secured; but the motive being conquest, and
-not merely maritime control, the choice of objectives was
-decided by political or military, instead of maritime, considerations.
-The expected local native support followed
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span>
-the general rule noted in the last chapter, and proved
-futile; while yellow fever wasted the troops condemned
-to excessive exertion and exposure in so sickly a clime.</p>
-
-<p>Had simple maritime advantages guided the British
-counsels, it would have been sufficient to note that Jamaica
-was the great centre of British interests in the
-western Caribbean; that outward-bound ships, entering
-the Caribbean through the eastern, or Windward, Islands,
-ran down with the trade wind along the south side of
-Haiti, where were two harbors, Aux Cayes and Jacmel,
-favorable as bases for privateers; and that the homeward
-trade passed through the Windward Passage, between
-Haïti and Cuba, which was flanked by two Haïtian ports,
-Tiburon to the south and Mole St. Nicolas on the
-north. These four were, therefore, particularly dangerous
-to British trade, and consequently, so far as position
-went, particularly advantageous if in British occupation.
-It is true that the topographical conditions of the ground
-about a seaport in an enemy's country may make the
-occupation very hazardous, except by the employment of
-more men than can be had; as was the case at Mole
-St. Nicolas, where the fortifications of the place itself
-were commanded by the surrounding heights. Yet it remained
-in the hands of the British from 1793 to 1798;
-and it may be believed that their interests would have
-been well served by strongly garrisoning these ports.
-<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span>
-At the least they would so be lost to French cruisers.
-Instead of this, with the idea of conquest, the wholly
-insufficient forces sent were pushed down to the bottom
-of the bight of Gonaives, and the southern coast of
-the island was left in the enemy's hands. It is not desirable
-to give in detail the history of these petty military
-operations, nor of the civil commotions with which
-they were connected. Suffice it to say, that the course
-of events finally threw the government into the hands
-of a pure negro, Toussaint L'Ouverture. He continued
-to hold it till the Peace of Amiens, in 1802; and with
-him the British, in 1798, concluded a treaty by which
-they finally abandoned the island. Though the scheme
-of conquest had failed, their interference had opened the
-country to British trade and caused the loss of Haïti to
-France, by contributing to the rise of Toussaint, the negro
-most capable of leading his race. He still professed fidelity
-to the mother-country, but he acted as one possessing
-independent power. The British, by the treaty, recognized
-the island as a neutral territory, and Toussaint, on his
-part, permitted them as well as neutral ships to trade
-with it.<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>
-He also prohibited the sailing of privateers from
-ports of Haïti, as they seriously interfered with its commerce.
-<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>
-Under his strong and wise administration the
-prosperity of the island greatly revived, though without
-attaining the proportions of former days.</p>
-
-<p>The islands known as the Lesser Antilles, which extend
-from Porto Rico in a southerly direction to Trinidad
-and form the eastern boundary of the Caribbean, are, from
-their small size, much more dependent than is Haïti or
-Cuba upon the control of the sea. Though the aggregate
-commercial value of the whole group was far inferior to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span>
-that of the French part alone of Haïti, they had a distinct
-military advantage which made them, in that point of
-view and to the West Indies, more important than Haïti
-itself. They were to windward of the whole Caribbean
-with reference to the trade winds, which blow unceasingly
-from east to west; and hence were much nearer in time,
-that supreme factor in military combinations, to the great
-western islands than the latter were to them. The same
-circumstance of the trade wind threw them across the
-path of vessels bound from Europe to all parts of the
-Caribbean, and thus facilitated the intercepting of supplies
-essential to the support and industries of the islands,
-for much of which they depended upon the mother-countries.</p>
-
-<p>The largest, by far, of these islands, Trinidad, belonged
-in 1793 to Spain, at that time the ally of Great Britain.
-Its nearness to the South American continent gave it, as
-a distributing centre, marked commercial advantages, of
-which the unenterprising Spaniards made little use; but,
-as the trade winds blow from the north of east, it was not
-favorably placed for a naval station. The two next in size,
-and among the most fertile, Guadaloupe and Martinique,
-were French islands. Being in the centre of the chain
-and to leeward of none, except the outlying English Barbadoes,
-they were admirably situated for military control,
-and the strategic advantage of position was supplemented
-by the defensive strength of Fort Royal (now Fort de
-France), the principal harbor of Martinique; which was
-then, as it is now, by far the most powerful naval position
-in the eastern Caribbean. Besides them, France owned
-Santa Lucia, next south of Martinique, and Tobago. The
-military importance of these islands, combined with a
-distinct though minor commercial value, and the experience
-in past wars of the injury done to British commerce
-by privateering based upon them, made their reduction
-advisable to Great Britain; to whom belonged most of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span>
-the other Lesser Antilles as well as the trade of the Caribbean.
-One of the first acts of the war, before sending
-a vessel to the Mediterranean or increasing the Channel
-fleet, was to despatch a squadron of seven sail-of-the-line
-to the West Indies, where there were at that time, except
-a few small cruisers, but two fifty-gun ships, one at Jamaica
-and one to windward,—a thousand miles apart.
-No fact shows more strongly how unprepared Great Britain
-was for war than the naval destitution of this region,
-at a time when France had three or four ships-of-the-line
-continually in her colonies. This British squadron sailed
-under the command of Admiral Gardner on the 24th of
-March, 1793; and there was a strong expectation that
-Martinique and Guadaloupe, which had hoisted the old
-royal standard of France upon learning the deposition of
-Louis XVI., would place themselves under British protection.
-This hope was disappointed, they having already
-resumed their republican allegiance, and Gardner returned
-to England in the fall, leaving a part of his squadron
-behind.</p>
-
-<p>It was then decided to reduce the French islands by
-force, and on the 26th of November Sir John Jervis, afterwards
-Earl St. Vincent, sailed with a small force of ships-of-war
-carrying seven thousand troops destined for this
-service. Reaching Barbadoes in January, the expedition
-appeared off Martinique on the 5th of February, 1794, and
-after a series of successful operations the island capitulated
-on the 22d of March. A detachment was next sent against
-Santa Lucia, which was surrendered on the 4th of April.
-On the 10th of the same month the combined naval and
-military forces anchored off Guadaloupe, and on the 20th
-this island, with its off-lying dependencies, Marie-Galante,
-Desirade and the Saints, also submitted. Tobago having
-been seized with slight resistance in April, 1793, Great
-Britain was now in possession of all the hostile Windward
-Islands, except the petty St. Martin, part of which belonged
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span>
-to France. A considerable detachment of troops was next
-sent to Mole St. Nicolas to assist the undertaking against
-Haïti; a reduction of the force in the Windward Islands
-which led to disastrous consequences, felt throughout the
-war by the islands and commerce of Great Britain. For
-on the 3d of June, when the British commanders had
-departed leaving a garrison in Guadaloupe, there appeared
-off the coast a division of ships, two being frigates and the
-others transports, which had left France in April, before
-the loss of the colonies was known. Landing without
-opposition, they established themselves firmly and gained
-possession of half the island before Jervis and Grey could
-appear. The struggle continued with varying fortunes
-during the following six months, but the British continually
-lost ground and wasted with yellow fever. This dire
-disease told likewise severely on the new French arrivals,
-but these found a native Creole population of nearly six
-thousand, the larger part of whom were faithful to the
-republic; whereas their enemies, out of a total original
-force of seven thousand, had, besides losses in battle and by
-disease, been obliged to spare garrisons for the captured
-islands and a detachment to Haïti. These causes alone
-would seem sufficient to account for the recapture of the
-island; but the utmost credit must at the same time be
-allowed to the French officers concerned, and especially to
-the commissioner of the Convention, Victor Hugues, who
-accompanied the expedition. This man, who had at Rochefort
-filled the rôle of public accuser, which in Paris gained
-for Fouquier Tinville a hideous immortality, seems to have
-embodied in himself the best and worst features of the men
-of the Terror, whose fate he escaped by leaving France
-betimes. In his report to the Convention he boasted of
-having put to death twelve hundred royalists in Guadaloupe.
-This horror partakes doubtless of the evident exaggerations
-discernible in the French accounts of a military
-operation which, not so adorned, would have been brilliant
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span>
-enough. Hugues's brutality is unquestionable, but to it he
-joined the vigor, audacity, and unscrupulous determination
-to succeed which carried the French armies to victory in
-all parts. The British were forced to evacuate their last
-port in Guadaloupe on the 10th of December, 1794.</p>
-
-<p>Upon receiving news of Hugues's success the Directory
-hastened to send re-enforcements, and on the 6th of January,
-1795, a number of ships-of-war and transports reached
-Guadaloupe and landed troops variously stated at fifteen
-to twenty-five hundred. Hugues, who had meantime organized
-a respectable territorial army, used the land and
-naval forces now at his disposal with great energy. Santa
-Lucia was retaken on the 19th of June, and insurrection
-fomented and maintained in Dominica, St. Vincent and
-Grenada, among the negroes, aborigines and old French
-inhabitants, to the great distress of the British. National
-vessels and privateers, having once more a secure base of
-operations, swarmed throughout the seas and inflicted
-great losses on the trade. All this disaster, which continued
-throughout the year, arose from not having quite
-enough men in Guadaloupe to put Hugues down before he
-had a foothold; and the British government was now compelled
-to send a far larger force to repair in part an evil,
-which a smaller number, at the proper moment, would have
-wholly prevented.</p>
-
-<p>The disastrous result of the campaign of 1794 in Belgium
-and Holland, resulting in the conquest of the latter by the
-French, the overthrow of the House of Orange, and the
-alliance of Holland with France under a republican government,
-had both released the British troops employed on
-the Continent and thrown open the Dutch colonies to British
-attacks. Sir Ralph Abercromby, who had distinguished
-himself in the recent operations, was appointed to the command
-in the eastern Caribbean, and sixteen thousand troops
-were assigned to the expedition, which was to be convoyed
-by eight ships-of-the-line under Admiral Christian.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span>
-They were to have sailed in September for a campaign in
-the drier and cooler winter months; but the usual difficulty
-in moving large bodies, particularly of sailing ships,
-delayed their departure until the 15th of November. Two
-days later the Channel was swept by a gale of hurricane
-violence, which caused the loss of many ships and lives,
-and forced all that survived to return to Portsmouth, a
-single transport alone reaching the destination at Barbadoes.
-On the 3d of December a second start was made,
-but almost equal bad fortune was met. After battling the
-ocean for seven weeks, Christian and Abercromby returned to
-England with part of the convoy, the remainder finding their
-way by driblets to Barbadoes; several, however, were taken
-by Hugues's cruisers. Abercromby then took passage in a
-frigate, reaching the island on the 17th of March, 1796;
-and was followed by the admiral, who arrived on the 21st
-of April with a fleet of transports. Santa Lucia was at
-once attacked, and on the 25th of May the French garrison
-capitulated. On the 11th of June, St. Vincent, and a few
-days later Grenada, which were in possession rather of
-insurgents than of enemies, likewise submitted. Prior to
-the arrival of Admiral Christian, Abercromby had sent a
-detachment of twelve hundred men against the Dutch
-colonies on the mainland, Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice,
-which surrendered without resistance in April and
-May, and were laid open to British trade.</p>
-
-<p>Great Britain had now resumed tranquil possession of all
-the eastern islands, except Guadaloupe. The strong organization
-which this had received from Hugues, and the
-re-enforcements that had been thrown in, indicated that
-prolonged operations would be needed to effect its subdual.
-The sickly rainy season was at hand, during which
-also hurricanes prevail, so that all reasons combined to
-postpone the attempt to the healthier months,—a decision
-which was amply justified by the great mortality from
-yellow fever which ensued among the troops, despite all
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span>
-the immunity from exposure that care and the cessation of
-campaigning could give. By the time that operations could
-begin, Spain had declared war against Great Britain; and
-the prospect of easily seizing her large and far more valuable
-islands diverted attention from Guadaloupe. The latter
-continued throughout this and the following war, until
-1810, a thorn in the side of British trade. The recapture
-of Guadaloupe by the French, and the consequent evils,
-remain a pregnant warning against the folly of sending a
-boy to do a man's work; but underlying that miscalculation
-appears to have been the fatal error of relying upon
-local support to troops inadequate by themselves to the
-task before them. Desirous of doing many things at once,
-the British government easily accepted the assurances of
-a few royalists, as to the political dispositions of a most
-excitable and changeable race and the re-enforcements that
-could be raised among them. It was an exact repetition
-of the blunder which led to the invasion of the Southern
-colonies during the American Revolution; and the gist of
-the mistake is in the dependence upon unorganized forces
-to supplement the weakness of the organized force, which
-is not by itself alone sufficient to its undertaking.</p>
-
-<p>It will not be denied that at times a diversion under
-such conditions may be attempted, if it does not take away
-force needed for serious enterprises. Upon this ground
-may perhaps be justified the attempted French invasion of
-Ireland in December, 1796, which, though on a somewhat
-larger scale, essentially resembled the expedition of Jervis
-and Grey against the West Indies. It also depended upon
-a local rising in favor of an insufficient force, upon the
-support of practically unorganized masses without military
-antecedents; but it was undertaken at a period when the
-tide of affairs elsewhere was running strongly in favor of
-France, and, whatever hopes may have been entertained of
-possible ultimate results, was essentially a diversion. The
-immediate aim was not a direct gain to France, but an
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span>
-indirect advantage, by accumulating embarrassments for
-Great Britain. A state entirely inferior at sea could not
-count upon lasting military control of a large island with
-an alien population; but it could hope that the insurrection
-of Ireland, concurring with disaster upon the Continent,
-might force a disadvantageous peace upon the arch enemy.
-The conquest of the smaller Antilles, on the contrary, was
-not properly a diversion, but an object of real importance
-to a great British interest. It was feasible for the greater
-naval power to take and hold them, being small; and their
-tenure, by relieving the navy of part of its work, would
-have facilitated the protection of Jamaica and its trade, as
-well as the general control of the western Caribbean.
-Haïti was too large and too populated for conquest; but
-its power for injury could have been confronted with more
-substantial force had Guadaloupe remained a British
-garrison.</p>
-
-<p>The alliance of Spain and Holland with France much
-increased the difficulties of Great Britain, by throwing
-open their colonial ports to French privateers. The extensive
-sea-coasts of Cuba and Haïti became alive with them.
-In 1807 it was estimated that there were from two to three
-hundred depending upon these two islands, and unfitted,
-from their size, to go far from them.
-<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> The number testifies
-to the extent and value of British trade in that sea,
-although the privateer did not confine his depredations to
-the enemy, but preyed lawlessly on neutrals as well. The
-same authority illustrates the annihilation of French and
-Spanish commerce by stating that not more than two or
-three British privateers were sailing from Jamaica.</p>
-
-<p>General Abercromby went for a short time to Europe in
-the fall of 1796. Upon his return a strong military and
-naval expedition was sent against Trinidad, but did not
-meet the resistance expected from the size and importance
-of the island. It capitulated on the second day, February
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span>
-18, 1797, and with it the Spaniards lost four ships-of-the-line.
-Thence Abercromby moved, in April, against Porto
-Rico; but upon reconnoitring, the defences were found
-too strong, and the troops were re-embarked after losing
-two hundred men. This ended the colonial expeditions in
-the West Indies for the first war. Quiet possession was
-taken of the Dutch colonies of Surinam and Curaçoa in
-1799 and 1800; and in 1801, when Sweden and Denmark
-became involved in hostilities with Great Britain, their
-West India islands were also given up without resistance,
-but no further fighting took place.</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><span class="sc">Note.</span> As it does not enter into the
-author's plan to give in detail
-the naval history after Trafalgar, it may be well to state here, in
-brief, the subsequent events in the West Indies. At the Peace of
-Amiens in 1801, Great Britain restored all her West India conquests
-except the Spanish Trinidad. When war broke out again in 1803,
-Tobago, Santa Lucia, Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice were at once
-seized without difficulty, as was Surinam in 1804. There matters
-rested till 1807, when Curaçoa and the Danish islands fell, followed in
-1809 by Martinique, and in 1810 by Guadaloupe. Spain having become
-again the ally of Great Britain in 1808, the latter had now no
-open enemy in the Caribbean; but the long habits of lawlessness left
-numerous pirates infesting Cuba, whom the weak Spanish government
-failed to control.</p></div>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="ac"><span class="sc">The Naval Campaign of May, 1794, and Battle of the
-First of June.</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="drop-cap">THE pressure of the allied armies upon all her frontiers,
-combined with the British mastery of the sea,
-had thrown France largely upon her own resources during
-the year 1793; while the distracted condition of the country
-and a bad harvest had united to cause a scarcity of
-bread-stuffs, which threatened a famine, with all its consequences
-of sufferings to the army and the people, and
-inevitable increase of disturbance and sedition.</p>
-
-<p>The eyes of the government had therefore turned beyond
-the sea to the United States, and its representatives
-there had been directed to accumulate a quantity of provisions
-to be shipped to France. It was intended to despatch
-these in a great convoy, to be protected on the
-voyage by a force of ships-of-war; while its approach
-to the shores of Europe would be covered by a sortie of
-the great fleet from Brest and Rochefort, to occupy the
-attention of, and, if necessary, forcibly to contest the control
-of the sea with, the British navy. Experience had
-not yet corrected the sanguine confidence of the republican
-government, based upon the wordy enthusiasm of the
-crews, nor taught it that, with the departure of the trained
-officers and the spread of license among the men, the navy
-had ceased to be the strong power which had faced Great
-Britain with success in the war of the American Revolution.
-The very measures which had most contributed to
-destroy its efficiency became, in the excitement and ignorance
-of the times, the sure gage of victory.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The convoying squadron of two ships-of-the-line and
-three smaller vessels sailed from Brest for the United
-States in December, 1793, under the command of Rear-Admiral
-Van Stabel, an active and judicious officer. On
-the 12th of February it anchored in Chesapeake Bay, and
-sailed again for France on the 11th of April. The merchant
-ships under its charge numbered one hundred and
-thirty,<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>
-among them being many laden with produce from
-the French West India islands, which, not venturing to
-make the passage home direct and unattended, for fear
-of British cruisers, had collected at Hampton Roads to
-await the time of sailing. It seems somewhat remarkable
-that the British government, which was fairly well informed
-as to the designs of the French, should not have
-attempted to intercept the convoy at its port of departure.
-That is the point at which a great maritime expedition,
-whether purely military or otherwise, can usually be most
-effectually watched; and in this case the more so, because,
-if the convoy had eluded the blockading squadron,
-the latter, few in number and homogeneous, could easily
-have outstripped the unwieldy multitude and again awaited
-it off its port of arrival. The success of this mass of merchantmen
-in escaping the numerous enemies that attended
-it off the coast of France is a striking illustration of the
-uncertainties of commerce-destroying, and of the chances
-that favor the safe arrival of a body of ships when the
-enemy is in doubt as to their exact destination.</p>
-
-<p>The French minister to the United States, M. Genêt,
-had written home that he would forward a part of the
-convoy, under the care of two small ships of war, as soon
-as possible. With the idea that these might have sailed
-before Van Stabel reached America, a force of five ships-of-the-line
-with some lighter vessels was directed to protect
-their arrival. This squadron accordingly sailed from
-Brest under the command of Rear-Admiral Nielly, on the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span>
-10th of April.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>
-It had been preceded by a light division,
-whose mission was to meet the convoy and inform the
-officer in charge that Nielly would await him a hundred
-leagues west of Belle-Isle.</p>
-
-<p>Later news corrected the expectations based upon
-Genêt's first despatches, and as the close approach of
-summer made it more easy for the British fleet to maintain
-its position in the Bay of Biscay, and consequently
-increased the dangers through which the convoy must
-pass, the French government determined to send out all
-the available ships in Brest. On the 16th of May the
-great fleet, comprising twenty-five ships-of-the-line, one of
-which carried one hundred and twenty guns and three
-others one hundred and ten, sailed under the command
-of Rear-Admiral Villaret Joyeuse. A representative of
-the National Convention, charged with duties resembling
-those of the representatives present with the armies in
-the field, embarked on board the flag-ship, "La Montagne."
-This magnificent vessel, called under the monarchy the
-"États de Bourgogne," now bore the name of the terrible
-party dominant in the National Convention. These
-were still the days of the Terror, and Robespierre had yet
-two months to live when the fleet sailed from Brest. The
-admiral's orders were to cruise in the same station that
-had already been assigned to Nielly, with whom he was
-expected to form a junction, and to protect the approach
-of the convoy at all hazards, but not to fight unless essential
-to secure that end, to which all other objects were
-subordinated. The time of waiting was to be utilized
-for fleet manœuvres, in which the representative and admiral
-had too much reason to fear that the captains were
-unskilled.</p>
-
-<p>The anxiety of the French government about the convoy,
-and the embarrassment which would be caused by
-its loss, were obvious incentives to the British authorities
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span>
-to do all in their power to intercept it. The Channel fleet,
-so called from the ports upon which its operations were
-based, had returned from its cruises of the previous year
-in December, and had since then remained at anchor,
-repairing and refitting for the next year's work. Its commander,
-Lord Howe, as has before been said,
-<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> was averse
-from keeping the sea in winter with the heavy ships. According
-to his system of warfare, the fleet should be anchored
-at some convenient point on the Channel coast,
-and depend upon frigates stationed before the French
-ports to bring it word of the enemy's movements. Had,
-however, the expected convoy in 1794 sailed from America
-as soon as it was expected to do, it would have reached
-its own ports before the British had left their anchors.</p>
-
-<p>On the 2d of May the Channel fleet, numbering thirty-four
-ships-of-the-line and attended by fifteen frigates and
-smaller ships-of-war, sailed from Spithead. It had under
-its charge one hundred and forty-eight sail of merchantmen,
-bound to Newfoundland and to the East and West
-Indies. Upon arriving two days later off the Lizard, a
-promontory near the south-west extremity of England and
-a hundred miles due north of the Island of Ushant, Howe
-detached eight ships-of-the-line to accompany the convoy
-to the latitude of Cape Finisterre, on the north-west coast
-of Spain. After performing this service, six, under Admiral
-Montagu, were to cruise between Cape Ortegal and
-the latitude of Belle-Isle, to intercept the convoy from
-America. The width, over two hundred miles, of the
-belt of ocean to be covered by these six ships with
-their accompanying frigates, taken in connection with
-the chances which night and fog might give the French
-convoy for passing unobserved, illustrates the comparative
-disadvantages of lying in wait at the supposed point of
-arrival, instead of at the known port of departure, for a
-body of vessels whose precise destination is in doubt.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Howe, with the twenty-six ships remaining to him,
-steered directly for Ushant, reconnoitred Brest, and, having
-ascertained that the bulk of the French fleet was still
-in port, proceeded to cruise in the Bay of Biscay, moving
-backward and forward across the probable track of the
-expected convoy. On the 19th of May he again looked
-into Brest, and found that the French had sailed. The
-same evening a frigate from Montagu joined him, requesting
-a re-enforcement, as the rear-admiral had learned
-from a captured vessel that Nielly's squadron was at sea,
-and that Van Stabel's force numbered four of the line.
-He consequently anticipated the possibility of falling in
-with nine ships-of-the-line, which would be too large a
-number for his own six to meet. As the frigate, of
-course, brought word where Montagu was to be found,
-Howe, knowing that the main French fleet was out, steered
-at once to join his subordinate; but ascertaining later,
-from passing vessels, that Villaret had been seen in a
-position and heading a course which would take him well
-clear of Montagu, he abandoned this purpose and went
-directly in pursuit of the enemy. The latter, by the information
-he received, numbered twenty-six ships-of-the-line,
-precisely equalling his own fleet.</p>
-
-<p>A week, however, was to elapse before he found the
-French. On the morning of the 28th of May, the wind
-being then south by west, the lookout frigates signalled
-a strange fleet to windward. It proved to be that of
-Villaret, then steering north-north-east, nearly before the
-wind, in three columns. At the time of this meeting,
-Howe was running back to the eastward with a fair
-wind, having actually gone a hundred miles west of the
-enemy's rendezvous without finding him. The French
-admiral stood on until he could recognize the British,
-and then hauled to the wind, intending to form his line-of-battle
-on the port tack, heading west or a little south
-of it. The inexperience of the captains, of whom a large
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span>
-proportion had no naval training and had never commanded
-ships in a fleet, led to a long delay and a poor
-formation. Lord Howe, on the contrary, soon had his
-fleet in manageable condition, pressing to windward in
-two columns on the port tack, and with a flying squadron
-of four fast and handy seventy-four-gun ships well to the
-windward of the main body. The British fleet was now
-steering the same course as the French, to leeward, or
-north, of it, and at noon the distance between the main
-bodies was from nine to ten miles. The place of this first
-meeting was about four hundred miles west (and a little
-south) of the island of Ushant. There was a strong
-breeze and a moderately heavy sea.</p>
-
-<p>Villaret soon found that the slowness of the formation,
-to facilitate which many of his ships had to heave-to,
-<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>
-was causing the line to set gradually to leeward, toward
-the British. Four also of his fleet were separated from
-the main body, being some distance astern and to windward,
-two of them slightly disabled. To approach these,
-and at the same time keep the advantage of the wind,
-he determined to put the fleet on the other tack. At ten
-minutes before two in the afternoon the French began
-tacking in succession, and by quarter past three were
-all on the starboard tack, heading now east-south-east
-toward the separated ships. Meantime, the British flying
-squadron, acting independently of the main body, but
-under orders to attack the enemy's rear, kept forcing to
-windward, and at a little after three o'clock one of them
-was able to open fire, just before the rear French ships
-went about. The main body tacked between three and
-four o'clock, and being now on the same course as the
-French, east-south-east, but entirely out of cannon-shot,
-carried a press of sail to overtake them.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The ships of the flying squadron, being handled for
-the most part with vigor and judgment, fulfilled Howe's
-purpose of making an impression upon the <i>rear</i> of the
-enemy's column. As soon as the attack became pronounced,
-one of the French one-hundred-and-ten-gun ships,
-the "Révolutionnaire," took the extreme rear, and upon
-her fell the brunt of the action, which lasted this day until
-after ten P. M.; daylight, at that time of the year and in
-that latitude, continuing till nearly then. The British
-advanced ships were joined after some time by two more
-from the main body, so that the "Révolutionnaire" had
-to encounter, first and last, some half-dozen hostile seventy-fours.
-No diagram of this day's fighting need be
-given. The reader has only to picture a long column
-of ships steering to the southward and eastward, its
-rear harassed by the repeated but irregular attacks of a
-superior hostile detachment.</p>
-
-<p>The "Révolutionnaire" was nobly fought; and the
-concentration upon her, while eminently judicious, served
-to bring out vividly the advantage, which should never
-be forgotten, of one heavy ship over several smaller, even
-though the force of the latter may, in the aggregate, be
-much superior. The attacks this day made upon her
-were, from the nature of the case, not simultaneous.
-They resembled one of those elaborately combined movements
-in land warfare, whereby several separate columns
-are intended to be brought at the same time to the same
-point, but actually arrive one by one and are beaten off
-in detail. The result in the present instance was somewhat
-more fortunate. As darkness fell, Howe called off
-all but two of the assailants,—one having already been
-driven off,—in order to form his line for the night. The
-"Révolutionnaire" remained in hot action with a small
-seventy-four, the "Audacious," alone; for the comrade
-of the latter took no share. At ten P. M., having lost
-her captain and sixty-two men killed and eighty-six
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span>
-wounded, and with her mizzen-mast shot away, she wore
-out of action under charge of her fourth lieutenant, the
-three seniors having been killed or seriously hurt. Covered
-by the dark she passed to the northward, astern of the
-British fleet, her remaining masts falling soon after. The
-"Audacious" was so badly crippled that it took her long
-to get clear of the French line, and she was unable to
-rejoin her own that night. The next morning, finding
-herself isolated and in presence of some enemy's ships,
-she was forced to run before the wind and was permanently
-separated from the fleet. The two opponents
-passed within sight of each other the following day, but
-they were in no condition to resume the encounter, and
-both reached port without further injury.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a name="i-129.jpg" id="i-129.jpg"></a>
- <img src="images/i-129.jpg"
- alt="" />
- <div class="caption">Fig. 1 and Fig. 2: Manœuvres of British and French
- Fleets, May 29, 1794.<br />
-<a href="images/i-129-hr.jpg"><span class="disp">Click here for larger map</span></a></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>During the short summer night the two fleets continued
-to run on parallel lines (May 29,
-<a href="#i-129.jpg">Fig. 1. BB, FF</a>,) south-east
-by east, being about three miles apart, the French
-bearing south from the British. The latter appear to have
-gained somewhat upon their less practised adversaries, so
-that at six o'clock Howe, ever intent upon getting to windward
-and thereby obtaining the opportunity to attack,
-directed his fleet to tack in succession (a), expecting that
-the van would on the new course pass near enough to the
-enemy's rear to exchange shots. After the evolution, the
-British were in column steering west (B'B'), the French
-still south-east by east. Villaret, seeing his rear threatened,
-wore his fleet in succession at quarter before eight
-(b), the van ships running down north-west by west (F'F')
-parallel to their previous course, toward the rear of their
-own column; upon reaching which the leading ship hauled
-to the wind again (c), followed by each of the others in
-order. These two manœuvres brought both fleets once
-more heading in the same direction, following parallel
-courses and abreast each other; the French still to windward,
-but having lost much of the distance which separated
-them from their enemies. A few shots had been
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span>
-exchanged, as Howe expected, between the British van and
-the French rear as they passed on opposite tacks
-(<a href="#i-129.jpg">Fig. 1, d</a>).</p>
-
-<p>Toward ten o'clock the French head ships ran down
-toward the British van and opened fire at long range,
-their centre and rear keeping out of action (May 29,
-<a href="#i-129.jpg">Fig. 2</a>.)
-The leading British ship, "Cæsar," failed to carry
-sail enough, though repeatedly signalled to make more;
-and in consequence those astern of her had also to shorten
-sail, the flag-ship "Queen Charlotte" in particular being
-forced to leeward by the necessity of backing a topsail to
-keep in her station. At noon there was a brisk cannonade
-between the two vans. Dissatisfied with this partial engagement,
-which, by crippling some of his ships, might put
-out of his power to reach the enemy, Howe at noon signalled
-to tack again in succession, and to pass through the
-French line. The "Cæsar," which should have begun the
-manœuvre, made no reply, and it was necessary to repeat
-the order. Shortly before one o'clock she wore instead of
-tacking. The ships between her and the admiral also went
-about; but none, save the "Queen," of ninety-eight guns,
-second in the order, appears to have reached the hostile
-line, except at its extreme rear. She passed alone, and
-for a long time unsupported, along a considerable portion
-of the enemy's order, which had now been re-established
-by the centre and rear bearing down to support the van
-(<a href="#i-129.jpg">Fig. 2, a</a>);
-but she was unable to break through, owing at
-first to the closeness of the French ships to each other, and
-afterwards to the injuries received from their successive
-broadsides. The "Cæsar" kept so far from the wind as
-to neutralize the admiral's purpose; and of the other van
-ships all went to leeward of the French line, none breaking
-through. So far, therefore, the general result was only to
-bring confusion into the British order without attaining
-the end which Howe desired. He therefore determined
-to set the example, directed the flag-ship to be tacked
-(<a href="#i-129.jpg">Fig. 2, b</a>),
-and stood under a press of sail toward the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span>
-French line, closely followed by two others, the next ahead
-and next astern of him. The "Queen Charlotte," which
-had been tenth in the British column, reached the enemy
-at a point not far in rear of Villaret's flag-ship, and ran
-along the line (<a href="#i-131.jpg">Fig. 3</a>)
-till she came abreast of the sixth
-ship from the rear, astern of which she luffed through and
-gained to windward of the French
-(<a href="#i-129.jpg">Fig. 3, a</a>). One of her
-two followers passed through the second interval (b) behind
-that pierced by herself, and the other through the
-next (c),—that is, between the third and second vessel
-from the enemy's rear. The two remaining French ships,
-the "Indomptable" (I), of eighty guns, and the "Tyrannicide"
-(T), of seventy-four, were not only far astern but to
-leeward of their line. They were therefore easily to be
-reached by several of the British, who gradually encircled
-them.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a name="i-131.jpg" id="i-131.jpg"></a>
- <img src="images/i-131.jpg"
- alt="" />
- <div class="caption">Fig. 3: Manœuvres of British and French Fleets, May
- 29, 1794.<br />
- <a href="images/i-131-hr.jpg"><span class="disp">Click here for larger
- map</span></a></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>With his rear thus for the third time threatened, and
-much more seriously than before, Villaret again made
-signal to wear in succession. The French van had by now
-become much separated from the rest of the fleet, and the
-leading ship was too disabled to go about. No other taking
-the initiative, the admiral, like Howe, was forced to set
-the example. The "Montagne" (M) wore out of line (d),
-and led down toward the two surrounded ships, with a
-signal flying to follow and form in her wake (F' F') without
-regard to usual station. This movement of Villaret not
-only tended to release the "Indomptable" and "Tyrannicide,"
-but also threatened the "Queen" (Q), which had
-fallen to leeward disabled. Howe, after getting to windward
-and tacking (e), had endeavored to reach the
-"Terrible," of one hundred and ten guns, carrying the
-flag of the admiral commanding the French rear, which
-had been astern of the point at which the "Queen Charlotte"
-broke the line; but, while the "Charlotte" was
-putting about, the "Terrible" (Te) passed ahead and
-reached the centre of Villaret's column before Howe's ship
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span>
-could come up with her. For every reason, therefore, but
-especially for the safety of the "Queen," it became imperative
-for the British admiral to reverse his course. He
-therefore wore (f), gathering round him by signal all
-vessels within reach, and again stood east, toward the
-threatened ships of the two parties,—running in a
-column parallel to, but to windward of, that of the French
-admiral.</p>
-
-<p>The "Queen," though much crippled, had, with her
-head to the eastward, passed astern of the two threatened
-French ships. These had suffered from the engagement,
-in passing, with the British van a few hours before, as
-well as with the flying squadron on the previous day; and
-the injuries then received had doubtless contributed to
-place them in the exposed and dangerous position they
-now occupied. The "Leviathan," seventy-four, attacked
-them to windward, the "Orion," of the same class, to
-leeward, and the latter was soon after re-enforced and
-replaced by the "Barfleur," of ninety-eight guns. No
-particular statement is given in the British narratives of
-other ships attacking these two, but several of those astern
-of the "Queen Charlotte," which could have reached no
-other of the French, lost killed and wounded, and it is
-probable that these shared in this encounter. The French
-accounts speak of their two vessels as "surrounded;" and
-Villaret wrote that their resistance "should immortalize
-their captains, Dordelin and Lamesle." They came out of
-the engagement of the 29th of May with only their lower
-masts standing; and the heavier of the two, the "Indomptable,"
-was in such condition that Villaret thought necessary
-to send her to Brest that night, escorted by another of
-his fleet, which was thus dwindling piece-meal.</p>
-
-<p>For the moment, however, the French admiral's manœuvre,
-well conceived and gallantly executed, rescued the
-endangered ships. The "Queen Charlotte" and her immediate
-supporters, after first tacking, had barely reached
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span>
-the rear of the French. As the latter continued to stand
-on, it was of course impossible for all the fifteen ships behind
-the British admiral to come up with them at once.
-In fact, the failure of the van to do its whole duty, combined
-with the remote position of the rear,—increased probably
-by the straggling usually to be observed at the tail of
-long columns,—had resulted in throwing the British order
-into confusion. "As the ships arrived," wrote Lord Howe
-in his journal, "they came up so crowded together as
-afforded an opportunity for the enemy to have fired upon
-them with great advantage."
-(<a href="#i-131.jpg">Fig. 3, C, R</a>.) "The British
-line was completely deformed," states one French authority.
-But, though disordered, they formed a large and
-dangerous body, all within supporting distance,—they had
-on their side the prestige of an indisputable, though partial,
-success,—they were flushed with victory, and it would
-appear that the French van had not yet come up. Villaret
-therefore contented himself with carrying off his rescued
-ships, with which and with the rest of his fleet he stood
-away to the north-west.</p>
-
-<p>It is desirable to sum up the result of these two days of
-partial encounters, as an important factor in the discussion
-of the campaign as a whole, which must shortly follow.
-On the morning of May 28, the French numbered twenty-six
-ships-of-the-line<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>
-and were, when they first formed
-line, from ten to twelve miles to windward of the British,
-also numbering twenty-six. On the evening of May 29,
-in consequence of Howe's various movements and the
-course to which Villaret was by them constrained,—for he
-acted purely on the defensive and had to conform to the
-initiative of the enemy,—the French fleet was to leeward
-of the British. As Howe had succeeded within so short a
-time in forcing action from to leeward, there was every
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span>
-reason to apprehend that from the windward position—decidedly
-the more favorable upon the whole, though not
-without its drawbacks—he would be able to compel a
-decisive battle, which the French naval policy proscribed
-generally, and in the present case particularly. Besides
-this adverse change of circumstance, the balance of loss
-was still more against the French. On the first day the
-"Révolutionnaire" on one side and the "Audacious" on
-the other had been compelled to quit their fleets; but the
-force of the latter was not over two thirds that of the
-former. By the action of the 29th the "Indomptable," of
-eighty guns, was driven from the French fleet, and the
-admiral thought necessary to send with her a seventy-four
-and a frigate. The "Tyrannicide," seventy-four, had lost
-all her upper masts; she had consequently to be towed by
-one of her consorts through the next two days and in the
-battle of the First of June. If Villaret had had any expectation
-of escaping Howe's pursuit, the presence of this
-disabled ship would have destroyed it, unless he was willing
-to abandon her. Besides the mishaps already stated, the
-leading ship, "Montagnard," had been so much injured in
-the early part of the engagement that she could not go
-about. Continuing to stand west, while the body of the
-fleet was running east to the aid of the "Indomptable" and
-"Tyrannicide," this ship separated from her consorts and
-was not able to regain them. To this loss of four ships
-actually gone, and one permanently crippled, may be added
-that of the "Audacieux," one of Nielly's squadron, which
-joined on the morning of the 29th, but was immediately detached
-to seek and protect the "Révolutionnaire." On the
-other hand, the British had by no means escaped unscathed;
-but on the morning of the 30th, in reply to an interrogatory
-signal from the admiral, they all reported readiness to
-renew the action, except one, the "Cæsar," which was not
-among the most injured. This ship, however, did not leave
-the fleet, and was in her station in the battle of the First.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The merit of Howe's conduct upon these two days does
-not, however, depend merely upon the issue, though fortunate.
-By persistent attacks, frequently renewed upon
-the same and most vulnerable part of the French order, he
-had in effect brought to bear a large part of his own fleet
-upon a relatively small number of the enemy, the result
-being a concentration of injury which compelled the damaged
-ships to leave the field. At the same time the direction
-of the attack forced the French admiral either to
-abandon the endangered vessels, or step by step to yield
-the advantage of the wind until it was finally wrested from
-him altogether. By sheer tactical skill, combined with a
-fine display of personal conduct, Howe had won a marked
-numerical preponderance for the decisive action, which he
-now had good reason to expect from the advantageous
-position likewise secured. Unfortunately, the tactical gain
-was soon neutralized by the strategic mistake which left
-Montagu's squadron unavailable on the day of battle.</p>
-
-<p>Towards the close of the day the weather grew thick,
-and so continued, with short intervals of clearing, for the
-next thirty-six hours. At half-past seven the body of the
-French bore from the British flag-ship north-west, distant
-nine or ten miles; both fleets standing very slowly to the
-westward and a little northerly, with wind from the southward
-and westward. During most of the 30th, none of the
-British fleet could be seen from the flag-ship, but they all,
-as well as the French, kept together. On that day also, by
-a piece of great good fortune considering the state of the
-weather, Admiral Nielly joined Villaret with the three ships
-still under his command, as did also another seventy-four belonging
-to the Cancale squadron. These four fresh ships
-exactly replaced the four disabled ones that had parted
-company, and again made the French twenty-six to Howe's
-twenty-five.</p>
-
-<p>About ten o'clock in the morning of May 31st, the fog
-lifted for a moment, allowing Howe to count twenty-seven
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span>
-sail of his ships and frigates; and, after again shutting
-down for a couple of hours, it finally dispersed shortly after
-noon. The French were then seen bearing from west to
-north-west. The British made sail in chase and by six <span class="sc">P.M.</span>
-had approached to within about three miles. They were
-not, however, able to reach the position Howe wished—abreast
-the enemy—early enough to permit the intended
-general engagement, unless by a night action; which for
-more than one reason the admiral was not willing to undertake.
-He therefore hauled again to the wind, heading to
-the westward in order of battle. The French had formed
-on a parallel line and were running in the same direction.
-During the night both fleets carried all the sail their masts
-would stand. In the morning the French, thanks to the
-better sailing of their vessels, were found to have gained
-somewhat on their enemies, but not sufficiently to avoid or
-postpone the battle, which they had been directed if possible
-to shun. Villaret therefore formed his fleet in close
-order, and stood on slowly under short canvas, which at
-once allowed irregularities in the order to be more easily
-corrected and also left the crews free to devote themselves
-exclusively to fighting the ships. Howe, by carrying sail,
-was thus able to choose his position prior to bearing down.
-Having reached it and formed his line, the French being
-now hove-to to await the attack, the British fleet was also
-hove-to, and the crews went to breakfast. At twelve minutes
-past eight it again filled-away by signal, and stood
-slowly down for the enemy
-(June 1, <a href="#i-129.jpg">Fig. 1</a>). The intention
-being to attack along the whole line, ship to ship,
-advantage was taken of this measured approach to change
-the place of the three-decked ships in the order, so that
-they should be opposed to the heaviest of the French.
-Lord Howe, who in the matter of drill was something of a
-precisian, is said to have rectified the alignment of his
-fleet more than once as it stood down; and, unless some
-such delay took place, it is difficult to reconcile the rate of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span>
-sailing of the ships with the time it took them to cover the
-ground. The combatants had a long summer's day before
-them, and such scrupulous care was not wholly out of
-place in an attack of the kind; for not only was it desirable
-that the shock should be felt everywhere at once, but
-ships in advance of the line would invite concentration of
-fire from the enemy, while those much in the rear would
-be embarrassed by smoke concealing the position it behooved
-them to take.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a name="i-137.jpg" id="i-137.jpg"></a>
-<img src="images/i-137.jpg"
-alt="" />
-<div class="caption">Battle of the First of June, 1794.<br />
-<a href="images/i-137hr.jpg"><span class="disp">Click here for larger map</span></a></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>This difficulty from smoke was the more to be feared
-because Howe's plan, as communicated to the fleet by
-signal, was not merely to attack on the side from which
-he approached, but to pass through the intervals between
-the enemy's ships, and to engage them on the further,
-or lee, side. This method conferred the advantage of a
-raking fire<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>
-while passing through the line, and cut off
-the retreat of disabled enemies; for a crippled ship could
-only retire to leeward.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> To carry out the design, however,
-required not only that the enemy should leave wide
-enough intervals, but also that the assailants should be
-able to see where the intervals were.</p>
-
-<p>The British ships were steering each for its opposite
-in the enemy's order, heading about north-west; so that,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span>
-as the French line was east and west, the approach was
-not perpendicular but in a slanting direction. At twenty
-minutes before nine, the formation was so accurate that
-Lord Howe shut the signal book with an air of satisfaction,
-as though his work as admiral was done and all
-that remained was to show the gallant bearing and example
-which had ever been associated with his name.
-The gesture was, however, premature, and eccentricities
-of conduct on the part of some captains compelled him
-again to open the book and order them into their stations.
-Shortly after nine o'clock the French van began firing.
-The British ship "Cæsar," on the left flank of her line,
-and therefore corresponding to the leader of the French,
-instead of pressing on to her station for battle, hauled to
-the wind and began firing while still five hundred yards
-distant,—a position inconsistent with decisive results under
-the gunnery conditions of that day. Lord Howe, who
-had not thought well of the captain of this ship, but had
-permitted him to retain his distinguished position in the
-order at the request of the captain of the "Queen Charlotte,"
-now tapped the latter on the shoulder, and said,
-"Look, Curtis, there goes your friend; who is mistaken
-now?"</p>
-
-<p>The rest of the fleet stood on. The "Queen Charlotte,"
-in order to reach her position, had to steer somewhat more
-to the westward. Either the French line had drawn a
-little ahead, or some other incident had thrown this ship
-astern of her intended point of arrival. Her course, therefore,
-becoming more nearly parallel to the enemy's, she
-passed within range of the third vessel behind Villaret's
-flag-ship, the "Montagne," her destined opponent. This
-ship, the "Vengeur," opened fire upon her at half-past
-nine. The "Queen Charlotte," not to be crippled before
-reaching her place, made more sail and passed on. The
-next ahead of the "Vengeur," the "Achille," also engaged
-her, and to this the "Charlotte" replied at eight minutes
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span>
-before ten. The assailant suffered severely, and her attention
-was quickly engrossed by the "Brunswick," the
-supporter of Howe's flag-ship on her starboard side, which
-tried to break through the line ahead of the "Achille."</p>
-
-<p>The "Queen Charlotte" (June 1,
-<a href="#i-129.jpg">Fig. 2, C</a>) continued
-on for the "Montagne" (M). Seeing her evident purpose
-to pass under the stern, the captain of this ship threw his
-sails aback, so as to fall to the rear and close the interval.
-At the same moment the French ship next astern, the
-"Jacobin," increased her sail, most properly, for the same
-object. The two thus moving towards each other, a collision
-was threatened. As the only alternative, the "Jacobin"
-put her helm up and steered for the starboard, or
-lee, side of the "Montagne." At this moment the "Queen
-Charlotte" drew up. Putting her helm hard over, she
-kept away perpendicularly to the "Montagne," and passed
-under her stern, so close that the French flag brushed the
-side of the British ship. One after another the fifty guns
-of the latter's broadside swept from stern to stem of the
-enemy,—three hundred of her crew falling at once, her
-captain among the number. The "Jacobin" having moved
-to the starboard side of the "Montagne," in the place the
-"Queen Charlotte" had intended to take, it was thought
-that the latter would have to go to leeward of both; but,
-amid all the confusion of the scene, the quick eye of the
-gallant man who was directing her movements caught a
-glimpse of the "Jacobin's" rudder and saw it moving to
-change the ship's direction to leeward. Quickly seizing
-his opportunity, the helm of the British flag-ship was again
-shifted, and she came slowly and heavily to the wind in her
-appointed place, her jib-boom in the movement just clearing
-the "Jacobin," as her side a few minutes before had
-grazed the flag of the "Montagne." The latter, it is said,
-made no reply to this deadly assault. The "Jacobin" fired
-a few shots, one of which cut away the foretopmast of the
-"Queen Charlotte;" and then, instead of imitating the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span>
-latter's movement and coming to the wind again, by which
-the British ship would have been placed between his fire
-and that of the "Montagne," the captain weakly kept off
-and ran to leeward out of action.</p>
-
-<p>By this time the engagement was general all along the
-line (<a href="#i-129.jpg">Fig. 2</a>).
-Smoke, excitement and the difficulties of
-the situation broke somewhat the simultaneousness of the
-shock of the British assault; but, with some exceptions,
-their fire from van to rear opened at nearly the same time.
-Six ships only passed at once through the enemy's line,
-but very many of the others brought their opponents to
-close action to windward. In this, the first pitched battle
-after many years of peace, there were found the inevitable
-failures in skill, the more sorrowful shortcomings of many
-a fair-seeming man. To describe minutely the movements
-of every ship would not tend to clearness, but to obscurity.
-For general impression of the scene at certain distinctive
-moments the reader is referred to the diagrams; in which,
-also, an attempt has been made to represent the relative
-motions of the ships in both squadrons, so far as can
-be probably deduced from the narratives. (See Figs.
-<a href="#i-129.jpg">2</a>
-and <a href="#i-131.jpg">3</a>.)</p>
-
-<p>There was, however, one episode of so singular, so
-deadly, and yet so dramatic an interest, occurring in the
-midst of this extensive <i>mêlée</i>, that it cannot be passed by.
-As long as naval history shall be written, it must commemorate
-the strife between the French ship "Vengeur
-du Peuple" and the British ship "Brunswick." The latter
-went into action on the right hand of the "Queen Charlotte;"
-its duty therefore was to pierce the French line
-astern of the "Jacobin." This was favored by the movement
-of the latter to support the "Montagne;" but, as the
-"Brunswick" pressed for the widened gap, the "Achille"
-made sail ahead and threw herself in the way. Foiled
-here, the "Brunswick" again tried to traverse the line
-astern of the "Achille," but the "Vengeur" now came up,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span>
-and, as the "Brunswick" persisted, the two collided and
-swung side to side, the anchors of the British ship hooking
-in the rigging and channels of the French. Thus fastened
-in deadly embrace, they fell off before the wind and went
-away together to leeward
-(Fig. <a href="#i-129.jpg">2, B</a>).</p>
-
-<p>As the contact of the two ships prevented opening the
-lower ports as usual, the British crew blew off the lids.
-The "Vengeur" having already been firing from the side
-engaged, hers were probably open; but, owing to the hulls
-touching, it was not possible to use the ordinary sponges
-and rammers, with rigid wooden staves, and the French
-had no other. The British, however, were specially provided
-for such a case with sponges and rammers having
-flexible rope handles, and with these they were able to
-carry on the action. In this way the contest continued
-much to the advantage of the British on the lower decks,
-where the French, for the reason given, could use only a
-few of the forward and after guns, the form of a ship at
-the extremities causing the distance there between the
-combatants to be greater. But while such an inequality existed
-below, above the balance was reversed; the heavy
-carronades of the "Vengeur," loaded with langrage, and
-the superiority of her musketry,—re-enforced very probably
-by the men from the useless cannon below,—beating
-down the resistance of the British crew on the upper deck
-and nearly silencing their guns. The captain of the
-"Brunswick" received three wounds, from one of which
-he afterwards died; and a number of others, both officers
-and men, were killed and wounded. This circumstance
-encouraged the "Vengeur's" commander to try to carry
-his opponent by boarding; but, when about to execute the
-attempt, the approach of two other British ships necessitated
-calling off the men, to serve the guns on the hitherto
-disengaged side.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile the "Brunswick's" crew maintained an unremitting
-fire, giving to their guns alternately extreme
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span>
-elevation and depression, so that at one discharge the shot
-went up through the "Vengeur's" decks, ripping them
-open, while at the other they tended to injure the bottom.
-The fight had thus continued for an hour when the
-"Achille," with only her foremast standing, was seen
-approaching the "Brunswick" on her port, or disengaged,
-side. The threatened danger was promptly met and successfully
-averted. Before the new enemy could take a
-suitable position, half-a-dozen guns' crews on each of the
-lower decks shifted to the side on which she was, and in a
-few moments their fire brought down her only remaining
-and already damaged mast. The "Achille" had no farther
-part in the battle and was taken possession of by the
-British a few hours later.</p>
-
-<p>At quarter before one the uneasy motions of the two
-ships wrenched the anchors one after another from the
-"Brunswick's" side, and after a grapple of three hours
-they separated. The character of the contest, as described,
-had caused the injury to fall mainly upon the hulls and
-crews, while the spars and rigging, contrary to the usual
-result in so fierce an action, had largely escaped. As they
-were parting, the "Brunswick" poured a few final shots
-into the "Vengeur's" stern, injuring the rudder, and increasing
-the leaks from which the doomed ship was already
-suffering. Immediately afterwards the mizzen-mast of the
-British vessel went overboard; and, being already well to
-leeward of her own fleet and threatened by the approach
-of the French admiral, she stood to the northward under
-such sail as her spars would bear, intending to make a
-home port, if possible. In this long and desperate conflict,
-besides the injuries to be expected to hull and spars,
-the "Brunswick" had twenty-three of her seventy-four guns
-dismounted, and had lost forty-four killed and one hundred
-and fourteen wounded out of a crew of six hundred men.
-<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Soon after the dismasting of the "Achille," the British
-ship "Ramillies," commanded by the brother of the "Brunswick's"
-captain, had been seen coming slowly down toward
-the two combatants. She arrived but a few moments before
-their separation, and, when they were far enough apart
-for her fire not to endanger the "Brunswick," she also
-attacked the "Vengeur," but not long after left her again in
-order to secure the "Achille." This fresh onslaught, however,
-brought down all the "Vengeur's" masts except the
-mizzen, which stood for half an hour longer. The French
-ship was helpless. With numerous shot-holes at or near
-the water line, with many of her port lids gone, she was
-rolling heavily in the waves, unsteadied by masts, and taking
-in water on all sides. Guns were thrown overboard,
-pumps worked and assisted by bailing, but all in vain,—the
-"Vengeur" was slowly but surely sinking. At half-past
-one the danger was so evident that signals of distress were
-made; but among the disabled or preoccupied combatants
-they for a long time received no attention. About six <span class="sc">P.M</span>.,
-fortunately, two British ships and a cutter drew near, and
-upon learning the state of the case sent all their boats that
-remained unhurt. It was too late to save every survivor of
-this gallant fight, but nearly four hundred were taken off;
-the remainder, among whom were most of the badly
-wounded, went down with their ship before the British
-boats had regained their own. "Scarcely had the boats
-pulled clear of the sides, when the most frightful spectacle
-was offered to our gaze. Those of our comrades who remained
-on board the 'Vengeur du Peuple,' with hands
-raised to Heaven, implored with lamentable cries the help
-for which they could no longer hope. Soon disappeared
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span>
-the ship and the unhappy victims which it contained. In
-the midst of the horror with which this scene inspired us
-all, we could not avoid a feeling of admiration mingled
-with our grief. As we drew away, we heard some of our
-comrades still making prayers for the welfare of their
-country; the last cries of these unfortunates were: 'Vive
-la République!' They died uttering them."
-<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> A touching
-picture of brave men meeting an inevitable fate, after doing
-all that energy and courage could to avoid it; very different
-from the melodramatic mixture of tinsel verbiage and
-suicide which found favor with the National Convention,
-and upon which the "Legend of the Vengeur" was based.
-<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a>
-Of the seven hundred and twenty-three who composed
-her crew, three hundred and fifty-six were lost; two hundred
-and fifty of whom were, by the survivors, believed to
-have been killed or wounded in the three actions.</p>
-
-<p>Long before the "Vengeur" and the "Brunswick" separated,
-the fate of the battle had been decided, and the
-final action of the two commanders-in-chief taken. It was
-just ten o'clock when the British flag-ship passed under the
-stern of the "Montagne." At ten minutes past ten the
-latter, whose extensive injuries were mainly to the hull,
-made sail in advance,—a movement which the "Queen
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span>
-Charlotte," having lost both fore and main topmasts, was
-unable to follow. Many of the French ships ahead of
-the "Montagne" had already given ground and left their
-posts; others both before and behind her had been dismasted.
-Between half-past ten and eleven the smoke
-cleared sufficiently for Villaret to see the situation on the
-field of battle.</p>
-
-<p>Ships dismasted not only lose their power of motion, but
-also do not drift to leeward as rapidly as those whose spars
-are up, but which are moving very slowly. In consequence,
-the lines having some movement ahead, the dismasted
-ships of both parties had tended astern and to windward
-of the battle. There they lay, British and French, pell-mell
-together. Of the twelve ahead of the French admiral
-when the battle began, seven had soon run out of action
-to leeward. Two of these, having hauled to the wind on
-the other tack, were now found to be astern and to windward
-of both fleets; to windward even of the dismasted
-ships. Of the rest of the twelve, one, having lost main
-and mizzen masts, was unavoidably carried to leeward, and
-the remaining four were totally dismasted. Of these four,
-three finally fell into the hands of the British. Of the
-thirteen ships astern of the "Montagne," six had lost all
-their masts, and one had only the foremast standing; the
-remaining six had their spars left in fairly serviceable condition,
-and had, some sooner and some later, retreated to
-leeward. Four of the dismasted ships in the rear, including
-among them the "Vengeur," were captured by the
-British.</p>
-
-<p>When Admiral Villaret Joyeuse had recognized the situation,
-as thus briefly described, he directed the "Montagne"
-also to be headed to leeward, and made signals to gather
-the serviceable ships round the commander-in-chief. A
-column of twelve was thus formed
-(June 1, <a href="#i-131.jpg">Fig. 3, F' F'</a>)
-on the starboard tack, standing, that is, to the eastward
-again,—the "Montagne" leading and the rear being
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span>
-brought up by the "Terrible," the flag-ship of the second
-in command, which had only her foremast left and was
-therefore taken in tow by an uninjured seventy-four. Villaret
-considered it imprudent, if not impossible, to get far
-enough to windward to interpose in favor of the dismasted
-vessels. He determined, therefore, to place himself to leeward
-of them, in such position as to receive and cover
-those that could run down to him, or which his frigates
-could reach and tow away. In this manner the "Scipion,"
-the "Jemappes," and the "Mucius," totally disabled, were
-restored to the French fleet between two and four o'clock.
-The last named had actually struck to a British ship, but
-had not been taken into possession. Villaret remained for
-some time, hove-to in this position, until satisfied that no
-more of the separated vessels could join him, and then
-made sail to the north-west (F" F").
-<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p>
-
-<p>Lord Howe was unable to follow with his own ship
-the comparatively rapid movements of the French commander-in-chief.
-At eleven o'clock, however, a signal was
-made for those that could to close around the admiral,
-and the "Queen Charlotte" was with difficulty put on
-the other tack. Howe then led the column thus formed
-(B' B') to the eastward, a step that was necessary not
-only in order to cover dismantled British ships and secure
-the prizes, but also to relieve the "Queen," which
-was threatened by Villaret and in a critical situation.
-This ship, which had behaved with so much forwardness
-and gallantry in the British van on the 29th of May,
-had on the First of June been stationed in the rear. The
-antagonist which she attacked went away rapidly to leeward;
-and the "Queen," following with unrelenting ardor,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span>
-found herself at the end of the engagement again
-between the lines, with a dismantled enemy, indeed, near
-by, but with her own mainmast gone and other spars tottering.
-Eight of Villaret's column cannonaded her as
-they passed, but without doing much harm, and Howe's
-approach extricated her.</p>
-
-<p>The escape of some of the French dismasted ships was
-severely criticised at the time, and there was also an opinion
-that Howe should have renewed the attack after gathering
-about him his less injured vessels. There can be
-little question that more promptitude and energy would
-have secured some of the French that got away; many
-competent eye-witnesses thought so, and much discontent
-was openly expressed in the fleet. It is more doubtful
-whether the admiral would have done well to order the
-attack renewed. Several captains had behaved indifferently,
-either through lack of judgment or lack of nerve,
-and the best were naturally among those whose ships, being
-well-placed and hard-fought, were now out of condition
-for fighting. A decisive practical reason for ceasing
-the action is to be found in Howe's physical condition.
-He was then sixty-eight years old; and, although possessed
-of the calm, unworrying temper which bears responsibility
-lightly, he had undergone great fatigue during the five
-days of battle and chase,—his only resting-place from
-the time the enemy was encountered being an arm-chair.
-"When the report was brought to him," says the signal
-lieutenant, "that the French fleet showed every symptom
-of determination to sustain a battle, I watched his face
-when he came to the quarter-deck to look at them; it expressed
-an animation of which, at his age, and after such
-fatigue of mind and body, I had not thought it capable;"
-but the reaction came possibly a little too soon for reaping
-the full fruits of the victory. "He went to bed," wrote
-the same officer, "completely done up after the action
-of the First. We all got round him; indeed, I saved him
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span>
-from a tumble; he was so weak that from a roll of the
-ship he was nearly falling into the waist. 'Why, you hold
-me up as if I were a child,' he said good-humoredly."
-<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>
-It is not surprising that, under such circumstances, he
-could not do all that a younger man might, nor that he
-yielded to the influence of his chief-of-staff, Sir Roger
-Curtis, a distinguished and gallant officer, but who appears
-to have been more impressed than was his superior by the
-disadvantages under which the British fleet labored.</p>
-
-<p>Many years later, Admiral Stopford, who commanded a
-frigate in the action, made the following statement, which
-he allowed to be published: "Having observed the 'Marlborough'
-dismasted and surrounded by enemy's ships, I
-bore down and took her in tow,—which bringing me very
-near the 'Queen Charlotte,' I went on board for orders.
-The cool, collected manner in which I was received by Lord
-Howe, and the desire he expressed to get the ships set to
-rights to continue the action, showed that such was his intention;
-and for the purpose of exonerating Lord Howe's
-memory from the charges I have heard alleged against
-him for not following up his victory, I think it right to
-state that, when standing on the 'Queen Charlotte's'
-poop, close to Lord Howe, Sir Roger Curtis came up in
-haste and apparent perturbation, exclaiming, 'I declare to
-God, my Lord, if you don't assemble the fleet, they will
-turn the tables upon us.' I must confess that I did not
-see anything to warrant such an exclamation, except a
-French ship passing under the 'Queen Charlotte's' stern
-and firing a few guns into her. The admiral and Sir
-R. Curtis then retired to another part of the poop, and
-nothing more was done."<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p>
-
-<p>The responsibility of a commander-in-chief is not affected
-by the advice given him by any subordinate, however
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span>
-high his reputation or confidential the relations
-between them; but in the state of bodily weakness from
-which Howe suffered, he must, for subsequent action, have
-depended largely upon Curtis, and it was probably well
-not to undertake an undeniable risk against the judgment
-of the officer who might be called upon to superintend the
-operation. The battle therefore terminated with the movement
-of the two commanders-in-chief, with their serviceable
-ships, to the eastward, through which three French
-vessels escaped, the "Queen" was extricated, and seven
-dismasted enemies were cut off by the British. At quarter
-past one the general firing ceased, though a few random
-shots continued to be exchanged by scattered vessels.</p>
-
-<p>Such were the principal features of the battle of the
-First of June, 1794, which, being fought so far from any
-land,<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>
-has received no other distinctive name. It has not
-been thought desirable to attempt narrating, in words, the
-innumerable incidents of the fight. While avoiding a superfluity
-of details, however, a tactical analysis of the
-course of the action may be not uninteresting to the professional
-reader. The method of attack undertaken by
-Lord Howe, single ship against single ship, was identical
-with that employed on many previous occasions by British
-admirals, and is to be justified only by the evidence he had
-received, on the 28th and 29th of May, of the enemy's professional
-incompetency and indifferent gunnery. He was
-probably right in concluding, from the events of those
-days, as was decisively proved by the issue on June 1st,
-that the French line was at every point weaker than the
-ships he could thus bring against it. Under such conditions
-it may be permissible to the assailant to throw away
-the opportunity, which the offensive gives him, of combining
-an attack in superior force upon a part of the enemy's
-order. It is very possible that Howe might have reaped
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span>
-better results by making such a combination, for the tactical
-inefficiency of the French fleet, which he had observed,
-assured him that it could not, in the moment of action,
-remedy any disadvantage under which he might place it;
-but, on the other hand, the drill of his own captains was
-not yet very good, nor were they all tried men upon whom
-he could depend. It was, therefore, not improbable that
-an attempt to execute a combination would result in a
-muddle, whereas he could count upon superior seamanship
-and superior gunnery, ship to ship, and the movement of
-approach which he made, though somewhat difficult in
-execution, is perfectly simple in idea. Upon the whole,
-weighing the pros and cons, it is the opinion of the author
-that Howe judged soundly in directing the simple attack
-that he did.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></p>
-
-<p>It is instructive to observe that the results of the movement,
-though far more decisive in this than in previous
-battles, are, upon dissection, found to be closely analogous.
-The British fleet, in running down together, was ranged
-on a line parallel to the French, but steering a course
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span>
-(north-west) that was oblique to its own front as well as
-to that of the enemy. The issue in every other instance
-had been indecisive,—scarcely ever was a ship taken or
-sunk. But while in this respect different, the experience
-of previous engagements was otherwise repeated. That
-flank of the assailant which in column had been the van
-came, as a whole, promptly and orderly into action, while
-delay and disorder, attended with imperfect execution, ensued
-in the rear. This feature of simultaneous fleet attacks
-was emphasized by the strenuous and brilliant efforts
-of three of the rear division, which prevented indeed a
-general failure there, but brought out all the more clearly
-how great the shortcoming would have been but for their
-exertions, unparalleled in former battles. The proportion
-of loss undergone in the different parts of the British column
-gives a fair measure of the vigor displayed by each.
-This test is indeed most misleading as a means of comparison
-between any two single ships. Instances can readily
-be chosen, from this very case, in which vessels skilfully
-placed and vigorously fought received less injury than
-others, which were badly handled and did little harm to
-the enemy; but when an average is taken of many ships,
-the specific causes of error in different directions tend to
-balance each other, and if the general conclusion is confirmed
-by the experience of other battles, it may be accepted
-with much confidence. Now, on the First of June,
-taking the total number of casualties in the British fleet,
-it will be found that in every hundred men killed the
-eight van ships lost forty-three, and in every hundred
-wounded forty-one; whereas the eight rear lost seventeen
-killed and twenty-two wounded, or rather less than half
-the proportion of the van. Nor does this tell the whole
-story, for four fifths of the entire loss of the rear fell upon
-the three vessels,<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>
-leaving but eight killed and thirty-three
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span>
-wounded to be divided among the remaining five; whereas,
-in the eight van ships, though there are marked individual
-differences, the loss is much more equally divided. The
-inference, were the truth not otherwise known, would
-amount almost to proof that the van ships went down in
-good order, attacked vigorously, and so afforded mutual
-support, whereas the rear, whatever the cause, did not
-impress themselves strongly on the enemy's line; while
-the exceptional casualties of the three which did their
-duty well indicate a lack of support from the others, which
-also appears to be confirmed by the ascertained facts.</p>
-
-<p>When a result is thus reproduced in various battles, it
-cannot be attributed wholly to the fault of the captains.
-The exceptions to the rule on the First of June were not
-the rear ships which failed in gaining for themselves a fair
-share in the action, but those which succeeded in so doing.
-The cause of this usual result seems to be that the van
-ship is the pivot upon which the operation hinges, and in
-proportion as the distance from the pivot grows greater,
-irregularities become more frequent, while each one that
-occurs is propagated and increased, until at last, in a long
-line, an approach to disorder ensues. When this happens,
-the efficiency of each ship depends less upon her normal
-relations to the line than upon the initiative of her captain;
-and the differences between men, which had been
-controlled by the exigencies of the order, where it still
-existed, begin to tell. Short lines will suffer less than
-long ones from this cause; whence it follows that in a long
-line new pivots, or points of departure for the order beyond
-them, should be provided. On the 1st of June the
-"Queen Charlotte," by her steady action and the authority
-conveyed by the example of the commander-in-chief, served
-as such a pivot, and the conduct of the ships on her right
-was better than that of those on her immediate left, which
-were regulating their position by the van.
-<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> As it seems
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span>
-probable, from the character of modern ships and weapons,
-that attacks will be made in a line of front, it is a matter
-of interest to naval officers to provide against this tendency
-to disorder and imperfect execution, which seems to inhere
-in the part of an order distant from the guide, or pivot.</p>
-
-<p>The French line, by awaiting Howe's attack, laid itself
-open to any combination he might see fit to make, but the
-plan actually adopted threw the burden of resistance upon
-the individual captains, rather than upon the admiral.
-Whenever a ship was vigorously attacked by an enemy,
-her captain's task was simple, however arduous; nor does
-there seem to have been an instance of a French officer
-in this position failing to do his duty manfully. The superior
-gunnery of the British at this time, however, generally
-beat down the resistance of the opponent, and the latter
-then bore up and ran to leeward, unless his masts had been
-shot away, or unless the assailant by piercing the line had
-barred retreat. Thus the "Mucius," seventh in the line,
-was engaged to leeward by the "Defence." She tried,
-therefore, to escape by passing to windward of the British
-"Marlborough," next ahead, but fell on board of her and
-there lost all her masts. This circumstance of inferior
-gunnery, together with the fixed idea of keeping the line
-closed, appear to have governed the movements of the
-French ships after the battle joined. Now the duty of
-keeping the line closed is most important and essential to
-mutual support, but it is not paramount to every other consideration,
-particularly when an action, as this inevitably
-must, had passed into a <i>mêlée</i>; but the French captains,
-having few other ideas on fleet-fighting, clung to this one
-in its simplest form,—that of following close upon the
-heels of the next ahead. Thus the leading ship, "Convention,"
-though not hotly attacked, wore out of the line and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span>
-was closely followed by the "Gasparin," though the latter
-was vigorously engaged. The next five ships were hard
-pressed and fought manfully. The eighth, after a short
-engagement, ran to leeward and was followed by the three
-astern of her. This brings us to the twelfth, or nearly
-to the centre of the French line, and of the six that
-followed, down to and including the seventeenth, four were
-taken after a desperate resistance. The two that escaped
-were the flag-ship "Montagne," whose career has already
-been told, and the "Jacobin," next astern of her. The
-eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth seem to have received
-little injury, but yet ran to leeward; whether independently,
-or one following another, does not certainly
-appear. The remaining six suffered the fierce assault of
-the three of the enemy's rear, and four were reduced to
-such a condition that they must have been taken—and
-not two only of them—had the rest of the British division
-done their full duty.</p>
-
-<p>Although the French officers, lacking both experience
-and instruction in fleet warfare, failed to do all they might
-in the battle, distinct misconduct by doing what should not
-have been done appears only in two cases. The first was
-the captain of the leading ship, for whose act in forsaking
-his post in the van no good reason appears. The second
-and much more serious fault was committed by the captain
-of the "Jacobin." The course of this officer in making
-sail to close upon the flag-ship, when the intention of the
-"Queen Charlotte" to pass between the two became evident,
-was perfectly proper. His keeping away, when collision
-with the "Montagne" threatened, was probably the
-only way of avoiding a disaster. Being thus forced to leeward
-of the line, he still retained the power of attacking
-the British ship to starboard, while she was, or should have
-been, engaged on the other side by the "Montagne." Instead
-of using this opportunity, Captain Gassin kept off and
-ran to leeward. This fault, grave in any case, was especially
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span>
-blameworthy in the next astern or next ahead of the
-commander-in-chief. Those were posts of peculiar honor,
-held by heavy vessels, chosen with the special object of
-supporting their leader and strengthening the part of the
-order in which he was. For Captain Gassin, personally,
-there may have been many excuses; but for the course of
-the ship, considered from a military and tactical point of
-view, no excuse whatever appears, for she suffered little
-in the fight. The void caused by the "Jacobin" was filled
-by the ships astern of her pressing up, and this forward
-movement, being transmitted to the end of the line, was
-partly the cause why the rear British ships did not reach
-their numerical opposite in the French order.</p>
-
-<p>Some attention is due to the naval strategy, to the general
-conduct and results of this short maritime campaign,
-which covered only four weeks,—from the 16th of May,
-when Villaret sailed from Brest, to the 11th of June, when
-he again anchored just outside the port. In order to form a
-just opinion there must be considered the objects of each
-party, the forces at their control, and the measures pursued
-by them.</p>
-
-<p>The object of the French was to insure the arrival of the
-convoy from America. For this purpose they had at sea,
-at the first, two detachments,—one of five ships-of-the-line
-under Nielly, the other of twenty-five under Villaret.
-The rendezvous for the two was the same, and the important
-point where their intended junction should take place
-was known to their admirals and unknown to the British.
-It may be again said that the instructions of the French
-government to its officers compelled the latter to avoid, if
-possible, any decisive engagement.</p>
-
-<p>The object of the British was twofold: to intercept the
-expected convoy, and to bring the French fleet to battle.
-The two might, and did, interfere with each other,—might,
-by divergence of interest, prompt a separation of the
-force. Of the two, fighting the French fleet was indisputably
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span>
-the more important, and was doubtless so considered
-by Howe, in accordance with the usual British naval
-policy, which aimed at the destruction of the enemy's
-organized force afloat. The ships at his disposal, including
-Montagu's squadron, amounted to thirty-two of the
-line. He was ignorant of the rendezvous of the French
-fleets and of the exact course that would be followed by
-the convoy; but of both he could form approximate
-estimates.</p>
-
-<p>From the 4th of May, when Montagu's squadron first
-separated, until the 19th, Howe supposed the French to be
-in Brest. On the latter day his lookouts reconnoitred
-the port for the second time, and he then learned that they
-had sailed. The same evening he was joined by a frigate
-from Montagu, bearing a request for a re-enforcement.
-Fearing that his subordinate might fall in with Villaret's
-greatly superior force, Howe next morning made all sail
-to join him; making a course of west by south, while the
-French had been steering west one-half south. On the
-21st he fell in with and recaptured a number of Dutch ships,
-which had been taken by Villaret on the 19th. From the
-logs of these ships, the position and course of the French
-fleet two days before was ascertained; and Howe, concluding
-that they would not go near Montagu, who was well to
-the southward, dismissed the latter from his mind and devoted
-himself thenceforth to finding the enemy. This
-decision challenges criticism, because Montagu's orders
-were, if unsuccessful in finding the convoy, to abandon his
-cruise on the 20th and rejoin the admiral off Ushant. If
-he complied strictly with these instructions, he should not
-now have been very far from the main fleet.</p>
-
-<p>Montagu, however, had seen reason for delaying some
-days on his cruising ground, and while thus waiting retook
-some of the Dutch prizes taken by Villaret and which had
-escaped recapture by Howe on the 21st. He then first
-learned of the French sailing, and at the same time that
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span>
-Howe was in pursuit. Instead of making any attempt to
-rejoin his superior, or to take a position where he might
-further the general objects of the cruise, he on the 24th or
-25th of May bore up for England and anchored at Plymouth
-on the 30th. The British naval historian, James,
-says this was done in compliance with the spirit of his
-orders. It would be more convincing to be told what was
-the letter of orders that could admit such a construction,
-and what the condition of his ships that could justify forsaking
-the field of action with so strong a detachment at
-such a critical moment. His decision, on whatever grounds
-made, seems not to have met the approval of the government,
-and orders were at once sent for him to sail immediately,
-accompanied by all the ships-of-the-line ready for
-sea at Plymouth. He accordingly did sail on the 4th of
-June with nine ships, and on the 8th reached the rendezvous
-appointed by Howe off Ushant, which was also the
-station indicated by the last instructions of the admiralty
-to him. On the 3d of June, the day before he left, the
-"Audacious" arrived, bringing the first tidings of the
-meeting of the fleets on the 28th of May, in which she
-had been disabled.</p>
-
-<p>It appears from this account that neither Howe nor Montagu
-attached sufficient importance to the concentration of
-the British fleet. Howe's immediate pursuit might indeed
-be defended on the ground of the necessity to overtake Villaret,
-before he had effected his junction with Nielly; but,
-as both these admirals knew their rendezvous, while he did
-not, and as Villaret had three days' start, the chances all
-were that he would not come up before they met. Actually,
-one of Nielly's ships joined before Howe found him,
-another on the 29th, and the remainder on the 30th; thus
-neutralizing the advantages gained by the fine tactical
-efforts of the British admiral on the 28th and 29th. Had
-Montagu's six ships, however, come up, the full profit of
-the two previous days' fighting would have been preserved;
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span>
-and it is hard to over-estimate the effect which they would
-have had upon the results, even if maintained simply as a
-reserve. To these considerations may be added the risk
-of missing both fleet and convoy, by going in search of
-them, instead of simply taking a position near which they
-must pass, and there uniting the British fleet. That this
-was very possible is shown by the facts of the chase. "On
-the 27th, at 9 <span class="sc">A.M.</span>, having got a few leagues to the northward
-of the latitude in which he had reason to think Villaret
-was cruising, Lord Howe bore up and ran to the
-eastward, with the wind on the starboard quarter."
-<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> The
-fleet had been running on this course, with a fair and apparently
-fresh wind for twenty-one hours, when the French
-were first seen in the south-south-east. Although no precise
-data are at hand, it is reasonable to conclude from the
-above that Howe had gone over a hundred miles to the
-westward of the French rendezvous, which Villaret had
-reached a week before.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> If in the meantime the convoy
-had appeared, as it perfectly well might, Villaret would at
-once have sailed for Brest, and the British admiral would
-not improbably have lost both fleet and convoy.</p>
-
-<p>The question presented is purely strategic. It was certain
-that the French fleet, if undisturbed, would meet the
-convoy; therefore after it had sailed from Brest the two
-objects of the British were merged into one. There was
-no occasion thenceforth to remain divided into two detachments.
-For what point precisely the convoy would aim
-was not known, but Brest and Rochefort marked the two
-extreme points of the coast line, between which it would
-probably arrive. The approach of so large a body of
-ships, tied down to a common movement, is necessarily
-slow. It would be as ignorant of the point where the
-British would concentrate, as the latter were of the rendezvous
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span>
-where the different French detachments were to meet.
-Fast single ships, well scattered to the westward, might
-reasonably be expected to meet it and to return to their
-main body in time to warn this where to look for the prey.
-That there were no difficulties in this line of action will
-not, certainly, be contended; but it was more sure and
-militarily sounder thus to concentrate the British force of
-thirty-two ships-of-the-line in a well chosen position, and
-with adequate lookouts, than to lead it hither and thither
-in search of the enemy's whereabouts. It is a singular and
-instructive fact that from first to last not a single British
-ship appears to have laid eyes on the convoy from America.
-Ships both of commerce and war, belonging to other bodies,
-were taken and retaken in the Bay of Biscay; but those
-coming from America wore invisible garments.</p>
-
-<p>The strategic aim of the French admiral, after he had
-been so unfortunate as to be found by the British fleet,
-was to draw it away from the rendezvous appointed for
-the convoy. Both his orders and the tactical condition of
-his fleet forbade the attempt to secure this by bringing the
-enemy to battle. When first met, the French were to
-windward, south of the British. If they had been north,
-with the same advantage of the wind, the situation would
-have been most satisfactory to them; for the convoy was
-approaching from the west-south-west, and by retreating
-to the northward and westward Villaret would have led
-the enemy directly from the position endangering it. As
-things were, it was impossible to steer to the northward
-without bringing on the battle he had to avoid; and if
-defeated where he then was, the victorious fleet would be
-left too near the convoy. Villaret, therefore, kept the advantage
-of the wind and steered a west course, which diverged
-slowly from the convoy's path, and, if long enough
-continued, would allow it to pass out of sight. The slowness
-of this divergence, however, doubtless contributed to
-reconcile him to the loss of the weather gage on the 29th,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span>
-and immediately upon finding himself north of the enemy
-he went to the northward and westward during the two following
-days.<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>
-The result was eminently successful. It is
-stated by the latest French authorities
-<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> that on the 30th
-the convoy passed over the ground where the partial engagement
-of the 29th was fought. If so, it must have
-been under cover of the dense fog which then prevailed, as
-the fleets had not moved very far.</p>
-
-<p>It is impossible not to admire heartily the judicious and
-energetic measures by which Howe, on the 28th and 29th
-of May, succeeded in gaining the weather gage, while inflicting,
-at the same time, a heavy loss upon the enemy.
-Whatever judgment may be passed upon his tactics on the
-1st of June,—and in the opinion of the writer they were the
-best adapted to the situation and to the condition of his
-fleet,—it cannot be denied that those of the preceding days
-were well conceived, and, on the part of the admiral, vigorously
-and gallantly executed. But the strategic mistake,
-or misfortune, wherever the fault lay, by which Montagu's
-detachment was absent, neutralized the tactical advantage
-gained; while the correct strategy of the French, which
-brought the two parts of their fleet within supporting
-distance of each other, restored the balance of strength.
-Thus was again confirmed the maxim of military writers,
-that a strategic mistake is more serious and far-reaching
-in its effects than an error in tactics.</p>
-
-<p>After the two fleets separated each made the best of its
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span>
-way to a home port. Lord Howe waited until the morning
-of the 3d, securing and refitting his prizes and disabled
-ships, and reached Portsmouth on the 13th of June.
-Villaret Joyeuse went to Brest. On the morning of the
-9th he fell in with Montagu's squadron, a little south of
-Ushant. The condition of the French, encumbered with
-injured ships, would have afforded an opportunity to a
-quick-moving fleet; but two of the British were excessively
-slow and the admiral did not dare approach a much
-superior force. Villaret pursued for a short distance, but,
-fearing to be drawn to leeward of his port in his crippled
-state, he soon gave over the chase. On the 11th of June,
-all his fleet anchored in Bertheaume roads, outside of
-Brest. Montagu, on the 10th, departed for England, a
-movement which finally closed the campaign on the part
-of the British. On the night of the 12th the French crews
-saw a number of lights in the Raz de Sein, the southern
-passage by which Brest is approached. They were those
-of the long-expected convoy. Admiral Van Stabel, fearing
-to find a hostile fleet before the usual and safer entrance,
-had steered for the Penmarcks, a rocky promontory thirty
-miles south of the port, and thence for the Raz de Sein.
-On the same day that Van Stabel made the land Montagu
-anchored in Plymouth. Two days later, June 14, the convoy
-and the remnant of Villaret's squadron entered Brest
-together. Thus ended the cruise, which was marked,
-indeed, by a great naval disaster, but had insured the
-principal object for which it was undertaken.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="ac"><span class="sc">The Year 1794 in the Atlantic and on
- the Continent.</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="drop-cap">WHILE the British ships engaged on the 1st of June
-were refitting, Admiral Cornwallis, on the 22d of
-the month, sailed in command of Montagu's division for a
-cruise to the westward, from which he returned to port on
-the 8th of July. With this short exception, both the
-Channel and the Bay of Biscay were left unguarded until
-the 3d of September, when Howe again sailed with thirty-four
-ships-of-the-line, five of which were Portuguese, returning
-on the 21st to Torbay after a tempestuous cruise.
-The fleet remained in port until November 8, when the
-"Canada" seventy-four arrived with the news that her
-consort, the "Alexander," of similar force, had been captured
-two hundred miles west of Ushant by a French division
-of five ships-of-the-line, from which she herself had
-escaped by better sailing. The British at once put to sea,
-but, it is needless to say, failed to find the French ships,
-which had cruised with impunity during their absence;
-and on the 29th the fleet anchored again at Spithead, a
-station so far to the eastward as to indicate little expectation
-of interfering with any of the operations of the enemy
-from Brest. There accordingly it remained until the 14th
-of the following February. The protection of commerce
-was entrusted to squadrons of frigates, whose young and
-enterprising commanders did much service by capturing or
-dispersing the French forces of a similar character.</p>
-
-<p>The Committee of Public Safety determined to use the
-opportunity which was permitted them by the diligent
-care of the British admiral to economize his fleet. There
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span>
-were, at this time, in Brest and the other Biscay ports as
-many as forty-six ships-of-the-line, either afloat or building;
-whereas in the Mediterranean, in consequence of the disaster
-at Toulon, there were only fifteen. The Committee
-therefore decided to send six ships round, and Villaret
-Joyeuse was directed to sail with the entire Brest fleet,
-thirty-five in all, for the purpose of escorting this division
-clear of the Bay of Biscay; after which he was to cruise
-for a fortnight against British commerce. The destitution
-of the Brest arsenal, however, still continued; for, with
-the enemy's command of the Channel, the naval stores of
-the Baltic could reach Brest only by going north of the
-British islands, and then running the risk of capture in
-the Atlantic by hostile cruisers. There had therefore been
-great difficulty in repairing the injuries received in the actions
-with Lord Howe, as well as in equipping the ships
-not then engaged. When the orders were received, vivid
-remonstrances were made, and the condition of the vessels
-fully represented to the Committee as being entirely unfit
-for a winter's cruise. Many masts wounded in the battle
-could not be replaced, the rigging was in bad condition,
-the crews were untrained. Several of the ships it was
-proposed to send were old and worn out; and so great
-was the dearth of provisions that only those for Toulon
-received enough for some months, the others for no more
-than four weeks.</p>
-
-<p>Robespierre had fallen five months before, and the
-Reign of Terror was now over; but the Committee were
-still unaccustomed to admit objections, and did not find in
-their limited knowledge of sea matters any reason for recalling
-orders once given. On the 24th of December,
-1794, the fleet began to leave Brest, and, in so doing, one
-of the largest, of one hundred and ten guns, was wrecked
-on a rock in the entrance. On the 29th the remaining
-thirty-four had cleared the harbor and anchored in the
-road outside, whence they sailed on the 30th. On the night
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span>
-of January 1, 1795, a furious gale sprang up, followed
-by a spell of violent weather. Two eighty-gun ships and
-a seventy-four foundered, the crews being with difficulty
-saved. Two yet larger, of one hundred and ten guns, had
-seven feet of water in the hold and would have been lost
-had the storm lasted for twenty-four hours longer. Another
-seventy-four had to be run on the coast to save the
-lives of her people. In the midst of these difficulties, which
-caused the separation of the fleet, it was necessary to transfer
-provisions from the Toulon division to the other ships,
-an herculean undertaking, but imperative to keep the latter
-from starving. On the 2d of February the greater
-part of the survivors again reached Brest; but some had
-to scatter to other ports as the weather permitted. The
-Toulon ships returned with the rest. This mid-winter
-cruise had cost the republic five ships-of-the-line; it
-brought in one British corvette and seventy merchantmen
-as prizes.</p>
-
-<p>The stars, or rather the winds, in their courses had
-fought for Great Britain; but in no wise did she owe anything
-to her own efforts. Not till the 14th of February
-did the Channel fleet put to sea, nearly a fortnight after
-the French had returned to Brest. Whatever may be said
-of the inexpediency of exposing the heavy ships to winter
-weather, it seems clear that the opposite system left the
-enemy at perfect liberty to combine his movements; and
-that there was little likelihood of these being made known
-to the commander-in-chief in Torbay soon enough for him
-to follow efficaciously. Howe himself felt this, and, from
-instructions issued by him to Sir James Saumarez on the
-15th of January, it would appear that this escape of the
-French roused him for a moment to contemplate the close
-watch off Brest, afterwards practised by Jervis and Cornwallis.
-<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>
-This was the last occasion on which the veteran
-admiral actually went to sea in command of a fleet; although,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span>
-from an apparent reluctance to try new men, the
-government insisted upon his exercising a nominal charge
-from quarters on shore. He was now in his seventieth
-year and suffering from many infirmities. The command
-afloat devolved upon a man not much younger, Lord Bridport,
-one of the naval family of Hood, but whose career
-does not bear the impress of great ability which distinguished
-so many of its members. Immediately before this,
-general dissatisfaction had caused a change in the Admiralty,
-over which, since 1788, had presided Pitt's elder
-brother, the Earl of Chatham. He was succeeded, in
-December, 1794, by Earl Spencer, a more vigorous and
-efficient man, who remained First Lord until the fall of
-Pitt's administration in 1801.</p>
-
-<p>The new head, however, did not make any substantial
-variation of system, calculated to frustrate the enemy's
-naval combinations by the strategic dispositions of the British
-fleet. More activity was displayed by keeping a small
-squadron of half a dozen ships-of-the-line constantly cruising
-in the soundings and to the westward, and the great
-Channel fleet was more continuously at sea during the
-summer months; but the close blockade of Brest was not
-attempted, nor was Bridport the man to persuade the government
-to the measures afterwards so vigorously, and in
-the main successfully, carried out by Lord St. Vincent,
-both as successor to Bridport in the Channel fleet and subsequently
-as First Lord of the Admiralty. To this faulty
-policy contributed not a little the system of telegraphs,
-adopted in 1795, by which communications were quickly
-transmitted from height to height between London and
-Portsmouth. This great improvement unfortunately confirmed
-the tendency of the Admiralty to keep the Channel
-fleet at the latter point, regardless of the obvious, but unappreciated,
-strategic disadvantage of a position so far
-east of Brest, with winds prevailing from the western quarters.
-To have the commander-in-chief just there, under
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span>
-their own hand, to receive orders from them, seemed much
-safer than to put him and his fleet in a central position
-whence he could most certainly intercept or most rapidly
-follow the enemy, and then to trust to the judgment of a
-trained and competent sea-officer to act as the emergency
-required. The plan came near resulting very disastrously
-when the French attempted to invade Ireland; and would
-have done so, had not the elements again interfered to
-remedy the absence of the British fleet. "If," says Osler
-in his life of Lord Exmouth,<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> from whom he probably received
-the idea, "if Lord Bridport (in 1796) had been
-waiting at Falmouth, with discretional powers, Sir Edward
-Pellew having been instructed to communicate directly
-with him, he might have sailed early on December 21st"
-(Pellew reached Falmouth from before Brest on the 20th)
-"and found the enemy in Bantry Bay, when perhaps not a
-ship would have escaped him. It is, however, to be remembered
-that, as the destination of the French armament
-was unknown to the last, the Admiralty might very
-properly determine that he should receive his final instructions
-from themselves, and therefore would keep the fleet
-at Spithead (Portsmouth) for the convenience of ready
-communication." But why! How could they in London
-judge better than a good admiral on the coast?</p>
-
-<p>During the year 1794, now closing, the Revolution in
-France had been rapidly devouring its children. After the
-overthrow of the Girondists in June, 1793, the Terror
-pursued its pitiless march, sweeping before it for the time
-every effort made in behalf of moderation or mercy.
-The queen was put to death on the 16th of October, and
-her execution was followed on the 31st by that of those
-Girondists who had not deigned to escape from their
-accusers. Dissension next arose and spread among the
-now triumphant party of the Jacobins; resulting in March
-and April, 1794, in the trial and death of the Hébertists
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span>
-on the one side, and of Danton and his friends on the
-other. More and more power fell into the hands of the
-Committee of Public Safety, whose tokens to the world
-were Robespierre and his chief supporters, St. Just and
-Couthon, ruling the Convention which passively decreed
-their wishes, and, through the Convention, France. For
-three short months Robespierre now appeared as the
-master of the country, but was himself carried on and
-away by the torrent which he had done so much to swell.
-The exigencies and dangers of his position multiplied the
-precautions he deemed necessary to secure his authority
-and his safety; and the cold relentlessness of his character
-recognized no means so sure as death. On the
-10th of June, by his sole authority, without the intervention
-of the Committee of Public Safety, he procured a
-decree modifying the procedure of the Revolutionary
-Tribunal, and suppressing the few checks that restrained
-its uncontrolled power. In the fourteen months preceding
-this decree 1256 persons had been by the tribunal condemned
-to death; in the six weeks that followed, until
-Robespierre himself fell, the executions were 1361.
-<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> So
-extreme an access of fury betokened approaching exhaustion;
-no society could endure the strain; the most
-violent and blood-thirsty, as well as the most timid, felt
-their own lives in danger. Bitter opposition to the dictator
-arose both in the Committee of Public Safety and
-in the Legislature. The doubtful struggle, between the
-prestige of his power and long continued success and
-the various passions of fear and vengeance animating his
-opponents, culminated in a violent scene in the Convention
-on the 27th of July. For some hours the issue
-was balanced, but in the end the arrest and trial of
-Robespierre and his chief supporters were decreed. The
-following day he, St. Just and Couthon, with some others
-of lesser note, died on the guillotine.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>No immediate change in the form of government ensued.
-The Committee of Public Safety, reconstituted, continued
-to exercise the executive functions which nominally depended
-upon the Convention; and the impulse which it
-had imparted to the soldiers and armies of France continued
-for a time to carry them resistlessly forward. But
-the delirious intensity of the popular movement had
-reached its climax in the three months' unrestrained power
-of Robespierre, with whose name it has been ever associated.
-Though the external manifestations of strength
-continued for a time unabated, the inner tension was relaxing.
-Weakness was about to succeed the strength of
-fever, to spread from the heart throughout the whole organism,
-and, by threatening social dissolution, to prepare
-the way for concentrated absolute power.</p>
-
-<p>The onward swing of the French armies on the north-east
-still continued. The year 1794 had opened with the
-investment of Landrecy by the allies, and its surrender to
-them on the 30th of April. The French began their campaign
-with the plan, especially affected by Carnot in all his
-military combinations, of attacking at the same time both
-flanks of the allied Austrians, Dutch and English, concentrating
-at each extremity of the line a force greatly
-superior to the enemy before it. As Jourdan, commanding
-the French right, threatened the allied stronghold
-of Charleroi, he drew thither the greater effort of the
-allies, and Pichegru, on the left, found his task easier.
-Five times did Jourdan cross the Sambre to attack Charleroi,
-and four times was he compelled to re-cross; but on
-the fifth, before the allies could come up in sufficient force,
-the place capitulated,—the guns of the relieving force
-being heard just as the garrison was marching out.
-The following day, June 26, 1794, Jourdan fought and
-won the battle of Fleurus; the Austrians retreating upon
-Nivelles towards the future field of Waterloo. The
-allies on both flanks continued to fall back; Ostend and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span>
-Nieuport, ports on the North Sea facilitating communication
-with England, were successively surrendered, and
-Brussels uncovered. On the 10th of July Pichegru entered
-Brussels and formed his junction with Jourdan.
-On the 15th the allies lost Landrecy, the first and only
-prize of the campaign. On the same day the French attacked
-in force the centre of the allied line, where the
-Anglo-Dutch left touched the Austrian right. The former
-being gradually turned fell back, and the Austrians, finding
-their flank uncovered, did the same. From this time
-the allies retired in divergent directions, the Anglo-Dutch
-north-east toward Holland, the Austrians eastward toward
-Coblentz; thus repeating in retreat the unmilitary and
-ruinous mistake which had rendered abortive the
-offensive campaign of 1793.</p>
-
-<p>The French advance was now stayed by the Committee
-of Public Safety, in deference to an emotion of patriotism,
-until the towns surrendered the year before should be
-retaken. On the 11th of August Le Quesnoy opened its
-gates, on the 27th Valenciennes, and on the 30th Condé.
-The siege corps now rejoined the armies in the field and
-the advance was resumed; Pichegru following the British
-and Dutch toward Holland, Jourdan, by a series of flank
-attacks which threatened the communications of the Austrians,
-forcing the latter from one position to another, until
-on the 5th October they recrossed to the east side of the
-Rhine, the French occupying Coblentz and Bonn on the
-west bank. The advance of Pichegru was marked by less
-of battle and more of siege than that of Jourdan, but was
-alike successful. By the middle of October his army had
-reached the Rhine; which in Holland divides into two
-branches, the Waal and the Leek, between which the
-enemy lay. A month later they had retreated beyond the
-latter, the French being for a moment stopped by the floating
-ice in the rivers; but the winter was one of unusual
-severity, and early in January the waters were frozen
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span>
-hard. On the 17th of January, 1795, the Prince of
-Orange left Holland for England, and on the 20th
-Pichegru entered Amsterdam. The provinces and cities
-everywhere declared for the French, and a provisional republican
-government was established; while the pursuit
-of the British troops was continued with unremitting diligence
-until they had escaped into German territory,
-whence they returned, in April, to England.</p>
-
-<p>The occupation of Belgium and Holland by the French
-was in every way a matter of concern to the other European
-powers. It threatened Great Britain in the North
-Sea, where her flank had previously been strengthened by
-the Dutch alliance, and compelled her at once to weaken
-the Channel fleet by a detachment of five ships-of-the-line
-to confront the Dutch squadrons. The merchants of
-Holland being among the great money-lenders of Europe,
-large revenues were opened to the needy French; and the
-resources thus gained by them were by the same blow lost
-to the allies. Great Britain thenceforth had to bear alone
-the money burden of the war. But on the other hand
-the republican commissaries sucked like leeches the substance
-of the Dutch; and the sources of their wealth,
-commerce and the colonies, were at the same time threatened
-with extinction by the British sea power, whose
-immediate hostility was incurred by the change in their
-political relations. Within a month, on the 9th of February,
-orders were issued to arrest all Dutch ships at sea;
-temporary provision being made to restore neutral property
-found on board them, because shipped while Holland was
-an ally. Vigorous measures were at once taken for the
-seizure of the rich Dutch colonies in all parts of the
-world; and before the year 1795 closed, there passed
-into the hands of Great Britain the Cape of Good
-Hope, Malacca, all the Dutch possessions on the continent
-of India, and the most important places in Ceylon; the
-whole island submitting in 1796. Besides these, other
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span>
-colonies were taken in the farther East and in the West
-Indies. The Dutch navy remained inoffensively in its
-ports until the year 1797, with the exception of a small
-expedition that escaped from the Texel in February, 1796,
-prepared to retake the Cape of Good Hope. Unable to go
-through the English Channel, which was completely under
-the enemy's control, it passed north of the British Islands
-and eluded capture until Saldanha Bay, near the Cape, was
-reached. Upon hearing of its arrival the British admiral
-on that station sailed in pursuit, and, having a greatly
-superior force, received its instant surrender.</p>
-
-<p>The success that followed the French standards in Belgium
-and Holland during 1794 accompanied the less
-striking operations on the Rhine and in the South. At the
-end of the year the Austrians and Prussians had abandoned
-the west bank of the river, except Luxembourg and the
-very important fortress of Mayence. Luxembourg also
-was closely invested, and capitulated in June, 1795. In
-the Pyrenees, the Spaniards were driven across the frontiers,
-and had, in the early autumn, established themselves
-in a strong entrenched camp at Figueras. On the 17th
-and 20th of November the French assaulted this position,
-and on the latter day drove the enemy from all their works
-round the place, forcing them to retreat upon Gerona. The
-garrison of Figueras, ten thousand strong, capitulated a
-week later, and the French then invested Rosas, which held
-out for two months longer; but the resistance of Spain was
-completely broken, and the further events of the war in
-that quarter are unimportant.</p>
-
-<p>On the Italian frontier the year opened with substantial
-successes on the part of the French, who got possession of
-important mountain passes of the Alps; but progress here
-was stopped, in May, by reverses attending the operations
-on the Rhine, causing troops to be withdrawn from the
-Army of the Alps. The belligerents rested in the same
-relative positions during the remainder of 1794.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The important political results of the French military
-successes in the campaign of 1794 were demonstrated and
-sealed by treaties of peace contracted in 1795 with Prussia,
-Spain, and Holland. That with the latter power was one not
-only of peace, but also of alliance, offensive and defensive.
-The principal naval conditions were that the United Provinces
-should furnish twelve ships-of-the-line, with frigates,
-to cruise in the North Sea and Baltic, and should admit a
-French garrison into the important seaport of Flushing.
-This treaty was signed May 15, 1795. The Prussian treaty
-was concluded on the 5th of April. It stipulated, generally,
-the surrender of Prussian possessions on the left
-bank of the Rhine, and by a later agreement established a
-neutral zone in North Germany under Prussian guarantee.
-The treaty with Spain was signed at Basle on the 22d of
-July. It maintained the integrity of the Spanish possessions
-in Europe, but provided for the cession to France of
-Spain's part of Haïti.</p>
-
-<p>On the other hand, Great Britain during the same year
-drew closer the ties binding her to her still remaining
-allies. An agreement was made in May with the emperor
-of Germany that he should provide not less than two hundred
-thousand men for the approaching campaign, while
-Great Britain was to pay a large subsidy for their support.
-This was followed by a treaty of defensive alliance, each
-government engaging not to make a separate peace. With
-Russia also was made a defensive alliance, and the czarina
-sent twelve ships-of-the-line to cruise with the British fleet
-in the North Sea.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="ac"><span class="sc">The Year 1795 in the Atlantic and on
- the Continent.</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="drop-cap">THE year 1795 was for France one of reaction and lassitude.
-The wave of popular ferment which had
-been rushing forward since the fall of the royalty, gathering
-strength and volume, and driving before it all wills and all
-ambitions, crested and broke in July, 1794. Like the
-breakers of the seashore, a part of the accumulated momentum
-was expended in a tumultuous momentary advance,
-of increased force but diminishing depth, and then
-recession followed. The forward and backward impulses
-met and mingled, causing turmoil and perplexing currents
-of popular feeling, but the pure republican movement
-had reached the highest point it was destined to attain.
-It had stirred France to its depths, and brought to
-the surface many a gem which under quieter conditions
-would have remained hidden from the eyes of men; but, in
-the confusion and paralysis which followed, these were left
-stranded and scattered, waiting for the master hand which
-should combine them and set each in its proper sphere
-for the glory of France.</p>
-
-<p>The recoil which followed the death of Robespierre took
-shape in several ways, all tending at once to lessen the internal
-vigor of the government, and to deprive it of means
-hitherto possessed for external effort. The revulsion to
-mercy provoked by his bloody tyranny was accompanied by
-sentiments of vengeance against the men who were, or
-were supposed to be, identified with his policy. The indulgence
-extended to those before proscribed brought them
-back to France in numbers, clamorous for revenge. These
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span>
-discordant sentiments, agitating the Convention as well as
-the people, the provinces as well as Paris, shattered that
-unity of purpose which had been the strength of the government
-after the fall of the Girondists, and during the
-domination of the Jacobins. At the same time were revoked
-the measures by which the Revolutionary Government,
-living as it did from hand to mouth, had provided
-for its immense daily necessities. The law of the Maximum,
-by which dealers were forbidden to charge beyond a
-certain fixed price for the prime necessaries of life, was repealed.
-The paper money, already depreciated, fell rapidly,
-now that the seller could demand as much as he wished
-for articles of universal consumption. The government,
-obliged to receive the assignats at their face value in payment
-of dues, sought to meet its difficulty by increased
-issues, which accelerated the decline. At the same time,
-requisitions in kind having been suppressed, as part of the
-reaction from a rule of force, supplies of all sorts were with
-difficulty obtained. Distress, lack of confidence, abounded
-in all directions; speculation ran riot, and the government,
-having relaxed the spring of terror, that most powerful of motives
-until it becomes unendurable, found itself drifting into
-impotence. These various measures were not completed
-till near the end of 1794; and the evil effect was, therefore,
-not immediately felt in the armies,—whose wants were
-also in part supplied by liberal demands upon their new
-allies in Holland. Boissi d'Anglas, in a speech made January
-30, 1795, in the Convention, and adopted by that body
-as voicing its own sentiments, declared that the armies
-would demonstrate to Europe that, far from being exhausted
-by the three years of war, France had only augmented
-her resources. The year then opening was to
-witness to the emptiness of the boast, until Bonaparte by
-his military genius laid the Continent again at her feet.</p>
-
-<p>The internal history of France during this year, though
-marked by many and important events, can be briefly
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span>
-summed up. The policy of reconciliation towards the
-classes who had most suffered under Jacobin rule was
-pursued by the government; but against the party lately
-dominant the reaction that set in was marked by many
-and bloody excesses. If in the North and West the insurgent
-Vendeans and Chouans accepted the proffered pardon
-of the Convention, in the South and East the reactionary
-movement produced a terror of its own; in which perished,
-by public massacre or private assassination, several
-thousand persons, many of whom had not been terrorists,
-but simply ardent republicans. In Paris, the Jacobins,
-though depressed and weakened by the loss of so many of
-their leaders, did not at once succumb; and the tendency
-to agitation was favored in that great centre by the poverty
-of the people and the scarcity of food. On the 1st of
-April, and again on the 20th of May, the halls of the Convention
-were invaded by crowds of men, women and children,
-demanding bread and the constitution of 1793. On
-the latter occasion a member of the Convention was shot
-while endeavoring to cover the president with his body, and
-the greater part of the deputies fled from the hall. Those
-who remained, belonging mostly to the old Mountain,
-voted certain propositions designed to calm the people;
-but the next day the crowd was driven out by the national
-guard from some sections of the city, and the reaction resumed
-its course with increased force and renewed thirst
-for vengeance. The deputies who had remained and voted
-the propositions of May 20 were impeached, and the arrest
-was ordered of all members of the Committees which had
-governed during the Terror, except Carnot and one other.</p>
-
-<p>The following month, June, the project for a new constitution
-was submitted to the Convention, and by it
-adopted on the 22d of August. It provided for an Executive
-Directory of five members, and a Legislature of two
-Chambers; the upper to be called the Council of the Elders,
-the lower the Council of Five Hundred. To this scheme
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span>
-of a constitution, the Convention appended a decree that
-two thirds of the new Legislature must be taken from the
-members of the existing Convention. The Constitution
-and the decree were submitted to the country in September.
-The Provinces accepted both, but Paris rejected the decree;
-and the protest against the latter took form on the 4th
-of October in the revolt of the Sections,—a movement of
-the bourgeoisie and reactionists against the Convention,
-which on this occasion fell back for support upon the party
-identified with the Jacobins. The defence of the Hall of
-Legislature and of its members was entrusted to Barras,
-who committed the military command to General Bonaparte,
-from whose skilful dispositions the assault of the
-Sections everywhere recoiled. On the 26th of October the
-National Convention dissolved, after an existence of three
-years and one month. On the 27th the new Legislature began
-its sittings; and the upper council at once elected the
-Executive Directory. Among its five members was Carnot.</p>
-
-<p>On the sea the year 1795 was devoid of great or even
-striking events. On the 22d of February the six ships destined
-for Toulon, which had been driven back early in the
-month with the rest of the Brest fleet, again set sail under
-the command of Admiral Renaudin, and, although much
-delayed by heavy westerly winds in the Atlantic, reached
-their destination in safety early in April. Not an enemy's
-ship was seen on the way. The Channel fleet had gone
-back to Spithead as soon as Howe learned that the Brest
-fleet had returned to port after the disastrous January
-cruise; while in the Mediterranean the British, now under
-Admiral Hotham, were at anchor in a roadstead of Corsica
-when Renaudin drew near Toulon. This made the
-French in the Mediterranean twenty to the British thirteen.
-"What the new Lords of the Admiralty are after,"
-wrote Nelson, "to allow such a detachment to get out
-here, surprises us all."<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Under the new admiralty small divisions of the Channel
-fleet continued to cruise to the westward or in the Bay of
-Biscay; but not until the 12th of June did the main body,
-under Lord Bridport, put to sea. Ten days later, numbering
-then fourteen sail-of-the-line, it fell in with Villaret's
-fleet of twelve ships close in with its own coast,
-about eighty miles south of Brest. This meeting was due
-to a succession of incidents which are worthy of narration,
-as showing the conditions of the war and the prostration
-of the French navy. The supplies of the squadron at
-Brest and L'Orient, as well as much of the local traffic of
-the country, were carried by small coasting vessels rather
-than by inland roads. A division of three ships-of-the-line
-was sent to protect a numerous convoy coming from Bordeaux.
-On the 8th of June these vessels encountered the
-British division of five ships cruising in the Bay of Biscay,
-which took from it eight of the convoy before they could
-escape under the land. When news of this reached Brest,
-Villaret was ordered to take the nine ships that alone were
-then ready for sea and join the other three. This junction
-was made, and on the 16th of June the twelve again fell in
-with the British five, which, after temporarily withdrawing,
-had returned to their cruising ground. Chase was of
-course given, and as two of the British sailed very badly
-there was a good prospect that either they would be taken,
-or the rest of the division compelled to come down to their
-aid; which, with the disparity of force, ought to result in
-the capture of the whole. The admiral, Cornwallis, behaved
-with the utmost firmness and coolness; but with
-such odds and the disadvantage of speed, no courage nor
-conduct can avert some disaster. The inefficiency and bad
-gunnery of the French saved their enemies. After a
-cannonade which lasted from nine in the forenoon of the
-17th until six in the evening, one British ship had thirteen
-men wounded, and Villaret abandoned the pursuit.</p>
-
-<p>Five days later Bridport's fleet was sighted, and the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span>
-French being inferior stood in for their coast, intending to
-anchor and await action under the island called Groix.
-The pursuit continued with light airs all day and night;
-but at daybreak of June 23 the fastest British were within
-three miles of the slowest of the French, which opened fire
-at six <span class="sc">A.M.</span> All Villaret's signals could not bring his fleet
-into line, nor induce the undoubtedly brave, but ill trained,
-men who commanded the faster ships to take station for
-the support of the slower. A desultory action continued
-till half-past eight, ending in the capture of three French
-vessels, the last hauling down her flag within a mile of Île
-Groix. Bridport then called his ships off. It is the opinion
-of French writers, apparently shared by English critics,
-<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>
-that if he had pursued energetically, the remainder of the
-enemy must either have been taken or run ashore to avoid
-that fate. As it was, Villaret was permitted to get into
-L'Orient without molestation, although to do so he had to
-wait till the tide served. Such was the extreme circumspection
-characterizing the early naval operations of the
-British, until Jervis and Nelson enkindled their service
-with the relentless energy of spirit inspired by Bonaparte
-on land. Those to whom St. Vincent and the Nile, Algesiras
-and Copenhagen, have become history, see with astonishment
-nine ships of capital importance permitted to
-escape thus easily from fourteen; forgetting the hold tradition
-has on the minds of men, and that it belongs to genius
-to open the way into which others then eagerly press. How
-the admiralty viewed Bridport's action may be inferred
-from his retaining command of the fleet until April, 1800.
-The ships that reached L'Orient had to remain till the winter,
-when they slipped back two or three at a time to Brest.</p>
-
-<p>The disaster at Île Groix, with some similar small misfortunes
-in the Mediterranean,<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> accompanied as they were
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span>
-by evidences, too plain to be any longer overlooked, of the
-inefficiency both of officers and men in the French fleets,
-determined the government to abandon all attempt to contest
-the supremacy of the sea. To this contributed also
-the extreme destitution, in the dockyards, of all sorts of
-stores for equipment or provision. With the English
-Channel and the forests of Corsica in the hands of Great
-Britain, the customary sources of supply were cut off; and
-moreover the providing for the navy—not the most cherished
-of the national institutions—met with the same difficulty
-as was experienced by other branches of the public
-service in the depreciation of the assignats, with which
-alone naval administrators could pay contractors. At the
-end of 1795 twelve hundred francs in paper were worth
-scarce twenty in gold. Having accepted naval inferiority
-as a necessary condition, the Committee of Public Safety
-resolved to maintain the great fleets in the ports simply as
-a threat to the enemy, and to send to sea only small divisions
-to prey upon his commerce and to levy tribute upon
-his colonies.</p>
-
-<p>From the end of 1795 forward, this policy prevailed and
-was finally accepted even by the emperor after several
-attempts, fruitless through the incompetence of his sea-officers,
-to realize on the sea that employment of great
-masses in which he so wonderfully excelled on land. The
-reluctance of his supreme genius to accede to this system
-of petty war may be accepted as testimony that on sea, as
-on shore, great results can only be expected by wielding
-great masses. Upon this conclusion history too has set
-its seal; for the squadron and division warfare of the
-French navy, seconded though it was by hosts of commerce-destroyers,
-public and private, produced practically no results,
-had absolutely no effect upon the issue of the war.
-On the other hand, that Napoleon, when convinced that he
-could expect nothing decisive from his fleet, accepted the
-use of it as a means of harassment or of diversion, must
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span>
-be received as a weighty indication of the naval policy
-suited to the inferior power. To assume a menacing attitude
-at many points, to give effect to the menace by frequent
-and vigorous sorties, to provoke thus a dispersion of
-the enemy's superior force, that he may be led to expose
-detachments to attack by greater numbers,—such must be
-the outline of conduct laid down for the weaker navy. But
-that such a course may be really effective,—that the inferior
-may, as in some of Bonaparte's wonderful campaigns,
-become ultimately superior,—there must be at some fitly
-chosen point of the sea frontier a concentrated body of
-ships; whose escape, if effected, may be the means of inflicting
-a great disaster upon the enemy by crushing one or
-more of the exposed fractions of his fleet. Unless there be
-such a central mass, mere dissemination is purposeless.
-Inferiority carried beyond a certain degree becomes impotence;
-nor will all the commerce-destroyers fancy can picture
-restore the balance to the nation hopelessly weaker in
-ships of the line-of-battle.</p>
-
-<p>On land as well as on sea weakness was stamped on the
-military movements of the year 1795. Its diplomatic successes
-were due to the arms of 1794. Early in the year
-Pichegru was removed from Holland to the upper Rhine,
-being succeeded by Moreau. Between the armies commanded
-by these two lay that of the Sambre and Meuse,
-still under Jourdan, concentrated on the left bank of the
-Rhine between Dusseldorf and Coblentz. It was provided
-that, in case of the three armies acting together, the chief
-command should be with Pichegru. The removal of the
-restraint enforced by the Terror was evidenced in these
-Northern forces by the number of desertions during the
-severity of this unusual winter. In the army of Italy the
-case was even worse; and the frightful destitution of
-the soldiers, made known a year later in Bonaparte's celebrated
-proclamation upon taking command, led to even
-greater losses from the ranks. Toward the end of January
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span>
-seventeen thousand men were detached from this army
-to Toulon to take part in a projected invasion of Corsica.
-The expedition never sailed; but such was the horror inspired
-by the sufferings they had undergone that the hardiest
-soldiers forsook their colors, and of two fine divisions
-not ten thousand men rejoined the army.
-<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p>
-
-<p>Under such conditions military operations could not but
-be sluggish; the genius of a Bonaparte was needed to supply
-the impetus which the emasculated central government
-could no longer impart. The great Carnot, also, had been
-removed from the direction of the war, March 4, 1795,
-under the law prescribing periodic changes of members in
-the Committee of Public Safety. The fall of Luxembourg,
-already mentioned, was obtained only by the slow process
-of blockade. Not till September, when the season was
-nearly over, did the French armies move; Jourdan and
-Pichegru being then directed to undertake a concerted invasion,
-from their widely separated positions, intending to
-form a junction in the enemy's country. Jourdan crossed
-the Rhine, advanced south as far as the Main, and invested
-Mayence, the Austrians retiring before him. Pichegru received
-the capitulation of Mannheim, which opened its
-gates upon the threat of bombardment without receiving a
-shot. He showed no vigor in following this success, and
-his dilatory ill-combined movements permitted the Austrian
-general, Clairfayt, to concentrate his armies in a central
-position between the Main and Mannheim, parting the two
-French leaders. The new direction of war, either through
-folly, or from sharing the growing inefficiency of the general
-government, had failed to accumulate the supplies of
-all kinds needed by the masses thus gathered in a wild and
-impoverished region. Clairfayt combined a powerful movement
-against the destitute and suffering army of Jourdan,
-compelling him to retreat and recross the Rhine. Leaving
-a corps of observation before him and holding Pichegru in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span>
-check on the south, he then himself crossed the river at
-Mayence and assaulted vigorously the lines on the left
-bank with which the enemy during the past year had surrounded
-the place. The blockading forces were driven
-back in divergent directions; and the Austrians in increasing
-numbers poured into the country west of the river, separating
-Jourdan from Pichegru.</p>
-
-<p>It was at this moment that the National Convention was
-dissolving and the Directory assuming the reins of government.
-Carnot became one of its five members. Impressed
-by the importance of retaining Mannheim, the loss of which
-was threatened by the recent reverses, he sent urgent orders
-to Jourdan to move south to the support of his colleague,
-using his own judgment as to the means. It was
-too late. The mingled weakness and ignorance of the preceding
-government had caused a destitution of means and
-an inferiority of force wholly inadequate to cope with the
-superior strategic position of the Austrian masses. Mannheim,
-which had surrendered on the 20th of September,
-was regained on the 22d of November by the Austrians,
-who at once re-enforced the troops on the west bank, acting
-against Pichegru, while Clairfayt pushed further back the
-other French army. With this success his brilliant operations
-closed for the year. The weather had become excessively
-bad, causing great sickness; and on the 19th of December
-he proposed an armistice, which Jourdan was only
-too glad to accept. The Austrians, who when the year
-opened were east of the Rhine, remained in force on the
-west bank, holding well-advanced positions based upon
-Mayence and Mannheim,—the two capital places for
-sustaining operations on either side of the river.</p>
-
-<p>The suspension of arms lasted until May 30, 1796, when
-the French, having given the notification required by the
-terms of the armistice, again crossed the river and began
-hostilities. But, although great and instructive military
-events followed this new undertaking, the centre of interest
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span>
-had by this time shifted from the north and east to the
-Italian frontier of the republic, where the successes of
-Bonaparte enchained it until the Peace of Campo Formio
-dissolved the coalition against France. That dazzling career
-had begun which becomes, thenceforth until its close,
-the main thread of French history, to which other incidents
-have to be referred, and by following which their mutual
-relations are most easily understood. We have reached
-therefore the period when a naval narrative reverts naturally
-to the Mediterranean; for Bonaparte's Italian campaigns
-profoundly affected the political and maritime
-conditions in that sea. Upon it also he next embarked for
-the extraordinary enterprise, condemned by many as chimerical,
-and yet so signally stamped by the characteristics
-of his genius, in which he first came into collision with the
-Sea Power of Great Britain, destined to ruin his career,
-and with the great seaman in whom that Sea Power found
-the highest expression it has ever attained.</p>
-
-<p>"During the year 1795," says the distinguished military
-historian of these wars, "France, after a twelvemonth of
-victory, came near losing all her conquests; threatened
-with a dangerous internal reaction, she only with difficulty
-succeeded in freeing herself from embarrassments and
-modifying the defects of her institutions. The next year
-we shall find her launched in a yet vaster career, by the
-great captain who so long presided over her destinies,
-who raised her to the pinnacle of glory by his victories,
-and thence plunged her to the abyss through disregard of
-justice and moderation."<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="chapsum"><span class="sc">The Mediterranean and Italy.—From the Evacuation of
-Toulon in 1793 to the British Withdrawal from that
-Sea, in 1796, and the Battle of Cape St. Vincent, February,
-1797.—Austria Forced to Make Peace.</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="drop-cap">AFTER the evacuation of Toulon, on the 19th of December,
-1793, Lord Hood had taken his fleet to Hyères
-Roads,—an anchorage formed by the group of islands of the
-same name a few miles east of Toulon. There he remained
-during the greater part of January, revictualling
-his ships and considering what steps should next be taken
-to assure British interests in the Mediterranean.</p>
-
-<p>It is essential to a fleet, as to an army, to have always
-near at hand depots of supplies, upon which it can depend
-to replace the consumption of the limited stores carried on
-board, and to which it can resort for refit. The way from
-the depots to the fleet, or the army, technically called the
-communications, should be such as can most easily be defended
-by the armed force itself, without impairing its liberty
-in movements necessary to obtain the objects of the war.
-In other words, this depot, or base, should be near the
-scene of operations and, when practicable, so situated that
-the fleet, while actively engaged, interposes directly or indirectly
-between it and the enemy. Nearness was doubly
-important in the days of sailing ships, whose movements
-depended upon the fickle element of the wind; for then a
-ship going in for refit not only took more time to perform the
-voyage, but also in returning made a heavier draft upon her
-resources, and consequently could remain a shorter period
-at the seat of war.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Toulon, while securely held, served as such a base; although,
-being exposed to overpowering attack from the
-land side, its situation called for excessive expenditure of
-effort. Toulon was, however, now lost, and the British were
-thrown back upon Gibraltar, at the very entrance of the
-Mediterranean, and nine hundred miles from the seat of
-hostilities, for a secure depot in which to land stores and a
-safe anchorage for transports and crippled ships-of-war.</p>
-
-<p>Although the possession of a strong place, suited in
-itself for a base, may decide the character of operations
-projected, logically the necessary operations should first be
-determined, and the choice of the base be decided by them.
-In the Mediterranean, as elsewhere generally at this time,
-the policy of Great Britain was to control the sea for the
-protection of commerce, and to sustain on shore the continental
-powers in the war against France,—chiefly by
-money, but also by naval co-operation when feasible.
-To support the land warfare, her diplomatic negotiations
-strove to unite, in the general military effort, as many
-as possible of the small independent states into which
-Italy was divided, to promote among them unity of
-action, and to foster the sense of security, in taking a
-decided step against France, which they could only derive
-from the presence among them of a strong power, such as
-Great Britain showed in her fleet. Neither their traditions
-nor the character of their rulers enabled them to combine
-strongly as equals; nor, as has before been said, was there
-any one state so predominant as to give a nucleus around
-which the others could gather. The only possible centre
-was Great Britain, present as a power in her fleet. Moreover,
-if unable, as she proved, to stir them up to positive,
-harmonious, concerted action, it was her interest to impose
-upon them a benevolent neutrality towards herself and
-her allies, and to deter them from inimical measures into
-which they might otherwise be impelled by the demands of
-the republic and their fear of the French army. Friendly
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span>
-ports along the whole coast were essential for the security
-of her shipping and the promotion of her commerce.
-Finally, it must be added that the character of the shore
-between Nice and Genoa, interposing between the French
-and Austrian armies, particularly favored direct naval co-operation.
-The Maritime Alps and the Apennines, coming
-down close to the sea, left but a single narrow, and yet
-long, line of communications along the beach, traversed
-by a very bad road, in many parts under fire from the sea.
-<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>
-This condition made the armies using that line chiefly
-dependent for supplies upon coasters, whose movements
-ships-of-war could harass and impede,—though not, when
-sailing vessels, entirely stop.</p>
-
-<p>Corsica, in its existing political conditions of revolt
-against France under the leadership of Paoli, appeared to
-offer the strategic situation which Hood was seeking.
-It was near and centrally placed with reference to the
-probable operations on shore; San Fiorenzo Bay, which
-became the chief anchorage for the fleet, being equidistant,
-about one hundred miles, from Nice and from Genoa.
-Leghorn also, one of the greatest depots of British trade
-in the Mediterranean and the seaport of Tuscany, over
-which Great Britain wished to enforce her influence, was
-but sixty miles from Cape Corso at the northern extremity
-of the island. All the trade with northern Italy had to
-pass close to Corsica, and was consequently exposed to
-capture if the seaports remained in French hands; especially
-as calms prevail around the island, facilitating the
-operations of row-galleys and neutralizing the powers of a
-sailing navy. Being an island, Corsica depended upon
-the control of the sea; and, though its size and rugged
-surface precluded conquest, there was believed to be a
-disposition to accept the protection of Great Britain as
-the only means of dispossessing the French troops, who
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span>
-still held the seaports of San Fiorenzo, Bastia, and
-Calvi.</p>
-
-<p>Sir Gilbert Elliott, who had been the Civil Commissioner
-of Great Britain in Toulon during the last month of its
-occupation, left Hyères Bay early in January to confer
-with Paoli, who had proposed the annexation of the
-island to the British crown. His enthusiastic reception by
-the people and the assurances of the Corsican chieftain
-convinced him that the measure was sincerely desired; and
-in consequence of his representations, Hood, on the 24th
-of January, sailed from Hyères with his whole fleet for San
-Fiorenzo Bay. The weather proving very tempestuous,
-and the three-decked ships, of which there were several,
-being ill-fitted to contend with it, the admiral was forced
-to take them to Porto Ferrajo in Elba, and to send against
-San Fiorenzo a detachment only. This appeared off the
-place on the 7th of February; and after a series of combined
-operations, in which the navy bore a very conspicuous
-share on land, the French evacuated the town and
-works on the 19th of the month, retreating upon Bastia.
-The admiral then urged an attack upon Bastia; but the
-general thought he could not spare enough men. Nelson,
-who had been blockading there for some time, strongly
-represented the feasibility of the enterprise; and, after a
-sharp altercation between the two commanders-in-chief,
-Hood determined to undertake the siege with the navy and
-the troops who were serving on board as marines. The
-landing began on the 3d of April; but the place held out
-till the 21st of May, when it capitulated. Calvi was next
-taken in hand, the operations beginning on the 19th of
-June, and ending with its surrender on the 10th of
-August. The whole island was thus freed from the
-presence of French troops,—a result due almost wholly
-to the navy, although the army bore a share in the
-operations at San Fiorenzo and Calvi. To the determination
-of Hood and the ardent representations of Nelson
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span>
-was due that Bastia was besieged at all; and, as thirty-five
-hundred regular troops then surrendered to an outside
-force of fourteen hundred seamen and marines, the opinion
-of Sir Gilbert Elliott that "the blockade of the port was
-the chief means of reducing it," can scarcely be disputed.
-At the siege of Calvi Nelson lost his right eye.</p>
-
-<p>Between the siege of Bastia and that of Calvi, the
-General Assembly of Corsica met, and on the 19th of
-June, 1794, tendered the insular crown to the king of
-Great Britain. With the successful issue of the military
-operations, this political act consummated the possession of
-the island. But, to quote the words of Elliott, the claim
-to Corsica rested upon superior force,
-<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> and by that only
-could be asserted; and this superior force the British
-government failed to provide. The love of the people for
-Paoli, and the period of anxiety through which he and
-they had passed, caused the connection to be eagerly desired,
-and accepted with demonstrations of the warmest
-delight; but as security succeeded the sense of danger, the
-first-love between nations so radically distinct in temperament
-and institutions was followed by the symptoms
-attending ill-assorted unions. Still, with prompt action
-and strong garrisons, the benefit of the foreign occupation
-might have been manifest, dissatisfaction might have
-yielded to considerations of interest, and the island been
-retained. The British government acted slowly. Elliott
-had urged that authority should be sent him beforehand to
-take over the executive functions at once, as soon as the
-Act of Union passed; instead of which, Paoli was left for
-four months in his old position, and developed a jealousy
-of his destined successor not unprecedented in the heads of
-states. This feeling, which he held with Corsican intensity,
-communicated itself to his followers; and an inauspicious
-division of sentiment already existed when, in October,
-after an interval of four months, Elliott received his
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span>
-powers as viceroy. Paoli continued for a year longer to
-reside in Corsica, and up to the time of his departure was
-a cause of trouble to the viceroy, and so of strength to
-the partisans of France, who became numerous.</p>
-
-<p>During the year 1794 the superior importance of the
-operations on the frontiers of Belgium and Germany, as
-well as in Spain, caused the French armies of Italy and
-the Alps to remain quiet, after some early successes which
-had placed in their hands the chief passes of the mountains
-and advanced their line on the coast as far as Vado,
-on the borders of Genoese territory. Early in 1795 a
-force of eighteen thousand men was detached to Toulon
-for the invasion of Corsica; but, although the French had
-in the port fifteen ships-of-the-line, they felt that neither
-the admiral nor the officers possessed the tactical skill
-necessary to handle the fleet in presence of an enemy of
-nearly equal force, if encumbered with a large body of
-transports. The case reproduced that of Conflans, when
-expected in 1759 to cover the French invasion of England.
-As a rule, in combined military and naval expeditions the
-fleet and the army should start together; but the tactical
-embarrassment of transports is indisputable. If the fleet
-cannot encounter the enemy successfully when not so hampered,
-it but encourages disaster to incur the meeting with
-them in company. Not improperly, in such a case of doubt,
-it was decided that the Toulon fleet should sail alone; and,
-accordingly, on the 2d of March, 1795, Admiral Martin put
-to sea with fifteen of the line, seven frigates, and five smaller
-vessels. Despite these respectable numbers, the efficiency
-of the force was poor. Out of twelve thousand
-officers and men on board the ships-of-the-line, seventy-five
-hundred had never before been to sea; and Martin
-reported that, deducting officers and petty-officers, he had
-but twenty-seven hundred seamen to man the fleet.
-<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p>
-
-<p>Hood had gone home the previous November, expecting
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span>
-to return; and the British were now commanded by Admiral
-Hotham. The latter had cruised off Toulon for three
-weeks in mid-winter, on account of the indications of the
-French coming out, and after a succession of most violent
-weather returned to San Fiorenzo Bay on the 10th of January.
-He sailed again, apparently about the 22d of the
-month, to cover a convoy expected from England, leaving
-in port the "Berwick," seventy-four; which, through the
-carelessness of her officers, had been permitted to roll her
-masts overboard at her anchors. After some more hard
-cruising, the fleet put into Leghorn on the 25th of February,
-leaving still in San Fiorenzo Bay the "Berwick,"
-the delay in whose repairs can only be attributed to the
-penury of naval resources. The presence of the fleet in
-Leghorn was probably necessary both for its own supplies
-and to remind the wavering Tuscany of the power of Great
-Britain at her doors; but the "Berwick" incident served
-powerfully to illustrate the far-reaching effects of individual
-carelessness and the impolicy of exposing small detachments
-not covered, directly or indirectly, by the main
-body. On the 7th of March the French fleet came in sight
-of Cape Corso, and almost at the same moment discovered
-the "Berwick," which had only the previous day succeeded
-in leaving San Fiorenzo for Leghorn. Being still crippled,
-she was easily overtaken, and forced to surrender at noon.</p>
-
-<p>The following day Hotham in Leghorn learned that the
-enemy had sailed, and the next morning at dawn put to
-sea in pursuit. On the 11th the two fleets came in sight
-of each other, the French far south and to windward of the
-British, out of gun-shot, and thus continued during the
-12th. That night one of the French seventy-fours lost a
-topmast and parted company, reducing their numbers to
-fourteen. The following morning the "Ça-Ira," an eighty-gun
-ship, ran into her next ahead, losing both fore and
-main topmasts, and thus became the source of anxiety and
-danger which a crippled ship ever is in the fleet to which
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span>
-she belongs. As she dropped out of the line, a British
-frigate ran close to her on the side encumbered with the
-fallen spars, annoying her there for some time with comparative
-impunity, and was then succeeded by Nelson in
-the "Agamemnon," who hung about on her quarters until
-several ships bore down to her relief.</p>
-
-<p>During the night the "Sans Culottes," of one hundred
-and twenty guns, the heaviest vessel in the French fleet,
-dropped out of the line to leeward, and in the morning was
-out of sight. The "Ça-Ira" was taken in tow by, the
-"Censeur," seventy-four, and at daybreak these two were
-some distance from, and to the north-east of, their fleet.
-Both parties were at this time much scattered from the
-irregularities of the wind; but it shifting now to the north-west
-favored the British, and those nearest the separated
-ships speedily brought them to action. While this partial
-engagement was going on, both fleets shaped their course
-for the scene, the French intending to cover the "Censeur"
-and "Ça-Ira" by passing between them and the
-British, but owing to some misunderstanding this was not
-done. As the two vans went slowly by on opposite tacks,
-a sharp exchange of shots took place, in which the British,
-not being well closed up, were overmatched, and two of
-their number suffered severely; but as the French allowed
-the enemy to interpose between them and the disabled vessels,
-these were forced to surrender after a very gallant
-resistance, in which they lost four hundred men and were
-partially dismasted. Each fleet continuing its course in
-opposite directions, they soon separated and passed out of
-sight.</p>
-
-<p>The baffling character of the wind, combined with the
-indifferent sailing qualities of the British three-deckers,
-deprive this action of any special tactical significance;
-and the very mediocre calibre of the two admirals was
-not calculated to overcome the difficulties they encountered.
-The numerous accidents in Martin's fleet, and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span>
-the parting of the "Sans Culottes" at such a moment,
-show the indifferent character of the French captains, and
-probably justify the comment that Hotham owed his success
-to the initiative of the admirable officers under his
-command rather than to his own capacity. "I went on
-board Admiral Hotham," wrote Nelson, "as soon as our
-firing grew slack in the van and the 'Ça-Ira' and 'Censeur'
-had struck, to propose to him leaving our two crippled
-ships, the two prizes, and four frigates, and pursue
-the enemy; but he, much cooler than myself, said, 'We
-must be contented, we have done very well.' Admiral
-Goodall backed me; I got him to write to the Admiral,
-but it would not do; we should have had such a day as I
-believe the annals of England never produced."
-<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> "Admiral
-Hotham," says Chevalier,<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> "showed great circumspection.
-He probably did not appreciate the improvised
-fleets of the republic. To fight, there are needed ships in
-good condition, capable seamen, skilful gunners, and officers
-accustomed to order, to military dispositions, and to
-squadron manœuvres. These we did not have." "The
-enemy," wrote Nelson about the same fleet, a few months
-later, "are neither seamen nor officers."
-<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> The immediate
-consequence of this defeat was the abandonment of the
-projected expedition against Corsica.</p>
-
-<p>After the battle a gale of wind forced the British into
-Spezia and caused the wreck of the "Illustrious," seventy-four,
-which, from injuries received in the action, was
-not able to keep off shore. This, with the capture of the
-"Berwick," equalized the losses of the two fleets. The
-French anchored in Hyères Bay, where they were rejoined
-by the "Sans Culottes," and on the 24th of March returned
-to Toulon. Admiral Renaudin's arrival from
-Brest<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a>
-on the 4th of April raised the available force to
-nineteen or twenty ships-of-the-line; to which the enemy
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span>
-could now oppose only thirteen of their own and two
-Neapolitan. But, although the British were very destitute
-of material for necessary equipment and repair,
-<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> the superiority
-of organization, discipline, and officer-like training,
-allowed them little real cause for anxiety. In the month
-of May a Jacobin outbreak occurred in Toulon. The government
-had ordered Martin to take advantage of Renaudin's
-junction, and again to seek the enemy while thus
-superior. The mob raised the cry that as soon as the fleet
-sailed the enemies of the Revolution would enter the town
-and massacre the patriots. The seamen, except those belonging
-to the Brest squadron, left their vessels, under
-pretext of deliberating on the dangers of their country,
-and took part in all the street demonstrations. An expedition
-was even set on foot against Marseille; but the central
-government was getting stronger, or rather anarchy
-was becoming wearisome, and after a paltry engagement
-the Toulonese fell back upon their city and submitted. A
-great number of seamen, however, had deserted; and the
-necessity of recovering them delayed the departure of the
-fleet, which finally put to sea on the 7th of June with seventeen
-ships-of-the-line. The time for a favorable sortie
-was, however, past; the British having at last received a
-large re-enforcement.</p>
-
-<p>After partially refitting in Spezia, Hotham took his fleet
-to San Fiorenzo, arriving there on the 30th of March. On
-the 17th of April he sailed again for Minorca, where he
-hoped to meet a re-enforcement and a much-needed convoy;
-but a succession of westerly winds caused the fleet to
-lose ground, instead of gaining, until the 27th, when it unexpectedly
-and most fortunately met a body of store-ships
-from Gibraltar. With these the admiral at once bore up
-for Leghorn, arriving there next day. Had the French in
-their own dockyards refitted as rapidly as the British did
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span>
-in a foreign port, and gone to sea with the increase of
-strength that Renaudin brought, they should have intercepted
-this important convoy, if they did not bring the fleet
-to action. The correspondence of Nelson, still a simple
-captain, testifies continually, in his own vivid style, to the
-critical state of the campaign at this moment.</p>
-
-<p>On the 8th of May Hotham sailed again for Minorca, and
-continued to cruise off that island until the 14th of June,
-when Rear-admiral Robert Mann joined him with a re-enforcement
-from England of nine<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> ships-of-the-line, making
-the British superior in number as in quality to the
-enemy. As a convoy was also expected, the fleet kept the
-same station until it arrived on the 22d, when the whole
-body sailed for San Fiorenzo, anchoring there June 29.
-On the 4th of July Hotham sent Nelson with his own ship
-and some smaller vessels to co-operate on the Riviera of
-Genoa with the Austrian advance against the French; but
-the detachment fell in with Martin's fleet, and had to return
-to San Fiorenzo, being, says Nelson, "hard pressed"
-by the enemy, who pursued until they saw the British fleet
-at anchor. The latter weighed as soon as possible, but
-did not come up with the French until the 14th, near the
-Hyères Islands, where a trifling brush took place, resulting
-in the capture of the "Alcide," seventy-four, which immediately
-after surrendering caught fire and blew up. This
-small affair was the last in which Admiral Hotham was
-directly concerned. Hood had been definitively relieved
-of the Mediterranean command before he could sail from
-England on his return; and Hotham, weary of a burden
-to which he felt himself unfitted and had proved himself
-unequal, applied for relief, and struck his flag on the 1st
-of November, 1795.</p>
-
-<p>Prior to the naval brush off Hyères, little had been done
-in Italy by the armies on either side. The French, whose
-forces were far inferior to those of the allies and in a state
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span>
-of great destitution, were compelled to stand on the defensive
-over a very long line, of which the advanced post on
-the sea was at Vado. The Austrians had imposed upon
-the Sardinians their own plan of campaign, which was to
-strike the extreme right of the French at Vado, and then
-drive them back along the Corniche, while the Sardinians
-attacked on the other flank through the passes of the
-Apennines up to the Col di Tende, where the Maritime
-Alps begin. The British fleet was to co-operate with the
-movement on the side of the sea,—a consideration which
-had much to do with determining the Austrian plan. By
-occupying Vado and the Riviera east of it, the coasting
-trade heretofore carried on from the ports of Genoa and
-Tuscany to southern France would be stopped; a matter
-of great consequence to the republic, as those departments
-only raised grain for three months' consumption and depended
-for the rest upon that which came from Barbary
-and Italy by way of Tuscany. With a British squadron at
-Vado, the populace of Provence, the navy at Toulon, and
-the army of Italy, would have to be supplied from the
-north of France by bad inland roads.
-<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> Vado Bay was,
-moreover, the best anchorage between Nice and Genoa.
-Devins, the Austrian general, began his movement on the
-13th of June, passing through Genoese territory against
-the protest of that neutral government. The French resisted
-sturdily; but the odds were too great, and by the
-end of June they had fallen back to a line extending from
-Borghetto on the sea to Ormea in the mountains, abandoning
-Vado and the intermediate coast towns. Devins now
-called on Hotham for naval support, and the British admiral
-detached Nelson, as has already been seen, to give
-it; but the encounter with the French fleet delaying his
-arrival for some days served Devins with a pretext for
-inaction. He employed the mean time in fortifying his
-position and improving the roads in his rear.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a name="i-195.jpg" id="i-195.jpg"></a>
-<img src="images/i-195.jpg" alt="" />
-<div class="caption">Northern Italy and Corsica.<br />
-<a href="images/i-195hr.jpg"><span class="disp">Click here for larger map</span></a></div>
-</div>
-
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>On the 17th of July Nelson reached Genoa, took on board
-the British minister to that republic, and went to Vado,
-anchoring there on the 21st. He immediately conferred
-with Devins, who gave it as his opinion that the Austrians
-could not advance further until the French were compelled
-to retire by want of provisions,—a result he expected from
-the action of the navy. Nelson explained to the minister
-that the food supplies being carried in neutral vessels he was
-powerless to stop them; for he had stringent orders from
-the admiralty that no legal measures should be instituted
-against such, when arrested, until full particulars in each
-case had been sent to England and instructions had come
-back what to do. Meanwhile the cargoes, being perishable,
-would be spoiled. Such utterly inconsequent proceedings,
-though highly characteristic of the military action of cabinets,
-were most exasperating to a man of Nelson's temper,
-always prone to cut knots; but, as he was pecuniarily answerable
-and a poor man, he could not disregard them on
-his sole authority. The British ministers to Genoa and
-Sardinia both concurred in advising him to carry out Devins's
-wishes; and then Nelson, with the fearlessness of responsibility
-he always showed,—and sometimes out of, as
-well as in, season,—issued orders to his frigates to take
-every vessel bound to France or to ports within the French
-lines, to whatsoever nation it might belong. At the same
-time the general also sent out small cruisers; and it is
-roundly asserted by Jomini that he laid a tax on all coasting
-vessels brought in by them, forcing them to pay for a passport
-and appropriating the proceeds to himself. The utmost
-diligence, however, could not insure the interruption
-of a traffic carried on by very small vessels, having to make
-but short night runs close along a coast;
-<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> and Nelson's orders,
-while doubtless productive of some results in stopping
-large vessels from Tuscany and Algiers, could not prevent
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span>
-supplies getting in by Genoese coasters. The difficulty was
-increased by the fact that a number of the ports in rear of
-the French positions belonged to Genoa, and the inhabitants
-depended upon her for food. To turn a deaf ear to
-their cries of suffering, and to prevent supplies landed there
-being used by the French, were alike impossible.</p>
-
-<p>These considerations should have led Devins to regard
-naval co-operation simply as the efforts of a light force,
-competent to harass, not to destroy, the enemy's communications;
-and should have induced him to force his own
-way, by early and vigorous action, while the French were
-inferior in numbers and before their positions became too
-strong. Instead of this, he used the Sardinians and British,
-not as allies, but as excuses for not moving; action
-of one kind or another on their part was necessary before
-he could advance. Thus the summer slipped away, the
-French busily strengthening their lines and bringing up
-the army of the Pyrenees to re-enforce that of Italy, after
-peace was made with Spain. Nelson was full of projects
-to embark a corps of Austrians, who should seize and occupy
-a coast position in rear of the French; but Devins
-only played with a proposition of which Jomini speaks with
-scant respect, and which was certainly open to the objection
-that, if carried out with adequate force, it divided the
-Austrian army. Nelson, it is true, guaranteed its retreat
-to his ships in case of need; but the Austrian, not unnaturally,
-preferred a less uncertain line. The British captain,
-who had at first felt respect for Devins's abilities, wrote on
-the 17th of September that it had for some time appeared
-to him "that the general intended to go no further than
-his present position, and meant to lay the miscarriage
-of his enterprise against Nice to the non-co-operation of the
-British fleet and the Sardinian army."
-<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> Whatever his
-purpose, Devins did not advance, but quietly awaited the
-French attack. Early in November a severe illness caused
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span>
-him to give up the command; and on the 23d of the month
-the enemy, under General Schérer, assaulted vigorously the
-centre of the allied position, where the Sardinians touched
-the Austrians. This point had always been weak, and after
-a short struggle was forced. The original intention of
-Schérer had been to turn, after piercing the centre, against
-the Sardinians, as Bonaparte did in the following year;
-but a very heavy fall of snow in the mountains decided him
-to swing round to the right, drive the Austrians back upon
-the coast, and, if possible, anticipate them upon their line of
-retreat to the eastward. In this he was not entirely successful;
-but the imminent danger forced the enemy to
-abandon all their line of works and fall back precipitately,
-with a loss of seven thousand men, killed, wounded and
-prisoners, besides their depots at Loano, Vado, and Savona.
-This action, which was a brilliant and decisive victory, is
-known as the battle of Loano. By the first of December the
-Austrians had recrossed the Apennines and were again in
-the positions from which they had set out the previous June.</p>
-
-<p>The military plan and execution of the campaign by the
-land forces scarcely falls within the scope of the present
-work. An advance by the armies of a coalition, whose respective
-troops and lines of operation are separated by a
-chain of mountains, even of the height of the Apennines,
-with difficult communication across them, does not present
-a combination promising mutual support and probable success.
-To this disadvantage is to be added that of the long
-and narrow line by which all the Austrian supplies had to
-be forwarded; and which any successful advance would
-make yet longer and more difficult. On the other hand,
-the Austrians counted much upon the help that could be
-extended by the navy of Great Britain, in whose interest
-the occupation of the shore line was undertaken.
-<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> By
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span>
-their advance they controlled Vado Bay,—the best anchorage
-between Villefranche (Nice) and Genoa; and their
-presence imposed a restraint upon the latter republic,
-whose attitude was largely determined by the comparative
-forces of the belligerents. Did then the British navy, under
-these circumstances, do all that it could have done to
-insure the success of the common cause?</p>
-
-<p>The answer can scarcely be yes. Nelson, indeed, exerted
-himself with the energy that never failed him; but
-his correspondence shows that he did not think the force
-assigned him equal to its task. Could it then have been
-increased? The answer again is scarcely doubtful. The
-British fleet of the line was slightly superior in numbers
-to the French at Toulon, and far superior in the quality of
-its officers and men. It was doubtless embarrassed by
-numerous duties,—by those conflicting interests whose
-divergence imposes the great test of capacity upon a general
-officer. The French fleet at Toulon, co-operation with
-the Austrian advance, the protection of trade, the covering
-of Corsica, the political interests involved in controlling
-the action of the small Italian states,—all these cares
-fell upon the British admiral. Of these, the French fleet
-was the most important; but all other interests of Britain
-and her allies were better served by co-operation with the
-Austrian advance,—by victory in the field,—than by any
-dissemination of force for other purposes. A decisive Imperial
-success would have determined the policy of every
-state in the western Mediterranean and closed every port
-to French cruisers.</p>
-
-<p>In short, offensive action, and not the merely defensive
-attitude maintained through the campaign, was here
-clearly indicated. Nelson intimates that the only course
-by which the navy could practically intercept the French
-communications was to enter the coasting ports and destroy
-the coasters. These little vessels defied detection on
-their voyages; only by chasing them into their nests could
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span>
-their wings be clipped. "A few days ago," he writes, "I
-scoured the coast between Monaco and Borghetto so completely,
-that although I was only able to take one ship
-loaded with corn, yet I forced the others into the Bay of
-Alassio, where they are so completely under the protection
-of formidable batteries <i>that not less than three sail-of-the-line</i>
-could attempt to take or destroy them. The number
-of vessels loaded and unloaded at those places is near one
-hundred, the greater part loaded with stores and corn for
-France."<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>
-Here was the strategic direction to be given to
-the British navy, after providing for the watch off Toulon.
-"You will now," wrote Nelson five years later to Lord
-Keith, "bear me out in my assertion, when I say that the
-British fleet could have prevented the invasion of Italy;
-and if our friend Hotham had kept his fleet on that coast,
-I assert, and you will agree with me, no army from France
-could have been furnished with stores or provisions; even
-men could not have marched."
-<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> If the fleet proved unequal
-to this task, final condemnation was passed on the
-allied plan of campaign, which was not in its conception
-characterized by sound military judgment. But Admiral
-Hotham, as Nelson said, had "no head for enterprise,
-perfectly satisfied that each month passes without
-any losses on our side."<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> Nelson never had under his
-orders any other ship-of-the-line than his own "Agamemnon;"
-and at the time of the decisive battle of Loano
-all his little squadron had been taken away except two, so
-that French gunboats harassed with impunity the left
-flank of the Austrians.<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> He himself at that critical moment
-had to remain in Genoa with the "Agamemnon," at
-the request of the Imperial minister, to prevent the crew of
-a French frigate then in port, supported as it would have
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span>
-been by French partisans, from seizing Voltri,—an important
-point upon the line of retreat of the Austrians, where
-a few resolute men could have stopped them until the pursuing
-army came up. To him alone was therefore attributed
-the escape of several thousand Imperial soldiers,
-among whom was the commander-in-chief himself.
-<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> Prior
-to the battle Genoa had permitted French intrigues and
-armed enterprises of this character to be concerted, almost
-openly, in her territories. This she would not have dared
-to do, had the British navy been present in force on the
-coast, acting under such a commander as Nelson; for
-the probabilities of final success would have been with the
-allies. In short, this campaign of the British fleet contributes
-another to the numerous lessons of history, upon
-the importance of having sufficient force at the decisive
-point and taking the offensive. It may be added that
-Hotham could better have spared ships to Nelson, if he
-had not thrown away his two opportunities of beating the
-Toulon fleet.</p>
-
-<p>While Nelson was co-operating with the Austrians as far
-as his force admitted, the British fleet was generally cruising
-off Toulon, returning from time to time to San Fiorenzo or
-Leghorn for refit and stores. It was in this latter part of
-the year 1795 that the Directory, as will be remembered,
-decided to abandon the policy of fleet-fighting and to enter
-upon that of commerce-destroying, directed against exposed
-colonies of the enemy as well as against his trade
-afloat. Two squadrons, numbering in all seven ships-of-the-line
-and eight smaller vessels, were ordered fitted out
-at Toulon, which was with difficulty done for want of
-seamen. Since the action of July off Hyères, nearly all
-the sailors in Martin's fleet had deserted, disgusted with
-the bad food, scanty clothing, and constant disaster that
-were their portion. Enough, however, were at last gathered
-to man the ships selected; and on the 14th of September
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span>
-six of the line and three frigates got away under
-the command of Captain Richery. It does not appear
-whether the British fleet was then at sea or at San
-Fiorenzo; but in either case it was at this port, and not
-until September 22d, that Hotham learned their escape.
-On the 5th of October this leisurely commander-in-chief
-sent Admiral Mann with six of the line in pursuit; but the
-French, having so great a start, could not be overtaken.
-They passed the Straits of Gibraltar early in October,
-bound to the British possessions in North America. On
-the 7th of the month, when a hundred and fifty miles west
-of Gibraltar, they fell in with an enemy's convoy of thirty-one
-merchant ships from the Levant, under the protection
-of three seventy-fours. Richery succeeded in capturing
-one of the latter, which had lost a topmast, and all the
-merchant ships except one. Having so valuable a booty,
-he decided to escort it into Cadiz, where he anchored on
-the 13th and was soon after found by Mann, whose arrival
-prevented his departure to fulfil his original mission. At
-about the same time some French frigates in the Atlantic
-took eighteen ships out of a Jamaica convoy. The other
-Toulon division, of one ship-of-the-line and six smaller
-vessels, cruised in the Levant; and, having made a number
-of prizes, returned safely to Toulon. Its commander, Captain
-Ganteaume, though undistinguished by any great
-achievements, was throughout his career remarkably fortunate
-in escaping the search of an enemy. It was he who
-commanded the flotilla on board which Bonaparte stole
-unseen through all the British cruisers, on his return from
-Egypt to France in 1799.</p>
-
-<p>These results, coinciding so closely with the adoption
-of the new policy of commerce-destroying, confirmed the
-government in favor of this course, to which the French
-have always been strongly disposed. They hoped from it,
-to use the words of a representative in the Convention, "to
-force the English to a shameful bankruptcy;" what they
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span>
-obtained was the demoralization of their navy, the loss
-of the control of the sea and of their own external commerce,
-finally Napoleon's Continental System and the fall
-of the Empire.</p>
-
-<p>The battle of Loano, decisive of the campaign of 1795,
-is yet more distinguished as marking the entrance upon
-the scene of two of the most remarkable figures in the war
-of the French Revolution. During the week after it was
-fought, Admiral Sir John Jervis, better known by his later
-title of Earl St. Vincent, arrived at San Fiorenzo, as the
-regular successor to Hood in the Mediterranean. During
-the winter Napoleon Bonaparte was chosen by the Directory
-to relieve Schérer in command of the Army of Italy.</p>
-
-<p>The career and character of the youthful republican
-general are too well known, have been too often described,
-to be attempted by the author, from whose immediate theme,
-moreover, they stand apart. The personality of the already
-aged admiral, whose iron hands stamped his own image on
-the British navy and fashioned it into the splendid instrument
-with which the triumphs of Nelson were won, is, on
-the contrary, familiar to few except the students of naval
-history. Born in 1734, Sir John Jervis, when he assumed
-command of the Mediterranean fleet in his sixty-second
-year, had had no opportunity of distinguishing himself in
-the eyes of the world outside of the service to which he
-belonged. With the members of that service, however,
-he had long been a marked man. The child of a poor
-though well-born family, he had in early life, under the
-pressure of poverty, required of himself the same stern
-discipline and submission to the duty of the moment which
-he afterwards so rigorously exacted of others. Grave and
-unbending in his official relations, immovable as a rock
-when his determination was once formed, unrelenting
-almost to mercilessness in suppressing insubordination,
-then rife throughout the British navy, he had the high-bred
-polish of a man used to good society, and his demeanor
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span>
-was courteous, and, when occasion demanded,
-even courtly. A traveller by land as well as by sea, a
-constant and judicious reader, in a period when such habits
-were rarer than now among seamen, he was well informed
-in matters other than those relating merely to his profession.
-Of the latter, however, he was a master. His ship
-was the model of the British fleet during the American
-Revolution, and his high reputation drew to her quarter-deck
-youths from the best families of England, when they
-could obtain interest to get there. Yet no man was ever
-less swayed, in an age when social and political influence
-counted for so much, by any extrinsic claims of that character.
-Personal merit first, after that a family claim upon
-the navy, that a father or brother had given his life for
-the service,—nay, the very friendlessness of a deserving
-man,—such were the considerations that determined him
-in the use of patronage at his own disposal.</p>
-
-<p>Yet, with all these strong attributes, capable too of a
-tenderness which could mourn long and deeply the loss of
-a valued comrade, the rule of Jervis was one of fear rather
-than love. It is impossible to criticise adversely measures
-whose extreme severity was justified, if not imperatively
-demanded, by the appalling crisis of the mutinies of 1797;
-impossible to withhold admiration, not unmingled with
-awe, from the impressive figure of the chief who stood
-unmoved and unyielding amid the smothered discontent,
-revolt threatening from below, the enemy's coast in sight
-from the deck, knowing that in every other fleet the crews
-had taken the ships from their officers, but determined it
-should not be so in the Mediterranean. Yet admiration is
-qualified by the feeling that to the ruthless temper of the
-man the position was not wholly displeasing,—that he was
-in his natural element when crushing opposition. A captain,
-who with great personal courage had quelled a rising
-in his ship, dragging the ringleaders with his own hands
-from among their followers, interceded on behalf of one of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span>
-the condemned because he had previously borne a good
-character. "I am glad of it," replied Jervis; "hitherto
-we have been hanging scoundrels. Now men will know
-that no good character will atone for the crime of mutiny."
-In lesser matters, also, his tendency was to exaggerate restraint
-as well as punishment. "Where I would take a
-penknife," said Nelson, "Lord St. Vincent takes a
-hatchet."</p>
-
-<p>With such characteristics, accompanied though they
-were by resolution and high professional accomplishments,
-it is not to be expected that the fire of genius will be found.
-Though not an ungenerous man, Lord St. Vincent lacked
-the sympathetic qualities that made Nelson at once so lovable
-and so great a leader of men. Escaping the erratic
-temper and the foibles of his great successor, upon whose
-career these defects have left marks ever to be regretted by
-those who love his memory, Jervis fell short too of the
-inspiration, of the ardor, which in moments of difficulty
-lifted Nelson far above the common plane of mankind, and
-have stamped his actions with the seal of genius. But
-after Nelson, Jervis, though of a different order, stands
-first among British commanders-in-chief. For inspiration
-he had a cool, sound, and rapid professional judgment; for
-ardor, a steady, unflinching determination to succeed; and
-these, joined to a perfect fearlessness of responsibility such
-as Nelson also showed, have won for him a place in the
-first rank of those chieftains, whether sea or land, who
-have not received the exceptional endowments of Nature's
-favorites. In the one general action which Fortune permitted
-to him, the battle of Cape St. Vincent, he illustrated
-these traits to a high degree; as Nelson then also
-showed that faculty of quick appreciation and instant
-action, in which all the processes of thought and will
-blend into one overpowering conviction and impulse that
-lesser men never know. Whether we consider the vastly
-superior numbers then deliberately engaged, the tactics of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span>
-the admiral on the battle-field, or his appreciation of the
-critical position in which Great Britain then stood, Sir
-John Jervis's conduct on that occasion must make the
-battle of Cape St. Vincent ever illustrious among the
-most brilliant sea-fights of all ages.</p>
-
-<p>To these powerful elements of his nature, Jervis added
-a capacity for comprehensive and minute attention to the
-details of discipline, order and economy, without which
-mere severity would become aimless and productive of
-none but bad results. He was fortunate in finding among
-the Mediterranean captains an unusual number of men of
-consummate seamanship, energy and resources, in all the
-vigor of a prime still youthful, who were only waiting for
-a master-hand to combine and give direction to their abilities.
-With such a head and with such subordinates, the
-British Mediterranean fleet soon became a model of efficiency
-and spirit, which was probably never equalled in the
-days of sailing ships. Nelson so considered it; and the
-old admiral himself bewailed its memory several years
-later, when commanding the Channel fleet, and complained
-testily of the "old women in the guise of young men,"
-whom he found in charge of ships off Brest. As an administrator,
-when First Lord, the economy of Jervis became
-exaggerated into parsimony, and his experience of
-the frauds connected with the dockyards of the day led
-him into a crusade against them, which was both well
-meant and necessary, but particularly ill-timed. It has
-consequently left a stigma of failure upon his administration,
-which is due, however, not to his executive inefficiency,
-but to a misapprehension of the political signs of the
-times. Absorbed in reform, and for it desiring quiet, he
-saw only peace while the dark clouds of war were gathering
-thick on the horizon. Therefore the British navy,
-well-worn by the first war, was not ready for that which
-followed it in 1803.</p>
-
-<p>Jervis's arrival in the Mediterranean was too late to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span>
-remedy the impending evils. It was a singular misfortune
-for Great Britain, that the interregnum between two such
-able men as Hood and Jervis should have coincided with
-the determination of the French to try the chance of battle
-with their Mediterranean fleet, and that the opportunities
-they lost should have fallen to so sluggish and cautious an
-admiral as Hotham. "To say how much we wanted Lord
-Hood on the 13th of July," wrote Nelson, "is to say, Will
-you have all the French fleet, or no action?"
-<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> Accepting
-this opinion in the light of Nelson's subsequent achievements,
-it may be permitted to think that, if not all the
-fleet, so many ships would have fallen as to have prevented
-the sailing of Richery's squadron and the consequent necessary
-detachment of Admiral Mann; while the loss of seamen
-captured would have seriously crippled the operations
-of the flotilla, which from Toulon supplied the Army of
-Italy with ammunition, artillery and stores. Light guns
-on mountain carriages could be carried along the Corniche;
-but at the opening of Bonaparte's operations all heavy guns,
-and artillery outfits of all kinds, had to be taken by sea
-from Nice to Savona.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>
-The demands of this flotilla necessitated
-the laying up of the fleet,<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>—a matter of less
-consequence as the determination to resort to commerce-destroying
-had then been reached. The French navy therefore
-became, through the flotilla, a very important part of
-Bonaparte's communications; and it has already been
-pointed out that sailing ships could not break up, though
-they might much disturb, the voyages of the smaller vessels
-employed on a difficult coast, with batteries under which to
-take refuge.</p>
-
-<p>After the battle of Loano, Nelson, whose occupation on
-the Gulf of Genoa was for the time over, went to Leghorn
-to refit his ship, then nearly three years in commission.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span>
-Not till January 19,1796, did he join Jervis, who since his
-arrival on the station had, for the most part, remained in
-San Fiorenzo organizing his fleet. The new admiral
-showed him the same confidence as his predecessors, and
-sent him at once to his old station, with a light division,
-to prevent any small number of men making a descent
-upon Italy. A predominant idea, one might almost call it a
-fad, in Nelson's mind, was the landing of a body of men
-from ships in rear of the enemy. As has been seen, he
-was forward to recommend such an attempt to Devins,
-promising to support it with his squadron; and the intelligence
-concerning flat-boats and gunboats prepared in the
-French ports suggested nothing to his mind so much as
-transporting troops to Tuscany, in rear of the Austrians,
-while the main French army operated in their front. Like
-Bonaparte, Nelson recognized the resources which the
-plains of Piedmont, Lombardy and Tuscany would offer to
-the needy enemy. He called them a gold mine; but he
-did not understand the weakness of the French in seamen,
-nor realize the improbability of Bonaparte's attempting
-such a use of his troops as would put them far out of
-mutual support and away from his own control. Certainly
-no indication of such a purpose is to be found in his correspondence
-or in the instructions of the Directory to him.
-On the contrary, he had strongly advised against a pet
-project of the Committee of Public Safety, early in 1795,
-to land an expedition in the papal states,—unless with
-control of the sea.<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a></p>
-
-<p>Had the Austrians again advanced to the sea and occupied
-Vado, Jervis would undoubtedly have supported
-them and harassed the French to a very important extent.
-Nelson gave express assurances on that point.
-<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> Bonaparte,
-however, allowed him no opportunity. Leaving Paris on
-the 14th of March, 1796, the young general reached Nice
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span>
-on the 27th of the month. On the 5th of April he moved
-his headquarters to Albenga, and on the 9th to Savona. On
-the 10th Beaulieu, the new Austrian general, began to move
-his left wing by the pass of La Bochetta, his right by that
-of Montenotte; the junction to be formed at Savona.
-Quick as lightning, Bonaparte struck at once where the
-Austrian right touched the Sardinian left. Blow followed
-blow upon the centre of the allies, and after six days'
-fighting their armies were definitively separated. Driving
-the Sardinians before him in unremitting pursuit, Bonaparte
-on the 28th granted an armistice, by which three of
-the principal fortresses of Piedmont were put into his possession
-and plenipotentiaries dispatched to Paris to treat
-for peace. This was concluded and signed on the 15th of
-May. Sardinia abandoned the coalition, surrendered the
-counties of Savoy and Nice, and yielded other conditions
-favorable to France,—particularly in the boundary lines
-traced on the crests of the mountains, where the commanding
-military positions were given to the republic. Thus
-the gates of Italy were forced; and Austria, stripped of her
-ally on shore and cut off from the British at sea, alone
-confronted Bonaparte.</p>
-
-<p>The French were now in the plains of Piedmont, with
-Lombardy before them. Beaulieu, expecting an advance
-against Milan by the north bank of the Po, had withdrawn
-across that river, intending to dispute its passage. If
-forced, he would cover Milan by falling back successively
-upon the lines of the Sesia and the Ticino, tributaries of
-the main stream. Bonaparte, however, was not the man
-to attack an enemy in front and force him back along his
-natural line of retreat to his proper base. Weighing accurately
-the political and military conditions of the peninsula,
-he had fixed his eye upon the line of the Adige as
-that which he wished to reach and hold, and which, under
-all the circumstances, he believed he could master. The
-Adige flows from the Tyrol south along the east shore of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span>
-the Lake of Garda, then turns to the eastward and enters
-the Adriatic between the Po and Venice. Occupying it, the
-French army would cover all the valleys of the Po, lay
-tribute upon their resources as well as upon those of the
-small states south of the river, interpose between Austria
-and southern Italy, and isolate Mantua, the enemy's great
-stronghold. Making, therefore, a feint of following Beaulieu
-by the methodical front attacks expected by him,
-Bonaparte pushed his main force stealthily along the south
-bank of the Po. On the 7th of May the advance-guard
-reached Piacenza, and crossed at once by boats. On the
-9th a bridge was completed over the river, which at this
-point is fifteen hundred feet wide and very rapid. Beaulieu's
-intended positions on the Sesia and Ticino were thus
-turned, and the Austrians necessarily fell back to the line
-of the Adda. On the 10th of May, just one month after
-Beaulieu began his forward movements, the bridge of Lodi,
-over the Adda, was carried; and the Austrians again fell
-back to the Mincio, the outlet of the Lake of Garda, uncovering
-Milan. On the 15th Bonaparte entered Milan in
-triumph. Here he paused for ten days, and, after quitting
-the place, had to return to punish a revolt which broke out
-among the people; but on the 30th of May the French
-crossed the Mincio, the Austrians retreating northward
-toward the Tyrol, along the east shore of the Lake of
-Garda.</p>
-
-<p>This retrograde movement left Mantua to itself. On the
-3d of June Bonaparte's headquarters were at Verona,—a
-strongly fortified place bestriding the Adige, thus insuring
-an easy transit to either side of the river, and which derives
-further strategic importance from its topographical
-position. A number of spurs run south from the Tyrol
-along the Lake of Garda and fall into the plain at Verona,
-which thus stands at the foot of the valleys formed by
-them. On either side of this cluster of spurs lie the valleys
-of the Adige and the Brenta, the two probable lines
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span>
-by which an Austrian attack would come. Verona, therefore,
-was a central point with reference to any offensive
-movements of the enemy, and became the pivot upon
-which Bonaparte's strategy hinged. On the 4th of June
-Mantua was blockaded. Having now compassed his first
-objective, Bonaparte passed temporarily from the offensive
-to the defensive, ceased his advance, and occupied himself
-with assuring the line of the Adige and pressing the siege
-of Mantua.</p>
-
-<p>There remained only to realize the political advantages
-gained by his wonderful successes. The Duke of Parma
-had entered into a convention on the 9th of May, followed
-in the same course on the 17th by the Duke of Modena.
-On the 5th of June the Court of Naples, startled out of its
-dream of security, signed an armistice, withdrawing its
-troops from the coalition and its ships from the British
-fleet,—a precipitate abandonment of the common cause as
-ill-judged as it was cowardly. At that very moment the
-French leader was writing, "I see but one means not to be
-beaten in the autumn; and that is, so to arrange matters
-that we shall not be obliged to advance into southern
-Italy."<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a>
-The Pope still holding out, Bonaparte improved
-the time which the Austrians must need to prepare a new
-movement, by marching into the papal states a corps under
-Augereau, whom he followed in person. On the 19th
-Bologna was reached, and on the 24th the Pope signed an
-armistice. Coincidently with this advance, it was felt
-safe and opportune to send into Tuscany a division taken
-from the corps occupying Piedmont. This detachment entered
-Leghorn on the 28th of June, occupied the port despite
-the neutrality of Tuscany, drove out and broke up
-the great British commercial and naval interests centred
-there, and obtained a secure base for the intended attempt
-upon Corsica.</p>
-
-<p>The failure of the Austrians to reach the coast, and their
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span>
-subsequent retreat, of course put an end to any direct co-operation
-between them and the British fleet. Jervis was
-forced to confine himself to watching the Toulon ships,—an
-operation conducted in the same spirit and on the same
-system which he afterwards imparted to the Brest blockade,
-and generally to that of all hostile arsenals. For
-over six months, from the beginning of April to the middle
-of October, he cruised with fifteen sail-of-the-line off the
-port; the heavy ships remaining some distance from it,
-but near enough to support a light division of three seventy-fours,
-which kept just out of range of the batteries,
-about two miles from the entrance. By unremitting care
-and foresight, the ships on this arduous service were provisioned,
-watered and repaired on the spot, without going
-into harbor. Nelson, as the year before, was actively employed
-in the Gulf of Genoa, harassing the coast communications,
-and was on one occasion fortunate enough to
-capture a convoy with guns and entrenching tools for the
-siege of Mantua. In the Adriatic, a few frigates and a
-flotilla of small vessels were engaged in protecting the
-Austrian communications by way of Trieste. Admiral
-Mann, with seven ships-of-the-line, was still off Cadiz, in
-the station assigned him by Hotham to watch Richery.
-Besides these strictly military operations, ships were called
-for in every direction to convoy trade, to cover the passage
-of storeships, and generally to keep the sea safe for unarmed
-British vessels, whether traders or government
-transports, upon whom depended the supplies of the fleet
-and those of Gibraltar drawn from Barbary. Between
-thirty and forty frigates and smaller vessels were thus occupied,
-and were found insufficient to meet the varied demands
-arising from the wide diffusion of British commerce
-and the activity of French cruisers.</p>
-
-<p>Bonaparte's rapid successes and wide flight of conquest
-materially affected the British fleet; and the question of
-supplies became very serious with the ports of Tuscany,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span>
-Naples and the Pope closed to its aid. Growing symptoms
-of discontent made the tenure of Corsica doubtful, with
-the French in Leghorn, and with Genoa tolerating their intrigues
-through fear of their armies. As early as May 20,
-immediately after entering Milan, Bonaparte had sent
-agents to Genoa to concert risings in the island; and in
-July he began to collect in Leghorn a body of Corsican
-refugees, at whose head he put General Gentili, also a native.
-The threatening outlook of affairs, and the submission
-of Tuscany to the violation of her neutrality by the
-French, determined the viceroy of Corsica to seize Elba,
-although a Tuscan possession. Nelson, with a small
-squadron, appeared before Porto Ferrajo on the 10th of
-July, and to a peremptory summons received immediate
-surrender. Being very small, Elba was more immediately
-under naval control than Corsica, and to hold it required
-fewer troops. In case of the loss of the larger island, it
-would still assure the British a base in the Mediterranean
-and continued control, so long as their fleet could assert
-predominance over those of their enemies.</p>
-
-<p>Some doubt, however, was felt on this latter point. The
-attitude of Spain, far from cordial when an ally, had been
-cold as a neutral, and was now fast becoming hostile.
-The decrepit kingdom had a navy of over fifty sail-of-the-line;
-and, although its discipline and efficiency were at
-the lowest ebb, the mere force of numbers might prove too
-much for even Jervis's splendid fleet of only twenty-two,—seven
-of which were still before Cadiz, a thousand miles
-from the main body off Toulon. Foreseeing the approaching
-danger, Jervis, about the time Elba was seized, sent
-Mann orders to rejoin him; and accordingly, on the 29th
-of July, the blockade of Cadiz was raised. It was just in
-time, for on the 19th of August Spain, moved by the successes
-of Bonaparte and the French advance into Germany,—which
-had not yet undergone the disasters afterwards
-inflicted upon the separated armies of Jourdan and Moreau
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span>
-by the Archduke Charles,—had signed a treaty of offensive
-and defensive alliance with the republic. As soon as
-Mann's ships disappeared, Richery demanded the help of
-the Spanish fleet to cover his departure, and on the 4th of
-August sailed in company with twenty Spanish ships-of-the-line.
-These escorted him three hundred miles to the
-westward, and then returned to port, leaving the French to
-fulfil their original mission against British North America,
-after a detention of nearly ten months. Richery, who had
-been promoted to rear-admiral during this time, made his
-cruise successfully, harassed the fishing interests on the
-coasts of Newfoundland, captured and burned a hundred
-British merchant vessels, and got back to Brest in time to
-take part in the unfortunate expedition against Ireland,
-which sailed in December of this year.</p>
-
-<p>Admiral Mann, though a brave and good officer, showed
-bad judgment throughout this campaign. Apparently, to
-use Napoleon's expression, "Il s'était fait un tableau" as
-to the military and naval situation; and to such a frame
-of mind the governor of Gibraltar, O'Hara, a pessimist by
-temperament,<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>
-probably was a bad adviser. In his precipitation
-to join the commander-in-chief, he forgot the difficulty
-about stores and left Gibraltar without filling up.
-Jervis consequently was forced to send him back at once,
-with orders to return as quickly as possible. On his way
-down, on the 1st of October, he was chased by a Spanish
-fleet of nineteen sail-of-the-line under Admiral Langara.
-His squadron escaped, losing two merchant vessels under
-its convoy; but, upon arriving in Gibraltar, he called a
-council of captains, and, having obtained their concurrence
-in his opinion, sailed for England, in direct disregard of the
-commands both of Jervis and the Admiralty. Upon his
-arrival his action was disapproved,
-<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> orders were sent him
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span>
-to strike his flag and come ashore, and he appears never
-again to have been employed afloat; but, when it is remembered
-that only forty years had elapsed since Byng
-was shot for an error in judgment, it must be owned men
-had become more merciful.</p>
-
-<p>Mann's defection reduced Jervis's forces by one third, at
-a time when affairs were becoming daily more critical.
-Not only did it make the tenure of the Mediterranean
-vastly more difficult, but it deprived the admiral of his
-cherished hope of dealing a staggering blow to the Spanish
-fleet, such as four months later he inflicted at Cape St.
-Vincent. After meeting Mann, Langara was joined by
-seven ships from Cartagena, and with this increase of force
-appeared on the 20th of October about fifty miles from San
-Fiorenzo Bay. Jervis had just returned there from off
-Toulon, having on the 25th of September received orders
-to evacuate Corsica,—an operation which promised to be
-difficult from lack of transports. On the 26th of October
-Langara entered Toulon, where the new allies had then
-thirty-eight ships-of-the-line collected.</p>
-
-<p>During the summer months Nelson had blockaded Leghorn,
-after its occupation by the French; and this measure,
-with the tenure of Elba, seems to have effectually prevented
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span>
-any large body of men passing into Corsica. On the 18th
-of September the little island of Capraja, a Genoese dependency
-and convenient refuge for small boats, was seized
-for the same object. On the 29th, however, Nelson received
-orders from Jervis for the evacuation of Corsica, the
-operations at Bastia being assigned to his special care. As
-soon as the determination of the British was known, discontent
-broke out into revolt. Gentili, finding the sea clear,
-landed on the 19th of October, pressing close down upon
-the coast; and the final embarkation was only effected in
-safety under the guns of the ships. On the 19th Nelson
-took off the last of the troops, and carried them with the
-viceroy to Elba, which it was intended still to hold. Jervis
-held on at San Fiorenzo Bay to the latest moment possible,
-everything being afloat for a fortnight before he left,
-hoping that Mann might yet join, and fearing he might
-arrive after the departure of the fleet. On the 2d of November
-provisions were so short that longer delay was impossible;
-and the admiral sailed with his whole force,
-reaching Gibraltar, after a tedious voyage, on the 1st of December,
-1796. During the passage, in which the crews were
-on from half to one third the usual rations, Jervis received
-instructions countermanding the evacuation, if not yet carried
-out. If executed, Elba was still to be held.</p>
-
-<p>The policy of thus evacuating the Mediterranean admits,
-now as then, of argument on both sides. The causes for the
-vacillation of the British government are apparent. The
-first orders to leave everything, Elba included, were dated
-August 31. Generals Jourdan and Moreau were then far
-in the heart of Germany; and the archduke having but
-just begun the brilliant counter-move by which he drove
-first one, and then the other, back to the Rhine, the effects
-of this were in no way foreseen. From Italy the latest
-possible news was of Bonaparte's new successes at Lonato
-and Castiglione, and the fresh retreat of the Austrians.
-The countermanding orders, dated October 21, were issued
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span>
-under the influence of the archduke's success and of
-Wurmser's evasion of Bonaparte and entrance into Mantua;
-whereby, despite repeated defeats in the field, the garrison
-was largely increased and the weary work of the siege
-must be again begun. While Mantua stood, Bonaparte
-could not advance; and the Austrians were gathering a
-new army in the Tyrol. The British government failed,
-too, to realize the supreme excellence of its Mediterranean
-fleet and the stanch character of its leader. "The admiral,"
-wrote Elliott<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>
-on the spot, "is as firm as a rock.
-He has at present fourteen sail-of-the-line against thirty-six,
-or perhaps forty. If Mann joins him, they will certainly
-attack, and they are <i>all</i> confident of victory." The
-incident of Mann's conduct, under these circumstances, is
-full of military warning. It is within the limits of reasonable
-speculation to say that, had he obeyed his orders,—and
-only extreme causes could justify disobedience,—the
-battle of Cape St. Vincent would have been fought then in
-the Mediterranean,<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a>
-instead of in the Atlantic after the
-fall of Mantua, and would have profoundly affected the
-policy of the Italian States. With such a victory, men
-like Jervis and Elliott would have held on for further orders
-from home. "The expulsion of the English," wrote Bonaparte,
-"has a great effect upon the success of our military
-operations in Italy. We must exact more severe conditions
-of Naples. It has the greatest moral influence upon the
-minds of the Italians, assures our communications and will
-make Naples tremble even in Sicily."
-<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a></p>
-
-<p>In the opinion of the author, Sir Gilbert Elliott expresses
-the correct conclusion in the words following,
-which show singular foresight as well as sound political
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span>
-judgment: "I have always thought that it is a great and
-important object in the contest between the French republic
-and the rest of Europe, that Italy, in whole or in
-part, should neither be annexed to France as dominion, nor
-affiliated in the shape of dependent republics; and I have
-considered a superior British fleet in the Mediterranean as
-an essential means for securing Italy and Europe from
-such a misfortune."<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>
-Elliott's presentiments were realized
-by Napoleon at a later day; the immediate effect of the
-evacuation was indicated by a treaty of peace between
-France and Naples, signed October 10, as soon as the purpose
-was known. In 1796 the British fleet had been three
-years in the Mediterranean, and since the acquisition of
-Corsica had effected little. What was needed at the moment
-was not an abandonment of the field, but a demonstration
-of power by a successful battle. The weakest eyes
-could count the units by which the allied fleets exceeded
-the British; acts alone could show the real superiority, the
-predominance in strength, of the latter. That demonstrated,
-the islands and the remote extremities of the peninsula
-would have taken heart, and a battle in the Gulf of
-Lyon had the far-reaching effects produced by that in
-Aboukir Bay. At the time of the evacuation the three
-most important factors in the military situation were, the
-siege of Mantua, the Austrian army in the Tyrol, and, last
-but not least, the British fleet in the Mediterranean. This
-sustained Naples; and Naples, or rather southern Italy,
-was one of Bonaparte's most serious anxieties. Finally, it
-may be said that the value of Corsica to the fleet is proved
-by Nelson's preference of Maddalena Bay, in the straits
-separating Corsica from Sardinia, over Malta, as the
-station for a British fleet watching Toulon.</p>
-
-<p>Immediately upon reaching Gibraltar, Jervis received
-orders to take the fleet to Lisbon, in consequence of a disposition
-shown by the allied French and Spanish governments
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span>
-to attack Portugal.<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> The limits of his command
-were extended to Cape Finisterre. Before sailing, he despatched
-Nelson up the Mediterranean with two frigates to
-bring off the garrison and stores from Elba, the abandonment
-of which was again ordered. On the 16th he sailed
-for Lisbon, arriving there on the 21st; but misfortunes
-were thickening around his fleet. On the 10th, at Gibraltar,
-during a furious gale, three ships-of-the-line drove
-from their anchors. One was totally lost on the coast of
-Morocco, and another struck so heavily on a rock that she
-had to be sent to England for repairs. Shortly after, a
-third grounded in Tangiers Bay, and, though repaired
-on the station, was unfit for service in the ensuing battle.
-A fourth, when entering the Tagus in charge of a pilot,
-was run on a shoal and wrecked. Finally, in leaving
-the river on the 18th of January, a ninety-eight-gun ship
-was run aground and incapacitated. This reduced the
-force with which he then put to sea to seek the enemy
-to ten ships-of-the-line.</p>
-
-<p>Nelson, his most efficient lieutenant, was also nearly
-lost to him on that interesting occasion, when his fearlessness
-and <i>coup d'œil</i> mainly contributed to the success
-achieved. Sailing from Gibraltar on the 15th of December,
-he fought on the 20th a severe action with two Spanish
-frigates, which would have made a chapter in the life
-of an ordinary seaman, but is lost among his other deeds.
-His prizes were immediately recovered by a heavy Spanish
-squadron, but his own ships escaped. On the 26th he
-reached Porto Ferrajo, and remained a month. He was
-there joined by Elliott, the late viceroy of Corsica, who
-had been in Naples since the evacuation. General De
-Burgh, commanding the garrison, refused to abandon his
-post without specific orders from the government, and as
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span>
-Nelson had only those of Jervis, he confined himself to
-embarking the naval stores. With these and all the ships
-of war he sailed from Elba on the 29th of January, 1797.
-On the 9th of February he reached Gibraltar; and thence,
-learning that the Spanish fleet had repassed the Straits,
-he hurried on to join the admiral. Just out of Gibraltar
-he was chased by several Spaniards,
-<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> but escaped them,
-and on the 13th fell in with the fleet. At 6 <span class="sc">P. M.</span> of that
-day he went on board his own ship, the "Captain," seventy-four,
-at whose masthead flew his broad pennant
-<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>
-during the battle of the following day.</p>
-
-<p>The meeting which now took place between the Spanish
-and British fleets was the result of the following movements.
-Towards the end of 1796 the Directory, encouraged
-by Bonaparte's successes and by the Spanish alliance,
-and allured by the promises of disaffected Irish, determined
-on an expedition to Ireland. As the first passage of the
-troops and their subsequent communications would depend
-upon naval superiority, five ships-of-the-line were ordered
-from Toulon to Brest. This force, under Admiral Villeneuve,
-sailed on the 1st of December, accompanied by the
-Spanish fleet of twenty-six ships, which, since October, had
-remained in Toulon. On the 6th Langara went into Cartagena,
-leaving Villeneuve to himself, and on the 10th the
-French passed Gibraltar in full sight of the British fleet,
-driving before the easterly gale, which then did so much
-harm to Jervis's squadron and prevented pursuit. They
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span>
-did not, however, reach Brest soon enough for the expedition.
-The Spaniards remained in Cartagena nearly two
-months, during which time Admiral Cordova took command;
-but under urgent pressure from the Directory
-<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a>
-they finally sailed for Cadiz on the 1st of February, passing
-the Straits on the 5th with heavy easterly weather,
-which drove them far to the westward. They numbered
-now twenty-seven ships-of-the-line.</p>
-
-<p>Sir John Jervis, after leaving Lisbon on January 18,
-1797, had convoyed to the westward some Portuguese
-merchant ships bound to Brazil, and then beaten back
-towards his station off Cape St. Vincent. On the 6th of
-February he was joined by a re-enforcement of five ships,
-which were sent from England as soon as the scare about
-Ireland had passed. With these fifteen he cruised off the
-Cape, knowing that he there must meet any squadron,
-from either the Mediterranean or the Atlantic, bound to
-Cadiz. At 5 <span class="sc">A.M.</span> of February 14, the frigate "Niger,"
-which had kept sight of the Spanish fleet for some days,
-joined the admiral, and informed him that it was probably
-not more than ten or twelve miles distant, to the southward
-and westward. The wind, which had been strong
-south-easterly for several days, had changed during the
-night to west by south, enabling the Spaniards to head for
-Cadiz, after the weary battling of the past week; but this
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span>
-otherwise fortunate circumstance became a very dangerous
-incident<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>
-to a large, ill-officered, and ill-commanded body of
-ships, about to meet an enemy so skilful, so alert, and so
-thoroughly drilled as Jervis's comparatively small and
-manageable force. At daybreak, about 6.30, the Spaniards
-were seen, stretching on the horizon from south-west to
-south in an ill-defined body, across the path of the advancing
-British. Their distance, though not stated, was probably
-not less than fifteen to twenty miles. The British
-fleet being close hauled on the starboard tack, heading
-from south to south by west, while the Spaniards, bound
-for Cadiz, were steering east-south-east, the two courses
-crossed nearly at right angles. At this moment there was
-a great contrast between the arrays presented by the approaching
-combatants. The British, formed during the
-night in two columns of eight and seven ships respectively,
-elicited the commendation of their exacting chief "for
-their admirable close order."<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> The Spaniards, on the contrary,
-eager to get to port, and in confusion through the
-night shift of wind and their own loose habits of sailing,
-were broken into two bodies. Of these the leading one, as
-all were sailing nearly before the wind, was most to leeward.
-It was composed of six ships, the interval between which and
-the other twenty-one was probably not less than eight
-miles. Even after the British fleet was seen, no attempt
-was for some time made to remedy this fatal separation;
-a neglect due partly to professional nonchalance and inefficiency,
-and partly to misinformation concerning the
-enemy's force, which they had heard through a neutral was
-only nine ships-of-the-line.<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a name="i-223.jpg" id="i-223.jpg"></a>
-<img src="images/i-223.jpg" alt="" />
-<div class="caption">Battle of Cape St. Vincent, February 14, 1797.<br />
-<a href="images/i-223hr.jpg"><span class="disp">Click here for larger map</span></a></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The weather being hazy and occasionally foggy, some
-time passed before the gradually approaching enemies
-could clearly see each other. At 9 <span class="sc">A.M.</span> the number and
-rates of the Spaniards could be made out from the masthead
-of the British flag-ship, so that they were then probably
-distant from twelve to fifteen miles. At half-past nine
-Jervis sent three ships ahead to chase, and a few minutes
-later supported them with three others. This advanced
-duty enabled these six to take the lead in the attack.
-About ten<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a>
-the fog lifted and disclosed the relative situations.
-The British, still in two columns, were heading fair
-for the gap in the Spanish order. The six lee ships of the
-latter had realized their false position, and were now close
-to the wind on the port tack, heading about north-north-west,
-in hopes that they could rejoin the main body to
-windward, which still continued its course for Cadiz. Jervis
-then made signal to form a single column, the fighting
-order of battle, and pass through the enemy's line. It
-soon became evident that the lee Spanish ships could not
-cross the bows of the British. For a moment they wavered
-and bore up to south-east; but soon after five of them resumed
-their north-west course, with the apparent purpose
-of breaking through the hostile line whose advance they
-had not been able to anticipate.
-<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> The sixth continued to
-the south-east and disappeared.</p>
-
-<p>The weather division of the Spaniards now also saw that
-it was not possible for all its members to effect a junction
-with the separated ships. Three stood on, and crossed the
-bows of the advancing enemy; the remainder hauled up in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span>
-increasing disorder to the northward, steering a course
-nearly parallel, but directly opposite, to the British, and
-passing their van at long cannon shot. At half-past eleven
-the "Culloden," Captain Troubridge, heading Jervis's
-column, came abreast the leading ships of this body, and
-opened fire. Sir John Jervis now saw secured to him the
-great desire of commanders-in-chief. His own force, in
-compact fighting order, was interposed between the fractions
-of the enemy, able to deal for a measurable time with
-either, undisturbed by the other. Should he attack the
-eighteen weather, or the eight lee ships, with his own fifteen?
-With accurate professional judgment he promptly
-decided to assail the larger body; because the smaller, having
-to beat to windward, would be kept out of action longer
-than he could hope if he chose the other alternative. The
-decision was in principle identical with that which determined
-Nelson's tactics at the Nile. The signal was therefore
-made to tack in succession, in pursuit of the weather
-ships. Troubridge, anticipating the order, had already
-hoisted at the masthead his answering flag of recognition,
-rolled up after the manner of the sea, needing but a turn
-of the wrist to unloose it. Quick as the admiral's signal
-flew the reply fluttered out, and the "Culloden's" sails
-were already shaking as she luffed up into the wind.
-"Look at Troubridge," shouted Jervis, in exultation: "he
-handles his ship as if the eyes of all England were upon
-him! and would to God they were!" The rear of the
-Spaniards was just passing the "Culloden" as she thus
-went round. Ship after ship of the British line tacked in
-her wake and stood on in pursuit; while those still on the
-first course, south by west, interposed between the two
-Spanish divisions. Of these the lee, led by a hundred-gun
-ship under a vice-admiral's flag, headed towards Jervis's
-flag-ship, the "Victory," the seventh in the British order,
-as though to go through the line ahead of her. The "Victory"
-was too prompt; and the Spaniard, to avoid collision,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span>
-went about close under the British broadsides. In
-doing this he was exposed to and received a raking fire,
-which drove him out of action, accompanied by his consorts.
-The "Victory," which had backed a topsail a moment
-to aim more accurately, then stood on and tacked in
-the wake of the "Culloden," followed by the rest of the
-British column.</p>
-
-<p>It was now nearly one o'clock. The action so far had
-consisted, first, in piercing the enemy's line, cutting off
-the van and greater part of the centre from the rear; and,
-second, in a cannonade between two columns passing on
-opposite parallel courses,—the Spanish main division running
-free, the British close to the wind. Naval history
-abounds in instances of these brushes, and pronounces
-them commonly indecisive. Jervis, who had seen such,
-<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a>
-meant decisive action when he ordered the "Culloden" to
-tack and follow the enemy. But a stern chase is a long
-chase, and the Spanish ships were fast sailers. Some time
-must pass before Troubridge and his companions could
-overtake them; and, as each succeeding vessel of the British
-line had to reach the common point of tacking, from
-which the Spaniards were steadily receding, the rear of
-Jervis's fleet must be long in coming up. That it was so
-is proved by the respective losses incurred. It has, therefore,
-been suggested that the admiral would have done
-well to tack his whole fleet, or at least the rear ships together,
-bringing them in a body on the Spanish van. The
-idea is plausible, but errs by leaving out of the calculation
-the Spanish lee division, which was kept off by the British
-rear ships. Those eight lee ships are apt to be looked on
-as wholly out of the affair; but in fact it was a necessary
-part of Jervis's combination to check them, during the time
-required to deal with the others. Admiral Parker, commanding
-in the van, speaks expressly of the efforts made
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span>
-by the Spanish lee division to annoy him, and of the covering
-action of the British rear.
-<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a></p>
-
-<p>Thus, one by one, the British ships were changing their
-course from south by west to north-north-east in pursuit
-of the Spanish main division, and the latter was gradually
-passing to the rear of their enemy's original order. When
-they saw the sea clear to the south-east, about one o'clock,
-they bore up, altering their course to east-south-east, hoping
-to pass behind the British and so join the lee division.
-Fortunately for Jervis, Nelson was in the third ship from
-the rear. Having fully divined his chief's purpose, he saw
-it on the point of defeat, and, without waiting for orders,
-wore at once out of the line, and threw the "Captain,"
-alone, in front of the enemy's leading ships. In this well-timed
-but most daring move, which illustrates to the highest
-degree the immense difference between a desperate and
-a reckless action, Nelson passed to the head of the British
-column, crossing the bows of five large Spanish vessels,
-and then with his seventy-four engaged the "Santisima
-Trinidad," of one hundred and thirty guns, the biggest
-ship at that time afloat. The enemy, apparently dashed
-by this act of extraordinary temerity, and as little under
-control as a flock of frightened sheep, hauled up in a
-body again to north-north-east, resuming what can only
-be described as their flight.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Their momentary change of course had, however, caused
-a delay which enabled the British leaders to come up.
-Troubridge in the "Culloden" was soon right behind Nelson,
-to whom he was dear beyond all British officers, and
-three other ships followed in as close array as was consistent
-with the free use of their guns. The Spaniards, never
-in good order, lay before them in confusion, two or three
-deep, hindering one another's fire, and presenting a target
-that could not easily be missed. This closing scene of the
-battle raged round the rear ships of the Spanish main body,
-and necessarily became a <i>mêlée</i>, each British captain acting
-according to his own judgment and the condition of his ship.
-A very distinguished part fell to Collingwood, likewise a
-close associate of Nelson's, whose ship, the "Excellent,"
-had brought up the rear of the order. Having, probably
-from this circumstance, escaped serious injury to her spars,
-she was fully under her captain's control, and enabled
-him to display the courage and skill for which he was
-so eminently distinguished. Passing along the enemy's
-rear, he had compelled one seventy-four to strike, when
-his eye caught sight of Nelson's ship lying disabled on the
-starboard side, and within pistol shot, of the "San Nicolas,"
-a Spanish eighty; "her foretopmast and wheel shot away,
-not a sail, shroud, or rope, left,"
-<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> and being fired upon by
-five hostile ships. With every sail set he pressed ahead,
-passing between the "Captain" and her nearest enemy,
-brushing the latter at a distance of ten feet, and pouring
-in one of those broadsides of which he used to assure his
-practised crew that, if they could fire three in five minutes,
-no vessel could resist them. The "San Nicolas," either
-intentionally or from the helmsman being killed, luffed
-and fell on board the "San Josef," a ship of one hundred
-and twelve guns, while the "Excellent," continuing her
-course, left the ground again clear for Nelson. The latter,
-seeing the "Captain" powerless for continued manœuvre,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span>
-put the helm to starboard; the British ship came up to
-the wind, fetched over to the "San Nicolas," and grappled
-her. Nelson, having his men ready on deck, rushed at
-their head on board the Spaniard, drove her crew below,
-and captured her. The "San Josef," which was fast to
-the "San Nicolas" on the other side, now opened a fire of
-musketry; but the commodore, first stationing sentinels to
-prevent the "San Nicolas's" men regaining their deck,
-called upon his own ship for a re-enforcement, with which
-he boarded the three-decker and carried her also. On her
-quarter-deck, surrounded by his followers still hot from
-the fight, he received the swords of the Spanish officers.</p>
-
-<p>This dramatic ending to the distinguished part played by
-him, and the promptitude of his previous action, by which,
-while assuming a great responsibility, he saved the success
-of the day, have made Nelson the most striking figure in
-the battle of Cape St. Vincent; or, as it is sometimes
-called, of St. Valentine's Day. This splendid movement of
-his genius in no way detracts from the credit due to the commander-in-chief;
-as it was no lessening of Nelson's own
-fame that the leader of the van at the Nile conceived on
-the moment the happy thought of passing inside the French
-line. To Jervis alone belongs the honor of attacking such
-heavy odds, as well as of the correct and sufficient combination
-by which he hoped to snatch victory from superior
-numbers. He was happy, indeed, in having such a lieutenant,
-so right a man in so right a place, and at so critical a
-moment; but the whole responsibility and the whole original
-plan was his, and no man can take it from him. To him,
-too, was primarily due the admirable efficiency of his fleet,
-which removed from his enterprise the reproach of rashness
-to bestow upon it the praise of daring. A yet higher meed
-of glory is due to this bold admiral. As the dull morning
-light showed him the two fleets, he was heard to say, "A
-victory is very essential to England at this moment."
-Honor to the chief who can rise above his own anxieties
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span>
-and his local responsibilities to think of the needs of his
-country, and who is willing to risk his own reputation to
-support her credit.</p>
-
-<p>Four Spanish ships were now in the possession of the
-British, and the great "Santisima Trinidad" was without
-fore or mizzen mast,—some said she had struck; but the lee
-division of the enemy was at last coming up, and many of
-the weather were still uninjured. Jervis, therefore, about
-four in the afternoon formed his fleet in line on the starboard
-tack, interposing it between the enemy and his prizes.
-This ended the battle. It has been thought that further
-pursuit of a fleet so disgracefully beaten would have increased
-the British triumph; but Jervis was not the man
-to risk a substantial success, securely held, for a doubtful
-further gain. The victory essential to Great Britain was
-won; the worthlessness of the Spanish navy was revealed,—it
-could no longer be accounted a factor in the political situation.
-In the opinion of the author, Jervis was right not to
-expose this, the great and attained result of Valentine's
-Day, to those chances of mishap that cannot be excluded
-from the operations of war.</p>
-
-<p>Among the numerous rewards bestowed for this action,
-the admiral was advanced to the peerage as Earl St. Vincent,
-while upon Nelson was bestowed the then distinguished
-honor of Knight of the Bath. On the 20th of
-February he was made a rear-admiral. The captains of
-the fleet received medals, and the senior lieutenant of each
-ship was promoted.</p>
-
-<p>Jervis had well said that Great Britain was then in essential
-need of a victory; and never was one better timed for
-political effect. Deep gloom prevailed throughout the country,
-and in every quarter the horizon was black with clouds,
-when, on the 3d of March, the bearer of the dispatches
-reached the admiralty. Since Bonaparte had seized the
-line of the Adige and cut off Mantua, three distinct attempts
-had been made by the Austrians in superior force to dislodge
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span>
-him and relieve the city; and in all three they had
-been beaten with heavy loss. The news was but lately
-come that Mantua had capitulated, leaving Bonaparte free
-to assume the offensive and advance, as he shortly did.
-The British fleet had been forced to abandon Corsica and
-the Mediterranean. Peace negotiations, begun with the
-republic, had ended by the British envoy being peremptorily
-ordered to leave France in forty-eight hours; and
-although the government had not expected a favorable
-issue, the effect on the people was disheartening. Consols
-fell to 51, a depression greater than any reached during the
-American Revolution.<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> The expedition of the French
-against Ireland had indeed failed; but so little share had
-the Channel fleet borne in their defeat, that the country
-was forced to ascribe to the direct interposition of Divine
-Providence a deliverance, which it would have preferred to
-see wrought through the instrumentality of the navy. That
-trusted arm of the national defence seemed palsied in every
-quarter. Finally, among the greater of many discouraging
-circumstances, specie payments were stopped by the
-Bank of England on the 26th of February, in obedience to
-an order of the government. The profuse subsidies paid to
-continental states, and the demands for coin to meet the expenses
-of the navy in all parts of the world, were the chief
-causes of a drain against which the bank directors had frequently
-remonstrated during two years as threatening ruin.
-To these causes for scarcity was added at this time another,
-temporary in its character and arising in great part from
-loss of confidence in the navy's efficiency,—the fear, namely,
-of invasion. People had begun to call for and to hoard coin
-against an evil day. Such was the outlook as Jervis's captain
-posted from Falmouth, where he landed, to London,
-keeping the secret of his good news within his breast. The
-frigate which had borne him went on to Plymouth with the
-viceroy of Corsica, returning with his suite from his lost
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span>
-principality. When they landed on the 5th of March,
-news had just reached the town of the suspension of cash
-payments, and, as they told of the great achievement off
-Cape St. Vincent, people at first refused to believe that the
-tide had turned. They were expecting to hear of a junction
-between the French and Spanish fleets, and an approaching
-invasion. So great was the financial panic, that
-fifteen guineas were with difficulty collected among government
-officials to pay the expenses of Elliott's journey to
-London.<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a></p>
-
-<p>The revulsion was great, and was proved by the profusion
-with which rewards were distributed. The Spanish
-navy had been but a bugbear, but as a bugbear it was great.
-The veil that covered its rottenness was stripped away, and
-at the same time were revealed to the nation, which feared
-it had no naval chiefs, the striking and brilliant figures of
-Jervis and Nelson. In vain did the Opposition, in the true
-spirit of faction, seek to turn men's eyes from the brilliant
-achievements of the warriors to the imbecility affirmed of
-the government, which had opposed fifteen ships to twenty-seven.
-Thinking men realized that the administration
-could not be held responsible for Mann's unauthorized return
-at Christmas-tide, nor for the extraordinary series of
-misfortunes by which five more of the Mediterranean fleet
-were in one short month incapacitated. They saw, too,
-that no popular government would have dared to replace
-Mann's ships so long as the fate of Ireland, then in the
-balance, was uncertain. But most men did not care to
-think. It was enough for them that fifteen British ships
-had dashed into the midst of twenty-seven enemies, had
-collared and dragged out four of the biggest and severely
-handled the rest. It was enough to hear that the crew of
-one British seventy-four, headed by a man whom few out
-of the navy yet knew, had, sword in hand, carried first a
-Spanish eighty and then another of one hundred and twelve
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span>
-guns. With such men to rule the fleet, and with Pitt at the
-helm of state, they thanked God and took courage. Speculation
-is often futile; yet it is hard to see how the country
-could have borne the approaching crisis of the mutinies,
-on top of its other troubles, had not the fear of the Spanish
-navy been removed and the hope of better naval leaders
-been afforded. That the hope was well founded is no speculation.
-With St. Vincent began a series of victories and
-achievements which have thrown the great deeds of earlier
-years into undeserved obscurity.</p>
-
-<p>Immediately after the battle the Spanish fleet entered
-Cadiz, and Jervis returned to Lisbon to refit his ships. On
-the 31st of March, having received further re-enforcements,
-he left Lisbon with twenty-one ships-of-the-line and took
-position off Cadiz, where the Spaniards had twenty-six of
-the same class. After cruising for six weeks under sail, he
-anchored the fleet for a long blockade, and this disposition
-continued with little intermission for two years,—until
-May, 1799, when the successful sortie of Admiral Bruix
-from Brest, related in another place,
-<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> and the consequent
-chase by the British blockading force, gave the Spaniards
-the opportunity to slip out. This tedious watching was unfruitful
-in events of military interest; but the burden of
-the commander-in-chief was increased by the spirit of
-mutiny, rife throughout the whole period, which triumphed
-temporarily in the Channel and North Sea fleets, and was
-by Jervis kept down only by a stern vigilance of which few
-but he were capable. Stamped out time and again by his
-unflinching energy, it was continually renewed by the fresh
-ships sent out from home, under officers of temper inferior
-to his captains, and with seamen who knew not yet by experience
-the indomitable will which they sought to bend.
-Execution followed execution; but never once did the old
-man's courage quail nor his determination falter. Seaman
-and officer alike were made to feel that while his flag flew
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span>
-his authority should prevail; and with such backing the
-officers showed themselves incapable of the weaknesses too
-often manifested in the home ports.
-<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> It is probable too that
-a strong nucleus of support existed among the crews that
-fought at St. Vincent,—due to admiration for the admiral
-himself, and for Nelson, Collingwood, Troubridge, Saumarez
-and others, who there distinguished themselves.</p>
-
-<p>While these various events were transpiring at sea, from
-the evacuation of Corsica to the battle of St. Vincent, Bonaparte
-in Italy was still holding the line of the Adige and
-blockading Mantua. His posture therefore was essentially
-one of defence. The vigor and sagacity with which he resorted
-to offensive movements the instant the enemy drew
-down from the Tyrol to attack him, and the brilliant character
-of the victories won by him, obscure to most the fact
-that he was really on the defensive; holding on, amid risks
-and discouragements, to the conquests already made, and
-unable to attempt more until Mantua fell. The glories of
-Castiglione, Arcola, Rivoli, conceal this crucial feature of
-his situation, and the consequently important bearing of the
-presence of the British fleet, encouraging the dispositions
-of Naples and the Pope, which were distinctly hostile to the
-French. Nothing less than Bonaparte's energy and genius
-could have grappled successfully with such a situation; and
-his correspondence betrays his fear that, by the co-operation
-of the fleet, these dangers in the rear might become too
-great even for him. When Mantua capitulated on the 2d
-of February, Bonaparte turned first upon the Pope, whom
-he accused of violating the armistice concluded the previous
-June. His Holiness at once submitted, and on the 19th of
-February signed a peace, abandoning his right to his
-northern provinces,—Bologna, Ferrara and the Romagna,—and
-ceding to France, until the end of the war, Ancona, a
-good seaport on the Adriatic.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>On the 10th of March, having completed all the dispositions
-that seemed necessary to secure his rear, Bonaparte
-advanced against the Austrians. The young Archduke
-Charles, whom the campaign of 1796 on the Danube had
-revealed to Europe as gifted with military talents of a very
-high order, had been sent to oppose him; but it was too
-late to resist on the plains of Italy, or even on the Italian
-side of the mountains. The French crossed the Tagliamento
-on March 16, and pushed up through the gorges of
-that stream and of the Isonzo into the eastern Alps. On
-the 23d Trieste was occupied. The Archduke retired
-continuously, barely disputing difficult positions with the
-enemy. His mind was fixed not to fight until he had
-drawn the French far into Germany, and had collected his
-own resources,—a decision whose wisdom Bonaparte sealed
-with his own commendation. "If the enemy had committed
-the folly of awaiting me," he wrote to the Directory,
-"I should have beaten them; but if they had continued to
-fall back, had joined a part of their forces from the Rhine,
-and had overwhelmed me, then retreat would have been
-difficult, and the loss of the Army of Italy might entail that
-of the republic. We must not shut our eyes to the fact
-that, though our military position was brilliant, we have
-not simply dictated the conditions."
-<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> Italy, too, was fermenting
-behind him. The moral effect, however, of this
-unopposed advance through the mountains of Carinthia
-brought the House of Austria to terms; and on the 18th of
-April preliminaries of peace were signed at Leoben, only
-sixty miles from Vienna. Though the formal treaty was
-not concluded until six months later, this transaction
-marked, for that time, the end of hostilities between Austria
-and France, which had then lasted five years,—from
-April, 1792, to April, 1797.</p>
-
-<p>The preliminaries of Leoben stipulated a mutual cessation
-of hostilities between the republic and the emperor, and extended
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span>
-this provision to all the states of the German Empire,
-as well as to the particular dominions of the emperor
-himself. Austria surrendered definitively the Netherlands
-(Belgium), and "recognized the limits of France as decreed
-by the laws of the French Republic." In this phrase
-was imbedded the rock upon which negotiations with Great
-Britain split. The republic, on its part, undertook to furnish
-to the emperor at the final peace a "just and suitable
-compensation" for the provinces he lost.</p>
-
-<p>The "suitable compensation," thus mysteriously alluded
-to, was defined in the "secret preliminary agreements,"
-contracted at the same moment. It was furnished by depriving
-the republic of Venice, with which Bonaparte had
-reasons for serious discontent, of all its possessions on the
-mainland of Italy, as well as of Istria and Dalmatia on
-the east coast of the Adriatic. The provinces thus taken
-were divided: Austria receiving all east of the Oglio and
-north of the Po, with Istria and Dalmatia. The country
-between the Oglio and the Adda, previously owned by Venice,
-was taken to constitute a new, independent republic;
-into which were also incorporated all possessions of Austria
-west of the Oglio conquered by the French in the recent
-campaign. This was to be known as the Cisalpine Republic.
-Thus the lords of the Adriatic were shorn of their
-glory, and brought to the brink of the precipice from which,
-six months later, at the final peace, the Corsican conqueror
-hurled them headlong. For the moment there were spared
-to them their ancient city and the Ionian Islands; and the
-legations of Bologna, Ferrara, and the Romagna, taken from
-the Pope, were given to them,—a like transient possession.</p>
-
-<p>Such, in brief outline, were the principal terms of the
-preliminaries of Leoben. The great and significant feature
-does not ostensibly appear among the articles. Bonaparte,
-in diplomacy, had achieved the great end at which
-he aimed in his plans of campaign. He had separated his
-enemies. "The French Republic," wrote he, "in granting
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span>
-at Leoben preliminaries so advantageous to his Imperial
-Majesty, had as its principal end the conclusion of a <i>separate
-peace</i> with his Majesty, in order to be in a position to
-turn all its forces against England, and oblige her to a
-prompt peace." He alone made and signed the preliminaries,
-and this quotation gives the strategy and policy of his
-life in a nutshell.<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>
-The crucial fact at Leoben was that
-Austria then, as Sardinia a year before, treated alone,—without
-her ally. This Great Britain, to her honor, absolutely
-refused to do in 1796, and as long as her ally stood
-by her. There is, of course, a great difference between the
-position of a state which finds a victorious enemy in the
-heart of its territories, and that of an island empire; and
-great allowance must be made for Austria, even though the
-calm retrospect of history sees that she failed rightly to
-appreciate the extreme hazard of Bonaparte's situation.
-But this allowance merely emphasizes the important truth,
-that the imposing attitude maintained by Great Britain
-throughout this tremendous contest depended absolutely
-and wholly upon the control of the sea,—upon Sea-Power.</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><span class="sc"><a name="NOTE2" id="NOTE2">Note.</a>.</span>—It now only remains to be seen how, when insubordination,
-and accompanied by villany of this magnitude, did make its
-open appearance, Lord St. Vincent dealt with it. A remarkable occasion
-will be mentioned, not indeed the first outbreak of mutiny, nor
-its last effort, but that one which excited the greatest sensation in the
-fleet,—that which came with most untoward circumstances,—that of
-which the enforcement of the penalty had, in Lord St. Vincent's opinion,
-the most salutary effect.</p>
-
-<hr class="sect" />
-
-<p>No sooner had Sir Roger Curtis arrived, than applications came to
-the commander-in-chief for courts-martial on mutineers from three of
-those ships,—the "Marlborough," the "Lion," and the "Centaur."
-Selection will be made of the sequel to the "Marlborough."</p>
-
-<p>As the squadron approached, and before the request for a court-martial,
-this ship being known to the commander-in-chief to have
-been among the most disorganized at Spithead had been ordered to
-take her berth in the centre, at a small distance from the rest of the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span>
-fleet. It, however, had so happened that a very violent mutiny in her
-had broken out at Beerhaven, and again during the passage, which
-had been suppressed by the officers, but chiefly by the first lieutenant.
-The very object too of this mutiny was to protect the life of a seaman
-who had forfeited it by a capital crime. A court-martial on the principal
-mutineers was immediately assembled; and one was no sooner
-sentenced to die than the commander-in-chief ordered him to be executed
-on the following morning, "<i>and by the crew of the 'Marlborough'
-alone, no part of the boats' crews from the other ships, as had been
-usual on similar occasions, to assist in the punishment</i>,"—his Lordship's
-invariable order on the execution of mutineers. On the receipt of the
-necessary commands for this execution, the captain of the "Marlborough,"
-Captain Ellison, waited upon the commander-in-chief, and reminding
-his Lordship that a determination that their shipmates
-should not suffer capital punishment had been the very cause of the
-ship's company's mutiny, expressed his conviction that the "Marlborough's"
-crew would never permit the man to be hanged on board
-that ship.</p>
-
-<p>Receiving the captain on the "Ville de Paris'" quarter-deck, before
-the officers and ship's company, hearkening in breathless silence
-to what passed, and standing with his hat in his hand over his head,
-as was his Lordship's invariable custom during the whole time that
-any person, whatever were his rank, even a common seaman, addressed
-him on service, Lord St. Vincent listened very attentively till the
-captain ceased to speak; and then, after a pause, replied,—</p>
-
-<p>"What do you mean to tell me, Captain Ellison, that you cannot
-<i>command</i> his Majesty's ship the 'Marlborough'? for if that is the
-case, sir, I will immediately send on board an officer who can."</p>
-
-<p>The captain then requested that, at all events, the boats' crews
-from the rest of the fleet might, as always had been customary in the
-service, on executions, attend at this also, to haul the man up; for he
-really did not expect the "Marlborough's" would do it.</p>
-
-<p>Lord St. Vincent sternly answered: "Captain Ellison, you are an
-old officer, sir, have served long, suffered severely in the service, and
-have lost an arm in action, and I should be very sorry that any advantage
-should be now taken of your advanced years. That man
-<i>shall be</i> hanged, at eight o'clock to-morrow morning, <i>and by his own
-ship's company</i>: for not a hand from any other ship in the fleet shall
-touch the rope. You will now return on board, sir; and, lest you
-should not prove able to command your ship, an officer will be at
-hand to you who can."</p>
-
-<p>Without another word Captain Ellison instantly retired. After he
-had reached his ship, he received orders to cause her guns to be
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span>
-housed and secured, and that at daybreak in the morning her ports
-should be lowered. A general order then issued to the fleet for all
-launches to rendezvous under the "Prince" at seven o'clock on the
-following morning, armed with carronades and twelve rounds of
-ammunition for service; each launch to be commanded by a lieutenant,
-having an expert and trusty gunners'-mate and four quarter-gunners,
-exclusive of the launch's crew; the whole to be under the
-command of Captain Campbell, of the "Blenheim." The written
-orders to the captain will appear in their place. On presenting them,
-Lord St. Vincent said, 'he was to attend the execution, and if any
-symptoms of mutiny appeared in the "Marlborough," any attempt to
-open her ports, or any resistance to the hanging of the prisoner, he
-was to proceed close touching the ship, and to fire into her, and to
-continue his fire until all mutiny or resistance should cease; and
-that, should it become absolutely necessary, he should even sink the
-ship in face of the fleet.'</p>
-
-<p>Accordingly, at seven the next morning, all the launches, thus
-armed, proceeded from the "Prince" to the "Blenheim," and thence,
-Captain Campbell having assumed the command, to the "Marlborough."</p>
-
-<p>Having lain on his oars a short time alongside, the captain then
-formed his force in a line athwart her bows, at rather less than pistol-shot
-distance off, and then he ordered the tompions to be taken out
-of the carronades, and to load.</p>
-
-<p>At half-past seven, the hands throughout the fleet having been
-turned up to witness punishment, the eyes of all bent upon a powerfully
-armed boat as it quitted the flag-ship; every one knowing that
-there went the provost-marshal conducting his prisoner to the
-"Marlborough" for execution. The crisis was come; now was to be
-seen whether the "Marlborough's" crew would hang one of their own
-men.</p>
-
-<p>The ship being in the centre between the two lines of the fleet, the
-boat was soon alongside, and the man was speedily placed on the cathead
-and haltered. A few awful minutes of universal silence followed,
-which was at last broken by the watch-bells of the fleet striking
-eight o'clock. Instantly the flag-ship's gun fired, and at the sound
-the man was lifted well off; but then, and visibly to all, he dropped
-back again; and the sensation throughout the fleet was intense. For,
-at this dreadful moment, when the eyes of every man in every ship
-were straining upon this execution, as the decisive struggle between
-authority and mutiny, as if it were destined that the whole fleet should
-see the hesitating unwillingness of the "Marlborough's" crew to hang
-their rebel, and the efficacy of the means taken to enforce obedience,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span>
-by an accident on board the ship the men at the yard-rope unintentionally
-let it slip, and the turn of the balance seemed calamitously
-lost; but then they hauled him up to the yard-arm with a run,—the
-law was satisfied, and, said Lord St. Vincent at the moment, perhaps
-one of the greatest of his life, "Discipline is preserved, sir!"</p>
-
-<p>When the sentence was executed, and not any disturbance appeared,
-that it might be again made perceptible to all the fleet that abundant
-force had been provided to overpower any resistance which a line-of-battle
-ship could offer, Captain Campbell broke his line, and rowing
-down, placed his launches as close alongside the "Marlborough" as
-their oars would permit; and then re-forming them, resumed his station
-across her bows, continuing there until the time for the body's
-hanging having expired, it was taken down, sewed up as is usual in
-its own hammock with a shot, and was carried in one of the "Marlborough's"
-boats to half a mile from the ship, and sunk; upon which,
-Captain Campbell withdrew his force, and the "Marlborough's" signal
-was made to take her station in the line.</p>
-
-<p>This was the fatal blow to the mutiny in the fleet before Cadiz;
-not that violent insubordination, treasonable conspiracies, and open
-resistances did not again and again occur, to be as often and as instantaneously
-quelled; for the ships were many that were sent out
-from England, several arrived in almost open mutiny, and they
-brought a profusion of infection to the rest. The dreadful sentence
-was again and again inflicted, and in all cases of insubordination the
-crews were invariably the executioners of their own rebels; but never
-again was the power of the law doubted by any one.—<i>Tucker's Memoirs
-of Earl St. Vincent</i>, vol. i. pp. 303-309.</p></div>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="ac"><span class="sc">The Mediterranean in 1797 and 1798.</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="chapsum"><span class="sc">Bonaparte's Egyptian
-Expedition.</span>—<span class="sc">The Return of the
-British to the Mediterranean and the Battle of the
-Nile.</span>—<span class="sc">Great Britain Resumes Control of the Mediterranean,
-and the Second Coalition is formed.</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="drop-cap">THE Preliminaries of Leoben silenced the strife of arms
-and permitted all eyes to turn to the field of diplomacy,
-upon which, for the twelve months following, the
-interest of Europe was chiefly fixed. Moreau and Hoche,
-commanding the two armies of France upon the Rhine, had
-crossed the river, to enter upon a campaign in Germany, at
-the very moment when Bonaparte was signing the articles.
-On the 22d of April, a courier, bearing news of the suspension
-of hostilities, arrived at the headquarters of each
-general, and put an immediate stop to their advance.
-War continued only upon the sea, between Great Britain
-and the nations allied with France against her.</p>
-
-<p>The confidence of the Directory had grown with each
-successive victory of Bonaparte, and had induced a tone
-in their transactions with foreign governments which the
-latter looked upon as arrogant, if not presumptuous.
-Yielding to politic considerations of effect upon popular
-opinion, Pitt had sent to France, in October, 1796, a practised
-diplomatist, Lord Malmesbury, to treat for peace. The
-terms proposed by Great Britain were substantially a restitution
-of conquests on both sides. If France would give
-back to the emperor the Netherlands and Lombardy, Great
-Britain, who had lost nothing of her own, would return to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span>
-France her possessions in the East and West Indies, as
-well as in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, with the <i>status ante
-bellum</i> of the fisheries. As regards the colonies taken from
-Holland, the disposition would be to restore them, if the
-government of the stadtholder were replaced; but if the
-republic set up by the assistance of French arms were
-maintained, Great Britain and the emperor, from whom the
-former refused to dissociate herself, would insist upon indemnification
-elsewhere for the injury thus done to their
-political position in Europe. With these understandings as
-a basis, the British government would be willing to enter
-upon negotiations for a general peace; to which it expressly
-required that Russia and Portugal, as well as the emperor,
-should be admitted. The French government replied that
-Great Britain had no authority to speak here for her allies;
-and further, that to cede territory which had been incorporated
-by the edicts of the Convention, as the Netherlands
-had, was inconsistent with the organic law of the republic.
-This latter plea was treated by the British government as trifling;
-no negotiation to close a war could go on, if results,
-favorable to one party, were secluded from discussion by
-the <i>ægis</i> of its constitution. As the case stood, France and
-Great Britain were both conquerors; the chief allies of each
-were losers. Great Britain proposed that each should surrender
-its winnings for the benefit of its allies. France
-refused, because its conquests were now part of the national
-territory, and as such inalienable. Taking exception,
-moreover, to delays caused by Malmesbury's frequent references
-to his government for instructions, the Directory, on
-the 20th of December, ordered him to leave Paris, within
-the not very civil space of forty-eight hours.</p>
-
-<p>Similar cavalier treatment was at the same time experienced
-by the United States. Our government, after the
-maritime war began, had frequent disputes with both belligerents,—concerning
-the treatment of American ships by
-the British and French cruisers,—the protection of enemies'
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span>
-goods by the neutral flag,—the stipulations of Jay's treaty
-of commerce and navigation, in 1794, regarded by France
-as unduly favorable to Great Britain,—and the attitude of
-the United States towards French privateers, which were at
-first allowed and afterwards forbidden to sell prizes in her
-ports. These difficulties were fundamentally due to the
-fact that, the United States having practically no navy,
-neither belligerent felt under any bonds to respect her
-rights. To Great Britain, however, friendly relations were
-important on account of trade interests; while France,
-having no merchant ships, found an advantage in using
-Americans as carriers, and their ports as bases from which
-her cruisers could harass British commerce. The former
-of these benefits Great Britain curtailed by the claim that
-enemy's goods were, by international law, seizable under a
-neutral flag. The United States admitted this, and also,
-in the interests of her own peace and neutrality, declined
-longer to favor French commerce-destroying. Mutual discontent
-followed, and resulted in the recall of the French
-embassy from America, in November, 1796. At the same
-time President Washington, being dissatisfied with Munroe,
-the minister at Paris, removed him. When the latter, on
-the 30th of December, took his leave, the President of the
-Directory made a speech, highly complimentary to him
-personally, but offensive to the United States government;
-and evinced, as President Adams justly said, "a disposition
-to separate the people of the United States from the government,
-and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace."
-The same theory of the divergent interests of rulers and
-people, with which the French republic started on its self-imposed
-mission forcibly to regenerate ancient despotisms,
-was thus impartially applied to the free American people
-under the government of their chosen and beloved fellow-citizen,
-Washington. The Directory refused to receive
-Pinckney, the new envoy from the United States. He
-remained in Paris, unrecognized, for a month; but the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span>
-morning after hearing of the victory of Rivoli, the Directory
-ordered him to leave France.</p>
-
-<p>By a somewhat singular coincidence, while the republic
-was thus embroiling itself with the two chief maritime
-states, a change of rulers took place in Russia; which, if
-not strictly a maritime power, was yet well placed, through
-her preponderance on the Baltic, to affect the naval interests
-of the world. The Empress Catherine II. died on the
-17th of November, 1796, when about to conclude an agreement
-with the courts of London and Vienna to abandon
-her rather passive attitude of hostility towards France, and
-send an army of sixty thousand men to the support of
-Austria. Her successor, Paul I., allowed this treaty to drop,
-and resumed a bearing of cold watchfulness, until Bonaparte,
-by the seizure of Malta, and the Directory by a threat
-of war if commerce were permitted between his empire and
-Great Britain, drove his half-insane temper into open hostilities.
-But this was a year later.</p>
-
-<p>These events at the end of 1796 coincided in time with
-the close alliance of the republic with Spain and Holland
-and its formal treaties of peace with the Italian states. By
-these and by the preliminaries of Leoben were defined the
-external relations of France in April, 1797. At the same
-moment her internal condition became alarming. The time
-had come to choose new members to replace one third of
-each body of the legislature; and the elections, still influenced
-by the memory of the Terror, resulted in the
-return of so many reactionaries as to give these a majority
-in both houses, especially in the lower. The latter at once
-showed its spirit by electing for speaker, by a large majority,
-General Pichegru, who was in open quarrel with the
-Directory; and followed up this significant act by a series of
-measures calculated to thwart the executive power and enfeeble
-its action. The opposition between the legislature
-and the Directory grew more and more pronounced throughout
-the summer months; but the reactionists failed to read
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span>
-aright the signs of the times. They allowed themselves, by
-the machinations of the royalists and through injudicious
-acts of their own, to seem enemies of republican government,
-which aroused the anxiety of Hoche, commanding
-the army of the Sambre and Meuse; and they directly
-brought into question the conduct of Bonaparte towards
-Venice, thus stirring up the more personal and violent
-enmity of the brilliant conqueror of Italy. The legislature
-thus found itself opposed by the two generals who stood
-highest in public esteem as essential to the safety of France,
-and who, each according to his own nature, transmitted his
-feelings to the troops under his command, and prepared
-them for a <i>coup d'état</i>. Inflammatory speeches and toasts
-prevailed throughout the armies, to which the republic was
-dear rather as a name than as a reality, and they were
-easily led to think that the two houses were contemplating
-a return to royalty.</p>
-
-<p>The majority of the Directory, half-believing the same
-thing, and chafed by an opposition which seriously hampered
-the working of the government, were ready for violent
-measures. Two of its members, however, were not prepared
-for such action; and one of these, Carnot, the
-organizer of the republic's early victories, was then serving
-his turn as president of the Directory. Unknown to him
-the three plotters matured their scheme, and called upon
-Bonaparte to send them Augereau, the most revolutionary
-of the generals in Italy, to direct the troops in such forcible
-proceedings as might be necessary. Upon his arrival he
-was made commandant of the military division of Paris,
-despite the opposition of Carnot. The latter's presidency
-expired on the 24th of August, and he was succeeded by
-one of the conspirators. On the night of September 3d Augereau
-surrounded the castle and garden of the Tuileries with
-twelve thousand troops and forty cannon, driving out the
-legislators who were then there, together with their guard.
-The Directory ordered the arrest, by its own guard, of the two
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span>
-members not in the plot. Carnot escaped into Switzerland;
-but Barthélemi, their other colleague, was seized. The
-next day the members of the two houses who had not been
-imprisoned met and passed a resolution, invalidating a number
-of the recent elections, and exiling to Cayenne the two
-directors and fifty-three representatives. The legislature,
-thus purged, was brought into harmony with the executive.
-An address was next issued to the departments and to the
-armies, declaring that the country had been invaded and
-disorganized by the Counter-Revolution and that patriotism,
-with the social and public virtues, had taken refuge with
-the armies. "In this," says a republican historian, "there
-was unhappily some truth. The middle class had become
-reactionary or inert; the populace now intervened but little
-in political movements; active democracy scarcely showed
-itself out of the armies. But if armies can defend liberty,
-they cannot put it in practice and maintain its life when
-abandoned by civil society. The revolution just effected
-with the consent of the soldiery was leading to another
-revolution to be effected by and for the soldiers."
-<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> The
-18th of Fructidor, 1797, was the logical forerunner of the
-18th of Brumaire, 1799, when Bonaparte seized the reins
-of government.</p>
-
-<p>The strife between the Directory and the legislature kept
-all Europe in suspense; for its result would profoundly
-affect the course of existing discussions. The emperor, repenting
-of his precipitation at Leoben, kept holding off from
-a final treaty, seeking to introduce Great Britain as a party
-to the deliberations. This Bonaparte indignantly refused;
-for it would defeat his principal aim of separate negotiations.
-Pitt, more desirous than before of peace, again sent
-Malmesbury. The Directory kept him dancing attendance
-at Lille, the appointed place of meeting, during its struggle
-with the Councils. It made several demands most unlikely
-to be conceded, and upon these prolonged a discussion, to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</a></span>
-which the ministry, who now really wished a favorable termination,
-patiently submitted. A week after the <i>coup
-d'état</i> the French negotiators were recalled, and in their
-place were sent others, who immediately upon arrival demanded
-of the British ambassador whether he had "powers
-to restore to France and its allies <i>all</i> the possessions which
-since the beginning of the war have passed into the hands of
-the English." An answer was required in the course of the
-same day. Malmesbury coolly replied that he neither could,
-nor ought to, treat on any other principle than that of compensations.
-The French envoys then sent him orders from
-the Directory to return within twenty-four hours to his
-Court and get powers to make those restorations. This, of
-course, put an end to the conference, and the war went on
-for four years more.</p>
-
-<p>During these eventful months Bonaparte, already the
-most influential man in the nation through his hold upon
-men's imaginations, was ripening projects deeply affecting
-the control of the sea and the future direction to be given
-the gigantic efforts of which France had shown herself
-capable. On the 5th of April, under his management,
-there had been concluded with the king of Sardinia, subject
-to ratification by the Directory, a treaty of offensive
-and defensive alliance, to which was prefixed a secret article
-ceding to France the island of Sardinia upon condition
-of compensation on the continent.
-<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> Soon after, however,
-events occurred which opened to his penetrating genius a
-more satisfactory combination. During his invasion of
-Carinthia the people in his rear, throughout the possessions
-of Venice on the Italian mainland, rose against the French,
-massacring several hundred soldiers who fell into their
-hands. This gave him a pretext for disposing of these
-territories, as already stated,
-<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> in the secret articles of
-Leoben, and at the same time drew from him the sinister
-prediction that the government of Venice, shut up to its
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span>
-small island, would not be of long duration.
-<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> On the 2d
-of May, having returned to Italy, he issued a proclamation,
-<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a>
-setting forth his many causes of complaint for the
-commotions excited in his rear, endangering the army
-"then plunged in the gorges of Styria." He ordered the
-French minister to leave Venice, all Venetian agents to
-quit Lombardy and the Venetian possessions, and the
-French general to treat the troops of the republic as
-enemies, and to tear down her standard throughout the
-mainland.</p>
-
-<p>This declaration of war was followed, on the 16th of
-May, by the abdication of the ancient oligarchy in favor of
-a provisional government, which requested the presence
-of a French division in the city to maintain order during
-the transition period. This Bonaparte granted, sending
-five thousand men, and observing cynically in his despatch
-to the Directory that it would thus be possible to avoid the
-odium attendant upon the execution of the secret preliminaries
-with Austria, and at the same time to quiet the
-clamors of Europe; since "it is apparent that the occupation
-is only temporary and at the demand of the Venetians
-themselves."<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a>
-Ten days later he despatched General Gentili,
-recalled from Corsica, to Corfu with some two thousand
-troops, directing him to secure his hold both upon
-the islands and the Venetian squadron lying there, but always
-to act as though supporting the Venetian commissioners
-who were to accompany him. "If the islanders
-incline to independence," wrote he, "flatter them, and talk
-about Greece, Athens, and Sparta."
-<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> To the Venetian
-government he wrote that the expedition was sent to second
-its commissioners; and on the same day to the Directory,
-that Corfu ought to be irrevocably possessed by the
-French. "The island of Malta," he added, "is of the utmost
-importance to us.... Why should not our fleet
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span>
-seize it before entering the Atlantic? That little island is
-priceless to us. Secret articles with the king of Sardinia
-stipulate for us the occupation of the little islands of San
-Pietro. Now is the moment to fortify them;"
-<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> for the British
-Mediterranean fleet was before Cadiz, and the Channel
-fleet in full mutiny.</p>
-
-<p>Four months later Bonaparte again wrote, "With San
-Pietro, Corfu, and Malta, we shall be masters of the whole
-Mediterranean."<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a>
-"The islands of Corfu, Zante, and
-Cephalonia are of more consequence to us than all Italy.
-If we had to choose, better restore Italy to the emperor
-and keep the four islands.... The empire of the Turks
-crumbles daily. The possession of the four islands will
-enable us to sustain it, or to take our share. The time is
-not far distant when we shall feel that, truly to destroy
-England, we must take possession of Egypt. The vast
-Ottoman Empire, which is perishing daily, puts on us the
-obligation to take means for the preservation of our Levant
-trade."<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a>
-"If at the peace we have to consent to the cession
-of the Cape of Good Hope to England, we should
-seize Egypt. That country has never belonged to a European
-nation. It does not now belong to the Grand Turk.
-We could leave here with twenty-five thousand men, convoyed
-by eight or ten ships-of-the-line, and take possession
-of it. I wish you would inquire, Citizen Minister, what
-effect upon the Porte would result from our expedition to
-Egypt."<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a>
-"Our occupation of Corfu and the other islands
-entails relations with the pashas of Albania. These are
-well affected to the French. In vain should we seek to
-sustain the Turkish Empire; we shall see its fall in our
-day. Corfu and Zante give us mastery of the Adriatic
-and the Levant."<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a>
-In these quotations, which could be
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span>
-multiplied, is seen the genesis of the great Egyptian expedition,
-to which, until it was carried into effect, Bonaparte
-recurred again and again with the persistency characteristic
-of his conceptions.</p>
-
-<p>While he was thus employed, on the one hand flattering
-Venice with the hope of continued national existence, and
-on the other treating with Austria for her extinction and
-a division of the spoil, in which France was to have the
-Ionian Islands and the Venetian navy,
-<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a>—while Malmesbury
-was negotiating at Lille, and the Directory was in
-bitter conflict with the Councils,—there was painfully sailing
-for England, crippled and suffering, the man who was
-destined to dispel the gorgeous dreams of Eastern achievement
-which filled Bonaparte's brain, and to shatter the
-French navy,—the all-essential link which alone could knit
-together these diverse maritime possessions, the one foundation
-upon which stood the whole projected fabric of Mediterranean
-control. During the wearing times of the Cadiz
-blockade, Lord St. Vincent, aware how much the listlessness
-of such inactive service contributed to foment mutiny,
-endeavored ingeniously to contrive fighting to occupy the
-minds of the seamen. For that purpose, largely, he bombarded
-Cadiz; and for that purpose he sent Nelson, with a
-detached squadron, to seize the town of Santa Cruz in the
-Canary Islands by a sudden and vigorous assault, hoping
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span>
-also there to take the rich cargo of a galleon, laden on
-account of the Court of Spain. The attack was made on
-the night of July 24, with all the vigor to be expected of
-Nelson, but under great disadvantage. It resulted in a
-disastrous repulse with heavy loss; and the admiral himself
-suffered amputation of the right arm. It became necessary
-for him to go to England, where he remained
-through a long and painful convalescence until the following
-April; when he again sailed to join the Mediterranean
-fleet, arriving just in time to command the squadron sent
-in pursuit of Bonaparte.</p>
-
-<p>The dissensions which weakened the external action of
-the French government having been silenced by the <i>coup
-d'état</i> of September 4, Bonaparte rapidly drew to an end
-the negotiations with Austria. On the 17th of October,
-1797, he, as sole representative of France, signed the treaty
-of Campo Formio; which followed the general lines of the
-Leoben preliminaries, yet with important differences. The
-dissimulation concerning Venice was thrown aside, and
-the ancient state wholly disappeared. The city, with the
-mainland as far as the Adige, were given to Austria.
-West of the Adige, the old Venetian provinces went to the
-Cisalpine Republic, which was also dowered with the papal
-legations attributed for a brief moment to Venice. The
-countries and islands east of the Adriatic which had belonged
-to her were divided at the Gulf of Drino. All inside
-that point went to Austria; all outside, to France, which
-thus became possessed of the desire of Bonaparte's heart,
-Corfu and its sister islands, with some slight territory on
-the adjacent mainland. The cession of the Netherlands to
-France was confirmed, and provision was made for a Congress
-to be held at Rastadt for the pacification and rearrangement
-of the German Empire; for Bonaparte had
-persisted in treating with the emperor on account only of
-his own dominions, and apart from the rest of the empire.
-By secret stipulations, the two great powers agreed to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span>
-support each other's demands and interests in the Congress;
-where France wished to secure a certain line of the
-Rhine, and Austria to indemnify herself, at the expense of
-some German minor states, for the losses undergone by
-the treaty.</p>
-
-<p>The salient features of this treaty were therefore the
-cession of Belgium; the annihilation of Venice; the settlement
-of the Cisalpine Republic as a powerful dependency
-of France; the strengthening of the latter as a Mediterranean
-state by the gain of the Ionian Islands; and, finally,
-the loosing of her hands against Great Britain, which now
-stood without a strong ally in all Europe. Bonaparte justified
-his action to his critics on these grounds, but especially
-on account of the necessity of dealing with Great Britain
-single-handed. "When the Cisalpine has the best military
-frontier in Europe, when France gains Mayence and the
-Rhine, when she has in the Levant Corfu, extremely well
-fortified, and the islands, what more would you wish? To
-scatter our force, in order that England may continue to
-take from us, from Spain, from Holland, our colonies, and
-postpone yet further the restoration of our trade and our
-navy?... Either our government must destroy the English
-monarchy, or must expect itself to be destroyed by the
-corruption and intrigue of those active islanders. The
-present moment offers us a fine game. Let us concentrate
-all our activity upon the navy, and destroy England. That
-done, Europe is at our feet."
-<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> Thus did Bonaparte demonstrate
-that the scene of strife was to be transferred to the
-sea.</p>
-
-<p>The Directory at once ratified the Treaty of Campo
-Formio, and named Bonaparte one of three plenipotentiaries
-to the Congress of Rastadt. The general remained in Italy
-for a month longer, organizing the new state, and distributing
-the army with a view to support the interests of France,
-while withdrawing some thirty thousand men for the intended
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span>
-army of England. On the 17th of November he left
-Milan, and on the 25th arrived at Rastadt. He remained
-there, however, but a week; and then, apparently at the
-call of the Directory,<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>
-started for Paris, which he reached
-on the 5th of December. He was avowedly to command the
-army of England, and during the two following months his
-correspondence betrays no sign of any other purpose; his
-orders to various subordinates, and especially to Berthier,
-his celebrated chief-of-staff, at the time commanding in
-Italy, abound with dispositions and instructions to transfer
-troops thence towards the Channel. Particularly significant
-of such intention were the orders sent from him to Admiral
-Brueys, commanding the French division in Corfu, to start
-for Brest,<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a>
-—a mission which would make his force inaccessible
-for the Egyptian expedition. Too much stress, however,
-cannot be laid upon such indications coming from so
-crafty a nature; and the first intimation of a change of
-purpose has more the appearance of stripping off a mask
-than of awakening from a dream. "Make what efforts we
-will," wrote he to the Directory, on February 23, 1798,
-"we shall not for many years acquire the control of the
-seas. To make a descent upon England, without being
-master of the sea, is the boldest and most difficult operation
-ever attempted."<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a>
-Most true, but not new. Nor was the
-veil under which he covered his change of attitude very
-difficult to pierce. On the 7th of February, 1798, he wrote
-to the Minister of War that he was about to visit the Channel
-coast, near Dunkirk, sending Kleber and Desaix to
-Havre and Brest. On the 12th from Dunkirk he sends
-engineers to examine Boulogne, Etaples, Ambleteuse, and
-Calais,—ports on which he, five years later, based his more
-serious projects of invasion; and at the same time two
-others are dispatched to Holland to demand help of various
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span>
-kinds. The very next day, February 13, he sends orders to
-Toulon, in the name of the Directory, not only to hold on
-to the ships ordered for Brest, but to send despatch vessels
-in every direction to recall to Toulon all ships-of-war
-cruising in the Mediterranean.
-<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> Returning to Paris, he
-addressed a letter to the government, setting forth what
-needed to be done by the month of April in order to make
-the attempt upon Great Britain even possible,—a long
-array of requirements, which only he, if his heart were in
-the matter, was capable of accomplishing. He concluded
-by saying there were but three ways of reaching England.
-One was by direct invasion; the second, by an attempt
-upon Hanover and Hamburg,—the continental centres of
-her trade; the last, by an expedition to the Levant.</p>
-
-<p>On the 5th of March Bonaparte communicated to the
-government a note containing the dispositions necessary
-for an expedition to seize Egypt and Malta. The same day
-the Directory issued a number of decrees, constituting a
-commission on the Coast Defences of the Mediterranean,
-under cover of which the needed preparations were to be
-carried on, and defining the various steps to be taken. The
-ships at Toulon were required to be ready for sea on the 4th
-of April. Admiral Brueys, who had been unable to sail for
-Brest on account of want of provisions, was on February
-12 ordered to Toulon. He arrived there with, his squadron
-on the 2d of April, and was appointed to command
-the naval part of the expedition, to consist of thirteen ships-of-the-line
-with smaller vessels. All arrangements were
-pushed with the greatest activity possible, though much
-retarded by the extreme want of naval stores, of provisions,
-and of money. Still greater difficulty was experienced
-from scarcity of sailors; the inducements offered by privateers
-having drawn away almost all the seamen of the
-republic, and landed great numbers of them in British
-prisons,—a sad result of the much-vaunted commerce-destroying.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span>
-Through all, the pretence of invading England
-was maintained; and Bonaparte himself, to mislead opinion,
-stayed till the last moment in Paris. The Spanish fleet at
-Cadiz was, by the urgent demands of the Directory, made
-to assume positions which threatened an approaching departure,
-in order to fasten St. Vincent's ships to the port
-and foster in British minds the easily aroused fear of an
-invasion of Ireland. But measures so extensive could not
-long escape comment and suspicion. The actual intentions
-of the Directory were kept so impenetrably secret that,
-after the expedition sailed, the senior naval officer at Toulon
-wrote to the Minister of Marine, "I know no more of
-the movements of the squadron than if it did not belong to
-the republic;"<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a>
-but it was not possible to conceal the patent
-fact that Marseille, Toulon, Genoa, Civita Vecchia, and
-Corsica were alive with hurried preparations for a great
-naval undertaking, whatever its destination might be. It
-was evident, therefore, that France was about to expose
-herself for a time upon the sea to the blows of Great Britain,
-and the ministry determined not to let such an opportunity
-slip.</p>
-
-<p>During the year 1797 no British fleet, and, with the rare
-exception of one or two scattered cruisers, no British ship-of-war,
-had entered the Mediterranean. The gathering of
-the Spanish navy at Cadiz, and of the greater part of the
-French in Brest, with the apparent design to invade Ireland
-or England, had dictated the concentration of the British
-navy before those two ports; either immediately, as St.
-Vincent at Cadiz, or by the dispositions—less fitted to
-compass their purpose—of the Channel fleet, by which
-bodies of ships were gathered at points other than Brest,
-with the hope of combining them against any sortie from
-that port. Great Britain, during the time following St.
-Vincent's retreat from the Mediterranean, was in the position
-of a nation struggling for existence,—for so she felt
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span>
-it,<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a>
-—which had been compelled to contract her lines
-through loss of force, due to the gradual submission of her
-allies to her enemies. To this had further conduced the
-threatening attitude of the Dutch navy in the Texel, requiring
-a strong North Sea fleet. To her other embarrassments
-had been added, in this year of distress, the extensive
-mutinies in the navy. Though appeased in some instances
-and quelled in others, the spirit which caused them still
-existed. Under these circumstances Bonaparte, in 1797,
-had met no naval obstacle to his plans for the control of the
-Mediterranean, which had, moreover, been so covert as to
-escape detection. Admiral Brueys had gone from Toulon
-to the Adriatic, remained there several months, and returned
-in peace; and all minor naval movements went on undisturbed.
-The destiny of Corfu was not revealed till the end
-of the year; the purpose to get hold of Malta, seriously
-entertained by Brueys at the instigation of Bonaparte,
-<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>
-never transpired; and the talk about the army of England
-combined with the actual positions of the allied fleets to
-retain the British in the same stations. Toward the end
-of 1797 several circumstances occurred to relieve the pressure.
-In October Admiral Duncan inflicted upon the
-Dutch fleet, off the Texel, a defeat so decisive and complete
-as to throw it out of the contest for a long time. Of
-fifteen ships opposed to him, nine were taken. The condition
-of the French fleet in Brest, if not accurately known
-to be as bad as Bonaparte represented it,
-<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> was still sufficiently
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span>
-understood. No attempt had been made during the
-summer or winter of 1797 to renew the Irish expedition;
-and when the opening spring of 1798 permitted the Channel
-fleet in a body to keep the sea, the ministry felt it safe
-to detach a force to the Mediterranean.</p>
-
-<p>Sir Horatio Nelson sailed from England on the 10th of
-April, and joined the fleet off Cadiz on the 30th. Lord St.
-Vincent welcomed him gladly, and at once sent him with
-three ships-of-the-line to the Mediterranean, to watch the
-impending armament, and, if possible, learn its destination.
-Nelson left the fleet on the 2d of May, the day before
-Bonaparte quitted Paris. On the 17th, having been unavoidably
-delayed at Gibraltar, he was in the neighborhood
-of Toulon, and captured a French corvette just leaving port;
-from which he learned particulars as to the naval force of
-the enemy, but nothing as regarded its destination. On the
-night of the 20th, in a violent gale of wind, his own ship
-was dismasted and with difficulty saved from going ashore.
-By great exertions she was towed by her consorts into the
-San Pietro Islands, at the south end of Sardinia, where she
-anchored on the 23d. On the 19th Bonaparte had sailed
-with the Marseille and Toulon divisions of the expedition.
-He was to be joined on the way by the detachments from
-Genoa, Corsica, and Civita Vecchia,—the total number of
-troops amounting to between thirty and thirty-five
-thousand.</p>
-
-<p>On the same day that Nelson parted from St. Vincent,
-May 2, the admiralty wrote to the latter that it was
-essential to send twelve ships-of-the-line into the Mediterranean
-to counteract the French armament; and that to
-replace them eight ships had been ordered from England.
-A private letter from the First Lord, by the same mail,
-authorized St. Vincent to take his whole force for this
-object, if necessary, but hoped a detachment would be sufficient.
-In the latter case, while the choice of its commander
-was left to the admiral, it was intimated that Nelson,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span>
-though junior to two other flag-officers, was by all means
-the proper man. Jervis had already made the same decision;
-and now at once told off and prepared the nine ships-of-the-line,
-forming the inshore squadron of the blockade,
-to start the moment the expected re-enforcement arrived.
-The junction of the latter with the main fleet was made
-May 24, out of sight of the port; and during the night
-Captain Troubridge sailed with the inshore ships, their
-places being taken by vessels similarly painted, so that no
-suspicion of the transaction might arise in Cadiz. On the
-7th of June Troubridge joined Nelson, having picked up
-two more ships by the way; so that the British were now
-thirteen seventy-fours and one of fifty guns. By a very
-strange fatality, however, the frigates at first with Nelson
-had parted company the night his ship was dismasted, and
-had never rejoined. Troubridge brought only one little brig;
-and, as it was inadmissible to scatter the ships-of-the-line,
-the want of lookout vessels seriously affected all Nelson's
-movements in the long and harassing pursuit, covering
-nearly eight weeks, that lay before him.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a name="i-257.jpg" id="i-257.jpg"></a>
-<img src="images/i-257.jpg" alt="" />
-<div class="caption">Mediterranean Sea.<br />
-<a href="images/i-257hr.jpg"><span class="disp">Click here for larger map</span></a></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>After leaving Toulon, Bonaparte directed his force along
-the Gulf of Genoa, where, on the night of May 20, he experienced
-the same gale that dismasted Nelson. The
-next day the convoy from Genoa joined. Steering south
-along the east coasts of Corsica and Sardinia, the division
-from Corsica met him on the 26th off the south end of the
-island, but that from Civita Vecchia failed to appear.
-Here the French first heard that Nelson was in the
-Mediterranean with three ships, and expected ten more.
-Bonaparte then continued on for Malta, which he reached
-on the 9th of June, and found there the division from
-Civita Vecchia, thus bringing his whole force under his
-hand. The island was immediately summoned, and after a
-faint show of resistance capitulated on the 12th; the French
-fleet and convoy, numbering four hundred sail, entering the
-port of La Valetta on the 13th. Bonaparte remained the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span>
-time necessary to secure his conquest temporarily; then
-leaving a garrison of four thousand men, and notifying the
-Directory that at least four thousand more with ample supplies
-were needed, he sailed again on June 19 for Egypt.</p>
-
-<p>The British fleet, after its junction, was becalmed for
-several days. It then made the best of its way round the
-north end of Corsica, and thence south between Italy and the
-islands. Not till June 14, off Civita Vecchia, was probable
-information received that the French had been seen ten
-days before off the south-west point of Sicily, steering to
-the eastward. As yet there was no certainty as to their
-destination, and Nelson had no light vessels for scouts. St.
-Vincent in his instructions had said, reflecting the ideas of
-the government, that the enemy's "object appears to be
-either an attack upon Naples or Sicily, the conveyance of an
-army to some part of Spain to invade Portugal, or to pass
-through the Straits with the view of proceeding to Ireland."
-The whole situation vividly illustrates the difficulty of pursuit
-by sea, and the necessity of stationing and keeping the
-detaining force near the point of the enemy's departure before
-he can get away. By whatsoever fault, certainly not
-that of Nelson or St. Vincent, the British fleet was a fortnight
-too late in entering the Mediterranean. It would
-have been yet more so, had the resources of the French
-dockyards answered to the spur of Bonaparte's urgency;
-but it is ill goading a starved horse.</p>
-
-<p>An easterly course, however, with a fresh north-west
-wind, indicated that neither Spain nor the Atlantic was the
-destination of the French armament; and Nelson at once
-decided it must be Malta, to be used as a base of operations
-against Sicily. "Were I," said he, "the admiral of the fleet
-attending an army for the invasion of Sicily, I should say
-to the general: 'If you can take Malta, it secures the safety
-of the fleet and the transports, and your own safe retreat, if
-necessary;' <i>Malta is in the direct road to Sicily</i>."
-<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> Pausing
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span>
-a moment to communicate with Naples, he there heard, on
-the 17th of June, that the French had landed at Malta;
-and pushing on, received off Messina the news of its surrender.
-This was on the 20th, the day after Bonaparte
-sailed from the island for Egypt. On the 22d, off Cape
-Passaro, the south-east extremity of Sicily, a vessel was
-spoken, from which Nelson gained the information of Bonaparte's
-departure, supposed to be for Sicily; but he had
-meantime learned from Naples that the French had no intention
-of molesting any part of that kingdom. Utterly in
-the dark, and without frigates, he concluded, after weighing
-all the chances, that Egypt was the enemy's destination,
-and with a fair wind and a press of sail shaped his course
-for Alexandria. On the 28th the fleet came off the port,
-and sent a boat ashore. No French vessels had been seen
-on the coast.</p>
-
-<p>This remarkable miscarriage, happening to a man of so
-much energy and intuition, was due primarily to his want
-of small lookout ships; and secondly, to Bonaparte's using
-the simple, yet at sea sufficient, ruse
-<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> of taking an indirect
-instead of a direct course to his object. This, however, in
-a narrow sea, with so numerous a body of vessels, would
-not have served him, had the British admiral had those
-active purveyors of information, those eyes of the fleet,
-which are so essential to naval as to land warfare.
-<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> On
-leaving Malta, Bonaparte directed the expedition to steer
-first for Candia. After a week's quiet navigation he was
-off the south side of the island, and on the 27th of June
-was joined by a frigate from Naples, to tell him of Nelson,
-with fourteen sail, being off that port ten days before. At
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span>
-this moment the British admiral had already outstripped
-his chase. On the 25th the two fleets had been about
-sixty miles apart, the French due north of the British,
-steering in nearly parallel directions.
-<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> When Bonaparte
-knew that his enemy was somewhere near upon his heels,
-he again changed the course, ordering the fleet to make
-the land seventy miles west of Alexandria, and sending a
-frigate direct to the port to reconnoitre. On the 29th of
-June, the day Nelson sailed away from Alexandria, the
-light squadron signalled the coast, along which the fleet
-sailed till July 1st, when it anchored off the city. Determined
-to run no chance of an enemy's frustrating his objects,
-the commander-in-chief landed his army the same
-evening.</p>
-
-<p>If, in this celebrated chase, Nelson made a serious mistake,
-it was upon his arrival at Alexandria. He had reasoned
-carefully, and, as the event proved, accurately, that
-the French were bound to Egypt; and had justly realized
-the threat to the British supremacy in India contained in
-such an attempt. Knowing the time when the French left
-Malta, as he did, and that they were accompanied by so
-great a train of transports, it seems a fair criticism that
-he should have trusted his judgment a little further, and
-waited off the suspected port of destination to see whether
-so cumbrous a body had not been outsailed by his compact,
-homogeneous force. He appears, on finding his expectations
-deceived, to have fallen into a frame of mind familiar
-to most, in which a false step, however imposed by the
-conditions under which it was taken, can be seen only in
-the light of the unfortunate consequences, and therein assumes
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span>
-the color of a fault, or at best of a blunder. "His
-active and anxious mind," wrote Sir Edward Berry, who,
-as captain of the flag-ship, was witness of his daily feelings,
-"would not permit him to rest a moment in the same
-place; he therefore shaped his course to the northward
-for the coast of Caramania."<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> His one thought now was
-to get back to the westward, taking a more northerly
-course on the return, so as to increase the chance of information.
-The fleet accordingly stretched to the northward
-until the coast of Asia Minor was made, and then
-beat back along the south shore of Candia, not seeing a
-single vessel until it had passed that island. On the 19th
-of July it reached Syracuse, whence Nelson wrote to the
-British minister at Naples that, having gone a round of six
-hundred leagues with the utmost expedition, he was as
-ignorant of the situation of the enemy as he had been four
-weeks before. The squadron now filled with water, which
-was running short, and on the 24th again sailed for Alexandria;
-the admiral having satisfied himself that the
-French were at least neither in Corfu nor to the westward.
-On the 1st of August the minarets of the city were seen,
-and soon after the port full of shipping, with the French
-flag upon the walls, but, to Nelson's bitter disappointment,
-no large ships of war. At one in the afternoon, however,
-one of his fleet made signal that a number of ships-of-the-line
-were at anchor in Aboukir Bay, twelve or fifteen miles
-east of Alexandria; and Nelson, prompt to attack as Bonaparte
-had been to disembark, gave slippery fortune, so
-long unkind, no chance again to balk him, but with a
-brisk breeze flew at once upon the foe.</p>
-
-<p>Neither by the character of the anchorage nor by its
-own dispositions was the French fleet prepared for the
-attack thus suddenly, and most unexpectedly, precipitated
-upon it. Two days after the army landed, the commander-in-chief
-gave Admiral Brueys explicit and urgent orders at
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span>
-once to sound the old port of Alexandria, and, if possible,
-take his ships in there; if not, and if Aboukir Bay would
-admit of defence at anchor against a superior force, he
-might choose a position there. Failing both, he was to go
-with his heavy vessels to Corfu.
-<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> That and the other
-Ionian Islands were within Bonaparte's district, by the
-decree of April 12 making him commander of the Army
-of the East. In a much later dispatch, which Brueys
-did not live to receive, he explains that it was indispensable
-to preserve the fleet from serious injury until
-the affair in Egypt was settled, in order to check any
-movement of the Porte; for, though the allegiance of
-the Mamelukes was but nominal, it was possible the Sultan
-might resent the French invasion. The justice of this
-cautious view was shown by the action of the Porte as soon
-as the destruction of the fleet became known. Brueys ordered
-the necessary soundings, and the report which he
-received on July 18, a fortnight before the battle, was favorable;
-with good weather it was possible to take the
-ships-of-the-line inside.<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> The admiral, however, was an
-invalid, and of a temper naturally undecided; unable to
-make a choice of difficulties, he hung on the balance and
-remained inactive, taking refuge in a persuasion that the
-British would not return. Bonaparte thought the same.
-"All the conduct of the English," wrote he on the 30th of
-July, "indicates that they are inferior in number, and content
-themselves with blockading Malta and intercepting its
-supplies." But the great soldier, prone as he always was
-to tempt fortune to the utmost for a great object, found in
-this opinion no reason for running unnecessary risks and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span>
-in the same breath insisted upon Alexandria or Corfu for
-the fleet. Brueys had taken his ships to Aboukir Bay on
-the 8th of July, and there remained. He had the orders of
-his commander; but the latter, at a distance and absorbed
-in the cares of his operations ashore, could not communicate
-to his vacillating subordinate the impulse of his own
-energy. All the work of the squadron proceeded listlessly;
-the belief that the British fleet would not return sapped
-every effort; carelessness, indiscipline and insubordination,
-among officers and men, caused constant complaint
-and trouble. In such delusion and lethargy went by the
-priceless days which were passed by Nelson in unresting
-thought and movement, in "a fever of anxiety"
-<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> that
-scarcely allowed him to eat or drink.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a name="i-263.jpg" id="i-263.jpg"></a>
- <img src="images/i-263.jpg"
- alt="" />
- <div class="caption">Coast Map from Alexandria to Rosetta Mouth of the Nile.<br />
- <a href="images/i-263hr.jpg"><span class="disp">Click here for larger map</span></a></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The Bay of Aboukir,<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> in the western portion of which
-the French fleet was anchored, and where was fought the
-celebrated Battle of the Nile, is an open roadstead, extending
-from the promontory of Aboukir, fifteen miles east of
-Alexandria, to the Rosetta mouth of the Nile. The distance
-between the two extreme points is about eighteen
-miles. In the western part, where the French were lying,
-the shore-line, after receding some distance from Aboukir
-Point, turns to the south-east and continues in that direction
-in a long narrow tongue of sand, behind which lies the
-shallow Lake Madieh. North-east from the point is a line
-of shoals and rocks, rising at two and a half miles' distance
-into a small island, then bearing the same name, Aboukir,
-but since known as Nelson's Island; beyond which the
-same stretch of foul ground continues for another mile and
-a quarter. Behind this four-mile barrier there is found fair
-shelter from the prevailing north-west summer wind; but
-as, for three miles from the beach, there were only four
-fathoms of water, the order of battle had to be established
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span>
-somewhat beyond that distance. The north-western ship,
-which with the prevailing wind would be to windward and
-in the van, was moored a mile and a half south-east from
-Aboukir Island, in five fathoms of water.
-<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> This was scant
-for a heavy vessel, but it does not seem that she was carried
-as close to the shoal as she might have been. As the
-van ship in the column, she was on one flank, and that the
-most exposed, of the line-of-battle, whose broadsides were
-turned to the sea. She should, therefore, have been brought
-so near the shoal as not to leave room to swing, and there
-been moored head and stern. So placed, the flank could
-not have been turned, as it actually was. This was the
-more necessary because the few guns established by Brueys
-on the island were so light as to be entirely ineffective, in
-range and weight, at the distance between them and the
-flank they pretended to strengthen. They were a mere
-toy defence, as futile as the other general dispositions
-taken. This being so, it would seem that the frigates
-might have been placed along the shoal ground ahead,
-where the enemy's ships-of-the-line could not reach them,
-and thence have supported the flank ship. From the latter,
-the line extended south-east to, and including, the eighth in
-the order, when it turned a little toward the beach; making
-with its former direction a salient angle, but one very obtuse.
-The distance from ship to ship was about one hundred and
-sixty yards; from which, and from the average length of
-the ships, it may be estimated that the whole line from van
-to rear was nearly a mile and three quarters long. In case
-of expecting attack, a cable was to be taken from ship to
-ship to prevent the enemy passing through the intervals;
-and springs also were then to be put upon the cable by
-which each vessel was anchored.
-<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>It will be instructive to a professional reader to compare
-the dispositions of Admiral Brueys, in Aboukir Bay, with
-those adopted by Lord Hood in 1782, at St. Kitt's Island,
-when expecting an attack at anchor from a very superior
-force.<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a>
-The comparison is historically interesting as well
-as instructive; for it has been said that Nelson framed his
-own plan, in the cogitations of his long chase, upon Hood's
-scheme for attacking the French fleet under Admiral
-DeGrasse while lying at the anchorage from which he first
-drove it, before occupying it himself. The parallel is quite
-complete, for neither at St. Kitt's nor Aboukir was the
-anchored fleet able to get substantial assistance from batteries.
-The decisively important points in such a disposition,
-as in any order of battle, land or sea, are—(1) that the line
-cannot be pierced, and (2) that the flanks cannot be turned.
-Hood thrust one flank ship so close to the shore that the
-enemy could not pass round her, and closed up his intervals.
-<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a>
-Brueys left the same flank—for in both cases it was
-the van and weather ship—open to turning, with long spaces
-between the vessels. In his arrangement for the other
-flank, for the lee ships, Brueys was equally inferior. Hood
-threw his eight lee ships at right angles to the rest of the
-fleet, so that their broadsides completely protected the
-latter from enfilading fire. Brueys simply bent his line a
-little, with a view of approaching the rear to shoal water.
-Failing thus to obtain a fire at right angles to the principal
-line of battle, the rear did not contribute to strengthen
-that; while, not actually reaching to shoal water, it remained
-itself in the air, if attacked by the enemy in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span>
-preference. This was the more singular, as Brueys had
-expected the rear to be the object of the British efforts.
-"I have asked," he wrote, "for two mortars to place upon
-the shoal on which I have rested the head of my line; but
-I have much less to fear for that part than for the rear,
-upon which the enemy will probably bring to bear all their
-effort."<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a>
-Nelson, however, whether illumined by Hood's
-example, through that historical study of tactics for which
-he was noted, or inspired only by his own genius, had well
-understood beforehand that, if he found the French in
-such order as they were, the van and centre were at his
-mercy; and he had clearly imparted this view to his captains.
-Hence, when the enemy were seen, he needed only
-to signal "his intention was to attack the van and centre
-as they lay at anchor, according to the plan before developed,"
-<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a>
-and could leave the details of execution to his
-subordinates.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a name="i-267.jpg" id="i-267.jpg"></a>
-<img src="images/i-267.jpg" alt="" />
-<div class="caption">Battle of the Nile.<br />
-<a href="images/i-267hr.jpg"><span class="disp">Click here for larger map</span></a>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The evening before the eventful first of August, as the
-British fleet expected to make Alexandria the next day, the
-"Alexander" and "Swiftsure" were sent ahead to reconnoitre.
-In consequence of this detachment, made necessary by
-the want of frigates, these ships, when the main body at 1
-<span class="sc">P.M.</span><a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a>
-sighted the French fleet, were considerably to leeward, and
-did not get into action until two hours after their consorts.
-As soon as the enemy were seen, the British fleet hauled
-sharp up on the wind, heading about north-east, to weather
-Aboukir Island and shoal; the admiral at the same time
-making signal to prepare for action, anchoring by the stern.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span>
-As they drew by the shoal, being in eleven fathoms,
-<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> Nelson
-hailed Captain Hood, of the "Zealous," and asked if he
-thought they were far enough to the eastward to clear it;
-for the only chart in the fleet was a rough sketch taken
-from a captured merchant vessel, and no British officer
-knew the ground. Hood replied that he would bear up,
-sounding as he went, so that the other ships keeping outside
-of him would be safe. Thus the fleet was piloted into
-action; one ship, the "Goliath," being ahead of the "Zealous,"
-but on her outer bow, and the admiral very properly allowing
-others to pass him, until he was sixth in the order,
-so as to be reasonably certain the flag-ship would not touch
-the bottom. Captain Foley of the "Goliath," still keeping
-the lead, crossed ahead of the French column, over the
-ground left open by Brueys's oversight, intending to attack
-the van ship, the "Guerrier;" but the anchor hung for a moment,
-so that he brought up on the inner quarter of the second,
-the "Conquérant," while Hood, following close after,
-anchored on the bow of the "Guerrier." These two British
-ships thus came into action shortly before sundown, the
-French having opened fire ten minutes before. Five minutes
-later, just as the sun was sinking below the horizon, the
-foremast of the "Guerrier" went overboard. "So auspicious
-a commencement of the attack was greeted with
-three cheers by the whole British fleet."
-<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> The "Orion"
-followed with a much wider sweep, passing round her
-two leaders, between them and the shore, and anchored
-on the inner side of the fifth French ship; while the
-"Theseus," which came next, brought up abreast the third,
-having gone between the "Goliath" and "Zealous" and
-their antagonists. The "Audacious," the fifth of the British
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span>
-to come up, chose a new course. Steering between the
-"Guerrier " and the "Conquérant," she took her place on
-the bow of the latter, already engaged on the quarter by
-the "Goliath." These five all anchored on the inner (port)
-side of the French. Nelson's ship, the "Vanguard," coming
-next, anchored outside the third of the enemy's vessels, the
-"Spartiate," thus placed between her and the "Theseus."
-The "Minotaur," five minutes later, took the outer side of
-the fourth, heretofore without an opponent; and the "Defence"
-attacked, also on the outer side, the fifth ship,
-already engaged on her inner side by the "Orion." Five
-French seventy-fours were thus in hot action with eight
-British of the same size, half an hour after the first British
-gun was fired, and only five hours from the time Brueys
-first knew that the enemy were near.</p>
-
-<p>This most gallant, but most unfortunate, man had passed
-suddenly from a condition of indolent security face to face
-with an appalling emergency. When Nelson's fleet was
-first reported, numbers of men were ashore, three miles or
-more away, getting water for the ships. They were recalled,
-but most of them did not return. Brueys still cherished
-the belief, with which indeed he could not have parted
-without despair, that the enemy would not brave the unknown
-perils of the ground with night falling; nor could
-he tell their purpose until they had passed Aboukir Island
-and opened the bay. A hurried council of senior officers
-renewed the decision previously reached, to fight, if fight
-they must, at anchor; but Brueys betrayed the vacillations
-of an unsteady purpose by crossing the light yards, a step
-which could have no other significance than that of getting
-under way. Still, he hoped for the respite of a night to
-make the preparations so long neglected. Little did he
-know the man whom England herself still hardly knew.
-Without a moment's pause, without a tremor of uncertainty,
-yet with all the precautions of a seaman, Nelson came
-straight onward, facing with mind long prepared the difficulties
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span>
-of navigation, the doubts and obscurity of a night
-action. Hurriedly the French prepare for battle; and,
-secure that the enemy will not dare go within the line, the
-batteries on that side are choked with the numerous encumbrances
-of ship economy, the proper disposal of which is
-termed "clearing for action."</p>
-
-<p>For half an hour Brueys was a helpless and hopeless,
-though undaunted, spectator of an overwhelming attack,
-which he had never expected at all, delivered in a manner
-he had deemed impossible upon the part of his order he
-thought most secure. Soon he was freed from the agony
-of mere passive waiting by the opportunity to act. The "Bellerophon"
-and "Majestic," both seventy-fours, anchored
-outside and abreast, respectively, of the flag-ship "Orient,"
-of one hundred and twenty guns, and of the "Tonnant,"
-eighty, next astern. Darkness had just settled down upon
-the water as the arrival of these two ships completed the
-first scene of the tragedy; and the British vessels, which
-were fighting under their white ensign,
-<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> as more easily seen
-at night, now hoisted also four lanterns, horizontally arranged,
-whereby to recognize each other.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile a woeful mishap had befallen Nelson's chosen
-brother-in-arms, Troubridge. His ship, the "Culloden," had
-been some distance from the main body of the fleet when
-the latter rounded the shoal, and, doing her own piloting,
-ran upon its outer extremity at a quarter before seven.
-There she stuck, despite all the efforts of her most able
-commander, until two o'clock the next morning, when the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span>
-battle was over. There also, however, she served as a
-beacon to the two remaining ships, "Alexander" and "Swiftsure,"
-who had to make the perilous passage in the dark.
-These vessels, with the "Leander," fifty, arriving after eight
-o'clock, at a critical moment of the battle, played the part
-of a reserve in a quarter where the British were meeting
-with disaster.</p>
-
-<p>Neither the "Bellerophon" nor the "Majestic" was equally
-matched with the French ship opposed to it; but the "Bellerophon"
-especially, having to do with a vessel double her
-own force and having brought up fairly abreast, where she
-got her full fire, was soon nearly a wreck. In three quarters
-of an hour her main and mizzen masts were shot away,
-and in thirty minutes more, unable longer to endure her
-punishment, the cable was cut and she wore out of action.
-As she did so, the foremast also fell, and, with forty-nine
-killed and one hundred and forty-eight wounded, out of a
-ship's company of six hundred and fifty men, the "Bellerophon"
-drifted down the line, receiving the successive
-broadsides of the French rear. As she thus passed, without
-flag or light, the "Swiftsure" came up. Withholding
-his fire, Captain Hallowell hailed, and finding her to be a
-British ship, let go at once his anchor, bringing up on the
-starboard bow of the "Orient." Immediately afterwards
-the "Alexander" arrived and anchored on the port quarter
-of the three-decker, while the "Leander," with the discretion
-becoming her size, placed herself on the port bow of the
-"Franklin," the next ahead to the "Orient," in a position of
-comparative impunity, and thus raked both the French
-ships. The French centre was thus in its turn the victim
-of a concentration, similar to that with which the action
-began in the van, and destined to result in a frightful
-catastrophe.</p>
-
-<p>At about nine in the evening the French flag-ship was
-observed to be on fire, from what cause has never been certainly
-known. The British guns, trained on the part in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span>
-flames, helped to paralyze all efforts to extinguish them, and
-they gained rapidly. The brave and unfortunate Brueys
-was spared the sight of this last calamity. Already twice
-wounded, at half-past eight a cannon-ball carried away his
-left leg at the thigh. He refused to be taken below, and
-passed away calmly and nobly a few moments before the
-fire broke out. At ten the "Orient" blew up. Five ships
-ahead of her had already surrendered, and the eighty-gun
-ship "Franklin" also hauled down her flag before
-midnight.</p>
-
-<p>Six of the French still had their colors flying; but either
-from their cables being cut by shot, or from the necessity
-of slipping to avoid the explosion of the "Orient," they
-had drifted far astern. The three in the extreme rear had
-been but slightly engaged; of the others, the "Tonnant"
-was totally dismasted, while the "Heureux" and "Mercure"
-had received considerable injury.
-<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> The following morning
-these vessels were attacked by some of the least injured
-of the British, with the result that the "Tonnant," "Mercure,"
-"Heureux" and "Timoléon," the last of which had
-been the extreme rear, or flank, ship of the original order,
-ran ashore. There the three first named afterwards hauled
-down their flags, and the fourth was burned by her officers.
-The two other French ships, "Guillaume Tell" and "Généreux,"
-escaped. The former bore the flag of Rear-Admiral
-Villeneuve, who had commanded the rear in this battle, and
-was hereafter to be commander-in-chief of the allied fleet at
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span>
-the memorable disaster of Trafalgar. His inaction on this
-occasion has been sharply criticised, both in his own time
-and since. Upon the whole, the feeling of later French professional
-writers appears to be that his courage, though unquestionable,
-was rather of the passive than the active type;
-and that in Aboukir Bay there was afforded him a real opportunity
-and sufficient time to bring the rear ships into
-action, which he culpably failed to improve.
-<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> Bonaparte,
-on the contrary, wrote to Villeneuve, soon after the battle,
-that "if any error could be imputed to him, it was that he
-had not got under way as soon as the 'Orient' blew up;
-seeing that, three hours before, the position Brueys had
-taken had been forced and surrounded."
-<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a></p>
-
-<p>Such was, in its main outlines, the celebrated Battle of
-the Nile, the most complete of naval victories, and among
-the most decisive, at least of the immediate course of
-events. In it the French lost eleven out of thirteen ships-of-the-line
-<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a>
-and thirty-five hundred men, killed, wounded,
-or drowned;<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a>
-among them being the commander-in-chief
-and three captains killed, a rear-admiral and six captains
-wounded. The British loss was two hundred and eighteen
-killed—-of which one captain—and six hundred and seventy-eight
-wounded, among whom was the admiral himself,
-struck in the head by a heavy splinter. The hurt,
-which he at first thought fatal, disabled him for the moment
-and seriously affected his efficiency for some days.
-"I think," wrote he, four weeks later, "that if it had
-pleased God I had not been wounded, not a boat would
-have escaped."<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The particular circumstances under which the British
-attack was undertaken, the admirable skill as well as
-conduct shown by all the captains, and the thoroughly
-scientific character of the tactical combination adopted,
-as seen in its execution, unite with the decisiveness of the
-issue to cast a peculiar lustre upon this victory of Nelson's.
-Lord Howe, inferior to none as a judge of merit, said to
-Captain Berry that the Battle of the Nile "stood unparalleled
-and singular in this instance, that every captain distinguished
-himself."<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a>
-It has been disputed how far belongs
-to the admiral the credit of the bold manœuvre, whereby
-the leading ship, passing ahead of the French line, showed
-to her successors the open path through which the operation
-of doubling on the enemy could be most effectually
-carried out. Into this discussion the author has no intention
-of entering, beyond noting an omission in the full
-treatment of the question made by the careful and laborious
-editor of Nelson's correspondence, Sir Harris Nicolas, who
-was not able to reach a decision.
-<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> In Ross's "Life of Admiral
-Saumarez" it is stated that, while discussing the
-various modes by which the enemy might be attacked,
-Saumarez offended Nelson by saying that he "had seen the
-evil consequences of doubling upon an enemy, especially
-in a night action;" and had differed with the admiral in
-the plan of attack, because "it never required two English
-ships to capture one French, and that the damage which
-they must necessarily do each other might render them
-both unable to fight an enemy's ship which had not been engaged."
-<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a>
-Saumarez's objection, though not without some
-foundation, was justly over-ruled; but it could scarcely
-have been raised had Nelson never contemplated the precise
-method of doubling employed,—a British ship on each
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span>
-side of a single enemy,—for in no other position could the
-risk of mutual injury have been serious.</p>
-
-<p>It is in entire keeping with Nelson's well-known character,
-that, after discussing all likely positions and ascertaining
-that his captains understood his views, he should with
-perfect and generous confidence have left all the details of
-immediate action with them. In the actual case he could
-not, without folly, have rigorously prescribed to Captain
-Foley what path to follow. Only the man on the "Goliath's"
-deck, watching the soundings, could rightly judge what
-must each instant be done; and it was no less a transcendent
-merit in Nelson that he could thus trust another, than
-that, with falling night and unknown waters, he could reach
-the instant decision to attack an enemy of superior force,
-in an order which he must have supposed to be carefully
-and rationally assumed. In fact, however, the operation of
-doubling on the enemy,—in contradistinction to doubling
-the head of the line,—was really begun by Nelson himself;
-for his ship was the first to anchor on the side opposite to
-that taken by her five predecessors. It was open to him to
-have followed them, for the same reasons that prompted
-Foley's action.<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a>
-Instead of that, he deliberately anchored
-outside the third French ship, already engaged on the inside
-by the "Theseus;" thus indicating, as clearly as
-example can, what he would have those succeeding him to
-do. The first two French ships were already so engaged or
-crippled as to be properly passed. The fullest credit therefore
-can be allowed to Captain Foley for a military decision
-of a very high order, without stripping a leaf from Nelson's
-laurels.<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>"The boldness and skill of Admiral Nelson," says Captain
-Chevalier, "rose to a height which it would have been
-difficult to surpass."<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a>
-"The action of Nelson," said Napoleon,
-"was a desperate action which cannot be proposed as
-a model, but in which he displayed, as well as the English
-crews, all the skill and vigor possible."
-<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> This sentence is
-susceptible of a double construction. The condemnation,
-if the words be meant as such, comes ill from the man who
-pushed on his desperate advance to Leoben in 1797, who at
-Marengo stretched his line till it broke, and who in 1798
-ventured the Mediterranean fleet and the Army of Italy on
-the Egyptian expedition, with scarce a chance in his favor,
-except a superstitious reliance upon a fortune which did not
-betray him. The arrangements of Brueys being what they
-were, the odds were with the British admiral.</p>
-
-<p>It has been said that, with better gunnery on the part of
-the French, disaster must have resulted to the attacking
-force; and precisely the same criticism has been applied
-to Trafalgar.<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a>
-Now, putting out of consideration that
-Great Britain had at this date been for five years at war
-with France, and that British seamen had thus gained an
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span>
-experience of French gunnery upon which Nelson could
-reckon, the justice of this criticism further depends upon
-the circumstances of the wind and the character of the approach.
-An attack made with a very light wind, leaving
-the assailant long under the enemy's fire, or with a fresh
-breeze on a course that lies close to the wind, thereby
-bringing the greatest strain upon the spars, is a very different
-thing from one made with a good working breeze
-well abaft the beam, which was the case at the Nile. One
-cannot dogmatize on probabilities when, from the nature
-of the case, there are few precedents on which to rest an
-opinion. In bearing down against a fleet under way, of
-which there are many instances, the experience in scarcely
-any case was that so many spars were lost as to prevent
-the assailant reaching the hostile line; and at the Nile,
-once the anchor was down, the loss of a spar or two was
-of little consequence. It seems altogether probable that,
-had the French gunnery been much better than it was, the
-British ships would yet have reached their station; and
-once there, the tactical combination adopted would still
-have given them the victory, though more dearly bought.
-If, however, Brueys's arrangements had been more skilfully
-made, resembling those of Hood at St. Kitt's, and if
-the French gunnery had been very good, it may safely be
-conceded that the British admiral would have needed more
-circumspection in making his attack. To say that under
-totally different circumstances different results will obtain,
-is a species of prophecy with which no one need quarrel.
-If, in the shock of war, all things on both sides are exactly
-equal,—if the two admirals, their captains and crews, the
-ships of the fleets, the tactical arrangements, are equal,
-each to each,—there can be no result. When inequality,
-whether original or induced by circumstance, enters in any
-one of these factors, a result will follow proportional to
-the disparity. When this is great, the result will be great;
-when small, small. At the Battle of the Nile, the difference
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span>
-in admirals, in captains, in crews, in gunnery, and in
-tactical combination, were all greatly against the French,
-and the result was a disaster more than usually complete.</p>
-
-<p>During the month passed by Brueys in indolent security,
-Bonaparte had advanced steadily in his projected conquest
-of Egypt. On the 21st of July the battle of the Pyramids
-was fought, the next day Cairo submitted, and on the 25th
-the general-in-chief entered the city. Remaining there a
-few days to repose his troops and secure his position, he
-departed again on the 7th of August to complete the conquest
-of lower Egypt; leaving Desaix to take care of Cairo
-and prepare the corps destined for the subjugation of the
-upper Nile. By the 12th of August the Mamelukes, still
-under arms in the Delta, had been driven into the Isthmus
-of Suez, whence they retired to Syria; and there, on the
-borders of the desert, Bonaparte received from Kleber the
-news of the disaster in Aboukir Bay. Under this tremendous
-reverse he showed the self-control of which he was
-always capable at need. The troops gave way to despair.
-"Here we are," said they, "abandoned in this barbarous
-country, without communication with home, without hope
-of return." "Well," replied their general, "we have then
-laid on us the obligation to do great things. Seas which
-we do not command separate us from home; but no seas
-divide us from Africa and Asia. We will found here an
-empire."</p>
-
-<p>The magical influence he exerted over the soldiers, most
-of whom had followed him to victory in Italy, restored
-their courage, and French lightheartedness again prevailed
-over despondency. The blow, nevertheless, had struck
-home, and resounded through the four quarters of the
-world. The Mamelukes, Ibrahim Bey in Syria, and Mourad
-Bey in upper Egypt, cast down by their reverses, were
-preparing to treat; upon the news of Nelson's victory they
-resumed their arms. The Porte, incensed by the invasion
-of Egypt, but still hesitating, notwithstanding the pressure
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span>
-exerted by the ministers of Great Britain and Russia, took
-heart as soon as it knew that the French fleet was no more.
-Bonaparte had rightly warned Brueys that the preservation
-of his ships was necessary to hold Turkey in check.
-The Sultan and his Pashas of Egypt and Syria rejected the
-French advances. On the 2d of September a memorial
-was sent to all the foreign ministers in Constantinople, expressing
-the surprise of the Porte at Bonaparte's landing,
-and stating that a considerable force had been despatched
-for Egypt to stop his progress. On the 11th of the month
-war was formally declared against the French Republic.
-<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a></p>
-
-<p>Throughout the year 1798 the state of affairs on the
-continent of Europe had grown continually more threatening.
-The politico-military propagandism of the Revolution
-had given birth to, and was now being replaced by, an aggressive
-external policy, to which the victories of Bonaparte
-gave increased vigor and extension. It became the
-recognized, if not the avowed, aim of French diplomacy to
-surround France with small dependent republics, having institutions
-modelled upon the same type as her own, with
-all local powers merged in those of a central government.
-<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a>
-The United Provinces, in becoming a republic, had retained
-their federal constitution; but in January, 1798, they underwent
-a revolution, promoted by the French Directory,
-which did away with the provincial independence inherited from
-past ages. The Cisalpine Republic and Genoa had received
-a similar organization at the hands of Bonaparte.
-In many of the cantons of Switzerland there were discontent
-and disturbance, due to the unequal political conditions
-of the inhabitants. The Directory made of this a
-pretext for interference, on the plea of France being interested
-both in the internal quiet of a neighboring country
-and also in the particular persons whose discontent was
-construed as evidence of oppression. French troops entered
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span>
-Switzerland in January, 1798. The canton of Berne
-fought for its privileges, but was easily subdued; and a
-packed convention, assembled at Aarau, adopted for Switzerland
-a centralized constitution in place of the old cantonal
-independence. This was followed some months later,
-in August, 1798, by an offensive and defensive alliance
-between the Helvetian and French republics.</p>
-
-<p>The invasion of Berne had had another motive than the
-political preponderance of France in the councils of her
-neighbors. The revenue of the Directory still fell far short
-of the expenditure, and money was particularly wanted for
-Bonaparte's approaching expedition. Seventeen million
-francs were found in the Bernese treasury and appropriated.
-Eighteen million more were raised by requisitions,
-and other cantons were drained in proportion.
-<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> The same
-motive contributed,<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a>
-at the same instant, to the occupation
-of Rome, for which a more plausible pretext was found.
-In the papal states, as elsewhere throughout Europe, French
-agents had secretly stirred up a revolutionary movement.
-On the 28th of December, 1797, this party had risen in
-Rome, and a collision between it and the papal troops had
-occurred in the neighborhood of the French embassy.
-General Duphot, who was then residing there, was killed
-while attempting to interpose between the combatants.
-The French ambassador at once left the city; and the
-Directory, refusing all explanations, ordered Berthier,
-Bonaparte's successor in Italy, to advance. On the 10th
-of February he entered Rome, recognized the Roman Republic,
-which was proclaimed under his auspices, and
-forced the Pope to retire to Tuscany. It was owing to this
-occupation that a contingent of the Egyptian expedition
-embarked at Civita Vecchia, as the most convenient point.</p>
-
-<p>Neither Naples nor Austria ventured on overt action in
-behalf of the Pope; but the dissatisfaction of both was
-extreme. Never under Bonaparte himself had French
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</a></span>
-troops come so near to the kingdom of the Two Sicilies,
-whose importance to the common cause of the Continent,
-from its geographical position, was perfectly understood.
-But while the situation of Naples at the far end of the
-peninsula made it a serious danger to the flank and rear
-of the French, when engaged with an enemy in upper Italy,
-its remoteness from support, except by way of the sea, was
-a source of weakness to a state necessarily dependent upon
-allies. This was especially felt in February, 1798, when
-the British fleet, after a year's absence, had as yet given no
-sign of returning to the Mediterranean, and the ships which
-accompanied Bonaparte to Egypt were still in Toulon. The
-latter would doubtless have been directed upon Naples, had
-Naples moved against Rome. The Bourbon kingdom therefore
-swallowed its vexation, but drew closer to Austria;
-which, in addition to the affront offered to the Pope, had
-its own motives for discontent in the occupation of Switzerland
-by the French, and in the changes introduced into the
-political complexion of the Continent by these aggressive
-actions of the republican government. The course of the
-Directory during the continental peace of 1797 and 1798
-was closely parallel to that of Bonaparte four years later,
-which made impossible the continuance of the Peace of
-Amiens. With less ability and less vigor, there was the
-same plausible, insidious, steady aggression, under color
-of self-protection or of yielding to popular demand, which
-forced on the power of France at the expense of other
-states. An occurrence in Vienna at this moment came
-near to produce war and stop the Egyptian expedition.
-When Bonaparte entered Germany in April, 1797, the
-youth of Vienna had offered themselves in mass to defend
-the country. In April, 1798, the anniversary of the day
-was celebrated with a popular demonstration, which the
-French ambassador resented by hoisting the tricolor. The
-crowds in a rage broke into and sacked the embassy.
-<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> So
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span>
-great was the excitement over this affair that the troops in
-Toulon and other ports were ordered not to embark, and
-Bonaparte himself was directed to go as plenipotentiary to
-Rastadt; but the emperor made explanations, and the incident
-passed. Still, as a French historian says, "things
-were getting spoiled between Austria and France."
-<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a></p>
-
-<p>Russia at the same time was fairly forced from her attitude
-of reserve, maintained since the death of Catherine II.,
-by the same policy which drove the United States into the
-<i>quasi</i> war of 1798 with France.
-<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> A decree of the French
-legislature had made lawful prize any neutral ship which
-had on board, not merely British property, but any goods
-of British origin, even though the property of a neutral.
-This was given a special application to the Baltic by a
-notification, issued January 12, 1798, that "if any ship be
-suffered to pass through the Sound with English commodities,
-of whatever nation it may be, it shall be considered as
-a formal declaration of war against the French nation."
-<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a>
-Although immediately directed against Sweden and Denmark,
-as the two countries bordering the Sound, this was
-resented by the Czar, in common with all neutral governments;
-and on the 15th of May, he "ordered twenty-two
-ships-of-the-line and two hundred and fifty galleys to proceed
-to the Sound, to protect trade in general against the
-oppression of the Directory."
-<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a></p>
-
-<p>Once enkindled, the violent and erratic temper of
-Paul I. soon rushed into extremes; and he received
-further provocation from the capture of Malta. When
-Bonaparte took possession of that island, he found there
-a treaty, just signed, by which the Czar stipulated a
-payment of four hundred thousand rubles to the Order,
-in which to the end of his days he preserved a fantastic
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span>
-interest. As a measure of precaution, the French
-general decreed that any Greeks in Malta or the Ionian Islands
-maintaining relations with Russia should be shot, and
-Greek vessels under Russian colors sunk.
-<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> Hence the
-members of the Order in Russia made, in August, a violent
-protest against the seizure, throwing themselves upon the
-Czar for a support which he eagerly promised.
-<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> He then
-drew near to Great Britain, and offered to aid Austria with
-troops. The emperor at first answered that nothing could
-be done without Prussia; and the three governments then
-applied themselves to obtain the accession of this kingdom
-to a new coalition. On the 19th of May—the very day,
-it may be observed, that Bonaparte sailed from Toulon—Austria
-and Naples signed a defensive alliance.
-<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> The conferences
-at Rastadt, so far as the emperor was concerned,
-were broken off on the 6th of July, although those with the
-empire dragged on longer. The imperial envoy, Cobentzel,
-at once went to Berlin, where he entered into cordial relations
-with the British and Russian plenipotentiaries. On
-the 10th of August a convention was signed between the
-two emperors, by which the Czar undertook to send thirty
-thousand troops into Galicia to support the Austrian army.
-Great Britain, as ever, was ready to help the cause with
-ships and money. Prussia refusing to join, the Russian envoy
-took his leave, saying: "We will make war on France
-with you, without you, or against you."
-<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a></p>
-
-<p>On governments so prepared to be enkindled, yet hesitating
-before the prestige of French success and feeling the
-mutual distrust inseparable from coalitions, the news of the
-battle of the Nile fell like a brand among tinder. The
-French fleet was not only defeated, but annihilated. The
-Mediterranean from the Straits to the Levant was in the
-power of the British navy, which the total destruction of its
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span>
-enemy relieved from the necessity of concentration and allowed
-to disperse to every quarter where its efforts were
-needed. The greatest general and thirty thousand of the
-best troops France possessed, with numbers of her most
-brilliant officers, were thus hopelessly shut off from
-their country.</p>
-
-<p>After the victory, conscious of its far-reaching importance,
-Nelson took measures to disperse the news as rapidly
-as his want of small vessels would permit. The "Leander"
-sailed on the 5th of August with the first despatches for
-Lord St. Vincent off Cadiz, but was on the 18th captured by
-the "Généreux," seventy-four, one of the two ships which
-had escaped from Aboukir Bay. To provide against such an
-accident, however, the brig "Mutine" had also been sent
-on the 13th to Naples, where she arrived on the 4th of
-September, bringing the first news that reached Europe, and
-which Nelson asked the British minister to see forwarded to
-all the other courts. The captain of the "Mutine" started
-the next day for England, by way of Vienna, and on the 2d
-of October, 1798, two full months after the battle, reached
-London with the first accounts.</p>
-
-<p>Conscious of the effect which events in Egypt might have
-upon British influence in India, Nelson also sent a lieutenant,
-on the 10th of August, to make his way overland
-through Alexandretta and Aleppo to Bombay. This officer
-bore dispatches to the governor, informing him both of the
-landing and numbers of Bonaparte's expedition, and also
-of the fatal blow which had just befallen it. The news was
-most timely. The French had been actively intriguing in
-the native courts, and Tippoo Saib, the son and successor
-of Hyder Ali, Sultan of Mysore, their former ally in the
-days of Suffren, had openly committed himself to his
-father's policy. It was too late for Tippoo to recede, and
-he was erelong embarked in a war, which ended in April,
-1799, in his death at the assault of Seringapatam and the
-overthrow of his kingdom; but on the other native states
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span>
-the striking catastrophe produced its due impression. In
-their operations against Tippoo the British were not embarrassed
-by troubles in other quarters.</p>
-
-<p>"The consequences of this battle," sums up a brilliant
-French naval writer, "were incalculable. Our navy never
-recovered from this terrible blow to its consideration and
-its power. This was the combat which for two years delivered
-the Mediterranean to the English, and called thither
-the squadrons of Russia; which shut up our army in the
-midst of a rebellious population, and decided the Porte to
-declare against us; which put India out of the reach of our
-enterprise, and brought France within a hair's-breadth of
-her ruin; for it rekindled the scarcely extinct war with
-Austria, and brought Suwarrow and the Austro-Russians to
-our very frontiers."<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a>
-Great Britain, the Sea Power so
-often and so idly accused of backwardness in confronting
-France, of requiring continental support before daring to
-move, was first to act. Long before news of the battle, before
-even the battle was fought, or the alliance of Austria
-and Russia contracted, orders had been sent to St. Vincent
-to detach from Nelson's force to the support of Naples,
-hoping there to start the little fire from which a great matter
-should be kindled. These "most secret orders"
-reached Nelson on the 15th of August.
-<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> He had just
-dispatched to Gibraltar seven of the British fleet with six
-of the captured French vessels, the whole under charge of
-Sir James Saumarez. Setting fire to the three other prizes,
-he intrusted the blockade of Alexandria to Captain Hood,
-with three ships-of-the-line, and with the three then remaining
-to him sailed for Naples on the 19th. From the
-wretched condition of his division
-<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> the passage took over a
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span>
-month; but on the 22d of September he anchored in the
-bay, where the renown of his achievement had preceded him.</p>
-
-<p>On his way, Nelson had been informed that a Portuguese
-squadron, commanded by the Marquis de Niza, had entered
-the Mediterranean to support his operations. At his request
-this division, which had appeared off Alexandria on
-the 29th of August,<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a>
-but refused to remain there, undertook
-the blockade of Malta, until such time as the repairs
-of the British ships should allow them to do so. The natives
-of the island had risen against the French on the 26th
-of August, and driven them from the open country into the
-forts of La Valetta. Niza took his station off the port,
-about the 20th of September, and on the 24th Sir James
-Saumarez appeared with his division and the prizes. The
-following day the two officers sent General Vaubois a summons
-to surrender, which was as a matter of course refused.
-Saumarez went on to Gibraltar; but before doing
-so gave the inhabitants twelve hundred muskets with ammunition,
-which materially assisted them in their efforts,
-finally successful, to deprive the enemy of the resources of
-the island. Nelson sent off British ships as they were ready,
-and himself joined the blockading force on the 24th of October,
-though only for a few days, his presence being necessary
-in Naples. The garrison was again by him formally
-summoned, and as formally rejected his offers. From that
-time until their surrender in September, 1800, the French
-were in strict blockade, both by land and water.</p>
-
-<p>In October of this year Lord St. Vincent went to live
-ashore at Gibraltar, both on account of his health, and because
-there, being the great British naval station of the Mediterranean,
-he was centrally placed to receive information, to
-give orders, and especially to hasten, by his unflagging personal
-supervision, the work of supply and repair upon which
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span>
-the efficiency of a fleet primarily depends. The division
-off Cadiz, numbering generally some fifteen of the line,
-kept its old station watching the Spaniards, under the command
-of Lord Keith,—one of the most efficient and active
-of the generation of naval officers between St. Vincent and
-Nelson, to the latter of whom he was senior. Within the
-Mediterranean Nelson commanded, under St. Vincent.
-The blockade of Egypt and Malta, and co-operation with
-the Austrian and Neapolitan armies in the expected war,
-were his especial charge. He was also to further, as far
-as in him lay, the operations of a combined Russian and
-Turkish fleet, which had assembled in the Dardanelles in
-September, 1798, to maintain the cause of the coalition in
-the Levant. This fleet entered the Mediterranean in October;
-but instead of assuming the blockade of Alexandria
-and the protection of the Syrian coast, it undertook the
-capture of the Ionian Islands. All of these, except Corfu,
-fell into its power by October 10; and on the 20th Corfu,
-the citadel of the group, was attacked. Nelson saw this
-direction of the Russo-Turkish operations with disgust and
-suspicion. "The Porte ought to be aware," he wrote, "of
-the great danger at a future day of allowing the Russians
-to get a footing at Corfu."<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> "I was in hopes that a part
-of the united Turkish and Russian squadron would have
-gone to Egypt,—Corfu is a secondary consideration....
-I have had a long conference with Kelim Effendi on the
-conduct likely to be pursued by the Russian Court towards
-the unsuspicious (I fear) and upright Turk.... A strong
-squadron should have been sent to Egypt to have relieved
-my dear friend Captain Hood; but Corfu suited Russia
-better."<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a>
-At the same time Turkish troops, under the
-pashas whose good dispositions Bonaparte had boasted,
-swept away from France the former Venetian territory on
-the mainland, acquired by the treaty of Campo Formio.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>While Bonaparte's Oriental castles were thus crumbling,
-through the destruction in Aboukir Bay of the foundation
-upon which they rested,—while Ionia was falling, Malta
-starving, and Egypt isolated, through the loss of the sea—the
-Franco-Spanish allies were deprived of another important
-foothold for maritime power. On the 15th of November
-Minorca with its valuable harbor, Port Mahon, was surrendered
-to a combined British military and naval expedition,
-quietly fitted out by St. Vincent from Gibraltar.</p>
-
-<p>The year 1798 in the Mediterranean closed with these
-operations in progress. At its beginning France was in
-entire control of the land-locked sea, and scarcely a sail
-hostile to her, except furtive privateers, traversed its surface.
-When it closed, only two French ships-of-the-line fit
-for battle remained upon the waters, which swarmed with
-enemy's squadrons. Of these two, refugees from the fatal
-bay of Aboukir, one was securely locked in Malta, whence
-she never escaped; the other made its way to Toulon, and
-met its doom in a vain effort to carry relief to the beleaguered
-island.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="ac"><span class="sc">The Mediterranean From 1799 to 1801.</span></p>
-
-<p class="chapsum"><span class="sc">Bonaparte's Syrian Expedition and
-Siege of Acre.</span>—<span class="sc">The
-Incursion of the French Brest Fleet Under Admiral
-Bruix.</span>—<span class="sc">Bonaparte's Return to
-France.</span>—<span class="sc">The French
-Lose Malta and Egypt.</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="drop-cap">AFTER the destruction of his fleet, Bonaparte resumed
-the task of subduing and organizing Egypt, which
-had by that misfortune become more than ever essential to
-his projects. In the original conception of his eastern adventure
-the valley of the Nile had borne a twofold part.
-It was, in the first place, to become a permanent acquisition
-of France, the greatest of her colonies,—great not only
-by its own natural resources, susceptible as was believed of
-immense development, but also by its singular position,
-which, to a power controlling the Mediterranean waters,
-gave the military and commercial link between the eastern
-and western worlds. To France, bereft of the East and
-the West Indies, childless now of her richest colonies, Egypt
-was to be the great and more than equal compensation.
-But this first object obtained, though in itself a
-justification, was but the necessary step to the more dazzling,
-if not more useful, achievement of the destruction of
-the British power in India, and the creation there of an empire
-tributary to France. "Thus, on the one side Egypt
-would replace San Domingo and the Antilles; on the other,
-she would be a step towards the conquest of India."
-<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Measured by the successes of a few handfuls of British
-in the empire of the Moguls, the army brought by Bonaparte
-into Egypt was more than able to subdue that country,
-and to spread far and wide the obedience to the French
-arms. Like the founders of the British Indian Empire,
-the French general found himself face to face, not only with
-military institutions incomparably weaker and less cohesive
-than those of Europe, but with a civil society—if such it
-can be called—from which the element of mutual confidence,
-and with it the power of combined resistance, had
-disappeared. The prestige of success, the knowledge that
-he could command the services of a body of men superior
-in numbers as in disciplined action to any aggregation of
-units that could be kept steadily together to oppose him,
-was sufficient to insure for him the supremacy that concentrated
-force will always have over diffused force, organized
-power over unorganized. In military matters two and
-two do not make four, unless they are brought together in
-concerted action. Unfortunately, at the very moment of
-the most brilliant demonstration of his genius and of the
-valor of his troops, there had fallen upon one part of his
-command a reverse more startling, more absolute, than his
-own victories, and inflicted by a force certainly not superior
-to the one defeated. The Orientals, who could count
-upon no sufficient stay in men of their own race, now saw
-hopes of succor from without. They were not disappointed.
-Again a British naval captain, in the moment of triumphant
-progress, stopped the advance of Bonaparte.</p>
-
-<p>The autumn and early winter of 1798 were passed in the
-conquest and overrunning of upper Egypt by Desaix, who
-left Cairo for this purpose on the 25th of August, and
-in the settlement of the affairs of the lower Nile upon such
-a basis as would secure quiet and revenue during the absence
-of the commander-in-chief. An insurrection in Cairo
-in October, provoked partly by dissatisfaction with intended
-changes, partly by the rumor of the Porte having declared
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span>
-war upon France, gave Bonaparte in quelling it an opportunity
-to show the iron firmness of his grip, and afterwards
-to manifest that mixture of unrelenting severity towards
-the few with politic lenity towards the many, which is so
-well calculated to check the renewal of commotion.</p>
-
-<p>In November, when the weather became cooler, a detachment
-of fifteen hundred men was sent to occupy Suez, and
-toward the end of December Bonaparte himself made a visit
-of inspection to the isthmus, by which he must advance to
-the prosecution of his larger schemes. While thus absent
-he learned, through an intercepted courier, that Djezzar, the
-Pasha of Syria, had on the 2d of January, 1799, occupied
-the important oasis of El Arish in the desert of Suez, and
-was putting its fort in a state of defence.
-<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> He at once realized
-that the time had come when he must carry out his
-project of advance into Syria, and accept the hostility of
-Turkey, which he had wished to avoid.</p>
-
-<p>The singular position of isolation in which the French in
-Egypt were placed, by the loss of the control of the sea,
-must be realized, in order to understand the difficulties
-under which Bonaparte labored in shaping his course of
-action, from time to time, with reference to the general current
-of events. Separated from Palestine by two hundred
-miles of desert, and by a yet wider stretch of barren sand
-from any habitable land to the west, Egypt is aptly described
-by Napoleon himself as a great oasis, surrounded
-on all sides by the desert and the sea. The intrinsic weakness
-of the French navy, its powerlessness to command
-security for its unarmed vessels in the Mediterranean, had
-been manifested by the tremor of apprehension and uncertainty
-which ran through the officials at Toulon and in
-Paris, when, after the sailing of Bonaparte, they learned of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span>
-Nelson's appearance. The restless activity of the British
-admiral, and the frequent sight of his ships in different
-places, multiplied, in the imagination of the French authorities,
-the numbers of hostile cruisers actually on the sea.
-<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a>
-A convoy of twenty-six large ships, for the completion of
-whose lading the expedition could not wait, lay in Toulon
-during the summer months, ready to sail; but no one dared
-to despatch them. From time to time during the outward
-voyage Bonaparte sent urgent messages for their speedy departure;
-but they never came.</p>
-
-<p>If this fear existed and exercised such sway before the
-day of the Nile, it may be imagined how great was the influence
-of that disastrous tidings. Not only, however, did
-a moral effect follow, but the annihilation of the French
-fleet permitted the British cruisers to scatter, and so indefinitely
-increased the real danger of capture to French
-ships. Surrounded by deserts and the sea, the commander-in-chief
-in Egypt saw, on and beyond both, nothing but
-actual or possible enemies. Not only so, but being in utter
-ignorance of the attitude of most of the powers as well as
-of European events, he could not know what bad effect
-might result from action taken by him upon imperfect information.
-His embarrassment is vividly depicted in a
-letter dated December 17, 1798: "We are still without
-news from France, not a courier has arrived since July 6;
-this is unexampled even in the colonies."
-<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> The courier mentioned,
-leaving France in July, had reached Bonaparte on
-the 9th of September; but the vessel which brought him had
-been obliged to run ashore to escape the British cruisers,
-and only one letter from the Directory was saved.
-<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> The
-next tidings came on the 5th of February, when a Ragusan
-ship, chartered by two French citizens, succeeded in entering
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span>
-Alexandria. "The news," he said, "is sufficiently
-contradictory; but it is the first I have had since July 6."
-He then first learned definitely that Turkey had declared
-war against France.<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a>
-His troops were at that moment in
-the desert, marching upon Syria, and he himself on the
-point of following them.</p>
-
-<p>Up to that time Bonaparte had hoped to cajole the Porte
-into an attitude of neutrality, upon the plea that his quarrel
-was solely with the Mamelukes on account of injury done
-by them to French commerce. On the 11th of December
-he had sent to Constantinople a M. Beauchamp, recently
-consul at Muscat, with instructions how to act in the twofold
-contingency of war having been declared or not. At
-that time he expected that Talleyrand would be found in
-Constantinople as Ambassador of France.
-<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> The news by
-the Ragusan enlightened him as to the actual relations with
-Turkey; but the disquieting rumors before received, coinciding
-with his ultimate purpose to advance upon India
-through Syria, had already determined him to act as the
-military situation demanded.<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> He had learned that troops
-were assembling in Syria and in the island of Rhodes, and
-divined that he was threatened with a double invasion,—by
-the desert of Suez and by the Mediterranean Sea.
-True to his sound and invariable policy, he determined to
-use his central position to strike first one and then the
-other, and not passively to wait on the defensive until a
-simultaneous attack might compel him to divide his force.
-During the violent winter weather, which would last yet for
-six weeks or two months, landing on the Egyptian coast was
-thought impracticable.<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> For that period, probably for
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span>
-longer, he could count upon security on the side of the sea.
-He would improve the interval by invading Syria, driving
-back the enemy there, breaking up his army, and seizing
-his ports. Thus he would both shut the coast to the
-British cruisers off Alexandria, which drew supplies from
-thence, and make impossible any future invasion from the
-side of the desert. He counted also upon the moral effect
-which success in Syria would have upon the negotiations
-with the Porte, which he conceived to be in progress.
-<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a></p>
-
-<p>The first essential point in the campaign was to possess
-El Arish, just occupied by the troops of Djezzar. General
-Reynier advanced against it with his division on the 5th of
-February, 1799. The Turks were by him routed and driven
-from the oasis, and the fort besieged. Bonaparte himself
-arrived on the 15th, and on the 20th the garrison capitulated.
-The corps destined for the expedition, numbering
-in all thirteen thousand men, having now assembled, the
-advance from El Arish began on the 22d. On the 25th
-Gaza was taken. On the 3d of March the army encamped
-before Jaffa, and on the 7th the place was carried by storm.
-A port, though a very poor one, was thus secured. The
-next day there entered, from Acre, a convoy of Turkish
-coasters laden with provisions and ammunition, which fell a
-welcome prize to the French, and was sent back to Hayfa, a
-small port seven miles south of Acre, for the use of the
-troops upon arrival. On the 12th of March the army resumed
-its march upon Acre, distant about sixty miles. On
-the 17th, at five in the afternoon, a detachment entered
-and held Hayfa, to provide a place of safety for the flotilla,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span>
-which, coasting the beach, slowly followed the advance of
-the troops. From Hayfa Bonaparte could see the roadstead
-of Acre, and lying there two British ships-of-the-line, the
-"Tigre" and the "Theseus," both under the command of Sir
-Sidney Smith, the captain of the former; who, as ranking
-officer on the spot, represented the naval power of Great
-Britain, about again to foil the plans of the great French
-leader.</p>
-
-<p>Sir Sidney Smith, to whom now fell the distinguished
-duty of meeting and stopping the greatest general of modern
-times, was a man who has left behind him a somewhat
-singular reputation, in which, and in the records commonly
-accessible, it is not always easy to read his real character.
-He was not liked by St. Vincent nor by Nelson, and their
-feeling towards him, though much intensified by the circumstances
-under which he now came to the Mediterranean,
-seems to have depended upon their previous
-knowledge of his history. The First Lord, in assigning
-him to this duty, felt obliged to take an almost apologetic
-tone to Earl St. Vincent. "I am well aware," he wrote,
-"that there may perhaps be some prejudices, derived from
-certain circumstances which have attended this officer's
-career through life; but, from a long acquaintance with
-him personally, I think I can venture to assure your lordship
-that, added to his unquestioned character for courage
-and enterprise, he has a great many good points about him,
-which those who are less acquainted with him may not be
-sufficiently apprised of. I have no doubt you will find him
-a very useful instrument to be employed on any hazardous
-or difficult service, and that he will be perfectly under
-your guidance, as he ought to be."
-<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> In the concluding
-sentence Earl Spencer sums up Sir Sidney's real character,
-as far as it can be discerned in the dim light of the recorded
-facts—or rather in the false lights which have exaggerated
-some circumstances and distorted others. He
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span>
-was bold and enterprising to Quixotism; he was a most
-useful instrument; but so far from having no doubt, the
-First Lord must have had very serious, if unacknowledged,
-doubts as to how far he would be under the guidance of
-St. Vincent, or any one else, out of signal distance. A
-self-esteem far beyond what the facts warranted, a self-confidence
-of the kind which does not inspire confidence in
-others, an exaggerated view of his own importance and of
-his own services, which was apt to show itself in his bearing
-and words,<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a>—such seem to
-have been the traits that
-alienated from Sir Sidney Smith the esteem of his contemporaries,
-until his really able, as well as most gallant, conduct
-at Acre showed that there was more in him than the
-mere vainglorious knight-errant. His behavior even there
-has been distorted, alike by the malevolence of Napoleon
-and by the popular adulation in Great Britain, which, seizing
-upon the brilliant traits of energy and valor he exhibited,
-attributed to him the whole conduct of the siege;
-<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a>
-whereas, by entrusting the technical direction of the defence
-to an experienced engineer, he made proof of a wisdom
-and modesty for which few of his contemporaries
-would have given him credit. At this time Smith had received
-some severe snubbings, which, administered by men
-of the standing of St. Vincent and Nelson, could not be
-disregarded, and may have had a wholesomely sobering
-effect.</p>
-
-<p>The circumstances of his coming to the Mediterranean
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span>
-were as follows. Having been a prisoner of war in Paris
-for nearly two years, he escaped through the stratagem of
-a French royalist, Phélippeaux, about a week before Bonaparte
-left the city for Toulon.<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> The incidents of his release
-were dramatic enough in themselves, and, in common
-with all his adventures, were well noised abroad. He became
-a very conspicuous figure in the eyes of the government,
-and of the public outside the navy. In October,
-1798, he was given command of the "Tigre," with directions
-to proceed to Gibraltar and put himself under St.
-Vincent's orders. At the same time he was appointed
-minister plenipotentiary to the Porte, being associated in
-that capacity with his younger brother, Spencer Smith,
-who was already ambassador at Constantinople; the object
-being that, with the diplomatic rank thus conferred,
-he should be able to direct the efforts of the Turkish and
-Russian forces in the Levant, in case the military officers
-of those nations were of grade superior to his. This somewhat
-complicated arrangement, which presupposed in the
-Turks and Russians a compliance which no British naval
-officer would have yielded, was further confused by the instructions
-issued, apparently without concert, by the Foreign
-Office to Smith himself, and by the Admiralty to St.
-Vincent. The latter clearly understood that Smith was
-intended to be under his command only, and that merely
-<i>pro formâ</i>;<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a>
-but under no obedience to Nelson, although
-his intended scene of operations, the Levant, was part of
-Nelson's district. This view, derived from the Admiralty's
-letter, was confirmed by an extract from the Foreign Office
-instructions, communicated by Smith to Nelson, that "his
-(Smith's) instructions will enable him to take the command
-of such of his Majesty's ships as he may find in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span>
-those seas (the Levant) unless, <i>by some unforeseen accident</i>,
-it should happen that there should be among them
-any of his Majesty's officers of superior rank."
-<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></p>
-
-<p>Nelson, of course, was outraged. Here was intruded into
-his command, where he had achieved such brilliant success,
-and to the administration of which he felt fully equal, a
-man of indifferent reputation as an officer, though of unquestioned
-courage, authorized to act independently of his
-control, and, as it seemed, even to take his ships. He was
-hurt not only for himself, but for Troubridge, who was
-senior to Smith, and would, so Nelson thought, have done
-the duty better than this choice of the Government. The
-situation when understood in England was rectified. It
-was explained that diplomatic rank was considered necessary
-for the senior naval officer, in order to keep in the
-hands of Great Britain the direction of combined operations,
-essentially naval in character; and that Smith had
-been chosen to the exclusion of seniors because of his relationship
-to the minister at Constantinople, who might have
-felt the association with him of a stranger to be an imputation
-upon his past conduct. Meanwhile St. Vincent,
-indignant at what seemed to him Smith's airs, had sent
-him peremptory instructions to put himself under Nelson's
-orders. Thus, in the double character of naval captain and
-minister plenipotentiary to Turkey, Smith went up the
-Mediterranean; where he did first-rate service in the
-former capacity, and in the latter took some action of
-very doubtful discretion, in which he certainly did not
-trouble himself about the guidance or views of his naval
-superiors.</p>
-
-<p>In compliance with orders from Lord St. Vincent, Nelson
-in January sent Troubridge with some bomb-vessels to
-Alexandria, to bombard the shipping in the port; after performing
-which service he was to turn over to Sir Sidney
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span>
-Smith the blockade of Alexandria and the defence of the
-Ottoman Empire by sea, of which Nelson thenceforth
-washed his hands.<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> The bombardment was maintained
-during several days in February, doing but little harm;
-and on the 3d of March Sir Sidney, having made his round
-to Constantinople, arrived and took over the command.
-Troubridge left with him the "Theseus," seventy-four,
-whose captain was junior to Smith, with three smaller
-vessels; and on the 7th sailed to rejoin Nelson. This was
-the day that the French stormed Jaffa, and the same evening
-an express with the news reached the "Tigre." Smith
-at once sent the "Theseus" to Acre, with Phélippeaux, the
-French officer who had aided him to escape from Paris and
-had accompanied him to the East.</p>
-
-<p>Of the same age as Bonaparte, Phélippeaux had been his
-fellow-pupil at the military school of Brienne, had left
-France with the royalists in 1792, and returned to it after
-the fall of Robespierre. He had naturally, from his antecedents,
-joined the party of reaction; and, after its overthrow
-in September, 1797, was easily moved to aid in Sir
-Sidney's escape from Paris. Accompanying him to England,
-he received from the Crown a colonel's commission.
-To the guidance of this able engineer the wisdom and skill
-of the defence was mainly due. Never did great issues
-turn on a nicer balance than at Acre. The technical skill
-of Phélippeaux, the hearty support he received from Smith,
-his officers and crews, the untiring activity and brilliant
-courage of the latter, the British command of the sea, all
-contributed; and so narrow was the margin of success,
-that it may safely be said the failure of one factor would
-have caused total failure and the loss of the place. Its
-fall was essential to Bonaparte, and his active, far-seeing
-mind had long before determined its seizure by his squadron,
-if the British left the Levant. "If any event drives us
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span>
-from the coast of Egypt," wrote Nelson on the 17th of
-December, 1798, "St. Jean d'Acre will be attacked by sea.
-I have Bonaparte's letter before me."
-<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> As the best port
-and the best fortress on the coast, Acre was the bridgehead
-into Palestine. To Syria it bore the relation that Lisbon
-did to the Spanish Peninsular War. If Bonaparte advanced,
-leaving it unsubdued, his flank and rear would through it
-be open to attack from the sea. If it fell, he had good
-reason to believe the country would rise in his favor. "If
-I succeed," said he at a late period of the siege, when hope
-had not yet abandoned him, "I shall find in the city the
-treasures of the Pasha, and arms for three hundred thousand
-men. I raise and arm all Syria, so outraged by the
-ferocity of Djezzar, for whose fall you see the population
-praying to God at each assault. I march upon Damascus
-and Aleppo. I swell my army, as I advance, by all malcontents.
-I reach Constantinople with armed masses. I
-overthrow the Turkish Empire. I found in the East a new
-and great empire which shall fix my place in posterity."
-<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a>
-Dreams? Ibrahim Pasha advanced from Egypt in 1831,
-took Acre in 1832, and marched into the heart of Asia
-Minor, which the battle of Konieh soon after laid at his
-feet; why not Bonaparte? Damascus had already offered
-him its keys, and the people were eager for the overthrow
-of the pashas.</p>
-
-<p>On the 10th of March Sir Sidney Smith himself left the
-blockade of Alexandria, and on the 15th anchored with the
-"Tigre" off Acre. He found that much had already been
-done, by Phélippeaux and the "Theseus," to make the obsolete
-fortifications more fit to withstand the approaching
-siege. Sending the "Theseus" now to cruise down the coast
-towards Jaffa, it fell to himself to deal the heaviest and
-most opportune blow to Bonaparte's projects. Some light
-coasters had sailed with a siege train from the Damietta
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</a></span>
-(eastern) mouth of the Nile, which the British never had
-ships enough to blockade. On the morning of the 18th they
-were seen approaching Acre, under convoy of a small corvette.
-The "Tigre" at once gave chase, and captured all but
-the corvette and two of the coasters. The cannon that
-should have been turned against the walls were landed and
-served to defend them; while the prizes, receiving British
-crews, thenceforth harassed the siege works, flanking the
-two walls against which the attacks were addressed, and
-enfilading the trenches. The French, having by this
-mishap lost all their siege guns proper, had to depend upon
-field-pieces to breach the walls until the 25th of April, when
-half a dozen heavy cannon were received from Jaffa.
-<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> This
-time was simply salvation to the besieged and ruin to the
-assailants; for, in the interval, the skill of Phélippeaux
-and the diligence of the men under him prepared the place
-to withstand attacks which at an early period would have
-caused its fall.</p>
-
-<p>Into the details of this siege, petty in itself but momentous
-in its bearing upon events, it will not be expected that
-this work shall enter. The crucial incident was the capture
-of the siege train and the precious respite thus obtained.
-Orders were indeed sent to Rear-Admiral Perrée to come
-as speedily as possible, with his small squadron of three
-frigates and two corvettes, to Jaffa and land guns; but
-Alexandria was already blockaded, and, from the narrowness
-of the entrance, very difficult to leave in face of a foe.
-On the 5th of April, however, the blockading force had to
-go to Cyprus for water,<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> and on the 8th Perrée got away.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span>
-On the 15th he landed at Jaffa six ship's guns, and so much
-ammunition as left his little squadron with only fifteen
-rounds. He then received orders to cruise to the westward
-of Acre and intercept the communications of the Turks
-with Candia and Rhodes. Returning from this duty on the
-14th of May, he was seen and chased by the "Theseus."
-An accidental explosion on board the latter forced her to give
-over pursuit; but Perrée, recognizing the danger of capture,
-and being short of water and supplies, determined to go to
-France, as his instructions allowed in case of necessity.
-On the 17th of June, when only sixty miles from Toulon,
-he met a British fleet, by which all five vessels were taken.</p>
-
-<p>On the 4th of May, when the besieged and besiegers had
-been mining, countermining, and daily fighting, for over six
-weeks—separated by but a stone's throw one from the
-other—a breach thought practicable by the French general
-was made, the mine for blowing in the counterscarp was
-finished, and a general assault was ordered for the 5th; but
-the engineers of the besieged countermined so industriously
-that by daybreak they had ruined the mine before being
-discovered. This caused the assault to be postponed to the
-9th. On the 7th, towards evening, some thirty or forty sail
-were seen on the western horizon. They bore the long
-expected Turkish succors from Rhodes; whose commander
-even now had only been induced to approach by a peremptory
-exercise of Sir Sidney Smith's powers as British minister.
-Bonaparte saw that no more time could be lost, and
-ordered the assault at once; the weather being calm,
-twenty-four hours might still elapse before the re-enforcements
-could enter the place. Under a heavy fire from one
-side and the other, the attack was made; and in the morning
-the British seamen saw the French flag flying on the
-outer angle of one of the towers. It marked the high water
-of Bonaparte's Syrian expedition.</p>
-
-<p>On the 8th the assault was renewed. As the French
-columns advanced, the Turkish ships were still detained in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</a></span>
-the offing by calms, and the soldiers were being brought
-ashore in boats, but still far from the landing. Then it
-was that Sir Sidney Smith, seeing that a few critical
-moments might determine the success or failure of his
-weary struggle, manned the boats of his ships, and pulling
-rapidly ashore led the British seamen, armed with pikes, to
-help hold the breach till the troops could arrive. The
-French carried the first line, the old fortifications of the
-town; but that done, they found themselves confronted
-with a second, which Phélippeaux, now dead, had formed
-by connecting together the houses and garden walls of the
-seraglio within. The strife raged throughout the day, with
-varied success in different quarters; but at nightfall, after
-a struggle of twenty-four hours, the assailants withdrew
-and Acre was saved. On the 20th the siege was raised,
-the French retreating during the night. Upon the 25th
-they reached Jaffa, and on the 29th Gaza. Both places
-were evacuated; and the army, resuming its march, next
-day entered the desert. On the 2d of June it encamped in
-the oasis of El Arish. The garrison of the fort there was
-re-enforced, the works strengthened with more artillery,
-and the place provisioned for six months. It was the one
-substantial result of the Syrian expedition,—an outpost
-which, like Acre, an invader must subdue before advancing.
-On the 7th, after nine days' march through the desert
-under the scorching heat of the June sun, the army re-entered
-Egypt. It had lost since its departure fifteen
-hundred killed or dead of disease, and more than two thousand
-wounded.</p>
-
-<p>The reputation of Sir Sidney Smith with posterity rests
-upon the defence of Acre, in which he made proof of solid
-as well as brilliant qualities. Bonaparte, who never forgave
-the check administered to his ambition, nor overcame
-the irritation caused by sixty days fretting against an unexpected
-and seemingly trivial obstacle, tried hard to decry
-the character of the man who thwarted him. "Smith is a
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</a></span>
-lunatic," he said, "who wishes to make his fortune and
-keep himself always before the eyes of the world. He is a
-man capable of any folly, to whom no profound or rational
-project is ever to be attributed."
-<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> "Sir Sidney Smith occupied
-himself too much with the detail of affairs on shore,
-which he did not understand, and where he was of little
-use; he neglected the maritime business, which he did
-understand, and where he had everything in his power."
-This accusation was supported by the circumstantial mis-statement
-that six big guns, with a large quantity of ammunition
-and provisions, were landed by Perrée, undetected,
-seven miles from Smith's ships.
-<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a></p>
-
-<p>That there was a strong fantastic and vainglorious strain
-in Smith's character seems certain, and to it largely he
-owed the dislike of his own service; but so far as appears,
-he showed at Acre discretion and sound judgment, as well
-as energy and courage. It must be remembered, in justice,
-that all power and all responsibility were in his hands, and
-that the result was an eminent success. Under the circumstances
-he had to be much on shore as well as afloat;
-but he seems to have shown Phélippeaux, and after the latter's
-death, Colonel Douglas, the confidence and deference
-which their professional skill demanded, as he certainly
-was most generous in recognizing their services and those
-of others. When the equinoctial gales came on he remained
-with his ship, which had to put to sea; an act which
-Bonaparte maliciously attributed to a wish to escape the
-odium of the fall of the place. Whether ashore or afloat,
-Smith could not please Bonaparte. The good sense which
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</a></span>
-defers to superior experience, the lofty spirit which bears
-the weight of responsibility and sustains the courage of
-waverers, ungrudging expenditure of means and effort, unshaken
-determination to endure to the end, and heroic
-inspiration at the critical moment of the last assault,—all
-these fine qualities must in candor be allowed to Sir
-Sidney Smith at the siege of Acre. He received and
-deserved the applause, not only of the multitude and the
-government, but of Nelson himself. The deeds of Acre
-blotted out of memory the exaggerated reports of the almost
-total destruction of the French fleet at his hands
-when Toulon was evacuated; reports which had left upon
-his name the imputation of untrustworthiness. But,
-whatever the personal merits of Sir Sidney Smith in this
-memorable siege, there can be no doubt that to the presence
-of the British ships, and the skilled support of the British
-officers, seamen, and marines—manning the works—is to
-be attributed the successful resistance made by the brave,
-but undisciplined Turks.</p>
-
-<p>During the last days of the siege of Acre and while
-Bonaparte was leading his baffled army through the sands
-of the desert back into Egypt, the western Mediterranean
-was thrown into a ferment by the escape of the French fleet
-from Brest. This very remarkable episode, having led to
-no tangible results, has been little noticed by general historians;
-but to the student of naval war its incidents are
-most instructive. It is scarcely too much to say that never
-was there a greater opportunity than that offered to the
-French fleet, had it been a valid force, by the scattered condition
-of its enemies on this occasion; nor can failure
-deprive the incident of its durable significance, as illustrating
-the advantage, to the inferior navy, of a large force
-concentrated in a single port, when the enemy, though superior,
-is by the nature of the contest compelled to disseminate
-his squadrons. The advantage is greatest when the
-port of concentration is central with reference to the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</a></span>
-enemy's positions; but is by no means lost when, as was then
-the case with Brest, it is at one extremity of the theatre of
-war. It was a steady principle in the policy of Napoleon,
-when consul and emperor, to provoke dissemination of the
-British navy by threatening preparations at widely separated
-points of his vast dominions; just as it was a
-purpose of the British government, though not consistently
-followed, to provoke France to ex-centric efforts by naval
-demonstrations, menacing many parts of the shore line.
-The Emperor, however, a master of the art of war and an
-adept at making the greatest possible smoke with the least
-expenditure of fuel, was much more than a match in the
-game of deception for the unmilitary and many-headed
-body that directed the affairs of Great Britain.</p>
-
-<p>Although in 1799 the Channel fleet had attached to it as
-many as fifty-one ships-of-the-line,
-<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> of which forty-two
-upon the alarm that ensued very soon got to sea,
-<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> Lord
-Bridport had with him but sixteen when he took command
-off Brest, on the 17th of April, relieving the junior admiral
-who, with eight or nine ships, had done the winter
-cruising. On the 25th Bridport looked into the port and
-saw there eighteen ships-of-the-line ready for sea. The
-wind being fresh at north-east, the British admiral stood
-out until he reached a position twelve miles west-south-west
-of Ushant Island. The entrance being thus clear and the
-wind fair, the French fleet, numbering twenty-five of the
-line and ten smaller vessels, slipped out that night under
-command of Admiral Bruix, then minister of marine, who,
-by his close official relations to the government, was indicated
-as a proper person to fulfil an apparently confidential
-mission, for which his professional ability and activity
-eminently fitted him.</p>
-
-<p>Being bound south and the wind favoring, Bruix passed
-through the southern passage, known as the Passage du
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</a></span>
-Raz,<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a>
-distant thirty miles or more from the spot where Bridport
-had stationed his fleet, which consequently saw nothing,
-though it had great reason to suspect a movement by
-the French. At 9 <span class="sc">A. M.</span> on the 26th, however, a British
-inshore frigate caught sight of the enemy just as the last
-ships were passing through the Raz, and hastened toward
-her fleet. At noon she lost sight of the French, and an
-hour later, the signal being repeated from vessel to vessel,
-Bridport learned that the enemy were out. He at once
-made sail for Brest, assured himself on the 27th that the
-news was true, and then steered for Ireland to cover it
-from a possible invasion, sending at the same time warning
-to Keith off Cadiz and to St. Vincent at Gibraltar, as well
-as orders into the Channel ports for all ships to join him off
-Cape Clear. The whole south coast of England was at
-once in an uproar; but the government, knowing how scattered
-were the vessels in the Mediterranean, had a double
-anxiety. On the 6th of May, five ships-of-the-line sailed
-from Plymouth to join St. Vincent.
-<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> The rest of the
-Channel fleet got off as fast as they could to Bridport, who,
-in spite of the reports from merchant vessels that had seen
-the French to the southward, and steering south, refused to
-believe that Ireland was safe. In this delusion he was confirmed
-by a barefaced and much-worn ruse, a small French
-vessel being purposely allowed to fall into his hands with
-dispatches for Ireland. On the 12th of May there remained
-in Plymouth but a single ship-of-the-line, and that detained
-by sickness among the crew,—"a circumstance
-scarcely ever remembered before."
-<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> Despite this accumulation
-of force, it was not till June 1 that Bridport
-detached to the southward sixteen sail-of-the-line,
-<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> of which
-twelve went on to the Mediterranean.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>On the morning of the 3d of May Admiral Keith, off
-Cadiz, was joined by a British frigate chased the day before
-by Bruix's fleet, of which she had lost sight only at 4 <span class="sc">P.
-M.</span> The next morning the French appeared, twenty-four
-ships to the British fifteen, which were to leeward of their
-enemy. The wind, that had been blowing fresh from north-west
-since the day before, rapidly increased to a whole
-gale, so that though there were nineteen Spanish ships
-in Cadiz and twenty-four French outside, the British remained
-safe; and not only so, but by making it impossible
-for the French to enter without an engagement, prevented
-this first attempt at a junction. "Lord Keith," wrote St.
-Vincent, "has shown great manhood and ability, his position
-having been very critical, exposed to a hard gale of
-wind, blowing directly on shore, with an enemy of superior
-force to windward, and twenty-two ships-of-the-line in Cadiz
-ready to profit by any disaster that might have befallen
-him."<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a>
-Bruix, who knew that his captains, long confined
-to port by the policy of their government, were not able to
-perform fleet manœuvres in ordinary weather, dared not
-attack on a lee shore with a wind that would tax all the
-abilities of experienced seamen.
-<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> He therefore kept away
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</a></span>
-again to the south-east, determining to lose no time, but at
-once to enter the Mediterranean; and the following day
-Lord St. Vincent, gazing from the rock of Gibraltar through
-the thick haze that spread over the Straits, saw, running
-before the gale, a number of heavy ships which, from dispatches
-received the day before, he knew must be French.</p>
-
-<p>The situations of the vessels in his extensive command,
-as present that morning to the mind of the aged earl, must
-be realized by the reader if he would enter into the embarrassment
-and anxiety of the British commander-in-chief,
-or appreciate the military significance of Bruix's appearance,
-with a large concentrated force, in the midst of dispositions
-taken without reference to such a contingency.
-The fifteen ships off Cadiz, with one then lying at Tetuan,
-on the Morocco side of the Straits, where the Cadiz ships
-went for water, were the only force upon which St. Vincent
-could at once depend, and if they were called off the
-Spanish fleet was released. At Minorca, as yet imperfectly
-garrisoned,<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a>
-was an isolated body of four ships under
-Commodore Duckworth. Lord Nelson's command in the
-central Mediterranean was disseminated, and the detachments,
-though not far out of supporting distance, were
-liable to be separately surprised. Troubridge with four
-vessels was blockading Naples, now in possession of the
-French, and at the same time co-operating with the resistance
-made to the foreign intruders by the peasantry under
-Cardinal Ruffo. Nelson himself, with one ship, was at Palermo,
-and the faint-hearted court and people were crying
-that if he left them the island was lost. Captain Ball,
-with three of the line, blockaded Malta, the only hope of
-subduing which seemed to be by rigorous isolation. Far to
-the eastward, up the Mediterranean, without a friendly port
-in which to shelter, Sidney Smith with two ships, unsuspicious
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</a></span>
-of danger from the sea, was then drawing to an end
-the defence of Acre.</p>
-
-<p>Each of these British divisions lay open to the immensely
-superior force which Bruix brought. Not only so, but the
-duties of an important nature to which each of them was
-assigned were threatened with frustration. So large a fleet
-as that of Bruix might, and according to the usual French
-practice probably would, have numerous troops embarked.
-<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a>
-No amount of skill could rescue Troubridge's division from
-such a disproportion of force, and with it would fall the resistance
-of Naples. Only flight could save the ships off
-Malta, and St. Vincent saw the blockade raised, the garrison
-re-enforced and re-victualled; as within his own memory
-had so often been done for Gibraltar, in its famous
-siege not twenty years before. Duckworth's little squadron
-could not prevent the landing of an army which would
-sweep Minorca again into the hands of Spain, and the British
-commodore might consider himself fortunate if, in so
-difficult a dilemma, he extricated his ships from a harbor
-always hard to leave.<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a>
-Spain also had in Cartagena and
-Majorca a number of soldiers that could be rapidly thrown
-into Minorca under cover of such a fleet.</p>
-
-<p>The British admiral instantly decided to sacrifice all
-other objects to the concentration of his fleet in such a
-position as should prevent the junction of the French and
-Spaniards; against which the presence off Cadiz of Keith's
-squadron, though inferior in numbers to either, had so far
-effectually interposed. He at once sent off dispatches to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</a></span>
-all his lieutenants; but the westerly gales that were driving
-Bruix to his goal made it impossible to get ship or boat
-to Keith. This admiral was only reached by an indulgence
-from the Spanish officials, between whom and the British
-an intercourse of courtesy was steadily maintained. These
-granted to Admiral Coffin, who had been appointed to a post
-in Halifax, passports to proceed to Lisbon through Spain;
-and Coffin on the way contrived to get a boat sent off to
-Keith, with orders which brought him to Gibraltar on the
-10th. To Nelson the earl wrote that he believed the enemy
-were bound to Malta and Alexandria; and that the Spaniards,
-whom he was forced to release from Cadiz, would
-descend upon Minorca. Nelson received this message on
-the 13th of May. The day before, a brig coming direct
-from the Atlantic without stopping at Gibraltar had notified
-him of the escape from Brest, and that the French had
-been seen steering south. On the strength of this he drew
-from Naples and Malta all the ships-of-the-line except one
-before each, directing a rendezvous off Port Mahon, where
-he would join Duckworth; but when St. Vincent's letter
-came, he called them all in, leaving only frigates on each
-station, and ordered the heavy vessels to meet him off the
-island of Maritimo, to intercept the French between Sicily
-and Africa. He also sent to Duckworth to ask his help;
-but the commodore declined until he could communicate
-with the commander-in-chief, from whom he had received
-orders to keep his division in readiness to join the main
-fleet when it appeared.</p>
-
-<p>St. Vincent's position, in truth, was one of utter and dire
-perplexity. If the French and Spaniards got together, he
-would have forty-four enemy's vessels on his hands; against
-which, by sacrificing every other object, he could only
-gather thirty until re-enforced by the Channel fleet, upon
-whose remissness he could hardly fail to charge his false
-position. To lose Minorca and Sicily, to see Malta snatched
-from his fingers when ready to close upon it, the French
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</a></span>
-position in Naples established, and that in Egypt so strengthened
-as to become impregnable to either attack or reduction
-by want, such were the obvious probable consequences of
-Bruix's coming. Besides these evident dangers, he very
-well knew from secret official information that the Spanish
-court were in constant dread of a popular insurrection,
-which would give the French a pretext for entering the
-peninsula,—not, as in 1808, to impose a foreign king upon
-an unwilling nation, but to promote a change in the government
-which the distress of the people, though usually loyal,
-would probably welcome. In March he had received a
-communication from the Spanish prime minister, asking
-that a British frigate might be detailed to bring remittances
-from the Spanish colonies to Gibraltar, to be afterwards
-conveyed into Spain. The reason given for making this request
-of an enemy was that the want of specie, and consequent
-delay in public payments, especially to the soldiery,
-made revolution imminent. St. Vincent recommended his
-government to comply, because of the danger, in case of
-disturbances, that both Spain and Portugal might fall under
-subjection to France.<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a></p>
-
-<p>Fortunately, amid the conflicting claims of diverse interests,
-the path of military wisdom was perfectly clear to one
-understanding its principles. St. Vincent might be agitated
-by apprehensions; but he knew what he must do, and
-did it. To get his own fleet together and at the same time
-prevent the allies from uniting theirs, was the first thing;
-and the point of concentration indicated for this purpose
-should be one that would cover Minorca, if he arrived before
-it was reduced. For Sicily, Malta, and all to the eastward,
-he must trust to the transcendent abilities of Nelson and
-his "band of brothers."<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> On the 12th, after two days of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</a></span>
-hurried preparations, the British fleet sailed from Gibraltar.
-On the 20th it reached Minorca, found it still safe, and was
-joined by Duckworth's division, raising the force to twenty
-ships-of-the-line. St. Vincent here received information
-that the French had on the 12th been seen north of Minorca,
-heading for Toulon.<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> Sending this news to Nelson he
-sailed on the 22d in pursuit; but learning that the Spaniards
-after Keith's departure had left Cadiz, as he had expected,
-he decided to cruise off Cape San Sebastian on the Spanish
-coast. Seventeen sail of Spaniards had indeed reached
-Cartagena on the 20th; but in the passage from Cadiz
-eleven had been partly or totally dismasted, and this circumstance
-was sufficient excuse for not proceeding to a
-junction, to which the policy of their court was but little
-inclined.</p>
-
-<p>On the 30th of May St. Vincent heard that the French
-had sailed again from Toulon, but for what purpose was not
-known. As it might follow the course of Bonaparte's expedition,
-east of Corsica, and fall upon Sicily and Malta,
-he sent Duckworth with four ships to Nelson at Palermo,
-and four hours later was joined by the first detachment of
-five sail-of-the-line from the Channel,
-<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> of whose nearness he
-doubtless had some intimation before parting with Duckworth.
-With twenty-one sail he now stood south-west
-toward Barcelona, then north-east for Toulon. On the 2d
-of June, when seventy miles from this port, his health gave
-way altogether. He turned over the command to Keith
-and departed to Port Mahon.</p>
-
-<p>Keith continued steering to the northward and eastward.
-On the 5th of June he was joined by a small cruiser, which
-had seen the French fleet in Vado Bay the day before.
-Bruix had reached Toulon May 14, and sailed again on
-the 26th, taking with him twenty-two ships; the others
-being left in port for repairs. He steered east, carrying
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</a></span>
-supplies and a few recruits for the army of Italy. On the
-4th of June he had anchored in Vado Bay. A detachment
-from the fleet threw the supplies into Genoa, and it would
-seem that Bruix there had an interview with General
-Moreau, then commanding the army of Italy. On the 6th,
-<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a>
-turning short round, he doubled on his tracks, following
-close along the coast of Piedmont and Provence to avoid
-the British,<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a>
-passed again in sight of Toulon to obtain information,<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a>
-and from there pushed on to Cartagena, where he
-anchored on the 22d; thus making with the Spanish fleet
-the junction which had been frustrated before Cadiz.</p>
-
-<p>On the same day that Bruix turned, Lord Keith, who
-had also passed close along the French coast between
-Cannes and Nice,<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a>
-standing to the eastward, reached as far
-as Monaco. Then the wind shifted to the eastward, and he
-wrote as follows to Nelson: "Soon after I despatched the
-'Telegraph'" (the vessel which saw the French in Vado
-Bay) "last night, <i>the wind came fresh from the east</i>, which
-is of course a fair wind for the enemy, if bound towards
-you" (by the east of Corsica) "and a foul wind for me to
-follow them, which is unfortunate; for, if my information
-was just, I had no doubt of overtaking them before they had
-left the coast of Italy; ... but <i>the defenceless state of
-Minorca</i>, without a fleet, the great force prepared (at Cartagena)
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span>
-to attack it, added to my having so far exceeded
-my orders already, will oblige me to relinquish the pursuit,
-and return to the protection of that island. But I have
-detached to your lordship the 'Bellerophon' and 'Powerful'
-(seventy-fours), which I hope will arrive in time, as I
-am confident <i>the French are not thirty leagues hence at this
-moment</i>."<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a></p>
-
-<p>Being close in with the shore with an east wind, Keith
-could only stand off on the port tack, and it would appear
-that he still clung to the hope of a shift favorable for
-reaching Bruix; for on the 8th he was sixty miles south
-of Monaco,<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a>
-not on the route for Minorca. There he received
-from St. Vincent, who, though relinquishing the
-immediate command of the fleet, retained that of the station,
-pressing orders to take a position off the Bay of
-Rosas. This was evidently intended to block the junction
-of the two fleets, though St. Vincent could not have known
-Bruix's purpose to return. Keith did not obey the order;
-but seems under its influence to have abandoned definitively
-his hope of overtaking the French, for he made sail for
-Minorca, and arrived there on the 12th.
-<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> Had he obeyed
-St. Vincent he could scarcely have failed to meet Bruix,
-for at the moment of receiving his letter the two fleets were
-hardly sixty miles apart, and both would have passed within
-sight of Cape San Sebastian, the natural landfall of vessels
-going from Toulon to Cartagena.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Keith remained at Minorca but a few days, during which
-St. Vincent turned over to him the command of the station
-as well as of the fleet.<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> He sailed again on the 15th for
-Toulon; but the British had completely lost trace of the
-French from the time that they surrendered the touch of
-them obtained on the 5th of the month. From the 15th
-of June to the 6th of July<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> was passed groping blindly in
-the seas between Minorca, Toulon, and Genoa. On the
-latter date Keith regained Minorca, and there found the
-twelve ships-of-the-line which Bridport had detached from
-Ireland on the 1st of June, and which seem to have reached
-Port Mahon about the 17th of that month.
-<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> Scarcely an
-hour after his arrival,<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> information was received of the
-French having entered Cartagena. The ships that had
-accompanied Keith on the recent three weeks' cruise had to
-fill with water; but on the 10th he started for the Straits
-of Gibraltar with thirty-one ships-of-the-line, on a stern
-chase—proverbially a long chase—after the allies, known
-to be bound to the westward.</p>
-
-<p>The latter, however, had a long start. Bruix, aware of
-the reluctance of the Spaniards, and secretly informed that
-in case of attack they could not be depended upon, hurried
-them away after a week's waiting, in virtue of stringent
-orders wrung from Madrid by the persistence of the French
-ambassador. On the 29th of June he sailed, having sixteen
-Spanish ships-of-the-line in company. On the 7th of July,
-just as Keith reached Minorca from his profitless cruise off
-Toulon, the allies were passing the Straits; and it happened,
-somewhat singularly, that the old Earl of St. Vincent,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[Pg 316]</a></span>
-who had seen them pass Gibraltar, bound in, had
-arrived in a frigate twenty-four hours before,—just in time
-to hear their guns as they went out. They entered Cadiz
-on the 11th of July, the day after Keith sailed in pursuit
-from Minorca. On the 21st, still numbering forty sail,
-they sailed from Cadiz, and on the 30th Keith with his
-thirty-one passed the Straits, after a moment's delay at
-Gibraltar. The British pressed their chase, and, despite
-its long start, came off Brest barely twenty-four hours after
-the French and Spaniards, who entered the port on the
-13th of August. Lord Keith then went on to Torbay. The
-news of the junction of the French and Spaniards, and of
-their entering the Atlantic, had preceded him, and caused
-a renewal of the excitement about intended invasion to
-which Great Britain at this epoch was always prone. The
-arrival of the large force under his command restored confidence;
-but although, in conjunction with the Channel
-fleet, there were now as many as fifty-six ships-of-the-line
-assembled in Torbay, some time elapsed before the country
-would part with any of them, while so many enemies lay
-in Brest. Keith did not return to the Mediterranean until
-December, the chief command there being exercised by
-Nelson during his absence.</p>
-
-<p>The exact aims of the French in this cruise, which from
-the inefficiency of their officers and seamen was as hazardous
-in its undertaking as it proved barren of results, have
-never been precisely ascertained. This uncertainty is
-probably due to the fact that the Directory itself was not
-clear as to what could be accomplished, and that Bruix
-had somewhat unlimited powers, based upon his confidential
-knowledge of the views of the government. It would
-seem that the first object, both in importance and in order,
-was a junction with the Spaniards in Cadiz. This being
-frustrated by Keith's division and by Bruix's distrust of
-the efficiency of his captains, the opportunities for offensive
-action, offered by the scattered condition of the British
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</a></span>
-ships, were neglected in favor of going to Toulon; for
-Bruix seems to have neither felt nor betrayed any doubt as
-to his course. "The Brest squadron had such a game to
-play at Malta and Sicily," wrote St. Vincent to the First
-Lord, "that I trembled for the fate of our ships employed
-there, and for the latter island. Your lordship made a
-better judgment by fixing their operations to the coast of
-Genoa."<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a>
-As a matter of fact, this is true; but as a question
-of military forecast, St. Vincent was perfectly right,
-and the action of the French can only be explained on the
-ground of distrust of their navy, or by the old faulty
-policy—traditional in all French governments, republican,
-royal, or imperial—of preferring ulterior objects to the
-destruction of the enemy's ships.</p>
-
-<p>That the relief or re-enforcement of Bonaparte was intended
-seems improbable; although both St. Vincent and
-Nelson entertained this suspicion, upon which the latter
-acted. M. Thiers, indeed, finds Bruix's cruise inexplicable
-on any other supposition, but he does not assert the fact.
-<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a>
-The feelings of the Directory towards that general were
-not strictly benevolent, and the ships carried neither troops
-nor supplies of importance; but the destruction of Nelson's
-scattered detachments, coupled as that might have been
-with the victualling of Malta, would have been a most
-worthy object, and one of very probable fulfilment. It is
-noteworthy that Nelson received his first news of Bruix's
-approach on the 12th of May, at Palermo, and on the 14th
-the French admiral entered Toulon. Now the distance
-from Gibraltar to Toulon is only one hundred and fifty miles
-less than that from Gibraltar to Palermo. Nelson could
-not have collected his ships in time to present a united
-front; and even could he, his whole force did not exceed
-ten or twelve to the enemy's twenty-four. As it was,
-Bruix's adventure, though daring in conception and active
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</a></span>
-in execution, resulted merely in bringing back to France
-sixteen Spanish ships-of-the-line to be hostages for the
-continuance of the Spanish alliance, tottering under the
-adverse events of 1799; and this possibly was the great
-purpose of the Directory. If so, the excursion was political
-rather than military; and hence an opportunity, of a
-kind which, when rightly improved, has always been most
-pregnant of military consequences—concentration opposed
-to dispersion—remains to us merely an impressive lesson
-of what might have been, but was not. "Your lordship,"
-wrote Nelson four years later to St. Vincent, "knows what
-Admiral Bruix might have done had he done his duty."
-<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a>
-"The cruise of Admiral Bruix," says Captain Chevalier,
-<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a>
-"was well conceived, but failed through the weakness of
-our allies and the inexperience of our own officers and
-crews.... The Spanish squadron brought to Brest, the
-gage of an alliance then very tottering, was the only result
-of this campaign. It is impossible to have any illusion as
-to the extent of the services rendered by the fleet on the
-coast of Italy. A division of frigates would have done as
-much."</p>
-
-<p>The conduct of the British admirals in the Mediterranean,
-caught at so serious a disadvantage through no fault
-of their own, deserves to be considered. Dispersed in a
-fashion that was perfectly proper and efficient under the
-previous conditions, the arrival of Bruix imposed concentration,
-with a consequent enforced abandonment of some
-positions. St. Vincent's first step was to order Nelson to
-concentrate in the neighborhood of Sicily, while he himself
-drew Keith and Duckworth together at Minorca. This effected,
-the British would present two squadrons; one of
-twenty ships-of-the-line in the west, centring about Minorca;
-the other, four hundred miles distant, of fifteen or
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</a></span>
-sixteen ships,<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a>
-gathered off the west end of Sicily to dispute
-the passage to Malta and Alexandria. This smaller
-division thus seems to have been much exposed; but, independently
-of its greatly superior efficiency to the French,
-it must be remembered that St. Vincent, as soon as he
-reached Minorca, knew that Nelson was in no immediate
-danger, for the French had given him the go-by and gone
-to Toulon. Cruising therefore off Cape San Sebastian, to
-intercept the junction of the Spaniards to the French, he
-was in constant touch of Minorca, barely one hundred
-miles distant, and, at the same time, was as near to Nelson
-as were the French in Toulon, whether they went east or
-west of Corsica. Being only one hundred and twenty
-miles from Toulon, and in such a position that a wind fair
-for the French to sail was also fair to bring his lookouts
-down to him, he could hope to overtake them,—if not in
-time to save Nelson, yet with the certainty of finding the
-French so badly handled that they could scarcely escape
-him. He no doubt reasoned as did Nelson to the ministry
-just before Trafalgar: "I ventured without any fear [to
-predict] that if Calder [with eighteen ships] got fairly
-alongside their twenty-seven or twenty-eight sail, by the time
-the enemy had beat our fleet soundly, they would do us no
-harm this year."<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a> Save Malta, which could not have
-maintained the twenty thousand men in their fleet for a
-month and was otherwise barren of resources, the French
-would have had no port to fall back on and would have
-been lost to the republic.<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> Had St. Vincent cruised off
-Cartagena, where the Spaniards were, he would have been
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</a></span>
-in better position to check them, but he would have uncovered
-both Minorca and Nelson to the French; both
-being nearer to Toulon than to Cartagena. Not only so,
-but Cartagena being three hundred miles farther from Toulon
-than Cape San Sebastian is, the British lookout ships
-would have had all that greater distance to go to their admiral,
-who, when found, would then be further from his
-chief points of interest than when off the Cape. As soon,
-however, as St. Vincent learned that the French had gone
-east from Toulon, being relieved from any immediate apprehension
-concerning the Spaniards, he re-enforced Nelson
-with four ships, raising his squadron to sixteen British
-against a possible French twenty-four.</p>
-
-<p>It was during the week following the detachment to Nelson
-that St. Vincent left the fleet, and that Keith made
-the false move which has been so severely blamed. It appears
-to the author, from all the information accessible to
-him, that Keith took this step wholly independent of St.
-Vincent's special orders, which are alleged as controlling
-him. He acted in deference, partly, to the general orders
-given before turning over the command, and partly to his
-own views of the situation.<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> These seem to have differed
-from those of St. Vincent, who laid most stress on disabling
-the enemy's fleets; whereas Keith was dominated
-by the fear of losing Minorca. This feeling led him to
-deviate from the order to cruise off the Gulf of Rosas, as
-it also led him soon after, on two occasions, to direct Nelson
-to detach ships for the defence of the island; which
-Nelson, with very doubtful propriety, refused to do.
-<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> Minorca,
-in this case, very appositely illustrates the embarrassment
-of a fleet upon which an important seaport wholly
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</a></span>
-depends for security. In the present instance the beating
-of the French fleet and the protection of Minorca introduced
-two apparently divergent motives, which became
-personified in St. Vincent and his lieutenant. The former
-saw the best protection to the island to be in beating the
-fleet; Keith subordinated the latter to the former. With
-St. Vincent agreed Nelson's simple but accurate view of
-naval strategy: "I consider the best defence for his Sicilian
-Majesty's dominions is to place myself alongside the
-French."<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a>
-Keith, on the other hand, in a somewhat later
-letter, expresses almost pathetically the embarrassment
-caused by his inferior strategic insight. "It is very hard
-I cannot find these vagabonds in some spot or other, and
-that I am so <i>shackled</i> with this defenceless island."
-<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a>
-Properly every seaport should be able to hold out for a
-length of time, longer or shorter, according to its importance,
-entirely independent of the fleet. The latter will
-then be able to exert its great faculty, its mobility, unfettered
-by considerations of what is happening at the port.
-For so long the latter is safe; meanwhile the fleet may be
-absent. The best coast-defence is a navy; not because
-fortifications are not absolutely necessary, but because
-beating the enemy's fleet is the best of all defences.</p>
-
-<p>After the vain pursuit of Admiral Bruix, Lord Keith
-brought his fleet into Torbay on the 17th of August. On
-the 18th Earl St. Vincent landed at Portsmouth, thus formally
-quitting the Mediterranean command, which he had
-held for three years and nine months. Four days afterwards,
-on the 22d of August, 1799, Bonaparte secretly
-embarked at Alexandria to return into France.</p>
-
-<p>After the Syrian campaign the French army had re-entered
-Cairo on the 14th of June. On the 11th of July
-Sir Sidney Smith, with his two ships, anchored in Aboukir
-Bay, accompanying, or being accompanied by, a Turkish
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</a></span>
-fleet of thirteen ships-of-the-line with a hundred other sail
-of frigates and transports. Embarked on board the latter
-were troops variously estimated at from ten to thirty thousand
-men.<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a>
-On the 15th Bonaparte, at Cairo, learned that
-his anticipations of an attack by sea, during the fine season,
-had been realized. He promptly ordered Desaix to
-evacuate upper Egypt for the security of Cairo, and rapidly
-drew together in the neighborhood of Alexandria the detachments
-in lower Egypt. This concentration was effected
-on the 19th, but by that time the Turks had landed
-and stormed the Castle of Aboukir, which fell on the 16th.
-On the 25th the French attacked the enemy on the peninsula
-of Aboukir, and the same scene that had witnessed
-the destruction of Brueys's squadron a year before now
-saw the entire overthrow of the Mahometan army. All
-who had landed were either killed, driven into the sea and
-drowned, or taken prisoners. Among the latter was the
-Turkish commander-in-chief.</p>
-
-<p>After the defeat flags of truce passed between Bonaparte
-and the British commodore, through which the former received
-English newspapers up to the 10th of June.
-<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> By
-them he learned the victorious advance of the second coalition,
-and the defeats of the French in Germany and Italy.
-His resolution was speedily taken to return to France. It
-has been disputed whether this was a sudden determination
-not before entertained, as asserted by his secretary Bourrienne;
-or whether it represents a purpose gradually and
-naturally formed. Napoleon himself in later years attributed
-his decision to information obtained from Phélippeaux
-in the trenches before Acre; when the combatants, separated
-by but a few yards, often exchanged words.
-<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> It is, however,
-certain that the thought had long been familiar to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</a></span>
-him; for, in a letter to the Directory as early as October 7,
-1798, he had announced his intention of returning to Europe
-in certain very probable contingencies.
-<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> The same
-message was repeated a few months later.
-<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> In truth his
-keen military sagacity, resembling the most delicate yet
-most highly cultivated intuitions, had divined the misfortunes
-awaiting France at the time he learned by the Ragusan
-ship that Naples had declared war and that all
-<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> the
-powers were arming. During his own Italian campaign,
-even after the British had left the Mediterranean, his mind
-had been preoccupied with the danger from Naples; and
-he foresaw in Egypt the disasters that must result from an
-ex-centric movement of the French army in that quarter, if
-followed by any reverses in upper Italy. Bourrienne tells
-a story which illustrates vividly the superstitious vein in
-his character, as well as the foreboding of evil that he had
-carried with him into Syria. While before Acre, news was
-received that a Nile boat named the "Italy," in the employ
-of the French army, had after a gallant defence been blown
-up by her crew to avoid capture by the Arabs. The incident
-and the name made a strong impression upon Bonaparte.
-"My friend," said he to Bourrienne, "Italy is lost
-to France. All is over; my presentiments never deceive
-me;" nor could any argument rid his mind of this conviction,
-dependent rather upon his instinctive perceptions than
-upon a slight and fortuitous coincidence.
-<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> So, when he
-read Sidney Smith's gazettes, he cried again: "My presentiment
-did not deceive me! Italy is lost!"
-<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a></p>
-
-<p>Admiral Ganteaume was directed to prepare rapidly two
-of the frigates which had fallen to France in her share of
-the spoil of Venice; and the persons intended to accompany
-the general were quietly notified. After the defeat of the
-Turks at Aboukir, Sidney Smith had resumed the blockade
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</a></span>
-of Alexandria; but on the 9th of August he withdrew to
-Cyprus, probably for water. Taking advantage of the opportunity,
-Bonaparte sailed, and after a tedious passage
-landed at Fréjus on the 9th of October. One month later
-the Directory was overthrown and the supreme power in
-France passed into Bonaparte's hands.</p>
-
-<p>Thus ended, so far at least as the great designer was concerned,
-Bonaparte's Oriental Expedition; an undertaking
-which has been freely stigmatized as a dream, marked by
-the eccentricities of its author's genius, not by his usual
-keen intelligence. A dream it was, it is true; but not for
-its Eastern impossibilities, nor for its wide flights of imagination,
-the faculty which Bonaparte possessed in so eminent
-a degree, without which he never could have conceived his
-extraordinary policy, and to which he usually joined a
-width and depth of practical wisdom which balanced his
-imagination and made possible the realizing of his visions.
-That it was no dream to rouse and combine the nations of
-the East under the headship of one man, witness the careers
-of the adventurers who there, from age to age, have
-risen to empire; and who certainly were not superior in
-genius, nor as leaders of men, to the great Corsican. Witness,
-too, the motley host which he gathered under one
-standard, from all the highly organized nations of continental
-Europe, for that other great Eastern expedition in
-which he wrecked his fortunes. The Egyptian enterprise
-and all its brilliant hopes definitively failed at Acre, in
-the march against Turkey through Syria; and it failed,—why?
-Because a British seaman, by his command of the
-sea and his support to the garrison, maintained the possession
-of a place, to advance beyond which, unsubdued, would
-entail ruin. Forty years later an army, not of the superb
-soldiers of the French revolution, but of native Egyptians,
-led by Ibrahim Pasha, whom none will equal to Napoleon,
-undertook the same march, captured Acre, and had progressed
-victoriously into the heart of Asia Minor when the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</a></span>
-British navy again interfered and called a halt. How came
-it that a naval captain, with two ships-of-the-line and a few
-small vessels, controlled absolutely the far east of the Mediterranean?
-Because in Aboukir Bay, nine months before,
-Nelson had destroyed the French fleet. That magnificent
-battle not only signalized the genius for war of the British
-admiral, but proclaimed aloud the existence of a power
-destined ever, and in all parts, to clip the wings of the
-coming emperor. The Eastern enterprise of Bonaparte
-failed, not because of miscalculations as to what was possible
-in that far East, which Western people so ill can understand;
-but because he, to the end of his career, was never
-able rightly to appreciate the conditions of naval warfare.
-His perfect military insight was not mistaken in affirming
-that the principles of war upon the sea must be the same
-as upon land; it was by the failure to comprehend the circumstances
-to which the principles must be applied—the
-failure to realize the possibilities and the limitations of the
-naval warfare of his day—that the general and the emperor
-were alike led into fatal miscalculations. The Nile and
-Trafalgar, each the grave of a great conception, proclaimed
-the same cause and the same effect; underlying each was
-the inability of Napoleon to understand what ships could
-do and what they could not, according to the conditions of
-the sea and the capacity of the seamen.</p>
-
-<p>There was, however, one radical fallacy underlying
-Bonaparte's Egyptian, or rather Oriental, expedition,—for
-in his mind it far outleaped the narrow limits of the
-Nile valley,—and that lay in the effect he expected
-to produce upon Great Britain. It is all very well to
-stigmatize, after Lanfrey's fashion, as the vagaries of a
-distempered fancy, the vast projects of Eastern conquest
-and dominion, which unquestionably filled his mind with
-dreams of a sweep to his arms rivalling that of Alexander
-and of the Roman legions. An extraordinary,
-perhaps even an extravagant, imagination was one of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</a></span>
-the necessary conditions of Napoleon's wonderful career.
-That it should from time to time lead him into great mistakes,
-and ultimately to his ruin, was perhaps inevitable.
-Without it, or with it in a markedly less degree,
-he might have died in his palace an old man and left his
-throne to a son, if not to a dynasty; but also without it he
-would not have produced upon his own age and upon all
-subsequent history the effects which he has left. To it
-were due the Oriental visions, to which, regarded as a military
-enterprise, the present writer is certainly not ready to
-apply the word "fantastic." But, as a blow directed against
-Great Britain, there was in them a fatal defect of conception,
-due more to a miscalculation of the intellect, a prejudice
-of his day, than to a wild flight of fancy.</p>
-
-<p>In the relations of India to Great Britain, Bonaparte, in
-common with all Frenchmen of his age, mistook effect for
-cause. The possession of India and of other colonies was
-to them the cause of British prosperity; just as at a later
-time, and now, the wide extent of British commerce has
-seemed to many the cause of Great Britain's wealth and
-eminence among the nations. That there is truth in this
-view is not to be denied; but it is the kind of truth compatible
-with putting the cart before the horse, mistaking
-the fruit for the tree, the flower for the plant. There was
-less excuse for a blunder of this kind in a quick-witted
-nation like the French, for they had before their eyes the
-fact that they had long owned some of the richest colonies
-in the world; and yet the British had, upon their own
-ground, amid all disadvantages of position, absorbed the
-commerce of the West Indies, French as well as Spanish.
-In local advantages, Great Britain in the West Indies had
-not the tenth of what France and Spain had; yet she so
-drank the wealth of the region that one fourth of her
-envied commerce then depended upon it. So in India;
-Great Britain sucked the wealth of India, because of the
-energy and commercial genius of her people. Had Bonaparte's
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</a></span>
-visions been realized and India dominated, Great
-Britain would not have been overcome. A splendid bough
-would have been torn from a tree, and, in falling, would
-have carried to the ground the fruit depending from it;
-but not only was the amount of the fruit exaggerated, but
-the recuperative power of the root, the aptitude of the
-great trunk to throw out new branches, was not understood.
-Had Bonaparte converted the rule of India from
-England to France, he would have embarrassed, not destroyed,
-British traffic therein. Like the banyan tree, a
-new sucker would have been thrown out and reached the
-soil in some new spot, defying efforts at repression; as
-British commerce later refused to die under the far more
-searching efforts of the Continental System.</p>
-
-<p>The strength of Great Britain could be said to lie in her
-commerce only as, and because, it was the external manifestation
-of the wisdom and strength of the British people,
-unhampered by any control beyond that of a government
-and institutions in essential sympathy with them. In the enjoyment
-of these blessings,—in their independence and untrammelled
-pursuit of wealth,—they were secured by their
-powerful navy; and so long as this breastplate was borne,
-unpierced, over the heart of the great organism, over the
-British islands themselves, Great Britain was—not invulnerable—but
-invincible. She could be hurt indeed, but she
-could not be slain. Herein was Bonaparte's error. His
-attempt upon India was strategically a fine conception; it
-was an attack upon the flank of an enemy whose centre
-was then too strong for him; but as a broad effort of military
-policy,—of statesmanship directing arms,—it was
-simply delivering blows upon an extremity, leaving the
-heart untouched. The same error pervaded his whole
-career; for, with all his genius, he still was, as Thiers
-has well said, the child of his century. So, in his
-later years, he was beguiled into the strife wherein he
-bruised Great Britain's heel, and she bruised his head.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[Pg 328]</a></span>
-Yet his mistake, supreme genius that he was, is scarce
-to be wondered at; for after all the story of his career, of
-his huge power, of his unrelenting hostility, of his indomitable
-energy, unremittingly directed to the destruction of
-his chief enemy,—after all this and its failure,—we still
-find men harping on the weakness of Great Britain through
-her exposed commerce. Her dependence upon trade, and
-the apparent slackening of the colonial ties, foretell her
-fatal weakness in the hour of trial. So thought Napoleon;
-so think we. Yet the commercial genius of her people is
-not abated; and the most fruitful parts of that colonial
-system existed scarcely, if at all, in those old days, when
-her commerce was as great in proportion to her numbers
-as it is now. To paralyze this, it must be taken by the
-throat; no snapping at the heels will do it. To command
-the sea approaches to the British islands will be to destroy
-the power of the State; as a preliminary thereto the British
-navy must be neutralized by superior numbers, or by
-superior skill.</p>
-
-<p>Like the furtive intrusion and hasty retreat of Bruix's
-fleet, the stealthy manner of Bonaparte's return to Europe
-proclaimed the control of the Mediterranean by the British
-navy, and foretold the certain fall of his two great conquests,
-Egypt and Malta. His own personal credit was too
-deeply staked upon their deliverance, both by his original
-responsibility for the expedition and by the promises of
-succor made to the soldiers abandoned in Egypt, to admit a
-doubt of his wish to save them, if it could be done. His
-correspondence is full of the subject, and numerous efforts
-were made; as great, probably, as were permitted by the
-desperate struggle with external enemies and internal disorder
-in which he found France plunged. All, however,
-proved fruitless. The detailed stories of the loss of Egypt
-and of Malta by France have much interest, both for the
-military and unprofessional reader; but they are summed up
-in the one fact which prophesied their fall: France had lost
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</a></span>
-all power to dispute the control of the sea. From February,
-1799, when a small frigate entered La Valetta, to January,
-1800, not a vessel reached the port. In the latter month a
-dispatch-boat got in, bringing news of Bonaparte's accession
-to power as First Consul; which event, though two
-months old, was still unknown to the garrison. On the 6th
-of February Admiral Perrée, who had served on the Nile
-and in Syria to Bonaparte's great satisfaction, sailed from
-Toulon with the "Généreux," seventy-four, one of the ships
-that had escaped from Aboukir Bay, three smaller vessels,
-and one large transport. A quantity of supplies and between
-three and four thousand troops for the relief of
-Malta were embarked in the squadron. On the 18th they
-fell in with several British ships, under Nelson's immediate
-command; and after the exchange of a few shots, one of
-which killed Perrée, the "Généreux" and the transport
-struck to a force too superior to be resisted. The other
-ships returned to Toulon.</p>
-
-<p>All further attempts to introduce relief likewise failed.
-During the two years' blockade, from September, 1798, to
-September, 1800, only five vessels succeeded in entering the
-port.<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a>
-The "Guillaume Tell," which had lain in Valetta
-harbor since the battle of the Nile, attempted to escape on
-the night of the 31st of March, being charged with letters
-to Bonaparte saying that the place could not hold out
-longer than June. The ship was intercepted by the British,
-and surrendered after a brilliant fight, in which all her
-masts were shot away<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a>
-and over a fifth of her crew killed
-and wounded. One of the vessels sharing in this capture
-was Lord Nelson's flag-ship, the "Foudroyant," but the
-admiral himself was not on board. Swayed by a variety of
-feelings, to analyze which is unnecessary and not altogether
-pleasant to those who admire his fame, he had asked, after
-the return of Lord Keith, to be relieved and granted a
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[Pg 330]</a></span>
-repose to which his long and brilliant services assuredly
-entitled him. He thus failed to receive the surrender of
-the last of the ships which escaped from the Nile, and to
-accomplish the reduction of Malta, whose ultimate fate had
-been determined by his previous career of victory. The
-island held out until the 5th of September, 1800. Nelson
-on the 11th of July struck his flag in Leghorn, and in company
-with the Hamiltons went home overland, by way of
-Trieste and Vienna, reaching England in November.</p>
-
-<p>The story of Egypt is longer and its surrender was later,—due
-also to force, not to starvation. An army powerful
-enough to hold in submission and reap the use of the fertile
-valley of the Nile, could never be reduced like the port of a
-rocky island, blocked by sea and surrounded by a people in
-successful insurrection. Nevertheless, the same cause that
-determined the loss of Malta operated effectually to make
-Egypt a worse than barren possession.</p>
-
-<p>Bonaparte, though wielding uncontrolled sway over all
-the resources of France, found as great difficulty in getting
-news from his conquest or substantial succor to it as he
-had had, when in Egypt, to obtain intelligence from home.
-Unwearying official effort and lavish inducements to
-private enterprise alike proved vain. In the first week of
-September, 1800, the return of the "Osiris," a dispatch-boat
-that had successfully made the round voyage between
-France and Egypt, was rewarded by a gift of three thousand
-dollars to the captain and two months' pay to the crew.
-This extravagant recompense sufficiently testifies the difficulty
-of the feat; and over seven weeks later, on October
-29, Bonaparte writes to Menou, "We have no direct news of
-you since the arrival of the 'Osiris.'" This letter was to be
-entrusted to Admiral Ganteaume; but three months elapsed
-before that officer was enabled by a violent gale to evade
-the British blockade of Brest. Appeals were made to
-Spain, and government agents sent throughout the south of
-France, as well as to Corsica, to Genoa, to Leghorn, to the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</a></span>
-Adriatic, to Taranto, when Italy after Marengo again fell
-under Bonaparte's control. Numerous small vessels, both
-neutral and friendly, were from every quarter to start for
-Egypt, if by chance some of them might reach their destination;
-but no substantial result followed. For the most
-part they only swelled the list of captures, and attested the
-absolute control of the sea by Great Britain.</p>
-
-<p>Kleber, the illustrious general to whom Bonaparte left
-the burden he himself dropped, in a letter which fell into
-the hands of the British, addressed to the Directory the
-following words:<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a>
-"I know all the importance of the
-possession of Egypt. I used to say in Europe that this
-country was for France the fulcrum, by means of which
-she might move at will the commercial system of every
-quarter of the globe; but to do this effectually, a powerful
-lever is required, and that lever is a Navy. Ours has
-ceased to exist. Since that period everything has changed;
-and peace with the Porte is, in my opinion, the only expedient
-that holds out to us a method of fairly getting rid
-of an enterprise no longer capable of attaining the object
-for which it was undertaken."<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> In other words, the
-French force of admirable and veteran soldiers in Egypt
-was uselessly locked up there; being unable either to
-escape or to receive re-enforcement, they were lost to their
-country. So thought Nelson, who frequently declared in
-his own vehement fashion that not one should with his
-consent return to Europe, and who gave to Sir Sidney
-Smith most positive orders on no account to allow a single
-Frenchman to leave Egypt under passports.
-<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> So thought
-Bonaparte, despite the censure which he and his undiscriminating
-supporters have seen fit to pass upon Kleber.
-Six weeks before he sailed for Europe
-<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> he wrote to the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</a></span>
-Directory: "We need at least six thousand men to replace
-our losses since landing in Egypt.... With fifteen
-thousand re-enforcements we could go to Constantinople.
-We should need, then, two thousand cavalry, six thousand
-recruits for the regiments now here; five hundred artillerists;
-five hundred mechanics (carpenters, masons, etc.);
-five demi-brigades of two thousand men each; twenty
-thousand muskets, forty thousand bayonets, etc. etc. <i>If
-you cannot send us all this assistance it will be necessary to
-make peace</i>; for, between this and next June, we may
-expect to lose another six thousand men."
-<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a> But how was
-this help to be sent when the sea was securely closed?</p>
-
-<p>Bonaparte and Kleber held essentially the same view of
-the situation; but the one was interested, like a bankrupt,
-in concealing the state of affairs, the other was not.
-Kleber therefore gladly closed with a proposition, made by
-the Turks under the countenance of Sir Sidney Smith, who
-still remained in the Levant, by which the French were to
-be permitted to evacuate Egypt and to be carried to
-France; Turkey furnishing such transports as were needed
-beyond those already in Alexandria. A convention to this
-effect was signed at El Arish on the 24th of January,
-1800, by commissioners representing Kleber on the one
-hand and the commander-in-chief of the Turks on the other.
-The French army would thus be restored to France, under
-no obligations that would prevent its at once entering the
-field against the allies of Great Britain and Turkey. Sir
-Sidney Smith did not sign; but it appears from his letter
-of March 8, 1800,<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a>
-to M. Poussielgue, one of Kleber's commissioners,
-that he was perfectly cognizant of and approving
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</a></span>
-the terms of an agreement in direct contravention of
-the treaty of alliance between Turkey and Great Britain,
-and containing an article (the eleventh) engaging his government
-to issue the passports and safe conducts for the
-return of the French,<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a>
-which depended absolutely upon its
-control of the sea, and which his own orders from his
-superiors explicitly forbade.</p>
-
-<p>The British government had meantime instructed Lord
-Keith that the French should not be allowed to leave
-Egypt, except as prisoners of war. On the 8th of January,
-over a fortnight before the convention of El Arish was
-signed, the admiral wrote from Port Mahon to notify Smith
-of these directions, which were identical in spirit with those
-he already had from Nelson. With this letter he enclosed
-one to Kleber, "to be made use of if circumstances should
-so require." This letter, cast in the peremptory tone probably
-needed to repress Smith, informed Kleber curtly that
-he had "received positive orders not to consent to any
-capitulation of the French troops, unless they should lay
-down their arms, surrender themselves prisoners of war,
-and deliver up the ships and stores in Alexandria." Even
-in this event they were not to be permitted to return to
-France until exchanged. The admiral added that any vessel
-with French troops on board, having passports "from
-others than those authorized to grant them," would be
-forced by British cruisers to return to Alexandria.
-<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> Smith,
-knowing that he had exceeded his authority, had nothing
-to do in face of this communication but to transmit the letters
-apologetically to Kleber, expressing the hope that the
-engagement allowed by him would ultimately be sustained.
-In this he was not deceived. The British cabinet, learning
-that Kleber had executed an essential part of his own
-agreements, under the impression that Smith had authority
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</a></span>
-to pledge his government, sent other instructions to Keith,
-authorizing the carrying out of the convention while expressly
-denying Smith's right to accede to it. Owing to
-the length of time required in that age for these communications
-to pass back and forth, such action had been taken
-by Kleber, before these new instructions were received, that
-the convention never became operative. The French occupation
-lingered on. Kleber, being assassinated on the 14th
-of June, 1800, was succeeded by Menou, an incapable
-man; and in March, 1801, a British army under General
-Abercromby landed in Aboukir Bay. Abercromby was
-mortally wounded on the 21st, at the battle of Alexandria;
-but his successor was equal to the task before him, and in
-September, 1801, shortly before the preliminaries of peace
-with Great Britain were signed, the last of the French
-quitted Egypt.</p>
-
-<p>The terms under which the evacuation was made were
-much the same as those granted at El Arish; but circumstances
-had very greatly changed. The battle of Marengo,
-June 14, 1800, and the treaty of Lunéville, February 9,
-1801, had restored peace to the Continent; the French
-troops would not now re-enforce an enemy to the allies of
-Great Britain. Not only so, but since the power of Austria
-had been broken, Great Britain herself was intending a
-peace, to which the policy of Bonaparte at that time pointed.
-It was therefore important to her that in the negotiations
-the possession of Egypt, however barren, should not be one
-of the cards in the adversary's hand. No terms were then
-too easy, provided they insured the immediate departure of
-the French army.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a name="i-335.jpg" id="i-335.jpg"></a>
-<img src="images/i-335.jpg" alt="" />
-<div class="caption">English Channel and North Sea.<br />
-<a href="images/i-335hr.jpg"><span class="disp">Click here for larger map</span></a>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="chapter p4">
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="ac"><span class="sc">The Atlantic, 1796-1801.—The Brest Blockades.—The French
-Expeditions Against Ireland.</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="drop-cap">THE decision taken by the French executive in the latter
-part of 1795,—after the disastrous partial encounters
-of Martin with Hotham in the Mediterranean and
-of Villaret Joyeuse with Bridport in the Bay of Biscay,—to
-discontinue sending large fleets to sea, and to rely upon
-commerce-destroying, by single cruisers or small squadrons,
-to reduce the strength of Great Britain, remained
-unchanged during the following years, and was adopted
-by Bonaparte when the Consular government, in 1799,
-succeeded that of the Directory. This policy was in strict
-accord with the general feeling of the French nation, as
-well naval officers as unprofessional men, by which the action
-of the navy was ever subordinated to other military considerations,
-to "ulterior objects," as the phrase commonly
-ran,—a feeling that could not fail to find favor and expression
-in the views of the great director of armies who ruled
-France during the first fourteen years of this century. It
-amounted, however, simply to abandoning all attempt to
-control the sea. Consequently, whenever any enterprise
-was undertaken which required this to be crossed, resort
-was necessarily had to evasion, more or less skilfully contrived;
-and success depended, not upon the reasonable certainty
-conferred by command of the water, by the skilful
-massing of forces, but upon a balance of chances, which
-might be more or less favorable in the particular instance,
-but could never be regarded as reaching the degree of security
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</a></span>
-which is essential, even in the hazardous combinations
-of the game of war. This formal relegation of the
-navy to a wholly inferior place in the contest then raging,
-was followed, under the embarrassments of the treasury, by
-a neglect of the material of war, of the ships and their
-equipments, which left France still at Great Britain's
-mercy, even when in 1797 and 1798 her Continental enemies
-had been shaken off by the audacity and address of
-Bonaparte.</p>
-
-<p>Thrice only, therefore, during the six years in question,
-ending with the Peace of Amiens in 1802, did large French
-fleets put to sea; and on each occasion their success was
-made to depend upon the absence of the British fleets, or
-upon baffling their vigilance. As in commerce-destroying,
-stealth and craft, not force, were the potent factors. Of
-the three efforts, two, Bonaparte's Egyptian expedition and
-Bruix's escape from Brest in 1799, have been already
-narrated under the head of the Mediterranean, to which
-they chiefly—-the former wholly—belong. The third was
-the expedition against Ireland, under the command of
-Hoche, to convoy which seventeen ships-of-the-line and
-twenty smaller vessels sailed from Brest in the last days
-of 1796.</p>
-
-<p>The operations in the Atlantic during this period were
-accordingly, with few exceptions, reduced to the destruction
-of commerce, to the harassment of the enemy's communications
-on the sea, and, on the part of the British, to
-an observation, more or less vigilant, of the proceedings in
-the enemy's naval ports, of which Brest was the most important.
-From the maritime conditions of the two chief
-belligerents, the character of their undertakings differed.
-British commerce covered every sea and drew upon all
-quarters of the world; consequently French cruisers could
-go in many directions upon the well known commercial
-routes, with good hope of taking prizes, if not themselves
-captured. British cruisers, on the other hand, could find
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</a></span>
-French merchant vessels only on their own coast, for the
-foreign traffic of France in ships of her own was destroyed;
-but the coasting trade, carried on in vessels generally of
-from thirty to a hundred tons, was large, and in the maritime
-provinces took in great measure the place of land carriage.
-The neutrals who maintained such foreign trade as
-was left to the enemies of Great Britain, and who were
-often liable to detention from some infraction, conscious or
-unconscious, of the rules of international law, were naturally
-to be found in greatest numbers in the neighborhood
-of the coasts to which they were bound. Finally, the larger
-proportion of French privateers were small vessels, intended
-to remain but a short time at sea and to cruise in the
-Channel or among its approaches, where British shipping
-most abounded. For all these reasons the British provided
-for the safety of their distant commerce by concentrating
-it in large bodies called convoys, each under the protection
-of several ships of war; while their scattered cruisers were
-distributed most thickly near home,—in the English Channel,
-between the south coast of Ireland and Ushant, in the
-waters of the bay of Biscay, and along the coasts of Spain
-and Portugal. There they were constantly at hand to repress
-commerce-destroying, to protect or recapture their
-own merchantmen, and to reduce the coasting trade of the
-enemy, as well as the ability of his merchants to carry on,
-under a neutral flag, the operations no longer open to their
-own. The annals of the time are consequently filled, not
-with naval battles, but with notes of vessels taken and
-retaken; of convoys, stealing along the coast of France,
-chased, harassed and driven ashore, by the omnipresent
-cruisers of the enemy. Nor was it commerce alone that
-was thus injured. The supplying of the naval ports, even
-with French products, chiefly depended upon the coasting
-vessels; and embarrassment, amounting often to disability,
-was constantly entailed by the unflagging industry of the
-hostile ships, whose action resembled that which is told of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</a></span>
-the Spanish guerillas, upon the convoys and communications
-of the French armies in the Peninsular War.
-<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a></p>
-
-<p>The watch over the enemy's ports, and particularly over
-the great and difficult port of Brest, was not, during the
-earlier and longer part of this period, maintained with the
-diligence nor with the force becoming a great military
-undertaking, by which means alone such an effort can be
-made effective in checking the combinations of an active
-opponent. Some palliation for this slack service may perhaps
-be found in the knowledge possessed by the admiralty
-of the condition of the French fleet and of the purposes of
-the French government, some also in the well-known opinions
-of that once active officer, Lord Howe; but even these
-circumstances can hardly be considered more than a palliation
-for a system essentially bad. The difficulties were certainly
-great, the service unusually arduous, and it was
-doubtless true that the closest watch could not claim a perfect
-immunity from evasion; but from what human efforts
-can absolute certainty of results be predicted? and above
-all, in war? The essential feature of the military problem,
-by which Great Britain was confronted, was that the hostile
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</a></span>
-fleets were divided, by the necessities of their administration,
-among several ports. To use these scattered divisions
-successfully against her mighty sea power, it was
-needed to combine two or more of them in one large body.
-To prevent such a combination was therefore the momentous
-duty of the British fleet; and in no manner could this
-be so thoroughly carried out as by a close and diligent
-watch before the hostile arsenals,—not in the vain hope that
-no squadron could ever, by any means, slip out, but with
-the reasonable probability that at no one period could so
-many escape as to form a combination threatening the Empire
-with a crushing disaster. Of these arsenals Brest, by
-its situation and development, was the most important, and
-contained usually the largest and most efficient of the masses
-into which the enemies' fleets were divided. The watch over
-it, therefore, was of supreme consequence; and in the most
-serious naval crisis of the Napoleonic wars the Brest "blockading"
-fleet, as it was loosely but inaccurately styled, by the
-firmness of its grip broke up completely one of the greatest
-of Napoleon's combinations. To it, and to its admiral, Cornwallis,
-was in large measure due that the vast schemes
-which should have culminated in the invasion of England,
-by one hundred and fifty thousand of the soldiers who
-fought at Austerlitz and Jena, terminated instead in the
-disaster of Trafalgar. Yet it may be said that had there
-prevailed in 1805 the system with which the names of Howe
-and Bridport are identified, and which was countenanced
-by the Admiralty until the stern Earl St. Vincent took
-command, the chances are the French Brest fleet would
-have taken its place in the great strategic plan of the
-Emperor.</p>
-
-<p>This far-reaching combination, so tremendous in its
-risks and in its issues that men have doubted, and always
-will doubt, whether Napoleon seriously meant to carry it
-through, was but the supreme example of the dangers to
-which Great Britain was exposed, and from which her fleets
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</a></span>
-had to shield her. It was aimed, with the true insight of
-genius, directly at her heart; and except from occasional assertions
-of the emperor, whose words can never be implicitly
-believed, there is really little cause for doubt that he was
-prepared to take many chances of ruin in order to execute
-an enterprise which, both in conception and details, was
-so clearly stamped with the characteristics of his intellect
-and temperament. But the widely scattered dominions of
-Great Britain offered many points, besides the British islands
-themselves, to the blows of an enemy; and her navy
-had to protect not merely the heart but the extremities,
-each and all of which were threatened, in proportion to their
-value and their means of resistance, when a hostile squadron
-was loose upon the sea. How, then, should this service
-be performed? By dividing the fleet among the
-points threatened, and establishing the line of defence close
-before the region to be defended? Not so should the true
-maxim, that the British navy was the first line of defence,
-have been interpreted. As in all military campaigns, the
-front of operations of a powerful fleet should be pushed as
-far towards the enemy as is consistent with the mutual
-support of the various detachments, and with secure communication
-with their base. By so doing, not only are
-the great national interests placed more remote from the
-alarms of war, but the use of the region behind the front
-of operations, in this case the sea, is secured to the power
-that can afford to maintain its fighting line close to the
-enemy's positions.</p>
-
-<p>Not merely to check great combinations threatening
-great disasters, but to protect as far as possible minor but
-important interests, and for the security of commerce itself,
-the true station for the British fleets, superior in temper if
-not in numbers to the enemy, was before the hostile ports
-and as close to them as might be. There, though their function
-was defensive, as in the last analysis that of the British
-Empire also was, they were ever ready, did opportunity
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</a></span>
-offer, to assume the offensive. "Every opportunity will be
-given to the Toulon squadron to put to sea," wrote Nelson,
-"for it is on the sea that we hope to realize the expectations
-of our country,"—a hope which it was given him to
-fulfil at Trafalgar, where the greater designs of Napoleon
-were forever crushed. This hope of Nelson's was, however,
-based upon a close watch of his port, to establish which by
-constant cruising before it he avowed his purpose;
-<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> and the
-enforced abandonment of this plan, from the crazy condition
-of several of his ships, was the first cause of the perplexities
-which pursued him through the campaign. Did
-an enemy's division escape, as from Toulon and at other
-times, the general policy was not invalidated by such occasional
-failure. The first line of defence had been pierced
-at a single point; there still remained the other lines,
-the fortified ports and the soldiers behind them, or, in a
-maritime region like the West Indies, a detachment of
-ships more or less adequate to contest the ground until
-re-enforced.</p>
-
-<p>A wisely co-ordinated system of defence does not contemplate
-that every point is to hold out indefinitely, but only
-for such time as may be necessary for it to receive the support
-which the other parts of the whole are intended to
-supply. That the navy is the first line of defence, both in
-order and in importance, by no means implies that there is
-or should be no other. This forced and extravagant interpretation,
-for which naval officers have been largely responsible,
-of the true opinion that a navy is the best protection
-for a sea frontier, has very much to do with that faulty
-strategy which would tie the fleet, whatever its power, to
-the home ports, and disseminate it among them. Navies
-do not dispense with fortifications nor with armies; but
-when wisely handled, they may save their country the
-strain which comes when these have to be called into play,—when
-war, once remote, now thunders at the gates, and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</a></span>
-the sea, the mother of prosperity, is shut off. This kindly
-office did British seamen for Great Britain in the days of
-Napoleon, and mainly through those close blockades of
-which St. Vincent set the pattern before Toulon in the
-Mediterranean,<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a>
-and afterwards before Brest, when he took
-command of the Channel fleet.</p>
-
-<p>The port of Brest, regarded as the principal hostile arsenal
-round which must centre the operations of a great part
-of the British navy, has to be considered under two sets of
-conditions: 1st, as to its position, relatively to the British
-bases of operations and to points of British territory open
-to attack; 2d, as to its own immediate surroundings, how
-far they facilitated the action of the French navy, and what
-dispositions of the British fleet were necessary in order
-best to impede that action. The former question is strategic
-in its character, the latter tactical.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a name="i-343.jpg" id="i-343.jpg"></a>
- <img src="images/i-343.jpg"
- alt="" />
- <div class="caption">Brest and Its Approaches.<br />
- <a href="images/i-343-hr.jpg"><span class="disp">Click here for larger map</span></a></div>
-</div>
-
-<p>At the end of the peninsula which forms the north-western
-extremity of France, there is a deep recess in
-the land, between two capes which lie nearly in the same
-north and south line, and are called Pointe St. Mathieu and
-Pointe du Raz. The former is the more northerly, and the
-distance separating the two is seventeen miles. A promontory
-making out from the bottom of the recess divides it
-into two bays of unequal dimensions, of which the southern
-is known as the Bay of Douarnenez and the northern as
-that of Brest. The entrance to the former is five miles
-wide and unobstructed, so that only partial shelter is obtained;
-it gives, however, a safe though rough anchorage,
-even in westerly gales. The Bay of Brest, of smaller surface,
-is entered by a passage three miles long and only one
-wide, called the Goulet. With such an approach, and
-further favored by the configuration of the surrounding
-land, perfect security is found there, as well as facility for
-carrying on the work of a fleet, when it would be impossible
-at the more exposed anchorage of Douarnenez.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</a></span>
-From the Goulet to Pointe St. Mathieu the distance is seven
-miles; and immediately outside the former are two open
-roadsteads, Bertheaume to the north and Camaret to the
-south, frequently occupied by French ships prior to a final
-start on an expedition, or when waiting for a wind.</p>
-
-<p>Had these features constituted the whole of the hydrographic
-surroundings of Brest Harbor, the task of a British
-admiral would have been simpler. A singular combination
-of dangers conspired to force him, even in favorable
-weather, to a station much further from the coast, and at
-the same time tended to facilitate the exit of the French.
-From both Pointe St. Mathieu and Pointe du Raz a strip of
-foul ground, comparatively narrow, extends for fifteen miles
-directly out to sea. That from St. Mathieu trends west-north-west
-and terminates in the island of Ushant;
-<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> while from
-Pointe du Raz a succession of reefs, shoals, and low islands,
-the whole known as the Chaussée de Sein, stretches nearly
-due west to a point due south of Ushant and distant from it
-twenty-two miles. Between these two long, low barriers
-lay the principal approach to Brest, the Iroise Channel,—fifteen
-miles long and of a width varying from seventeen
-to twenty-two, nearly double that of the Straits of Gibraltar,—in
-which it was not possible to maintain a body
-of heavy vessels, particularly the three-decked ships, of
-ninety guns and over, which formed a large fraction of the
-Channel fleet and were singularly wanting in weatherly
-qualities. Their short, high hulls and heavy top-hamper
-caused them to drift rapidly in bad weather; and they
-needed plenty of open sea to leeward for this reason, and
-also that they might run before the wind, if too violent.
-To try to keep these formidable but unhandy vessels in the
-Iroise during the heavy westerly gales which prevail in the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[Pg 344]</a></span>
-Bay of Biscay,<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a>
-with no refuge from the sea save the enemy's
-port under their lee, was to court destruction.</p>
-
-<p>To keep the English Channel open in case of very heavy
-weather was therefore essential to the British fleet. The
-Island of Ushant, as favoring this object and also as a conspicuous,
-easily recognized off-shore position, became the
-strategic centre around which the movements of the main
-body of the fleet revolved, and to which all dispositions
-made to ensure the watching of Brest must have regard, as
-to their natural point of reference.</p>
-
-<p>Given the superiority of force which the British navy
-usually possessed, a superiority none too great to bear the
-tremendous strain imposed by the dangerous weather and
-coasts it had to encounter, the supreme strategic factor was
-the wind. Brest is farther west than any English Channel
-port except Falmouth, which is on the meridian of Ushant.
-Falmouth, however, did not stand well as a port in the
-general naval opinion of the day, though it had warm advocates;
-<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a>
-and it was undoubtedly wanting in room for a
-number of heavy ships to anchor together. East of Falmouth
-there were available the anchorages of Plymouth,
-Torbay, and Spithead, distant from Ushant respectively 120,
-135, and 210 miles, Falmouth being only 100; but with
-the exception of Spithead, they were not secure in all winds.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[Pg 345]</a></span>
-Plymouth Sound was exposed to the point of danger in
-south-west gales. Torbay, though safe in westerly weather,
-was at times dangerous, as well as difficult to leave, in the
-south-easterly storms, which were, however, exceptional.</p>
-
-<p>Spithead was secure, and was moreover the roadstead of
-a great naval arsenal, as was also Plymouth Sound; but its
-distance, a hundred miles east of Torbay, with the wind
-prevailing three-fourths of the time from the westward,
-should have been considered an insuperable strategic objection
-to sailing ships destined to watch Brest, and especially
-to fleets. A sailing ship of fair qualities, proceeding
-against a dead head wind, makes good only one third of
-the distance she actually sails. With such a wind a port
-one hundred miles distant is actually three hundred, and
-with fleets progress is even slower. To this was added at
-Spithead a difficulty seemingly trivial, yet so insuperable
-as to be humiliating. With a south-east wind, favorable
-to go down Channel, three-decked ships could not get from
-the anchorage to St. Helen's (the outer roads only three
-miles distant), whence they could sail with a fair wind.</p>
-
-<p>The whole theory of the blockade of Brest rested on the
-fact that the French fleet could not sail in such westerly
-weather as forced the British to take refuge in port,
-<a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> and
-upon the expectation that the latter by diligence could regain
-their station with the first of the east wind, in time to
-prevent the enemy's escape. This expectation depended
-upon the greater rapidity of the British movements and
-consequently upon the distance of the point of refuge. For
-this reason Spithead was singularly unfit to be the rendezvous
-of the fleet; yet it was chosen and maintained by both
-Howe and Bridport during the seven years of their consecutive
-commands. To this they added the practice of keeping
-the main body of the fleet in port during the winter months.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[Pg 346]</a></span>
-The Admiralty, doubtless, was ultimately responsible; but,
-even with the sharp lessons of the Irish expedition and
-Bruix's escape, it needed the advent of an admiral of St.
-Vincent's sagacity and temper to insure the adoption of a
-more rational and vigorous system. In his words to the
-second in command,—when the wild winter weather and
-his own declining years compelled him to withdraw from
-the flag-ship,—"You are on <i>no</i> account to authorize any
-ships to go to Spithead, unless you receive special orders
-from the Admiralty or from me,"<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> is summed up the simple,
-yet fundamental, difference between his policy and that of
-his predecessors. All his other careful arrangements to
-expedite the refitting of ships, and prolong their stay
-on the station, are but detailed instances of the same effort
-to save time, to keep his fleet concentrated at the decisive
-point, and in the largest mass possible.</p>
-
-<p>After Howe finally retired from the command, Bridport
-established his headquarters at Spithead, where during the
-winter and early spring the main body of the fleet was
-commonly assembled. The commander-in-chief seems himself
-to have lived ashore, being in April, 1796, created general
-port-admiral with liberal appointments. Squadrons of
-seven or eight ships-of-the-line, about a fourth of the total
-force, cruised to the westward of Ushant, "in the soundings,"
-during the winter, for periods of two or three
-months, returning to Spithead when relieved. Thus was
-practically realized Lord Howe's policy, to economize the
-ships and depend upon vessels kept in good order by staying
-in port to follow the French, when information of their
-sailing was received. This also was the general plan at
-the time of the French expedition against Ireland in the
-winter of 1796-1797.</p>
-
-<p>The widespread discontent in Ireland, especially in the
-Protestant North, was well known to the Directory, with
-which, through the French minister at Hamburg, Irish
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[Pg 347]</a></span>
-agents had been in communication as early as April, 1796.
-Another, the somewhat celebrated Wolfe Tone, had in the
-first months of the year arrived in Paris from the United
-States with a similar mission. To their efforts was added
-the powerful influence of General Hoche, who had in
-other fields of action shown military ability of the highest
-order; and who, having established his claims upon the
-gratitude of his country by the pacification of La Vendée
-and Brittany, was now in command of the army in that
-quarter. In all directions circumstances seemed favorable.
-Bonaparte was in the midst of his great Italian successes;
-and the reverses inflicted upon Jourdan and Moreau in
-Germany by the Archduke Charles were neutralized, for
-the winter at least, by the necessity of drawing upon his
-troops to renew the Austrian armies in Italy. Spain had
-declared war against Great Britain; and there were hopes,
-destined to be frustrated by the lethargy of her movements
-and by the battle of Cape St. Vincent, that the Spanish fleet
-could be made to combine with the French for the purposed
-invasion. The mission of Lord Malmesbury, although
-the British government held its head high, seemed
-to indicate failing confidence; and the British navy, however
-successful in seizing the colonial possessions of its
-enemies in all parts of the world, had been unable, through
-the retirement of the French fleets from the sea, to win
-any of those brilliant victories which restore the courage
-of nations. St. Vincent, Camperdown, and the Nile were
-still in the future.</p>
-
-<p>The proposed invasion was consequently resolved. It
-depended avowedly upon the co-operation of the disaffected
-inhabitants; but Hoche did not make the mistake of trusting
-to them for the most serious part of the work. No
-less than twenty thousand troops were to be embarked;
-and as the general recognized that the difficulties would by
-no means be over when Ireland was reached,—that the
-British navy, if successfully eluded by the expedition, would
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[Pg 348]</a></span>
-nevertheless seriously interfere with subsequent supplies,—he
-insisted upon carrying with him as much of these, and
-consequently as many ships, as could be had in Brest.
-Efforts were made to increase the force in that port. Five
-ships under Admiral Villeneuve were ordered round from
-Toulon;<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a>
-Richery's squadron was expected from North
-America,<a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a>
-and the Spaniards were also called upon. These
-efforts, however, only caused delay, and contributed but two
-of Richery's ships to swell the expedition, the others being
-found too shaken to be sent at once to sea. Villeneuve did
-not arrive in time, and the Spaniards remained in the
-Mediterranean.</p>
-
-<p>The number of seamen at the disposal of the government
-was limited, owing to many causes; among which the
-principal were discontent with the navy, and the superior
-attractions of privateering, which had led not merely to
-their choosing that service, but also to many being captured
-at sea and so lost to their country. This deficiency
-imposed a proportionate limit to the number of ships that
-could be fitted. There was a dearth likewise of good watch
-officers. Besides these controlling circumstances, there were
-also some manifest advantages in reducing to the smallest
-numbers the vessels composing an expedition, which was
-to avoid action, to make a short passage at the stormiest
-season of the year, and which it was all important should
-keep united and arrive together. For these reasons it was
-decided that the troops should be embarked on the ships-of-war
-to their fullest capacity. Each ship-of-the-line carried
-six hundred soldiers, making with her crew a ship's company
-of thirteen hundred souls. The frigates received
-about two hundred and fifty each. Although in this particular
-instance the arguments in favor of transporting the
-army in the ships-of-war outweighed those against, there is
-always a grave disadvantage to the handling and fighting
-of vessels encumbered by so many useless and generally
-sea-sick men.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[Pg 349]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Never, however, was a great expedition, destined to encounter
-extraordinary risks and to brave one of the stormiest
-of seas, more favored than this at the first was by the
-elements and by the mismanagement of its enemies. For
-nearly six weeks before it sailed the winds prevailed from
-the east; and during the passage, in mid-winter, fine weather
-with favorable winds lasted until the bulk of the fleet
-reached the Irish coast. Nor was an enemy's vessel met,
-to take advantage of the crowded and inefficient condition
-of the French ships. Like Bonaparte's expedition to
-Egypt, though from other causes, Hoche's ships passed to
-their destination unseen by any foe powerful enough to molest.
-To the enfeebled state of the French navy, to the
-decay of its material, to the want of seamen, to the disappearance
-of the trained officers, and to the consequent disinclination
-of the superiors to undertake the expedition, is
-to be attributed the failure of an attempt in which their
-sympathies had never been enlisted. Hoche, who had supreme
-command of both army and navy,<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> found by bitter
-experience the delays which incompetent or ill-affected
-subordinates can impose, especially in a branch of service
-of which the commander-in-chief has not particular knowledge.
-Villaret Joyeuse, first appointed to command the
-fleet, being keenly aware of its defects, was averse from an
-enterprise which, in all reasonable probability, would lead
-to a meeting at once with the British and with excessively
-bad weather. He wished, as did also Truguet, the Minister
-of Marine, to take a heavy squadron of eight ships to India;
-whereby, if the first encounter with the enemy were evaded,
-a long passage with much good weather would permit the
-crews to be trained, while in the Indian seas they would
-be superior in force to their opponents. Truguet, however,
-harmonized this object with the proposed expedition by
-purposing to send the ships to India after their return from
-Ireland; while Villaret, who had spent in the ports the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[Pg 350]</a></span>
-years which the minister had passed in Paris, and knew
-intimately the deplorable state of both men and ships, had
-little hope of the latter coming back in any state to undertake
-his favorite project.</p>
-
-<p>The hardly concealed bias of the admiral, and the apathy
-of the naval officers generally, inspired Hoche with doubts
-of Villaret's faithfulness to his task; and upon his urgent
-remonstrance Morard de Galles, who fifteen years before
-had been like Villaret among the bravest captains of the
-great Suffren, succeeded to the command. The new admiral
-brought to his duty the submissive devotion of a military
-man, and had not, as Villaret had, any counter-project of his
-own; but the radical defects of an organization, vitiated by
-years of neglect and false standards, could not be overcome
-by a man already advanced in years in the few short days
-of hurried preparation. Such as the French navy had become,
-through the loss of its heads and the vagaries of the
-legislature, such it sailed on the expedition to Ireland.
-"God keep me from having anything to do with the navy!"
-wrote Hoche. "What an extravagant compound! A great
-body whose parts are disunited and incoherent; contradictions
-of all kinds, indiscipline organized in a military body.
-Add to that, haughty ignorance and foolish vanity, and you
-have the picture filled out. Poor Morard de Galles! he has
-already aged twenty years; how I pity him!"
-<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a></p>
-
-<p>The administrative difficulties, caused by poverty of resources,
-conspired with the non-arrival of Richery and
-Villeneuve to delay the expedition. Fixed first for the
-early autumn and then for the first of November, it was not
-able to sail till the middle of December. Richery had
-reached the anchorage of Île d'Aix
-<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> on the 5th of November
-with five ships-of-the-line; but not till the 8th of the
-following month could his vessels, racked by their long
-cruise, sail for Brest. On the 11th they entered the port,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[Pg 351]</a></span>
-where upon examination two only of them were found fit
-for the Irish voyage; and the wait for these entailed a delay
-which had a singular effect upon the fortunes of the
-undertaking.</p>
-
-<p>On the 15th of December the whole body of ships, except
-Richery's two, got under way, stood through the Goulet, and
-anchored that evening in Bertheaume and Camaret roads,
-ready for a start,—the wind still fair as fair could be, at
-east. The British, under the lax and cautious system pursued
-by Bridport and his lieutenants, had then no ships-of-the-line
-close up to the port, but only two or three frigates,
-and these Morard de Galles drove off with a small detached
-squadron, hoping thus to deprive the enemy of precise
-knowledge of his movements. Sir Edward Pellew, the
-senior officer of the frigates, sent one of them, the "Phœbe,"
-to Admiral Colpoys, commanding the division of Bridport's
-fleet then cruising; which, in consequence of the preparations
-known to be going on in Brest, had been increased
-to fifteen sail-of-the-line, double the usual winter squadron.
-Contrary to Lord St. Vincent's sound maxim, "Well up
-with Ushant in an easterly wind," Colpoys's rendezvous was
-about eight leagues to the west of the island, and thither
-the frigate went to seek him; but his force, composed
-largely of three-deckers, having let go the shelter of the
-land, had been driven farther still to leeward, and being
-nearly fifty miles from Ushant was not found by the
-"Phœbe" till the 19th, three days after the French finally
-sailed.</p>
-
-<p>Pellew, one of the most active frigate captains of the
-time, retired but a short distance from his pursuers, and
-next day, the 16th, again stood in for the French anchorage
-with his own ship,—well named the "Indefatigable,"—and
-the "Révolutionnaire." At noon the enemy
-were again sighted, and not long after, Pellew's vigilance
-was rewarded by seeing them get under way. Richery's two
-ships, "Pégase" and "Révolution," came through the Goulet
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[Pg 352]</a></span>
-towards noon, and all the expedition began at once to lift
-their anchors between two and three <span class="sc">P. M.</span> of the short
-winter day. Dispatching the "Révolutionnaire" to the admiral,
-Pellew himself remained to watch the course taken
-by the enemy.</p>
-
-<p>The imperative need of the French being to escape
-meeting the British, and to reach Ireland with force undiminished
-either by capture or straggling, Morard de Galles'
-first object was to avoid Colpoys's fleet. This was known
-to be in the direction of Ushant, having been seen on more
-than one occasion from the island, and by Richery when entering
-Brest. If the departure were unperceived, the uncertainty
-of the enemy as to the destination might be counted
-on to favor the further movements of the expedition. The
-French admiral therefore determined to use the advantage,
-inestimable to a naval port, which Brest possesses in a
-double entrance. Between the Pointe du Raz and the
-Chaussée de Sein<a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a>
-there is a channel known as the Passage
-du Raz. It is narrow, being less than three miles wide in
-one part, and is sown with dangers, formidable above all
-in the night season, during which it must be passed if the
-enemy were to be kept in ignorance; but with a fair wind
-and good pilots the thing could be done. Morard de Galles
-therefore gave the order to the fleet to head, upon getting
-under way, for the Passage du Raz, and informed the captains
-that, after clearing it, he intended to steer west for one
-hundred miles. Having provided for keeping the fleet together
-so far, each commanding officer was also given a
-sealed packet, directing him what to do in case of separation.
-It may be said here that these packets,—which
-were not to be opened unless in case of parting company,—directed
-to make Cape Mizen Head on the south coast of
-Ireland, near the entrance of Bantry Bay, the anchorage
-whence the landing was to be made. There the separated
-vessels were to cruise five days, waiting for orders.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[Pg 353]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>At three o'clock the whole fleet was under sail, the sun
-was sinking fast, the weather gloomy and squally; and the
-vessels, unable to form from the inexperience of their
-officers, were running disorderly for the dangerous pass,
-the entrance to which, being fifteen miles from the anchorage
-they were leaving, could not be reached before dark.
-The flag-officers, except Richery, had quitted their own
-ships-of-the-line and gone aboard frigates, the two commanders,
-Hoche and Morard de Galles, being together on
-board the "Fraternité." As night fell, the wind hauled to
-the southward, threatening to become foul, under which
-conditions the passage of the Raz would be impossible.
-Moved by the danger, and considering that Colpoys was
-not within sight, the admiral by signal countermanded his
-order, and directed the fleet to put before the wind and run
-out by the Iroise channel. In the confusion and growing
-darkness this order was not understood. Morard's own
-ship and half a dozen more, one only of which was of the
-line, obeyed; but all the others continued for the Passage
-du Raz. Thus, at the very moment of starting, the two
-principal officers were separated from their command. In
-vain did Morard send a corvette to enforce his order by
-voice or by signal,—she was not understood; and the
-confusion was increased by Pellew, who, attaching himself
-to the leading ships, kept on with them through the Iroise,
-and by burning rockets and blue lights, and firing guns,
-rendered utterly incoherent the attempts of the French
-admiral to convey by similar means his meaning to his
-fleet.<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a>
-In the midst of the turmoil the "Séduisant," of
-seventy-four guns, ran on a rock which lies across the entrance
-to the passage, and was totally wrecked, her guns
-and signals of distress adding to the uproar.
-<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> At half-past
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[Pg 354]</a></span>
-eight, the "Indefatigable" saw the ships with which she
-had kept company pass round the outer end of the Chaussée
-de Sein and steer to the southward, with the hope,
-doubtless, of rejoining their consorts. Pellew then made
-sail for Falmouth, where he arrived on the 20th of December.
-Had this port then been the rendezvous of the Channel
-fleet, or even of a strong detachment, there would still
-have been time, for the French did not reach Bantry Bay
-till the 22d; the wind was east, and the distance but two
-hundred and fifty miles.</p>
-
-<p>On the morning of the 17th of December, the French
-were divided into three bodies out of sight of each other.
-With the two commanders-in-chief were one ship-of-the-line
-and three frigates. Rear-Admiral Bouvet, the second
-in command, had with him eight ships-of-the-line and nine
-other vessels. In accordance with his orders he continued
-to steer west during the 17th and 18th. On the 19th, having
-opened his sealed instructions and reached the longitude
-of Mizen Head, he changed the course to north, and
-the same day was joined by the third section of the expedition,
-thus concentrating under his command fifteen
-ships-of-the-line, and, with three unimportant exceptions,
-all the other vessels except those with Hoche and Morard.
-Grouchy, second to Hoche, was with Bouvet; so that the
-admiral now had with him practically the whole body of
-the expedition. Unfortunately the soul, the young, gallant,
-and skilful Hoche, the emulous rival of Bonaparte's growing
-glory, who saw in the Irish expedition the great hope
-of restoring the brilliancy of his own star, paling before
-that of his competitor,—Hoche was absent.</p>
-
-<p>With a brief exception of southwesterly weather, the
-wind continued from the eastward during the whole of
-Bouvet's passage; and notwithstanding a good deal of
-fog, at times very dense,<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> all those who were with him on
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[Pg 355]</a></span>
-the 19th—thirty-five out of the forty-three which composed
-the expedition—found themselves on the early morning of
-December 21st together, and in full sight of the Irish coast.
-"It is most delicious weather," wrote the eager, restless
-Irishman, Wolfe Tone, who was on board one of the ships,
-"with a favorable wind and everything we can desire, except
-our missing comrades. At the moment I am writing
-we are under easy sail, within three leagues at most of
-the coast, so that I can discern patches of snow upon the
-mountains. What if the general do not join? If we cruise
-here five days according to our instructions, the English
-will be upon us and all will be over. <i>Nine o'clock</i> (<span class="sc">P. M.</span>).
-We are now at the rendezvous appointed; stood in for the
-coast till twelve (noon), when we were near enough to toss
-a biscuit ashore. At twelve tacked and stood out again, so
-we have now begun our cruise of five days in all its forms.... We
-opened Bantry Bay; and in all my life rage
-never entered so deep into my heart as when we turned
-our backs. Continue making short tacks; the wind foul."
-<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a></p>
-
-<p>The wind was now foul, not because of its own change,
-but because from the entrance of Bantry Bay to its head
-the direction is east-north-east. The wind that had been
-favorable for leaving Brest and for the passage was for
-the short remaining distance, not over thirty miles at the
-most, nearly dead ahead. Unfortunately, also, in sailing
-north along the meridian of Bantry Bay, the east wind
-had set the fleet imperceptibly to the westward, so that
-the land first seen was not Mizen Head, at the eastern
-side of the entrance, but Dursey Island, at the western.
-<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a>
-Had the intended landfall been made, the ships might, by
-hauling close round Mizen Head, have fetched a point at
-least twelve miles inside of Dursey Island and there anchored.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[Pg 356]</a></span>
-Now that fortune ceased to waft them with favoring
-gales, the weaknesses of the expedition became painfully
-apparent. Crews composed mainly of landsmen, with a
-very small sprinkling of able seamen, crowded and impeded
-at every turn by the swarming mass of soldiery, were ill
-able to do the rapid handling of ropes and canvas necessitated
-by a dead beat of thirty miles, against a strong
-head wind in a narrow bay, where every rod lost tells, and
-requires three or four rods of sailing to be regained; where
-sails must be reefed or hoisted, set or furled, at a moment's
-notice, and the canvas spread varies from half-hour to
-half-hour. Such a tug tasks the skill, as it proclaims the
-excellence, of the smartest single ship, though she find the
-channel clear of other vessels; but to a fleet of thirty-five,
-manned and equipped as those of Bouvet, and compelled to
-give way continually as they crossed each other's paths, it
-proved impossible to reach the head of Bantry Bay, where
-shelter would have been found from the east winds, which
-for the following week blew with relentless fury.</p>
-
-<p>Through the night of the 21st and all day of the 22d, the
-fleet continued turning to windward; and toward nightfall
-the admiral anchored with eight of-the-line and seven other
-vessels off Bear Island, still twelve miles from the head of
-the bay. The other twenty ships remained outside under
-way. All the 23d it blew hard from the eastward, and
-nothing was done. On the 24th the weather moderated,
-and it was decided to attempt a landing, although no more
-ships had come in,—the twenty outside having been blown
-to sea. Those at the anchorage got under way, but made
-no progress. "I believe," wrote the exasperated Wolfe
-Tone, "that we have made three hundred tacks, and have
-not gained a hundred yards in a straight line." At sunset
-the division again anchored; and during the night the wind
-rose to a gale, which continued all the 25th and prevented
-any boat work. Several ships dragged, and some cables
-parted. Soon after nightfall the cable of Bouvet's flag-ship
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[Pg 357]</a></span>
-gave way, and the "Immortalité" began to drive upon Bear
-Island. A second anchor failing to hold her, the admiral
-cut both cables and put to sea, signalling the other vessels
-to do likewise and hailing to the same effect those near
-whom he passed, among others the ship on board which
-Wolfe Tone was. This, however, held on—her captain
-becoming the senior naval officer present—till the 27th.
-The wind then falling, a council of war was held, and decided
-that as there were but four thousand soldiers in the
-bay, and as neither cannon, ammunition nor provisions
-necessary for the landing remained at the anchorage, the
-attempt must be abandoned. The wind now changing to
-south-west and threatening a storm, this little division,
-reduced to six ships-of-the-line and four smaller vessels,
-sailed for Brest, where they arrived on the 12th of January.
-Rear-Admiral Bouvet had long preceded them, having
-reached Brest on the 1st of the month.
-<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a> By the 14th, four
-weeks and a day after sailing from Brest, thirty-five of the
-expedition had returned safe, though greatly battered, to
-French ports, after various adventures not necessary to
-relate. Five, including the "Séduisant," wrecked on the
-night of sailing, had been lost or destroyed by their officers,
-and six captured<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a> by the British.</p>
-
-<p>The one still to be accounted for closed dramatically the
-adventure, which, having begun by the wreck of one
-ship-of-the-line, ended with the yet more deplorable destruction
-of another. This, called by the good revolutionary
-name "Droits de l'Homme," had clung tenaciously to the
-Irish coast till January 5th; but, finding herself alone and
-no hope remaining, started then to return to Brest. On the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[Pg 358]</a></span>
-13th she fell in with two British frigates, one the "Indefatigable,"
-Pellew's ship. The two closed with her, and
-just before nightfall the French vessel carried away her
-fore and main topmasts. The wind was blowing hard from
-the westward, and her captain, fearing momentarily to meet
-enemy's ships of greater force and numbers, decided to run
-steadily for his own coast. At half-past five the "Indefatigable,"
-whose sail power was untouched, drew up, and
-the battle began. An hour later her consort, the "Amazon,"
-came within range. Through the long night, with a few
-intermissions at the choice of the uncrippled British frigates,
-the strife went on,—the embarrassed condition of the
-"Droits de l'Homme" being increased by the fall of her
-mizzen mast at half-past ten. The sea was running so high
-that the crews of the frigates fought up to their middles in
-water, while the ship-of-the-line could not use her lower
-tier of guns; and at the end the "Indefatigable," the sole
-survivor of the conflict, had four feet of water in her hold.
-At half-past four on the morning of the 14th, land, for
-which a lookout had been anxiously kept, was suddenly
-seen. The two British ships were then holding positions a
-little ahead, and on either bow, of the "Droits de l'Homme."
-Each hauled to the wind on its own side of the enemy; the
-"Indefatigable" to the south, the "Amazon" to the north.
-All three were embayed in Audierne Bay, an unsheltered
-beach thirty-five miles south of Brest, between Pointe du
-Raz and the Penmarck rocks. By strenuous efforts the "Indefatigable,"
-after wearing twice, cleared the latter by three
-quarters of a mile. As she passed them in broad daylight,
-the "Droits de l'Homme" lay on her side at the bottom of
-the bay, the surf beating over her. The "Amazon," whose
-situation had allowed too little time for skill to play, was
-also aground two miles to the northward. Here, however,
-the resemblance ceased. The trained and disciplined British
-crew got safe to land. The unfortunate French ship,
-crowded to repletion with men for the most part wholly
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[Pg 359]</a></span>
-unaccustomed to the sea, had had the further misfortune
-to take the bottom on a bank at a great distance from the
-beach. Three days of awful exposure, without food or
-water, followed. Not till the 17th did the subsidence of
-the gale allow relief from shore, and only on the 18th did
-the last survivor quit the wreck. Out of thirteen hundred
-men on board her when the battle began, two hundred and
-sixty were killed and wounded, and two hundred and seventeen
-lost their lives through the wreck.</p>
-
-<p>The singular circumstance that, despite the first separation
-of the fleet on the night of sailing, the disconnected
-units were yet for the most part brought together and
-together reached the coast of Ireland, and yet that from
-this happy meeting the most important vessel of all, carrying
-the two commanders-in-chief, was excepted, creates a
-legitimate curiosity as to the movements of the "Fraternité"
-during these critical days. On the 17th, this ship had
-with her two frigates and one ship-of-the-line,—the "Nestor."
-On the 20th the other frigates had disappeared, the
-"Nestor" alone remaining; but it was found, from subsequent
-examination of the logs, that had the fog which then
-covered the ocean lifted, the "Fraternité" would have
-been in sight of the main body, which then, under Bouvet,
-was steering north to make Mizen Head. That night the
-"Nestor" parted company. On the 24th of December the
-"Fraternité" was pursuing her course for Bantry Bay,
-where the main body had already arrived, when a ship resembling
-a ship-of-the-line was seen. As the stranger did
-not reply to the signals made, the "Fraternité" took flight
-to the westward, and, finding herself outsailed, threw overboard
-some of her guns. During the night the pursuer was
-thrown off, and the frigate again shaped her course for
-Bantry Bay; but the same easterly gale which drove Bouvet
-from the anchorage was now blowing in her teeth. On the
-29th Hoche and Morard fell in with the first of the expedition
-they had seen since the "Nestor" left them, and a sad
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[Pg 360]</a></span>
-meeting it was. One, the "Scevola," was sinking; the
-other, the "Révolution," which had been badly injured by
-a collision in Bantry Bay, was saving the "Scevola's"
-crew. In the dangerous condition of the "Révolution,"
-now having twenty-two hundred souls on board, with provisions
-for but eight days, and having learned the dispersal
-of the vessels in Bantry Bay, Hoche and Morard determined
-to return. The two ships reached Rochefort on the 13th of
-January. Whether Hoche, with his military ardor, the
-high prestige of his fame, and the intense personal interest
-felt by him in the success of the expedition, could have
-triumphed over the material obstacles which defeated the
-lukewarm energies of Bouvet, may be questioned; but it
-was certainly an extraordinary circumstance that, of the
-whole large body of ships, the one containing the two commanders
-was almost alone in her failure to reach the Irish
-coast.</p>
-
-<p>From the preceding account, it is evident that the success
-or failure of the French landing depended entirely
-upon their ability to make the thirty miles intervening between
-the entrance and the head of Bantry Bay. Whatever
-may be thought of their prospects of ultimate success
-in the conquest or deliverance of Ireland,—a matter of
-pure speculation, dependent upon many conditions rather
-political and economical than military,—it cannot be
-questioned that they had succeeded in crossing the sea
-and reaching almost their point of destination, not only despite
-the British navy but without even seeing it. On
-December 21st the bulk of the expedition was at the mouth
-of Bantry Bay. Not till the 22d did Colpoys, commanding
-the fleet watching, or rather detailed to watch, off Brest,
-know they had actually sailed; and then he did not know
-in what direction. Bridport at Portsmouth received the
-news on the same, or possibly on the previous day, through
-Pellew's diligence and forethought. Not till the 31st of
-December was it known in London that the enemy had
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[Pg 361]</a></span>
-actually appeared off the Irish coast, and at that time Bridport's
-fleet had not even sailed. Only continued bad
-weather, and that ahead, prevented the landing which even
-Bouvet would not have hesitated to make under better conditions.
-Had no other harm resulted, the capture of Cork,
-only forty-five miles distant, was certain. "We propose to
-make a race for Cork as though the devil were in us," wrote
-Wolfe Tone in his journal; and how severe the blow would
-have been may be imagined, for in that place were collected
-stores and supplies to the value of a million and a half
-sterling, including the provisions for feeding the navy during
-the next year. Ireland was then the great source from
-which naval provisions were drawn.</p>
-
-<p>Such a failure on the part of the British navy, with its
-largely superior forces, can scarcely be called less than ignominious,
-and invites now, as it did then, an examination
-into the causes. The outcry raised at the time by panic
-and disappointment has long ceased; but the incident affords
-a fruitful field for study, as to how far the disposition
-of the Channel fleet conformed to a reasonable
-interpretation of the principles of war, as applied to the
-sea.</p>
-
-<p>It must be obvious to any one stopping to think, that, for
-a fleet charged with thwarting the combinations of an
-enemy's navy, there can be no point so well adapted as one
-immediately before the port from which the greatest fraction
-must sail. Once away, to an unknown destination, the
-position to be taken becomes a matter of surmise, of guess,
-which may be dignified by the name of sagacity if the guess
-prove right, but which should not be allowed to cover the
-original fault of disposition, if it could have been avoided.
-To multiply instances would be tedious; but reference may
-be made to two detailed elsewhere in this work, viz: Bridport,
-upon the escape of Bruix in 1799,
-<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a> and Nelson after
-the escape of Villeneuve in 1805,
-<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> though in the latter case
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[Pg 362]</a></span>
-the admiral's reasons for not cruising before Toulon were
-not only adequate, but imperative.</p>
-
-<p>A similar perplexity existed in the closing months of
-1796. The government and the admiral of the Channel
-fleet knew that a large expedition was preparing in Brest,
-and they had reason to fear the co-operation with it of the
-Spaniards. Opinion was somewhat divided as to the objective;
-according to reports industriously circulated by the
-French government, it might be Portugal the ally, Gibraltar
-the outpost, or Ireland the dependency, of Great Britain.
-One thing only was certain, that the surest and largest
-component of the undertaking was in Brest. There soldiers
-were gathering, and there also arms were being shipped
-largely in excess of the troops,
-<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> pointing to a hope of co-operation
-by inhabitants at the point of landing. Such
-conditions dictated certainly three things: 1, a force before
-Brest superior to that of the enemy inside; 2, inasmuch
-as the heavier ships must keep the channel open, against
-the danger of violent westerly gales, there should be an advance
-squadron of handier vessels close in with the port,
-powerful enough to hold its ground if the enemy came out
-and to keep touch with him if he sailed; 3, since Ireland
-was by far the most important of the interests threatened,
-the government should have indicated it to the admiral as
-the point to be covered, in case he did lose knowledge of
-the hostile fleet. The first of these provisions sums up the
-main strategic requirement, to effect which all other strategic
-dispositions should conduce. The second is tactical
-in character, relating to the disposition of the force upon
-the ground to which strategic considerations assign it. The
-third presents the alternative, the second line of defence,
-upon which, in case the first is forced, the defending fleet
-falls back.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[Pg 363]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Colpoys's fleet of fifteen sail was certainly not superior
-to the French. It might be considered adequate to frustrate
-the expedition, if met, but not sufficient to inflict the
-crushing blow that the policy and needs of Great Britain
-imperatively demanded. Moreover, a military body is not
-an inanimate object, like a rock, which once placed abides
-unchanged for years. It is rather a living organism, depending
-on daily nourishment, subject to constant waste, and needing
-constant renewal. If to station a competent force before
-Brest met the chief strategic requirement, its maintenance
-there embraced a number of subordinate strategic provisions,
-which in terms of land warfare are called communications.
-Ships meet with accidents; they degenerate by wear and tear;
-they consume water and provisions, their crews diminish by
-illness and need rest by occasional returns to port. These
-communications were not threatened by the French; but
-they were open to injury by insufficient forethought and by
-excessive distance, and from both they suffered. A division
-like Colpoys's may be renewed in two ways. Either it may
-be relieved by a body of similar number and go home; or it
-may be continually receiving fresh ships and continually
-sending old ones to the rear for rest. It need scarcely be
-said that the latter is by far the better, preserving a continuity
-of life and administration which the former breaks.
-Not only so; but the other system presupposes a squadron
-in port equal to that cruising, a reserve equal to the body
-in the field,—a fantastic proportion, which sacrifices every
-principle of warfare, and divides the available force into two
-masses, which do not even pretend to support but merely
-to replace each other.</p>
-
-<p>A fleet charged with duty like that before Brest needs to
-be fixed at the highest number the resources of the nation
-can supply and supported by a reserve so proportioned that,
-by a constant coming and going, no ship at the front should
-ever be suffering from an exhaustion, either of condition or
-of supplies, against which diligent human forethought could
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[Pg 364]</a></span>
-have provided. The station of this reserve is obviously a
-matter of the utmost importance. It should, of course, be
-as near as possible to the main body, and, for sailing ships,
-favorably situated with reference to prevailing winds; for
-a head wind meant not merely the loss of time caused by
-itself, but often the loss of an opportunity which passes
-with the time. Thus, on this very occasion, when the wind
-blew fresh from the eastward, fair to go from Portsmouth
-to Ireland, Bridport's ships were unable to use it, because
-they could not make the stretch of three miles from Spithead
-to St. Helen's. Nor is the nearness of a dockyard
-a controlling condition for the reserve, though it may be
-admitted that dockyards should be placed with reference
-to probable theatres of war. On the contrary, a
-yard is the last place to which to send an active ship.
-Naval officers knew then, as they know now, that vessels
-at dockyards become valetudinarians, whose doctors,
-like some others, flatter the ailments of their patients
-to increase their practice. An available reserve is one
-thing, a ship needing dockyard repairs quite another;
-and no countenance should be given to any confusion
-of the two by keeping the reserve at, or close by, a
-yard. Properly, the reserve should be simply that
-portion of the active force which, for the benefit of the
-whole, is for a moment resting, but is ready at once to
-proceed.</p>
-
-<p>How very little the government of the day and the then
-admiral of the Channel fleet realized these principles, is
-evident by a few facts. The reserve was at Spithead, a
-roadstead over two hundred miles distant. It was equal in
-force to the division before Brest. "The government
-thought it the wisest plan," said its authorized defender in
-the Commons, "to separate the fleet into different divisions.
-One fleet was off Brest to watch the enemy and intercept
-the sailing of the expedition; and another at home
-to relieve the fleet off Brest, if necessary, or to pursue the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[Pg 365]</a></span>
-enemy, if he should sail."<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> When the French had escaped,
-Colpoys received the news December 22d. His orders did
-not cover the contingency, and in his uncertainty he first
-decided to keep his station,<a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> than which nothing could be
-more satisfactory to the French, who had made a long circuit
-to avoid that particular spot. Like all men in the dark,
-however, the admiral soon changed his mind and concluded
-to go off the Lizard, a cape near Falmouth, where he might
-receive information.<a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a>
-Here, in the entrance to the Channel,
-he found several ships in want of necessaries, and the
-weather such that he could not provide them from others.
-<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a>
-This statement was disputed by the Admiralty, which,
-however, admitted that some of these ships had not water
-in abundance.<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a>
-With a properly worked reserve, a few
-ships might have been short,—those, that is, whose turn
-was to go in next,—but it is evident that a very disproportionate
-number were here affected; for the explanation of
-these short ships being still out was, that Curtis's squadron
-of <i>seven</i> ships was to have relieved them, but had been delayed
-for certain causes.<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a>
-Whatever the reason, the important
-conclusion was that Colpoys, a good officer under a bad
-system, put his helm up and ran into Spithead, where he
-arrived December 31st, more than a week after the French
-reached Bantry Bay.</p>
-
-<p>While the subordinate was thus badgered by the inadequate
-measures of his government and his chief, the latter
-was leisurely preparing to relieve him off Brest. On the
-21st or 22d, he was spurred up by news of the French sailing,
-and replied that in <i>four</i> days he would be ready,—a
-truly handy reserve with the British Islands about to be
-invaded. On the 25th he got under way, and demonstrated
-at once the fitness of Spithead as a station for the reserve.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[Pg 366]</a></span>
-Eight ships only succeeded in getting to St. Helen's that
-day, a sudden change of wind to south-east supervening;
-"which, although favorable for his getting to sea, was directly
-on the bows of the ships coming to join him from
-Spithead."<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a>
-It was not thought prudent to sail with only
-eight ships, and through the delay of waiting for the
-others Bridport did not get away from St. Helen's (Portsmouth)
-until January 3, 1797,—the day before the last of
-the French abandoned Bantry Bay,—when he sailed with
-fourteen of-the-line, a mass equal to Colpoys's division
-which had just returned. An inadequate force at the decisive
-point, inadequately maintained, and dependent upon
-a reserve as large as itself, but unready and improperly
-stationed,—such were the glaring faults of the strategic
-disposition.</p>
-
-<p>The tactical mistakes are equally apparent. The main
-fleet was stationed so far at sea as to derive no shelter
-from easterly storms. It contained several three-decked
-ships,<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a>
-whose poor sailing qualities exaggerated to the last
-degree the drift consequent upon bad weather. As a result,
-at the critical moment, Colpoys, instead of being, according
-to St. Vincent's maxim, "close in with Ushant in
-an easterly wind," was over forty miles west of it, "working
-up against a fresh east-south-east wind,"
-<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> and the next
-day was driven to the northward by southerly weather.
-Under such conditions any lookouts in the "Iroise" were
-almost a vain show. It is of the essence of such a lookout,
-however, that it should not be driven from its post by
-a detachment so small that the enemy does not weaken
-himself by making it. Of what consequence in this way
-were three or four frigates, which the French could and
-should have driven off by a half dozen, backed by two sail-of-the-line?
-Properly to watch Brest required a strong detachment
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[Pg 367]</a></span>
-of line-of-battle-ships of the medium class, which
-were handy and weatherly, and whose grip could only be
-loosened by fighting. The correlative, however, of such a
-big detachment is the main body close up, ready to support
-it. The whole theory hangs together. The advanced detachment
-close up, else it cannot watch; big enough, else
-it cannot stay; the main body also close up, else the
-advance guard is hazarded.</p>
-
-<p>Under all these circumstances it is not strange that the
-careful British chronicler, James, has to record that "during
-the three or four weeks the French ships were traversing
-in every direction the Irish and English Channels,
-neither of the two British fleets (Bridport's nor Colpoys's),
-appointed to look after them, succeeded in capturing a single
-ship;" and "the principal losses by capture sustained
-by the enemy arose from the diligence and activity of a
-sixty-four-gun ship and four or five frigates, which, on the
-29th of December, were lying in the harbor of Cork."
-<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a>
-Yet, after satisfying himself that the French had gone
-back to Brest, Bridport returned to Spithead, and the old
-system was resumed. In Parliament the ministry strongly
-maintained that they had done all that could be expected;
-and the First Lord went so far as to say that even an
-inquiry would be considered an unmerited censure.
-<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a></p>
-
-<p>It is no more than just to note, in this slack and shiftless
-conduct of the war, the same sluggish spirit that, after
-making all allowances for the undeniable grievances of the
-seamen, was also responsible for the demoralization of discipline
-in the Channel fleet, which soon after showed itself
-openly,—among the crews in the mutinies of 1797, and
-among the officers, at a later day, in the flagrant insubordination
-with which St. Vincent's appointment was greeted.
-Both show a lax hand in the chief naval commander; for,
-while a government is responsible for its choice of the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[Pg 368]</a></span>
-latter, it must, especially in so technical a profession as
-the navy then was, depend upon him for the enforcement
-of discipline and for the choice of measures, at once practicable
-and adequate, to compass the ends of the war.
-Upon him, more than upon any other, must fall the responsibility
-of failure; for he knows, or should know, better
-than the government, what the fleet can be made to do,
-what the state of discipline really is, and what his own capacity
-to carry out the one and support the other. Only
-through him can the government act. When it disregards
-or overrides, without displacing him, mischief ensues; but
-the correlative of the generous confidence and hearty support
-it owes to him is, on his part, unceasing intense effort,
-or resignation.</p>
-
-<p>It is a relief, and instructive, to turn to the methods of
-Earl St. Vincent. Having returned from the Mediterranean
-in August, 1799, he was chosen to succeed Bridport upon
-the latter's resignation in the following April. It is told
-that, when his appointment became known, one of the
-naval captains, at the table of the former commander-in-chief,
-gave the toast, "May the discipline of the Mediterranean
-never be introduced into the Channel fleet." If, as
-is said, the admiral (presumably Lord Bridport) suffered
-this to pass unrebuked, no words could depict more forcibly
-than the simple incident the depths to which his own dignity
-and control had sunk.<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> It is, perhaps, needless to say
-that St. Vincent met this temper with the same unbending
-firmness that he had shown in his former command.</p>
-
-<p>It is not, however, in his discipline, but in his management
-of the Brest blockade, and the Channel fleet for the
-support of that blockade, that we are here interested. The
-force before Brest was largely increased, consisting at this
-time of never less than twenty-four sail-of-the-line, and, until
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[Pg 369]</a></span>
-ordered by the Admiralty to be reduced, was maintained
-by St. Vincent at thirty.<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a>
-The rendezvous, or central station
-round which the main body was to revolve, and where, if
-possible, it was always to be found, was changed from eight
-leagues west of Ushant to "well in with Ushant in an easterly
-wind." How the commander-in-chief understood this order
-is shown by his instructions to his second in command,
-when the fleet was for a time turned over to him. "I recommend
-you in the strongest manner <i>never</i> to be farther
-than six or eight leagues from Ushant with the wind easterly;
-and if westerly to make the Saintes (Chaussée de
-Sein) as often as the weather will permit; and when the
-wind is such as to permit the French to slip out of Brest,
-to stand in on the first of the flood so far as to see the inshore
-squadron."<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a>
-In another letter to the same he says:
-"The principle on which the squadron acts, with the wind
-easterly, is to wear ... during the night, so as to be
-within a couple of leagues of Ushant at daylight."
-<a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> So
-constant was this practice during the summer and early
-autumn months, while he himself remained on board, that
-in one hundred and twenty-one days there was but one, and
-then owing to fog, in which the main body did not communicate
-by signal with the inshore squadron stationed
-between Ushant and Brest.<a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a></p>
-
-<p>To sustain the ships in the greatest and most constant
-efficiency, in other words to maintain the communications,
-his care and watchfulness are incessant; and, though not
-expressly so stated, it is evident from the general tenor of
-his correspondence that the ships went in to refit and rest
-not in large numbers, but singly, or in small groups. "I
-am at my wits' end," he writes, "to compose orders to meet
-every shift, evasion, and neglect of duty. Seven-eighths of
-the captains who compose this fleet are practising every
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[Pg 370]</a></span>
-subterfuge to get into harbor for the winter."
-<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a> A constant
-pressure is kept upon all officers of the fleet, and especially
-upon those stationed to supervise at the anchorages for refittal
-and taking in stores, that vessels should lose no time
-and should come back as full as possible. The time for
-remaining "in Plymouth Sound or Cawsand Bay <i>never</i>
-ought to exceed six days, unless a mast is to be shifted,
-and in that event not more than ten days."
-<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> "A thousand
-thanks are due you," he writes to Rear-Admiral Whitshed,
-"for the pains you have taken to dispatch the ships which
-were necessarily sent into Cawsand Bay. Without such
-powerful aid, all my endeavors to fulfil the wishes of the
-Cabinet would be vain."<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> It was for this purpose he gave
-the order, so bitterly resented, that no officer, from the
-captain down, should sleep out of his ship, or go more than
-three miles from the beach.</p>
-
-<p>Throughout he strove, according to his own practice and
-that of Suffren and Nelson,<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a> to make the ships self-dependent,
-and to keep them out of the dockyards and on the
-station to the last moment. "Under the present impending
-storm from the North of Europe," wrote he in January,
-1801, "and the necessity there is of equipping every ship in
-the royal ports that can swim, no ship under my command
-must have anything done to her at Plymouth or Portsmouth
-that can be done at this anchorage."
-<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a> The question of
-wind and distance weighed heavily with him. Torbay
-and Cawsand Bay, an anchorage in Plymouth Sound, were
-made the ordinary resorts of ships going in to refit; and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[Pg 371]</a></span>
-his orders to the second in command, when left in charge
-off Brest, were "on no occasion to authorize any ships to
-go to Spithead, unless by special orders from the Admiralty
-or from me." Finally, when his health compelled him to
-abandon the immediate command afloat, he again, as at
-Gibraltar during his Mediterranean career, took up his station
-at the point of next importance to the efficiency of the
-Brest fleet, settling himself in a house near Torbay, overlooking
-the anchorage, whence he directly supervised the
-refitting and speedy dispatch of the ships sent in for repair
-and refreshment. In short, when unable to be with the
-main body, he made a point of seeing personally to the
-reserve and to the supplies.</p>
-
-<p>To mass the fleet before Brest,—to maintain it in a high
-state of efficiency, by the constant flow of supplies in
-transports and the constant exchange between worn and
-fresh ships,—and to fix a rendezvous which assured its
-hold upon the enemy,—such were the strategic measures
-adopted and enforced by St. Vincent. The disposition of
-the ships when before the port, with a view to prevent the
-evasion which was the height of French naval ambition,
-and to compel the enemy to battle if he came out, may be
-more properly called tactical. It may be given nearly in
-his own words. "A squadron of five ships-of-the-line is
-<i>always anchored</i> during an easterly wind between the Black
-Rocks and Porquette Shoal" (about ten miles from the
-entrance). "Inside, between them and the Goulet, cruise
-a squadron of frigates and cutters plying day and night in
-the opening of the Goulet; and outside, between the Black
-Rocks and Ushant, three sail-of-the-line cruise to support
-the five anchored."<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a>
-A group of eight line-of-battle ships
-was thus always on the lookout,—a force too strong to be
-driven off without bringing on the general engagement
-which was the great object of the British, and so disposed
-that, if not the inner, at least the outer members could be
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[Pg 372]</a></span>
-signalled every day by the main body. The mutual support
-of all parts of the fleet was thus assured. "Unless this
-is done," wrote St. Vincent, "the ships appointed to that
-important service may not feel the confidence necessary to
-keep them in their post,—a failure in which has frequently
-happened before I was invested with this command."
-<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a></p>
-
-<p>The seamanlike care with which, as a general officer, he
-studied his ground, is also evidenced by his remarks, some
-of which have already been quoted. "I never was on a
-station so readily, and with so little risk maintained as that
-off Ushant with an easterly wind" (with which alone the
-enemy could get out), "owing to the length and strength
-of flood-tide;"<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a>
-and he adds, in another place, "If the flood
-flows strong, you will find <i>much shelter</i> between Ushant and
-the Black Rocks during the day."
-<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> The investment of
-Brest was completed by stationing detachments, amounting
-in all to from two to four ships-of-the-line with numerous
-frigates, to the southward of the Passage du Raz and
-thence to Quiberon Bay, forming a chain of lookouts to intercept
-vessels of all kinds, but especially the coasters upon
-which the port depended for supplies; while other cruisers
-were stationed all along the shores of the Bay of Biscay,
-from the mouth of the Loire to Cape Finisterre, and their
-captains specially incited and encouraged to approach and
-scour the coast. In the various "cutting out" expeditions
-engaged in by these, the numerous small vessels captured
-are usually stated to have been loaded with stores for the
-Brest fleet. By this means, if the enemy did not come out
-and fight to break up the blockade, he must soon be reduced
-to impotence by exhaustion of the commonest supplies. As
-there were in Brest, in 1800, forty-eight ships-of-the-line,
-French and Spanish, a combination resulting from Bruix's
-cruise of the year before, this end was soon obtained, as
-French accounts abundantly testify.
-<a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[Pg 373]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The immediate adoption and enforcement of these measures,
-after St. Vincent succeeded to the command, illustrate
-clearly the inevitable dependence of the government upon
-the admiral of the Channel fleet, and its inability to conceive
-or enforce the system by which alone so necessary
-yet hazardous a service could be effectually performed.
-Only a thorough seaman, and of exceptional force of character,
-could both devise and execute a scheme demanding
-so much energy and involving so heavy a responsibility. It
-was hard to find a man of St. Vincent's temper to carry
-out his methods; and the government was further handicapped
-by a tradition requiring a certain rank for certain
-commands. So strong was the hold of this usage that even
-St. Vincent, in 1801, yielded to it, lamenting that Nelson,
-"of whom he felt quite sure, had not rank enough to take
-the chief command" of the vitally important expedition to
-Copenhagen; which was entrusted to Sir Hyde Parker, "of
-whom he could not feel so sure, because he had never been
-tried."<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a>
-Later, when First Lord of the Admiralty, Earl St.
-Vincent was fortunate enough to find in Admiral Cornwallis a
-man who, whatever his intellectual grasp, possessed all the
-nerve and tenacity of his predecessor; but the necessary rank
-was too apt to bring with it a burden of years, accompanied
-by the physical weakness which, in lesser men, led to failing
-energy and shrinking from responsibility, and by actual
-prostration drove even St. Vincent ashore in the winter
-weather. His predecessor, Lord Bridport, had been well on
-in the seventies, and his first successor, Sir Hyde Parker, announced
-his intention "not to risk staying with the whole
-fleet off Brest at this season [winter], when it blows hard
-from west or west-south-west,"<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a>—a decision which may
-have been no more than prudent, but the open avowal of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[Pg 374]</a></span>
-which, taken with Nelson's opinion of him,
-<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> seems to show
-that, though a brave and good officer, he was not equal to
-the stern work demanded.</p>
-
-<p>Lord St. Vincent, though perfectly satisfied with his own
-arrangements, doubtless never cherished the vain hope that
-no evasion of them could ever be practised. On the contrary,
-he had at the very outset of his command, and in the
-comparatively genial month of May, the experience of a
-terrific hurricane, which drove his fleet headlong to Torbay,
-and rejoiced the hearts of the cavilling adherents of the old
-system. That the fleet must at times be blown off, he
-knew full well; and also that the escape of the enemy, in
-whole or in part, before its return, was possible, though it
-ought not to be probable. To provide against this contingency,
-he recommended the government to give to the officer
-commanding the inshore squadron, who would remain,
-special orders in a sealed packet to be opened only in case
-the enemy got out.<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a>
-The failure to provide Colpoys with
-such specific directions had been charged by the Opposition,
-and most justly, as a grave fault of the government in
-1796.<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a>
-It is right and wise to leave great discretion to the
-officer in command on the spot,—minute instructions fetter
-rather than guide him; but a man in Colpoys's situation,
-bewildered as to the enemy's objects, aware only that
-the first line of defence is forced, but ignorant where the
-second will be assailed, is entitled to know precisely what
-the government considers the most important among the
-interests threatened. This decision is one for the statesman
-rather than the seaman. Not only, in 1796, was Ireland
-distinctly the most vulnerable point, but the ministers
-had information, almost to certainty, that there was the
-enemy's aim.</p>
-
-<p>In 1800, as when Bruix escaped in 1799, circumstances
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[Pg 375]</a></span>
-were somewhat different. The disaffection, or at least the
-disloyalty, of the Irish had been shown to be a broken reed
-for the enemy to lean on; while in the Mediterranean the
-French had acquired, in Egypt and Malta, interests peculiarly
-dear to the First Consul. Those valuable possessions
-were in deadly straits, and the attempt to relieve them was
-more probable than another attack on Ireland. St. Vincent,
-therefore, wrote to the then head of the Admiralty,
-saying with perfect propriety that it became him, "in the
-situation I stand at this critical period, to suggest to your
-lordship any ideas for the good of the public service," and
-suggesting that Sir James Saumarez, commanding the inshore
-squadron, should have specific orders that, "if the
-combined fleets get out before I can return to the rendezvous,
-he should in that case push for Cadiz with the eight
-ships-of-the-line stationed between me and the Goulet; for
-I," he added, "shall have sufficient force to protect England
-and Ireland, without counting upon his eight sail." Such
-instructions completed the scheme; precise, but not detailed,
-they provided for the second line, in case the careful precautions
-for guarding the first were foiled.</p>
-
-<p>The dispositions adopted by St. Vincent remained the
-standard to which subsequent arrangements for watching
-Brest were conformed. From Commander-in-Chief of the
-Channel fleet he became, in February, 1801, First Lord of
-the Admiralty. In this position he naturally maintained
-his own ideas; and, as has before been said, found in Cornwallis
-a man admirably adapted to carry them out. In
-May, 1804, the ministry with which he was connected resigned;
-but, although as an administrator he provoked
-grave criticism in many quarters, and probably lost reputation,
-his distinguished military capacity remained unquestioned,
-and the methods of the Brest blockade were too
-sound in principle and too firmly established to be largely
-modified. During the strenuous months from 1803 to 1805,
-when Great Britain and France stood alone, face to face,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[Pg 376]</a></span>
-in a state more of watchful tension than of activity, the
-Channel fleet kept its grip firm on the great French arsenal.
-Nelson's justly lauded pursuit of Villeneuve would have
-been in vain, but for the less known tenacity of Cornwallis;
-which, by preventing the escape of Ganteaume, was one of
-the most potent factors in thwarting Napoleon's combinations.
-Wherever else the great naval battle which has
-immortalized the name of Trafalgar might have been
-fought, the campaign would have taken a different form
-but for the watch over Brest conducted on St. Vincent's
-lines.</p>
-
-<p>The result of this strict blockade and of the constant
-harrying of the French coasts from Dunkirk on the North
-Sea to the Spanish border, was to paralyze Brest as a port
-of naval equipment and construction, as well as to render
-very doubtful the success of any combination in which the
-Brest fleet was a factor. This result has been, historically,
-somewhat obscured; for abortive attempts to get out obtained
-no notoriety, while an occasional success, being
-blazoned far and wide, made an impression disproportioned
-to its real importance. When Ganteaume, for instance, in
-January, 1801, ran out with seven ships-of-the-line,—the
-blockading fleet having lost its grip in a furious north-east
-gale,—more was thought of the escape than of the fact that,
-to make it, advantage had to be taken of weather such that
-six of the seven were so damaged they could not carry out
-their mission. Instead of going to Egypt, they went to
-Toulon. The journals of the day make passing mention of
-occasional sorties of divisions, which quickly returned to
-the anchorage; and Troude, in a few condensed sentences,
-under the years 1800 and 1801,<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a>
-<a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a> vividly shows the closeness
-of the watch and the penury of the port. Remote from the
-sources of naval supplies in the Baltic and the Mediterranean,
-with the sea approaches to both swarming with enemy's
-cruisers, and in a day when water carriage, always
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[Pg 377]</a></span>
-easier and ampler than that by land, was alone adequate
-to the transport in sufficient quantity of the bulky articles
-required for ship building and equipment, it became
-impossible to fill the storehouses of Brest.</p>
-
-<p>Partly for this reason, yet more because his keen military
-perceptions—at fault only when confronted with the technical
-difficulties of the sea—discerned the danger to Great
-Britain from a hostile navy in the Scheldt, Napoleon decided
-to neglect Brest, and to concentrate upon Antwerp
-mainly his energies in creating a navy. In later years this
-prepossession may have partaken somewhat of the partiality
-of a parent for a child; and he himself has said that
-there was a moment, during his receding fortunes in 1814,
-when he could have accepted the terms of the allies had he
-been able to bring himself to give up Antwerp. In close
-proximity to the forests of Alsace, Lorraine, and Burgundy;
-able to draw from the countries bordering on the Rhine
-and its tributaries flax and hemp, and from the mines of
-Luxemburg, Namur and Liège iron, copper and coal,—the
-naval resources of Antwerp could be brought to her on the
-numerous streams intersecting those countries, and were
-wholly out of reach of the British. Many were the difficulties
-to be overcome,—docks to be excavated, ships to be
-built, seamen gathered and trained, a whole navy to be
-created from nothing; but the truth remained that the
-strategic position of Antwerp, over against the mouth of the
-Thames and flanking the communications of Great Britain
-with the Baltic, was unequalled by any other single port
-under the emperor's control.</p>
-
-<p>The expedition against Ireland, thwarted by the elements
-in 1796, was never seriously renewed. It remained, to the
-end of his short life, the dream of Hoche. Transferred
-from the army of the Ocean to that of the Sambre and
-Meuse, his career there was cut short by the preliminaries
-of Leoben, by which Bonaparte extricated himself from the
-dangers of his advance into Carinthia. Sacrificed thus, as
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[Pg 378]</a></span>
-he felt, to the schemes of a rival, Hoche supported with all
-the weight of his interest an expedition of fifteen thousand
-men, who, under the pressure of the Directory, were
-gathered in the Texel in the summer of 1797 for an invasion
-of Ireland under convoy of the Dutch navy. Here
-again Wolfe Tone for two months fretted his heart out,
-waiting for the fleet to sail; but, though the period seemed
-most propitious, through the mutinies in the British fleet
-and the cessation of hostilities on the continent, a peculiar
-combination of wind and tide were wanting to cross the bar,
-and that combination did not come. In October the Dutch
-ships-of-war, numbering sixteen small ships-of-the-line, put
-to sea by themselves, and on the 11th met the fleet of Admiral
-Duncan, of equal numbers but distinctly superior in broadside
-force. The British, having the wind, bore down and
-attacked—passing when possible through the enemy's line,
-so as to cut off his retreat to the Dutch coast, then less than
-ten miles distant. The battle, known by the name of
-Camperdown, from a village on the adjoining shore, was
-fought with all the desperation that in every age has marked
-the meetings of the British and the Dutch. It closed with
-the defeat of the latter, who left nine ships-of-the-line and
-some frigates in their enemy's hands. This put an end
-to the Texel expedition. Hoche had died a few weeks before,
-on the 18th of September; and with him passed away
-the strongest personal interest in the invasion of Ireland,
-as well as the man most able to conduct it.</p>
-
-<p>The following year, 1798, open rebellion existed in Ireland,
-and the Directory undertook to support it with troops
-and arms; but the equipment of Bonaparte's Egyptian expedition
-absorbed the energies of the Ministry of Marine,
-and there was no Hoche to give the enterprise the development
-and concert essential to a great success. A small
-division of four frigates sailed from Rochefort on the 6th
-of August, carrying twelve hundred troops under General
-Humbert, who had served in the expedition of 1796 and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[Pg 379]</a></span>
-shared the shipwreck of the Droits de l'Homme. This
-squadron escaped observation, landed its detachment on
-the 21st of the month, and returned safely to France; but
-the small corps, unsupported by regular troops, again demonstrated
-the imprudence of trusting to the co-operation
-of insurgents. On the 8th of September Humbert was
-obliged to surrender with the bulk of his force.</p>
-
-<p>A week later, before the news reached France, a ship-of-the-line,
-appropriately called the "Hoche," and eight frigates,
-under the command of Commodore Bompart, sailed from
-Brest, carrying a second division of three thousand troops.
-Though they escaped the eyes of Bridport's vessels, if there
-were any in the neighborhood, by running through the Passage
-du Raz, they were seen on September 17, the day after
-sailing, by three British frigates; one of which, after ascertaining
-that the French were really going to sea, went to
-England with the news, while the others continued to dog
-the enemy, sending word to Ireland of the approaching
-danger as opportunity offered. On the 4th of October, in
-a gale of wind, the enemies separated, and the French commodore
-then made the best of his way towards his destination,
-in Lough Swilly, at the north end of Ireland; but the
-news had reached Plymouth on the 23d of September, and
-when he drew near his port he found the way blocked by
-three British ships-of-the-line and five frigates, which had
-sailed at once for the insurgent district. An engagement
-followed, fought on the 12th of October, under circumstances
-even more disadvantageous than that of mere numbers,
-for the "Hoche" shortly before the action had lost some
-of her most important spars. Of the little squadron, she
-and three frigates were compelled to surrender that day,
-and three more were intercepted later by British vessels,
-so that only two of the expedition regained a French port.
-The enthusiastic and unfortunate Irishman, Wolfe Tone,
-was on board the "Hoche" and wounded in the action.
-He shortly afterwards committed suicide in prison. A
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[Pg 380]</a></span>
-third French division had sailed from Rochefort on the
-very day the "Hoche" was captured. It succeeded in
-reaching Ireland; but learning the fate of Bompart's squadron,
-returned without landing the troops. This was the
-last of the expeditions against Ireland that sailed from
-French ports. Other interests and other rulers combined
-with the pronounced naval ascendency of Great Britain to
-give a different direction to the efforts of the republic.</p>
-
-<p class="p4 ac">
-END OF VOL. I.
-</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
-Martin, Histoire de France, vol. xix. p. 370.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
-Nineteenth Century Review, June, 1887, p. 922.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
-Lord John Russell's Life of Fox, vol. ii. p. 137.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
-Annual Register, vol. 27, p. 10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
-See Annual Register, 1769, pp. 2-4; 1770, pp. 27-41, 67, 71, 75.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
-Annual Register, 1788, p. 59.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a>
-King's Message, March 29, 1781.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
-Fox's Speeches (London, 1815), vol. iv. p. 178.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a>
-Parl. Hist., vol. xxix. pp. 75-79.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a>
-Annual Register, 1791, p. 102.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a>
-Annual Register, 1793; State Papers, p. 118.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a>
-Annual Register, 1793; State Papers, pp. 127, 128.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la République, p. 49.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a>
-Nap. to Decrès, Aug. 29, 1805.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a>
-Troude, Batailles Nav., vol. iii. p. 370.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a>
-Moniteur, Jan. 19, 1790, p. 82.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la République, p. 11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a>
-Ibid., p. 12.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a>
-Guérin, Histoire de la Marine, vol. iii. p. 156 (1st ed.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a>
-Troude, Batailles Nav. de la France, vol. ii. p. 201.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a>
-Guérin, Hist. Mar., vol. iii. p. 195 (1st ed.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a>
-Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. 2, p. 320.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a>
-Guérin, vol. iii. p. 213.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a>
-Guérin, vol. iii. p. 153.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a>
-See Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la République, pp. 20-23.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a>
-The decree of April 22 is in the Moniteur of the 23d. That of the 28th
-is not; but it will be found in the "Collection Générale des Décrets rendus
-par l'Ass. Nat." for April, 1791.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a>
-The word <i>entretenu</i>, here rendered "paid," is difficult to translate. The
-dictionary of the French Academy explains it to mean an officer kept on pay,
-without necessarily being employed. Littré says that an officer "non entretenu"
-is one not having a commission. The word carries the idea of permanence.
-By the decree of April 28, "enseignes non entretenus" had no pay
-nor military authority, except when on military service; nor could they wear
-the uniform, except when so employed.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a>
-Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 260.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a>
-Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. pp. 261, 262.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a>
-Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 397.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a>
-Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 396.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a>
-Guérin, Hist. de la Mar., vol. iii. p. 411 (note). (Ed. 1848.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép., p. 126.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép., p. 126.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a>
-Jurien de la Gravière, Guerres Mar., vol. i. p. 138 (1st ed.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a>
-Ibid., vol. i. p. 139 (1st ed.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép., pp. 51, 52.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép., pp. 97-101.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a>
-Chevalier, p. 42.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Rép. p. 219.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a>
-Tronde, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 423.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a>
-Letter of the Ordonnateur de la Marine, Najac; Jurien de la Gravière,
-Guerres Mar. (4th ed. App.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous le Consulat, p. 47.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a>
-Ibid., p. 49.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a>
-Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. iii. p. 337.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a>
-La Gravière, Guerres Mar., p. 51.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Rép., p. 132.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a>
-See <a href="#CHAPTER_VI">Chapter VI</a>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous le Consulat, p. 43.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a>
-Collingwood's Correspondence, p. 48. (First American from fourth
-London edition.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a>
-Nelson's Dispatches, vol. vi. p. 480.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a>
-Collingwood's Correspondence, pp. 265, 266.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a>
-Collingwood's Correspondence, p. 208.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a>
-Brenton's Naval History, vol. i. p. 415. (Ed. 1823.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a>
-Brenton's Naval History, vol. i. p. 455.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a>
-James' Nav. Hist. vol. i. p. 53 (ed. 1878). This system had been
-adopted in France a century before by Colbert (Revue Mar. et Coloniale,
-September, 1887, p. 567).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a>
-Brenton's Nav. Hist., vol. ii. p. 105.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a>
-James' Nav. Hist., vol. i. pp. 57, 58.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a>
-Guerres Mar., vol. i. p. 49 (1st ed.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a>
-James, vol. i. p. 55.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a>
-Guerres Mar., vol. i. p. 164 (note).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp. i. 309-311.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., i. p. 312.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a>
-Ibid., ii. pp. 70, 77, 241.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a>
-Life of Sir Jahleel Brenton.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a>
-James' Nav. Hist., vol. i. p. 54. (Ed. 1878).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a>
-For example, that any captain surrendering to a force less than double
-his own should suffer death; and if of a ship-of-the-line, to any number of
-enemies unless the vessel was actually sinking. The same fate awaited
-him who, in a fleet action, allowed the line to be broken. So also the
-decree not to give quarter. See Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép., p. 128;
-Guérin, Hist. de la Mar., vol. iii. p. 395.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a>
-The Peninsular War, so brilliant in many of its features and in the end
-so triumphantly successful, has some analogies to the smaller expeditions
-here criticised, and may be thought to refute the remarks in the text. The
-analogy, however, fails in some very decisive points. The landing and base
-of operations at Lisbon were in the territory of an ally of long standing; the
-projected advance was into a country in general insurrection against foreign
-rule; above all, the position of Lisbon and its distance from France imposed
-upon the French, in case they advanced against it in great force as they
-did in 1810, a long and very difficult line of communication, while the
-British had the sea open. Toulon, in 1793, was disadvantageous to the
-British as compared with Lisbon in 1809, because farther from England
-and in France. For remarks on Peninsular War see
-<a href="#NOTE">note at end of this
-chapter</a>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a>
-For the strategic discussion of the British naval dispositions on the
-occasion of the Irish Expedition of 1796, see
-<a href="#CHAPTER_XI">Chapter XI.</a></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a>
-Brenton's Life of St. Vincent, vol. i. p. 295.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a>
-Of the thirty ships-of-the-line in Toulon when occupied by the allies,
-three or four had been sent to Rochefort without guns, carrying French
-prisoners whom it was inconvenient to keep.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a>
-The author is keenly aware that this policy, of garrisoning several somewhat
-separated ports, is seemingly inconsistent with sound military principles
-as to concentration, as well as with what he himself has elsewhere said about
-the proper dispositions for maintaining military control of a maritime region.
-It is, therefore, well to explain that those principles and dispositions apply
-where the belligerent navies are so far equal as to create a real struggle.
-This was not the case in the French Revolution. Great Britain had undisputed
-naval supremacy in the West Indies, and the question before her was,
-not to beat the enemy's fleet, but to secure her own commercial routes. To this
-end it was necessary to disseminate, not concentrate her ships, and to provide
-them with convenient centres of refuge and supply along the routes. The
-case was analogous to the police arrangements of a city. In ordinary quiet
-times the police are distributed to cope with individual offenders; when a
-mob gathers and threatens the peace they are concentrated in large bodies.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a>
-Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, vol. iv. p. 454.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a>
-Ardouin, Études sur l'Hist. de Haïti, vol. iv. p. 45.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a>
-Account of Jamaica, London, 1808, pp. 51, 52.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a>
-Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 326.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a>
-Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 327. James says May 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a>
-See <i>ante</i> <a href="#Page_101">p. 101</a>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a>
-A ship is said to be hove-to when some of the sails are so arranged
-as to move her ahead and others to force her astern,—the result being that
-she remains nearly in the same spot, but drifts slowly to leeward.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a>
-Villaret had been joined on the 19th of May by a ship-of-the-line, which
-had separated from Nielly's squadron; this raised his force from twenty-five
-to twenty-six.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a>
-A raking shot is one that passes from end to end, lengthwise, of a ship,
-instead of across, from side to side. It not only ranges through a greater
-space within, but attacks more vital parts, particularly about the stern, where
-were the rudder and the more important officers of a ship.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a>
-Another advantage in engaging to leeward was that the lower-deck
-batteries, which contained the heaviest guns, were so near the water that a
-ship heeling over with a strong breeze could not always open her lee ports.
-The lee ship of two opponents, using her weather guns, would escape this
-inconvenience and have a proportionate advantage. On the First of June
-the weather was too moderate to affect the use of the lower-deck batteries;
-but on the 29th of May, the "Queen Charlotte," using her lee as well as her
-weather guns as she broke through the French line, had the lower deck full
-of water. One of her officers, Lieutenant (afterwards Admiral) Codrington,
-being knocked down by the recoil of a gun and thrown to the lee side of the
-deck, could, when leaning on his left arm, barely keep his head out of water.
-(Life of Admiral Codrington.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a>
-A whimsical incident is told as occurring in this grim scene of slaughter
-and destruction. "The 'Brunswick' had a large figurehead of the Duke, with
-a laced hat on. The hat was struck off by a shot during the battle. The crew
-of the ship sent a deputation to the quarter-deck to request that Captain Harvey
-would be pleased to order his servant to give them his laced cocked-hat
-to supply the loss. The captain, with great good-humor, complied, and the
-carpenter nailed it on the Duke's head, where it remained till the battle was
-finished." (Barrow's Life of Howe.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a>
-Official narrative of the loss of the "Vengeur," by the survivors. Troude,
-Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 355.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a>
-The speech of Barrère in the National Convention was as follows: "Imagine
-the 'Vengeur' ship-of-the-line pierced with cannon shot, opening in
-all directions, and surrounded by English tigers and leopards, a crew composed
-of wounded and dying men, battling against the waves and the cannon.
-All at once the tumult of the action, the fear of danger, the pain-stricken
-cries of the wounded cease; all mount or are carried upon deck. Every flag,
-every pennant is hoisted. Cries of 'Vive la République!' 'Vive la Liberté
-et la France!' are heard on all sides; it is the touching and animated spectacle
-of a civic festival, rather than the terrible moment of a shipwreck. For a
-moment they must have thought upon their fate. But no, citizens, our
-brothers thought no more upon that, they see only the English and their
-country. They choose rather to be engulfed than to dishonor her by a surrender.
-They hesitate not an instant. Their last prayers are for liberty and
-for the Republic. They disappear."</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a>
-The French accounts state that he remained until eight <span class="sc">P.M</span>.,
-during all
-which time he might have been attacked. The English on the contrary say
-that the whole French fleet was out of sight by quarter past six. The question
-is not material, for it is certain that Villaret did remain for some time,
-and that he would not have been attacked had he stayed longer.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a>
-Life of Admiral (then Lieutenant) Codrington.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a>
-Barrow's Life of Lord Howe, p 256. There are similar statements as
-to the bearing of Howe and Curtis made by Admiral Codrington.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a>
-At noon of June 1, by the "Queen Charlotte's" log-book, the island of
-Ushant bore east one-half north, distant 429 miles.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a>
-The carelessness with which naval affairs are too often described by
-general historians may be illustrated by the account of this battle given by
-one of the most distinguished. "Lord Howe gained so decisive a success
-from the adoption of the same principles which gave victory to Frederic at
-Leuthen, to Napoleon at Austerlitz, and to Wellington at Salamanca, viz.:
-<i>to direct an overwhelming force against one half of the enemy's force</i>, and making
-the attack obliquely, keeping the weather gage of the enemy, to render it
-impossible for the ships to leeward to work up to the assistance of those engaged.
-By this means he reduced one half of the enemy's fleet to be the passive
-spectators of the destruction of the other.... Had he succeeded <i>in penetrating
-the line at all points</i>, or had his captains implicitly obeyed his directions
-in that particular, and engaged the whole to leeward, he would have brought
-twenty ships-of-the-line to Spithead." (Alison's "History of Europe.") How
-an attack upon one half of the line is consistent with penetrating the same
-line at all points does not clearly appear; but the statement concerning
-Lord Howe's principle of action on the 1st of June is absolutely contrary to
-all the facts, although Alison had James's painstaking work before him and
-refers to it frequently. His statement is that of Jomini's "Guerres de la
-Révolution Française;" but the latter author writes only as a military man,
-introduces naval matters merely incidentally, and was doubtless misled in the
-scanty information attainable when he wrote.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a>
-It is a curious coincidence, though not necessarily significant, that the
-number of men hit in each of these ships was nearly the same. The "Royal
-Sovereign" lost fifty-four, the "Queen" fifty-four, and the "Glory" fifty-two.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a>
-Brenton, in his naval history of Great Britain, tells an amusing story of
-the captain of one of the ships a little to Howe's left, which at once characterizes
-a type of officer and illustrates the above remark. He was, Brenton
-says, so occupied with preserving his station by the azimuth compass that he
-lost sight of his intended antagonist, and in the smoke never found him.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a>
-James, Nav. Hist., vol. i. p. 144. (Ed. 1878.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a>
-Troude says that he reached his station on the 21st of May. Bat. Nav.,
-vol. ii. p. 330.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a>
-Many years later Admiral Villaret was governor of Martinique. When
-that island was taken by the British in 1809, he went to England as a passenger
-in a ship commanded by Capt. E. P. Brenton. This officer in his
-naval history states that Villaret told him that Robespierre's orders were to
-go to sea, and that, if the convoy fell into Howe's hands, his head should answer
-for it. Therefore he avoided action so long, and endeavored to draw
-Lord Howe out of the track of the convoy. The loss of the ships taken was
-to him a matter of comparative indifference. "While your admiral amused
-himself refitting them, I saved my convoy, and I saved my head."</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a>
-Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. ii. p. 337. Chevalier, Hist. de la Mar. Fran. sous
-la Rép., p. 144.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a>
-Ross's Life of Saumarez, vol. i. p. 146.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a>
-Page 140.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a>
-Martin, Hist. de France depuis 1789, vol. ii. p 240.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., ii., p. 32.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép. p. 216. Life of Adm. Codrington,
-vol. i. pp. 36, 37.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a>
-See <i>post</i>, <a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">Chap. VIII</a>.,
-Martin's actions with Hotham.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a>
-Jomini, Guerres de la Rév., livre viii. p. 74.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a>
-Jomini, Guerres de la Rév., livre ix. p. 341.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a>
-L'horrible route de la Corniche sous le feu des cannonières
-anglaises.—<span class="sc">Jomini</span>,
-<i>Guerres de la Rév.</i>, livre x. p. 62.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a>
-Life of Lord Minto, vol. ii. p. 274.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép., p. 174.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p. 26.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a>
-Mar. Fran. sous La Rép., p. 186.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p. 50.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a>
-See <i>ante</i>, <a href="#Page_176">p. 176</a>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a>
-"We cannot get another mast this side of Gibraltar." (Nels Disp., May
-4, 1795.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a>
-James, vol. i. p. 297. Nelson says six. (Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p 47.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a>
-Jomini, Guerres de la Rév., livre viii. p. 75.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a>
-The effects were, however, very severely felt in France. (Corr. de Nap.,
-vol. i., pp. 65, 79, 95.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p. 84.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a>
-The Austrian generals say, and true, they were brought on the coast at
-the express desire of the English to co-operate with the fleet, which fleet nor
-admiral they never saw.—<i>Nels. Disp.</i>, vol. ii. p. 213.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p. 98a. See also p. 110.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., June 6, 1800.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a>
-Ibid., vol. ii., p. 64.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a>
-For Nelson's complaints about the force under his command, see ibid.,
-pp. 106-114.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p. 118.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p. 63.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a>
-Commentaires de Nap., vol. i. p. 112.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép. p. 251.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a>
-Comment. de Nap., vol. i. p. 71.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., vol. ii. p. 128.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. i. p. 465.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a>
-For O'Hara's characteristics, see life of Lord Minto, vol. ii. pp. 190, 195.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a>
-See Nelson's Disp., vol. ii. p. 258, note.
-</p>
-<p>
-The letter of the Admiralty to Admiral Mann may possess some interest as
-an example of the official correspondence of the day, as well as an expression
-of disapprobation too profound for reproach:—
-</p>
-<p>
-<span class="sc">Sir</span>,—I have received and communicated to my Lords
-Commissioners of
-the Admiralty your letter to me of the 29th December, giving an account of
-your proceedings and of the severe [several?] occurrences which have taken
-place during your passage from Gibraltar, with the squadron under your command;
-and I have their Lordships' commands to acquaint you that they cannot
-but feel the greatest regret that you should have been induced to return
-to England with the squadron under your orders, under the circumstances in
-which you were placed.
-</p>
-<p>
-I have their Lordships' further commands to acquaint you that orders will
-be to sent to you, either by this or to-morrow's post, to strike your flag and
-come on shore.</p>
-<p class="ac">I am, &amp;c.,</p>
-<p class="ar">
-<span class="sc">Evan Nepean</span>,<br />
-<i>Secretary to the Admiralty</i>
-</p>
-<p>
-Tucker's St. Vincent, vol. i. p. 216.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a>
-Life of Lord Minto, vol. ii. p. 358.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a>
-This was Jervis's opinion. (See Life of St. Vincent by Tucker, vol. i.
-p. 240; also Nelson's Dispatches, vol. ii. p. 294.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a>
-Napoleon's Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 76. See also generally pp. 73-80.
-The relief obtained by Bonaparte from the departure of the British crops
-out on every page.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a>
-Life of Lord Minto, vol. ii. p. 373.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a>
-The project of forcing the entrance to the Tagus by a squadron from
-Brest had been openly discussed in France. (Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous
-la République, p. 258.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a>
-An exciting incident occurred during this chase. In the height of it a
-man fell overboard. A boat was lowered and picked him up; but the
-enemy's ships were so close it became doubtful whether the British frigate
-could afford to await her return. Nelson, always generous to the verge of
-rashness, backed a topsail, saying "I won't let Hardy go," and succeeded in
-carrying him off. The anecdote gains in interest when it is remembered that
-Hardy, who was taken in the prize of December 20, had just been released
-from Spain; and that, as captain of the flag-ship at Trafalgar, he was witness
-of Nelson's fall and death-scene.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a>
-The distinguishing flag which shows a commodore is on board the
-ship.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a>
-A favorite project with the Directory, as with Napoleon, was to mass the
-French and Spanish navies in one great body; as had several times been
-done under Louis XVI. during the American Revolution. Such a combination
-was hoped for the Irish expedition of 1796; and, though too late for
-that purpose, the movement from Cartagena to Cadiz was regarded by the
-Directory as a step toward uniting the fleets. This was one of the objects of
-Bruix's adventurous sortie from Brest in 1799, when he actually brought
-back to that port in his train fifteen Spanish ships,—nominal allies, actual
-hostages. The combination at Trafalgar is well known. Later on the Emperor
-sought to build up a patch-work fleet out of all the minor navies of the
-Continent, as he pieced together out of all the nations the immense army
-which was swallowed up in his Russian enterprise. But here, as usually,
-a homogeneous body, centrally placed, triumphed over an incongruous
-coalition.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a>
-The stringent exactions of the close-hauled line-of-battle imposed upon
-a fleet, in the presence of an enemy, the tactical necessity of rectifying the
-order with any considerable change of wind,—an evolution whose difficulty
-increased in direct proportion to the number of the ships; and in a more
-than geometrical progression, when they were badly drilled.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a>
-Tucker's Life of St. Vincent, vol. i. p. 255.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a>
-James's Nav. Hist., vol ii. p. 37.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a>
-Nelson's Narrative. Dispatches, vol. ii. pp. 340, 343.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a>
-James states that these ships first came to the wind on the starboard
-tack, heading as did the British, "as if intending to weather the whole British
-fleet." The superior speed and weatherliness of the Spanish ships, if well
-handled, might have enabled them very seriously to molest the British in
-their attack; but, from the whole conduct of the Spaniards on this day, it is
-probable that the movement, if made, was only one of the successive vacillations
-of men who had put themselves in a false position. (Vol. ii. p. 39.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a>
-Notably in Keppel's action in 1778, in which he bore a distinguished part.
-See Mahan's Influence of Sea Power upon History, 1660-1783, p. 351.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a>
-"When the 'Prince George' tacked, the two three-deckers [of the Spanish
-lee division] tacked after us, and which the rest of the enemy's rear were
-about to do; but the commander-in-chief, with the ships of [our] centre and
-rear, following close, <i>covered us from their attack upon the rear of the ships
-with me</i>, and obliged them to re-tack ... and effectually divided the enemy's
-fleet." (Sir William Parker's narrative of the conduct of the British van. Nelson's
-Dispatches, vol. ii. p. 473.) The gallant admiral's style is confused, but
-his meaning is clear enough after half a dozen readings. He must not be
-taken for the very distinguished officer of the same name, but of the next
-generation.
-</p>
-<p>
-Both Parker and Nelson (Dispatches, vol. ii. pp. 340, 344) speak of the
-main Spanish division as "the van." In truth, when the "Culloden" interposed,
-the whole enemy's fleet were so nearly joined on the port tack as to
-seem in line, though disorderly and not quite connected.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a>
-Nelson's Narrative, Dispatches, vol. ii. pp. 341, 345.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a>
-Annual Register, 1797, p. 148.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a>
-Life of Lord Minto, vol. ii. p. 379.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a>
-See <a href="#CHAPTER_X">Chapter X.</a></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a>
-For a striking incident of St. Vincent's energy in suppressing mutiny,
-see <a href="#NOTE2">note</a>
- at end of this chapter.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a>
-April 19, 1797. Napoleon's Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 655.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a>
-Napoleon's Correspondence, vol. iii. p. 346.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a>
-Martin, Hist. de France depuis 1789, vol. ii. p. 479.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. ii. p. 590.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a>
-See <a href="#Page_235">page 235</a>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. ii. p. 622.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a>
-Ibid., vol. iii. p. 21.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a>
-Ibid., vol. iii. p. 73.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a>
-Ibid., p. 89.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., May 26, 1797, vol. ii. pp. 86, 87.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a>
-Ibid., Sept. 13, 1797, vol. ii. p. 392.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a>
-Ibid., Aug. 16, 1797, vol. ii. p. 311.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a>
-Bonaparte to Minister of Foreign Affairs, Corr., vol. iii. p. 392.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. iii. p. 313.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a>
-"Upon reaching Venice, Commodore, you will call, in company with the
-commanding general and the Minister of France, on the provisional government.
-You will tell them that the conformity of principles existing between
-the French and Venetian republics, and the protection granted by us to them,
-exact the prompt equipment of their navy, in order to concert with us, to
-maintain the mastery of the Adriatic and the islands; that for this purpose I
-have sent troops to Corfu, to preserve it to the Venetian Republic; and that
-henceforth it is necessary to work actively to put their navy in good condition.
-</p>
-<p>
-"You will get possession of everything under this pretext; having continually
-on your tongue the unity of the two republics, and using always the
-name of the Venetian Navy.... It is my intention to seize for the (French)
-Republic all the Venetian ships, and all the stores possible for Toulon." To
-Commodore Perrée, June 13, 1797.—<i>Napoleon's Correspondence</i>, vol. iii.
-p. 155. See also instructions to Admiral Brueys, ibid., p. 291.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. iii. pp. 519, 520.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. iii. p. 597.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a>
-Ibid., vol. iii. p. 609 (Dec. 14, 1797).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a>
-Ibid., p. 644 (Feb. 23, 1798).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. iii. p. 643.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a>
-Jurien de la Gravière, Guerres Maritimes (4th ed.), vol. i. p. 350.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a>
-So moderate a man as Collingwood wrote (Jan. 26, 1798): "The
-question is not merely who shall be conqueror, ... but whether we shall be
-any longer a people,—whether Britain is still to be enrolled in the list of
-European nations."—<i>Collingwood's Memoirs.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a>
-See Correspondence of Brueys with Bonaparte; Jurien de la Gravière,
-Guerres Maritimes (Appendix, 4th ed.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a>
-"There are fitting out at Brest but ten ships-of-the-line, which have
-no crews, and are still far from being in condition to keep the sea....
-The expedition against England would appear not to be possible before
-next year." (Corr. de Nap., vol. iii. p. 644, Feb. 23, 1798.) The British
-Channel fleet at this time numbered forty-seven of the line, exclusive of sixteen
-in the North Sea.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a>
-Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 35.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a>
-Marmont attributes the approach to Candia to a wish to give the shelter
-of the island to the numerous coasters in the convoy. (Mémoires du Duc de
-Raguse, vol. i. p. 362.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a>
-Bonaparte in his preparations laid special stress on having enough small
-vessels. "It is indispensable to have with the squadron the greatest attainable
-number of corvettes and despatch vessels. Send orders to all the ports
-for all such to join the fleet."—<i>Corr. de Nap.</i>, vol. iv. pp. 79, 80.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a>
-This statement is based on the plate in the "Commentaires de Napoléon,"
-vol. ii. p. 190. There are evident inaccuracies in the British positions
-there given (<i>e.g.</i>, for June 22, and in the approach to Alexandria); but that
-of the 25th seems probable. James states that on the night of June 22 the
-tracks of the two fleets crossed, but at a sufficient interval of time to prevent
-a meeting,—the more so as a constant haze prevailed. (Nav. Hist., vol. ii.
-p. 177.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a>
-Narrative in Naval Chronicle, vol. i. p. 48.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. iv. pp. 275-277.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a>
-In a chart of the old port of Alexandria, made in 1802 by Major Bryce
-of the Royal Engineers, attached to Abercromby's expedition, it is said that
-not less than five fathoms will be found throughout the middle passage. The
-directions add that heavy ships cannot get out unless with good weather for
-warping. This was Brueys's great objection to entering, and it was well
-taken; but the alternative of destruction was worse.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a>
-Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 128.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a>
-See <a href="#i-263.jpg">Coast Map,
-Alexandria to Rosetta, and Plan of the Battle of the
-Nile</a>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Mar. Fran, sous la République, p. 365.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a>
-A spring is a rope taken from the stern of a ship at anchor and fastened
-either to the riding cable or to an anchor suitably placed, so as to turn the
-broadside in the direction wished. Owing to the boats being away to get
-water when Nelson appeared, to the failure of many of them to return, and to
-the rapidity with which the attack was made, these precautions were not
-carried out.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a>
-Mahan's "Influence of Sea-Power upon History," pp. 469-478. Plates
-XVIII. and XIX.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a>
-Letter of DeGrasse to Kerguelen, Jan. 8, 1783. Hood "ranged his vessels
-in very close order (<i>très-serrés</i>), and it was impossible to pass between
-the land and them, as I wished."—<i>Kerguelen's Guerre Maritime de 1778</i>,
-p. 259.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a>
-Letter of Brueys to Bonaparte, July 13, 1798; La Gravière, Guerres
-Maritimes, vol. i. p. 367. This is a somewhat singular example of following
-a rule, the principle of which is not grasped. The rear of a column of sailing
-ships under way was the weaker end, because less easily helped by the van;
-but in a column of ships at anchor, head to wind, the weather ships were incomparably
-more exposed, the lee having a very hard pull to get up to them.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a>
-Narrative of Sir Edward Berry. See Naval Chronicle, vol. i. p. 52.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a>
-James, ii. p. 177. The Vanguard's Journal, quoted by Sir Harris
-Nicolas, Nelson's Disp. vol. iii. p. 49, says 4 <span class="sc">P. M.</span></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a>
-The ships-of-the-line needed nearly five fathoms in smooth water, more
-if there was much sea.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a>
-James's Naval History, vol. ii. p. 184 (ed. 1878). In the main, the
-author has followed James in the details of this and other battles, though not
-without careful comparison with other sources of information accessible
-to him.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a>
-Until after the middle of this century there were in the British navy
-three flags of the same general design, but with red, white, and blue grounds.
-Admirals were divided into three classes, of the Red, the White, and the Blue;
-and, according to their classification, ships under their immediate command
-showed the corresponding ensign. Nelson being at this time a rear-admiral
-of the Blue, his ships would usually carry the blue flag, almost invisible
-at night.
-</p>
-<p>
-At the present day all British naval vessels wear the white flag, and merchant
-ships the red.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a>
-The first attack of the thirteen British ships (counting among them the
-"Leander," fifty,) was confined to the eight head ships of the French line, down
-to and including the "Tonnant." As these were one by one crushed, the British
-dropped down and engaged those in the rear,—but with a vigor necessarily
-diminished by the injuries they had themselves received, not to speak of the
-physical fatigue induced by the labor and excitement of the previous hours.
-Nevertheless the "Mercure," when she hauled down her flag, had lost one hundred
-and five killed and one hundred and forty-eight wounded, and had but
-six guns that could be used. The loss of the "Heureux" is not stated, but she
-had nine feet of water in her hold. (Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép., pp.
-376, 377.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a>
-Jurien de la Gravière, Guerres Maritimes, vol. i. pp. 228-230; Chevalier,
-Mar. Fran. sous la République, pp 386-388. A letter from Villeneuve,
-justifying his inaction, is to be found in the former work, p. 231, and in
-Troude, Batailles Navales, vol. iii. p. 121.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. iv. p. 520.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a>
-The two that escaped were captured by Lord Nelson's squadron before
-July, 1800, when he resigned the Mediterranean command.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a>
-Chevalier, p. 381.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., vol. iii. p. 10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a>
-Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 84.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a>
-For this discussion see Nelson's Dispatches and Letters, vol. iii. pp. 62-65;
-also App. p. 474.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a>
-Ross's Life of Saumarez, vol. i. p. 228.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a>
-Nelson's Disp., vol. iii.; Appendix, p. 474. Letter of Admiral Browne.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a>
-The American novelist and naval historian, Fenimore Cooper, in the
-preface to the "Two Admirals," has attributed the whole tactical combination
-to the captains, on the authority of Captain Ball of the "Alexander,"
-speaking to the late Commodore Morris of the United States Navy, who in
-turn was Cooper's informant. This constitutes a perfectly respectable oral
-tradition, coming through intelligent men of unquestioned integrity; but
-when opposed to the contemporary written statement of Captain Berry, Nelson's
-flag-captain, who had the fullest opportunity of knowing the facts, it becomes
-impossible to doubt that somewhere in the chain of witnesses there has
-been a misunderstanding. That Captain Foley conceived on the moment the
-plan he executed is perfectly credible; but that the whole body of captains
-were inspired to carry out, as by mutual consent, a combination of which
-there had been no previous mention, is a marvel of which Berry's account of
-Nelson's constant discussions and explanations with his officers effectually
-disposes. (See Narrative of an Officer of Rank, etc. Naval Chronicle, vol. i.
-p. 52.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a>
-Marine Fran. sous la République, p. 381.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a>
-Commentaires de Napoléon, vol. ii p. 350.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a>
-"Good gunners would assuredly have modified the issue of these sinister
-dramas, for they would have crushed the English fleet at the first act."
-(Jurien de la Gravière, Guerres Mar., vol. ii. p. 225, 1st ed.). "If Nelson had
-led in upon an American fleet, as he did upon the French at the Nile, he
-would have seen reason to repent the boldness of the experiment." (Cooper,
-preface to "The Two Admirals.")</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a>
-Annual Register, 1798; State Papers, pp. 267-272.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a>
-Martin, Histoire de France depuis 1789, vol. iii. p. 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a>
-Martin, Hist. de France depuis 1789, vol. iii. p. 9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a>
-Ibid., p. 11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a>
-Martin, Hist. de France depuis 1789, vol. iii. p. 16.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a>
-Martin, Hist. de France depuis 1789, vol. iii. p. 24.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a>
-See <i>post</i>, Chapter XVII.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a>
-Annual Register, 1798; State Papers, p. 237.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a>
-Ibid. Martin, Hist. de France, vol. iii. p. 23.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. iv. pp. 226, 233.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a>
-Annual Register, 1798; State Papers, p. 276.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a>
-Martin, Hist. de France, vol. iii. p. 27.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a>
-Ibid. pp. 24, 25.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a>
-Jurien de la Gravière, Guerres Maritimes, vol. i. p. 229 (1st ed.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a>
-Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 105.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a>
-This division consisted of the "Vanguard," flag-ship, which had not had
-proper lower masts since she was dismasted immediately after entering the
-Mediterranean (p. 256); the "Culloden," that had beaten heavily on Aboukir
-reef for seven hours during the battle; and the "Alexander," both masts
-and hull in very bad order.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. iv. p. 660.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., vol. iii. p. 160.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a>
-Ibid., p. 204.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a>
-Commentaires de Napoléon, vol. iii. pp. 19, 20.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a>
-Of all obstacles that can cover the frontiers of an empire, a desert like
-that of Suez is indisputably the greatest. It is easy to understand that a fort
-at El Arish, which would prevent an enemy from using the wells and encamping
-under the palm-trees, would be very valuable.—<i>Commentaires de Napoléon</i>,
-vol. iii. p. 16.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a>
-For a graphic account of the anxieties of the French officers in Toulon,
-illustrated by letters, see Jurien de la Gravière's Guerres Maritimes (4th
-edition), pp. 352-362. (Appendix.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. v. p. 276.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a>
-Ibid., vol. iv., Letter to Directory, Sept. 8, 1798 (postscript).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. v. pp. 385, 391, 392. It is interesting to note that
-by this mail Bonaparte seems first to have heard the word "conscript," applied
-to the system of which he later made such an insatiable use (p. 387).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a>
-Instructions pour le citoyen Beauchamp, Corr. de Nap., vol. v. pp.
-260-263.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a>
-Commentaires de Napoléon, vol. iii. p. 24.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a>
-The roadstead of Aboukir is not safe in winter. It can protect a
-squadron during the summer. (Commentaires de Nap., vol. ii. p. 235.) In Abercromby's
-expedition, 1801, "all the pilots accustomed to the Egyptian coast
-declared that till after the equinox it would be madness to attempt a landing."
-(Sir R. Wilson's History of British Expedition to Egypt, 2d edition, p. 6.)
-The fleet then lay in Aboukir Bay from March 2 to March 8, before landing
-could be made.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. v. p. 402, where the reasons for the Syrian expedition
-are given categorically, and can probably be depended upon as truthful.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a>
-Barrow's Life of Sir Sidney Smith, vol. i. p. 244.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a>
-The opinion of a French officer may be worth quoting. "Although
-every one knows what he is, I will nevertheless say a word about Sir Sidney
-Smith. He has something at once of the knight and of the charlatan. A
-man of intelligence, yet bordering upon insanity, with the ability of a leader,
-he has thought to honor his career by often running absurd risks, without
-any useful end, but only to be talked about. Every one ridicules him, and
-justly; for in the long run he is wearisome, though very original." (Mémoires
-du Duc de Raguse (Marmont), vol. ii. p. 30.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a>
-The melodramatic painting of Sir Sidney Smith in the breach at Acre
-represents graphically the popular impression of his character. See frontispiece
-to Barrow's Life of Sir Sidney Smith.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a>
-Smith escaped from Paris on the 25th of April; Bonaparte left Paris
-May 2; Nelson sailed from Cadiz on his great mission May 2,—a very
-singular triple coincidence.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a>
-Brenton's Life of Lord St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 6; Barrow's Life of Sir
-Sidney Smith, vol. i. p. 236.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a>
-Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 216. The Admiralty, upon remonstrance,
-emphatically denied any such purpose. (Ibid., p. 335.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a>
-For Nelson's attitude until he received orders (Feb. 1, 1799) from St.
-Vincent to take Smith under his orders, see Dispatches, vol. iii. pp. 223, 224.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., vol. iii. pp. 204, 205.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a>
-Mémoires de Bourrienne, vol. ii. pp. 243-245.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a>
-"The siege of Acre lasted sixty-two days. There were two periods.
-The first from March 19 to April 25, thirty-six days, during which the
-artillery of the besiegers consisted of two carronades, 32 and 24 pound, taken
-from British boats, and thirty-six field guns. The second period was from
-April 25 to May 21, twenty-six days." (Commentaires de Napoléon, vol. iii.,
-p. 63.) "During the latter period the park was increased by two 24-, and
-four 18-pounders." (Ibid, p. 82.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a>
-Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 351.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., June 26, 1799, vol. v. p. 617.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a>
-Commentaires de Napoléon, vol. iii. pp. 81, 82. It is only fair to say
-that an attempt was made by Perrée a few weeks later to land ammunition
-back of Mt. Carmel, when he was discovered and chased off. (Barrow's Life
-of Sir Sidney Smith, vol. i. p. 300.) Napoleon may have confused the two
-circumstances. His own correspondence (vol. v., pp. 517, 518) contradicts the
-landing near Acre. The guns were put on shore at Jaffa and thence dragged
-to Acre.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a>
-Schomberg's Naval Chronology. Appendix No. 374.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a>
-Ibid. Appendix No. 376.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a>
-See <a href="#i-343.jpg">map of Brest</a>
-in next chapter.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a>
-Naval Chronicle, vol. i. p. 537.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a>
-Ibid., p. 539.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a>
-Ibid., vol. ii. p. 81. Osler's Life of Lord Exmouth, p. 191.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a>
-Brenton's Life of St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 17.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a>
-"Admiral Bruix, being able to rely more on the devotion of his captains
-than upon their exactitude and precision in manœuvring, took pains before
-sailing to lay down the duties of a captain under all circumstances; carefully
-refraining, however, from making a special application of these lessons to
-any one individual, that their self-love might not be wounded. This wise precaution
-did not prevent new mistakes, whose consequences would have been
-much aggravated had we been obliged, by meeting the enemy, to manœuvre
-either to avoid or compel action." (Journal of Captain Moras, special aide-de-camp
-to Admiral Bruix. La Gravière, Guerres Maritimes, vol. i. p. 373.
-Appendix, 4th edition.)
-</p>
-<p>
-The gunnery, apparently, was equally bad. "I will cite only one fact to
-give an idea of the effects of our artillery. When Admiral Bruix was bringing
-to Brest the French and Spanish fleets, at least nine hundred guns were
-fired in very fine weather at an Algerian corsair without doing any harm. I
-do not believe that ever, in a combat of that kind, was so much useless firing
-done." (Article by "an officer of marine artillery;" Moniteur, 3 Fructidor,
-An 8 [Aug. 20, 1800].)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a>
-Two months later Lord Keith, having succeeded St. Vincent in the command,
-wrote to Nelson: "If Minorca is left without ships it will fall." (Nelson's
-Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 415, note.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a>
-Bruix did not have over a thousand troops with him, the pressure on the
-land frontiers by the Second Coalition demanding all the force that could be
-raised to resist it; but the fleet carried twenty-four thousand seamen or artillerists,
-a force capable by itself of accomplishing much. The reputation of
-the admiral caused both officers and men to flock to his flag.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a>
-"Port Mahon is a very narrow harbor, from which you cannot get out
-without great difficulty." (Collingwood's letters, August 18, 1799.) "Ships
-had better be under sail off Port Mahon than in the harbor." (Nelson's Dispatches,
-May 12, 1799.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a>
-Brenton's St. Vincent, vol. i. p. 493.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a>
-"I had the happiness to command a band of brothers." (Nelson's Dispatches,
-vol. iii. p. 230) The best of his Nile captains were, for the most
-part, still with him.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a>
-Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. pp. 366, 374.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a>
-See ante, p. <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a>
-Jurien de la Gravière, Guerres Maritimes, vol. i. p. 288 (4th edition);
-also James, Naval History, vol. ii. p. 264 (edition 1847). Other authorities
-say the 8th. The reconcilement seems to be that Bruix did not take his fleet
-to Genoa, but only a detachment; the main body anchoring in Vado Bay.
-He would thus leave Genoa the 6th, Vado the 8th.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a>
-"We avoided the enemy by skirting very close, and under cover of
-foggy weather, the coasts of Piedmont and Provence." (Journal of Captain
-Moras, special aid to Bruix. La Gravière, Guerres Maritimes, vol. i. p. 376.
-Appendix, 4th edition.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a>
-"In our passage before Toulon we learned the vexatious accidents which
-had happened to the Spanish fleet, and went to rejoin them at Cartagena."
-(Ibid. Also James, Nav. Hist., vol. ii. p. 264.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a>
-The British fleet was sighted off St. Tropez (Troude, vol. iii. p. 158);
-and fired upon by coast batteries near Antibes on June 6th. (James, Nav.
-Hist. vol. ii. p. 262).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a>
-Nelson's Dispatches, vol. iii. p. 379, note. This east wind seems to have
-been overlooked in the criticisms of Keith's conduct.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a>
-Cape delle Melle bore, on the 8th, N. N. E., distant ninety miles. James,
-Nav. Hist., vol. ii. p. 262.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a>
-Lord Keith's biographer (Allardyce) says he determined "to take
-Minorca on his way to Rosas" (p. 165); which was certainly a liberal construction,
-though not beyond the discretion of an officer in Keith's position.
-To take Minorca on his way to Rosas, from his position on the 8th, was to go
-two hundred miles to the former and one hundred and fifty more to Rosas,
-when the latter at the moment was not two hundred distant. He was a few
-miles nearer Rosas than Minorca, when he took the decision which finally
-wrecked the cruise.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a>
-Brenton's Life of St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 24.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a>
-It was during this time that Perrée's squadron was captured. See
-ante, p. <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a>
-Mutineers belonging to the "Impétueux," one of the division, were tried
-by court martial in Port Mahon, June 19 and 20. (Osler's Life of Lord Exmouth,
-p. 192. Nels. Disp., vol. iii. p. 415, note.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a>
-James, Nav. Hist., vol. ii. p. 265 (edition 1847). Nels. Disp., vol. iii
-p. 415 note.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a>
-Brenton's Life of St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 25.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a>
-Histoire de la Révolution, vol. x. p. 392, note.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., July 4, 1803, vol. v. p. 116.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a>
-Mar. Fran, sous la Rép. p. 415.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a>
-Ten or twelve British, four or five Portuguese; the former exceptionally
-well-ordered ships. (Nels. Disp., vol. iii. p. 365.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., vol. vii. p. 16.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a>
-To this must be added that, from conditions of wind and weather, Malta
-was very far from Toulon, much farther than Toulon from Malta. Of this
-Nelson complained often and bitterly in the later war, when commander-in-chief
-off Toulon. Malta was valuable, he said (Disp., vol. v. p. 107), as a most
-important outwork to India and for influence in the Levant; valueless against
-Toulon.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a>
-This is plain from his letter of June 6 to Nelson. (Ante, p. 313.)
-Keith's failure is usually attributed to St. Vincent's dispatches, received
-June 8; whereas the letter shows that he had decided to return to Minorca
-two days before receiving them.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., vol. iii. pp. 408 and 414, with notes.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp., vol. iii. p. 380.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a>
-Keith to Nelson, July 12, 1799; Nels. Disp., vol. iii. p. 419, note.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a>
-The larger number is the estimate in Napoleon's Commentaries, which
-ordinarily exaggerate the enemy's forces. (Vol. iii. p. 107.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. v. p. 710.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a>
-Commentaires de Napoléon, vol. iii. p. 89.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a>
-Corr. de Nap., vol. v. p. 56.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a>
-Ibid., p. 403 (Feb. 10, 1799).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a>
-See ante, p. <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a>
-Mém. de Bourrienne, vol. ii. p. 238.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a>
-Ibid., p. 305.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous le Consulat, etc., p. 16.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp. vol iv. p. 219, note.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a>
-Naval Chronicle, vol. iii. p. 149.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a>
-Napoleon's Commentaries give Sept. 26, 1799, as the date of this letter,—only
-a month after Bonaparte sailed. (Vol. iii. p. 183.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a>
-Nels. Disp. vol. iii. p. 296.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a>
-June 28, 1799. Corr. de Nap. vol. v. p. 622.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a>
-At the same time he made requisitions for clothing for double the
-number of men actually in Egypt, notifying the officers concerned that he did
-so to deceive Europe as to the strength of the army. Corr. de Nap. vol. v.
-p. 721. This has a significant bearing on the charges, made by him against
-Kleber, of exaggerating his weakness.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a>
-Annual Register, 1800; State Papers, p. 225. It may be added the
-commissioners first met on board Smith's ship.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a>
-For the convention of El Arish, see Annual Register, 1800, State Papers,
-p. 217.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a>
-Allardyce's Life of Lord Keith, pp. 226, 227.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a>
-"At the theatre last night I had a conversation with General Kilmaine
-[commanding the division intended to send into Ireland]. He told me
-... the arsenals at Brest are empty; and what stores they have in other
-ports they cannot convey thither, from the superiority of the naval force of the
-enemy, which kept everything blocked up." (Wolf Tone's Journal, June 16,
-1798.) In 1801 "the port of Brest lacked provisions. The difficulty of getting
-the convoys into it decided the First Consul to break up the fleet there and
-send part to Rochefort.... The Spanish admiral (who had come there with
-Bruix in 1799) was invited to escort the division. To equip the necessary
-ships, this officer had to give them equipments taken from the others of his
-squadron, and could obtain provisions only for seventeen days. Baffled by
-the winds and by the constant presence of the enemy, the ships did not sail."
-A combined expedition against the Cape of Good Hope failed for the same
-reason. "The blockade of the Dutch ports was no less rigorous than that of
-the coast of France." "At Brest, they lived from day to day. Villaret Joyeuse
-was ordered to go out with ten French and ten Spanish ships to support
-the entry of convoys. He did not go, and received another mission." (Troude,
-Batailles Navales, vol. iii. p. 222.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a>
-Nelson's Disp., vol. v. pp 300, 306, 411, 498.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a>
-See ante, p. <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a>
-There is between Ushant and the reefs a narrow passage, practicable for
-ships-of-the-line, which was surveyed under Lord St. Vincent; but it could
-only be used with pilots, and was rather a convenience than an important
-feature.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a>
-In the English Channel and the neighboring western coasts of Europe,
-winds from S.W. to N.W. prevail during three fourths of the days of the year,
-and are often exceedingly violent.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a>
-See "Twelve letters to the Rt. Hon. Spencer Perceval," by Capt. James
-Manderson, 1812; in which it is also said that Mr. Pitt was towards the end of
-his life much impressed with the advantages of Falmouth's position. To this
-opinion is probably due the following statement in a magazine of the day,
-during Pitt's short second administration: "It is now (Feb. 1805) determined
-that the Channel fleet shall in future rendezvous at Falmouth, and moorings
-are immediately to be laid down for fifteen sail-of-the-line." (Nav. Chron.,
-vol. xiii. p. 328.) Lord Exmouth seems to have shared this opinion. (Life,
-p. 140.) While Falmouth was by position admirably suited for a rendezvous,
-ships running for refuge to Torbay would have the wind three points more
-free, an advantage seamen will appreciate.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a>
-With the wind to the southward of south-east we know full well that no
-ship-of-the-line can get out of Brest.—<i>Letter of St. Vincent</i>; Tucker's Life,
-vol. ii. p. 119.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a>
-Tucker's Life of Earl St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 14.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a>
-See ante, p. <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a>
-See ante, pp. <a href="#Page_202">202</a>,
-<a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a>
-Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép., p. 265.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a>
-Rousselin's "Vie de Hoche," quoted by Troude, Bat. Nav., vol. iii. p. 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a>
-Before Rochefort.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a>
-See <a href="#i-343.jpg">map
-of Brest</a>, p. 343.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a>
-In performing this audacious service Pellew was somewhat favored by
-the fact that his ship was a French prize, easily mistaken for one of the expedition.
-He kept close, often within half gun-shot of the leading ship.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a>
-The greater part of the "Séduisant's" crew was saved.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a>
-"Fog so thick we cannot see a ship's length. Has been foggy all day."
-(Wolfe Tone's Journal, Dec. 18.) "The state of the weather was such that it
-was impossible for Admiral Colpoys to keep his own fleet under observation,
-and the air so hazy that fog guns had continually to be fired." (Parliamentary
-Hist. xxxiii, p. 12. March 3, 1797.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a>
-Wolfe Tone's Journal, Dec. 21, 1796.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a>
-James Nav. Hist. vol. ii. p. 7. Chevalier, Mar. Fran. sous la Rép. p. 281.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a>
-Bouvet was broken without trial by the Directory on the 15th of
-February, 1797, and was not restored to the navy until 1801, under the Consulate.
-Captain Chevalier's judgment is that "he despaired too soon of the
-success of the expedition, ... and forgot that he should have been inspired
-only by the great interests entrusted by accident to his hands." (Mar.
-Fran. sous la Rép., pp. 309, 311.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a>
-Chevalier. James makes the number captured to be seven.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a>
-See ante, <a href="#Page_306">p 306</a>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a>
-See post, Chap. XVI.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a>
-Parliamentary History, vol. xxxiii. pp. 113, 116. Wolfe Tone states that
-there were on board the ships of the expedition 41,160 muskets. (Journal, Dec.
-22, 1796.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a>
-Dundas's Speech, Mar. 3, 1797, Parl. Hist. vol. xxxiii. p. 12.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a>
-Ibid., vol. xxxiii. 13.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a>
-Ibid., vol. xxxiii. pp. 109, 111.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a>
-Speech of Lord Albemarle, ibid., p. 109.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a>
-Speech of Earl Spencer, First Lord of Admiralty, ibid., p. 111.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a>
-Dundas, Parl. Hist. vol. xxxiii. p. 13.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a>
-James's Nav. Hist., vol. ii. p. 21.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a>
-Of fifteen ships four were of ninety-eight guns or over. (Schomberg's
-Nav. Chronology, vol. iv. p. 525.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a>
-James, vol. ii. p. 20.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a>
-James's Nav. Hist., vol. ii. pp. 20, 22.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a>
-Earl Spencer's Speech, Parl. Hist., vol. xxxiii. p. 115.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a>
-Tucker's Life of Earl St. Vincent, vol. ii. pp. 10 and 70; the latter reference
-being to a letter from St. Vincent to the First Lord of the Admiralty.
-The incident occurred on board Bridport's flag ship, the "Royal George."</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a>
-Tucker's Life of Earl St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 58.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a>
-Ibid., vol. ii. p. 13.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a>
-Ibid., p. 114.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a>
-Ibid., p. 24.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a>
-Tucker's St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 114.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a>
-Ibid., p. 80.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a>
-Ibid., p. 78.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a>
-See Nelson's letter to Earl St. Vincent, Feb. 1, 1800. (Nelson's Dispatches.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a>
-Tucker, vol. ii. p. 121. Modern ships, so much more complex, are much
-more liable to derangement than those of St. Vincent; and, unless such pains
-as his are taken to make them self-sufficing, their officers and the dockyards
-will make a heavier drain on the force of the fleet than in his day. Perhaps
-in no point will provident administration more affect the efficiency of the fleet
-than in this.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a>
-Tucker's St. Vincent, vol. ii. pp. 13, 88.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a>
-Tucker's St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 14.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a>
-Ibid., p. 14.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a>
-Ibid., p. 115.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a>
-See Troude, Batailles Navales, 1800, 1801, vol. iii. pp. 190, 222, 223.
-"We had at Brest (in 1800) neither provisions nor material. The Franco-Spanish
-fleet there was of consideration only from its numbers." (Chevalier,
-Mar. Fran. sous le Consulat, p. 10.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a>
-Tucker's St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 136.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a>
-Naval Chronicle, vol. iv. p. 520.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a>
-See <i>post</i>, Chap. XIII.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a>
-Tucker's St. Vincent, vol. ii. p. 105.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a>
-Parliamentary History, vol. xxxiii. pp. 111-116.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-<p><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a>
-<a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a>
-Batailles Navales, vol. iii. pp. 187-190, 222, 223.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="transnote p2">
-<h3>Transcriber's Note:</h3>
-<ul>
- <li>Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note. Other
- corrections are noted below.</li>
- <li>Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained.</li>
- <li>Word combinations that appeared with and without hyphens were
- changed to the predominant form if it could be determined.</li>
- <li>Mid-paragraph illustrations have been moved between paragraphs
- and some illustrations have been moved closer to the text that
- references them. The paginations in the List of Illustrations
- have been adjusted accordingly.</li>
- <li>Footnotes were moved to the end of the book and numbered in one
- continuous sequence.</li>
- <li>Other corrections:
- <ul>
- <li>p. 278: "which did away the provincial independence" changed to
- "which did away with the provincial independence."</li>
- <li>p. 365: "the impotent conclusion" changed to "the important
- conclusion."</li>
- </ul>
- </li>
-</ul>
-</div>
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-<pre>
-
-
-
-
-
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