diff options
| author | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-05 10:50:10 -0800 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-05 10:50:10 -0800 |
| commit | 340ca2917afabd6fa2813cf7769a0adebef2d3fb (patch) | |
| tree | d8c625b82464b9221350584699302d97da411fd5 | |
| parent | 037104b7bfe8878c14409f6f0b79f1d0f0b4a1ae (diff) | |
| -rw-r--r-- | .gitattributes | 4 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | LICENSE.txt | 11 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | README.md | 2 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-8.txt | 4462 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-8.zip | bin | 100102 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h.zip | bin | 1481727 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/51496-h.htm | 6598 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-012.jpg | bin | 110013 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-024.jpg | bin | 67471 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-034.jpg | bin | 67925 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-042.jpg | bin | 100513 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-064.jpg | bin | 43078 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-076.jpg | bin | 56841 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-084.jpg | bin | 105164 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-088.jpg | bin | 74587 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-092.jpg | bin | 83398 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-094.jpg | bin | 90522 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-096.jpg | bin | 87898 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-102.jpg | bin | 81574 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-130-t.jpg | bin | 55013 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-130.jpg | bin | 181617 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-cover.jpg | bin | 96981 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51496-h/images/img-front.jpg | bin | 70854 -> 0 bytes |
23 files changed, 17 insertions, 11060 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..39e5cd7 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #51496 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/51496) diff --git a/old/51496-8.txt b/old/51496-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index ee69d70..0000000 --- a/old/51496-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4462 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Maximilian I, by R. W. Seton-Watson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Maximilian I - Holy Roman Emperor - -Author: R. W. Seton-Watson - -Release Date: March 19, 2016 [EBook #51496] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAXIMILIAN I *** - - - - -Produced by Al Haines - - - - - - - - -[Frontispiece: MAXIMILIAN IN 1502 Painting by A. de Predis] - - - - - MAXIMILIAN I - - HOLY ROMAN EMPEROR - - (Stanhope Historical Essay 1901) - - WITH NUMEROUS - ILLUSTRATIONS - - - - R. W. SETON-WATSON - - Commoner of New College - Oxford - - - - "Mein Ehr ist deutsch Ehr und - deutsch Ehr ist mein Ehr" - - - - WESTMINSTER - ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE & CO LTD - 2 WHITEHALL GARDENS - 1902 - - - - - BUTLER & TANNER, - THE SELWOOD PRINTING WORKS, - FROME, AND LONDON. - - - - -{v} - -PREFATORY NOTE - -No apology seems necessary for illustrating such an essay as the -present, save that it is an innovation. No one now denies the value of -portraits in rendering history more vivid; and it might be argued that -an essay dealing with a personality requires illustration more, not -less, than important historical studies. - -My best thanks are due to the Keeper of the Hope Collection of Engraved -Portraits, Oxford, and his assistants, for the use of eight of the -illustrations, and for their unfailing courtesy and ready assistance in -the selection; to the well-known publishers, Messrs. Velhagen & -Klasing, of Leipzig, for the use of illustrations 6, 7 and 12; and to -Herr Löwy, of Vienna, for the two photographs of Maximilian -(frontispiece) and Bianca Maria Sforza. - -The Imperial Arms of Maximilian, which appear upon the cover, are taken -from Sir David Lindsay's Scottish Heraldic Manuscript. - -But for a prolonged illness the essay would have undergone a much more -thorough revision. - - - - -{vii} - -ILLUSTRATIONS - -1. Maximilian in 1502--Painting by A. de Predis (from a photograph by -Herr J. Löwy, of Vienna) . . . (_frontispiece_) - -2. Mary of Burgundy (from the Hope Collection, Oxford) - -3. Anne of Brittany (from the Hope Collection, Oxford) - -4. Bianca Maria Sforza--Painting by A. de Predis (from a photograph by -Herr J. Löwy, of Vienna) - -5. Ludovico Sforza, Duke of Milan (from the Hope Collection) - -5. Armour of Maximilian (by permission of Messrs. Velhagen & Klasing, -Leipzig) - -7. Maximilian in 1518--Chalk Drawing of Dürer (by permission of Messrs. -Velhagen & Klasing, Leipzig) - -8. Sebastian Brant (from the Hope Collection) - -9. Conrad Peutinger (from the Hope Collection) - -10. Wilibald Pirkheimer (from the Hope Collection) - -11. Albrecht Dürer (from the Hope Collection) - -12. Das Rosenkranzfest--Painting by Dürer, with kneeling figure of -Maximilian (by permission of Messrs. Velhagen & Klasing) - -13. Conrad Celtes (from the Hope Collection) - -14. Genealogy of the Imperial House of Hapsburg - -Index - - - - -{viii} - - "Preis dem wackern Gemsenjäger! - Ruhm in Fehden, Ruhm in Frieden, - In Gedichten Ruhm beschieden - Dir, o ritterlicher Max!" - --_Max von Schenkendorf_. - - - - -{1} - -I - -There is a peculiar difficulty in bridging over long periods of -history, and in clearing our minds of the habits and prejudices of -to-day, before we criticize characters and events which belong to -distant periods and other lands. This difficulty, in spite of the -strange charm which encourages us to surmount it, makes itself all the -more felt in a Transition Period, such as the close of the fifteenth, -and the dawn of the sixteenth century. The breath of new ideas is in -the air. - -"The old order changeth, yielding place to new," but the old dreams are -not yet banished from the imagination, and the old ideals have not yet -wholly lost their power. Change is everywhere apparent, consummation -is still a dream of the far-distant future. To those who look for a -figure typical of the age, Maximilian stands forth pre-eminent. Heir -to all the splendid traditions of the Caesars and the later glories of -the Saxon and Franconian Emperors, he filled the highest position of -Germany, not in an attitude of indifference or aloofness, but devoting -all his energies and sympathies to every movement or aspiration of his -time. His actual achievements in the hard concrete of facts are, from -a national point of view, but small; but these are more than balanced -by his activity in other and more abstract directions. It is in his -relations to the budding thought of modern life that we can feel the -real charm and fascination of {2} Maximilian's character. For his was -a nature which could never rest satisfied with the past, and aspired to -ends which only the far distant future was destined to attain. - -Maximilian cannot fairly be judged solely from an historical -standpoint; from this a judgment in the main unfavourable would be -difficult to avoid. For his task was to bridge over a necessary period -of transition--to check the perils of innovation, to employ political -expedients which could not, from their very nature, stand the shock of -later developments, and to make shift with materials and resources -which were soon to be altered or replaced. Hence his achievements, -though of very real value to his own age, have left but few traces -visible to modern eyes. The Southern temperament which he inherited -from his mother often drove him into foolhardy adventures, from which -he only extricated himself with a loss of dignity. But the -questionable results of his headlong enthusiasms are atoned for by the -noble ideals which prompted them; and the very traits which were -disastrous to his political career have earned for him his truest -claims to greatness. - -To tell the life-story of an idealist seems to be repugnant to the most -modern of historical methods. Hard dry facts must be summoned to -describe his career; an array of political exploits and the wearisome -details of fruitless legal reforms must be poured forth in profitless -and unending monotony. The soul and its impulses, human or divine, -seem no longer to be admitted to the chamber of the historian, whose -dull and regulated pulse scorns to beat faster at the tragedy of human -lives. But if there is one case in which a true account must not be -limited to {3} mere facts, it is that of Maximilian. The specious -system of accumulating details, coldly balancing them, and leaving the -reader to judge, would be utterly unfair in his case. As well attempt -to do justice to Luther, while omitting the agonies and self-reproach -of his cloister life, the deep formative influence of those silent -months upon the Wartburg, as estimate Maximilian, the dreamer and -idealist, by the necessities of his purse or the extravagance of his -vast designs! His personality and his office do not by any means -coincide. There are many features of his character which have no -connexion with the government of his lands, which the historians of his -own day overlooked, and which would still be overlooked from a strictly -political and historical point of view. But while our admiration is -aroused by his active share in the great living movements of the age, -it must be confessed that his versatility and breadth of interest have -an unfortunate counterpart in the fickleness and lack of concentration -which led him to flit from scheme to scheme, without ever allowing any -single one to attain to maturity. Such inconstancy in a sovereign is -usually negatived, or at least held in bounds, by the apparatus of -government. But in this case all centred in Maximilian himself, and -not even the influential Matthew Lang was entirely trusted in high -affairs of state. As a rule, Maximilian could not endure to have men -of masterly or original character about him, mainly owing to the -passionate conviction with which he clung to his own opinions, and -partly perhaps to a half-conscious fear of unfavourable comparisons. -We are thus driven to the conclusion that his policy is mainly his own -work, and that, though inspired by lofty patriotism and definite family -and {4} territorial ambitions, he never succeeded in combining the two -motives, and finally left the problem unsolved and insoluble. But this -conviction should only serve to remind us that his greatest -achievements lie outside the province of politics. Indeed, regarded as -a whole, his life is not so much a great historical drama, as an epic -poem of chivalry, rich in bright colours and romantic episodes, and -crowded with the swift turns and surprises of fortune. - - - - -{5} - -II - -To describe the events of Maximilian's political career with any sort -of detail would be to narrate the history of Europe during one of its -most fascinating and complicated phases. To an essay such as the -present such a scheme must be entirely alien; and for its purposes -Maximilian's life may be broadly divided into two periods. In the -first, which ends with 1490, his ambitions are directed towards the -West; and Burgundy, the Netherlands, and the French frontier claim his -whole attention. But in the midst of his designs against France, new -developments at home summon him away. The acquisition of Tyrol and the -recovery of Austria shift the centre of gravity from West to East, and -his accession to the Empire finally compels him to take up new threads -of policy, which point him to the East and the South rather than to the -West. In this later period, which is more purely political, and in -which the character of Maximilian is perhaps less marked, the main -trend of his policy is towards the re-establishment of Imperial -influence in Italy, and combinations either against the French or the -Turks. In each case he is doomed to disappointment; and the -misfortunes that arise from his continual lack of money and resources -form a story at once irritating and pathetic. - -While engaged in certain operations against the {6} County of Cilly, -1452, the Emperor Frederick III. narrowly escaped capture by the enemy. -He ascribed his safety to a dream, in which St. Maximilian[1] warned -him of his danger; and thus when his wife presented him with a son, the -infant received the name of his father's saintly patron. Maximilian -was born at Neustadt near Vienna on May 22, 1459. His mother, Eleanor -of Portugal, whose marriage to Frederick III. has been immortalized by -the brush of Pinturicchio,[2] was a princess of lively wit and -considerable talent: and many points of his character are to be traced -to the Southern temperament of Eleanor, rather than to the phlegmatic -and ineffectual nature of Frederick. His early years were times of -stress and trouble; and, while still an infant, he shared the dangers -of his parents, who were closely besieged in the citadel of Vienna by -Albert of Austria and the insurgent citizens. To such straits was the -slender garrison reduced, that the young prince is said to have -wandered through the castle vaults, tearfully begging the servants for -a piece of bread.[3] In spite of a vigorous defence, Frederick must -have yielded to superior force, but for the timely assistance of his -allies, the Bohemians, through whose influence peace was restored -between the rival brothers. The death of Albert in 1463 left Frederick -supreme in Austria and its dependencies. But his past experiences had -inspired him with a very natural prejudice against the citizens of -Vienna; and they, on their part, were never slow to reveal the dislike -and contempt in {7} which they held their Imperial master. This mutual -ill-feeling largely accounts for the ease with which Matthias effected -the conquest of Austria. Frederick, at first from choice, later from -necessity, chose Linz or Graz as his Austrian residences, and never -overcame his distrust of the Viennese. Thus it was that Maximilian's -childhood was spent at Wiener Neustadt, thirteen miles S.E. from -Vienna. His education was entrusted to Peter Engelbrecht, afterwards -Bishop of Wiener Neustadt; and we learn that up to the age of six he -found great difficulty in articulating. This may have thrown him back -somewhat; and, indeed, he himself complained in later days of his bad -education. "If Peter, my teacher, still lived," he declared, "I would -make him live near me, in order to teach him how to bring up -children."[4] But Maximilian's strictures are probably undeserved, and -may be due to the fact that his tutor restrained him from the study of -history, which he loved, and held him down to Latin and dialectics, -even enforcing them upon his unwilling pupil by rudely practical -methods. Certainly, if we may judge by the accounts furnished in -Weisskunig, which seems the most reliable of the books compiled under -Maximilian's supervision, there were but few pursuits, physical or -mental, in which the young Prince had not his share. Not merely was he -instructed in the art of war, and in the technical details of various -trades, such as carpentry and founding, but also in the prevailing -theories of statesmanship and government. These are quaintly divided -by the young White King under five heads--the all-mightiness of God, -the influence of the planets on Man's {8} destiny, the reason of Man, -excessive mildness in administration, and excessive severity in power; -and his discourse on the subject wins the complete approval of his -father and the wonder of his biographer. Everything which Maximilian -does approaches perfection; if he fishes, he catches more than other -men; he cures horses of which all the horse-doctors have despaired; he -has few equals as blacksmith or locksmith. But though all this is -clearly exaggeration, it yet affords a clue to the accomplishments to -which Maximilian was brought up, and to the manysidedness of his early -training. There is no doubt as to his proficiency as a linguist; he -could speak Latin, French, Italian and Flemish fluently, and had some -knowledge of Spanish, Walloon, and English besides.[5] His thirst for -knowledge was almost unquenchable, and increased with his -years--history, mathematics, languages, all receiving attention from -the Royal student. But his literary tastes, even in later life, never -superseded his love of manly exercises; and it was no doubt in his -early years that he first acquired that passion for the chase which -never deserted him. His marvellous adventures in pursuit of the -chamois or the bear are still remembered in the Tyrolese Alps. He -possessed the most dauntless courage, and is said to have been one of -the finest swordsmen in Europe. He had few equals at the tourney; and -one of the most romantic incidents of his life was the single combat at -Worms, when, entering the lists in the simplest of armour, he overcame -a famous French knight, and then, raising his vizor, revealed his -identity amid the deafening plaudits of the crowd. Nor were his -exploits confined to chivalrous {9} amusements: time and again he -proved his courage on the field of battle; notably at Guinegate, where -"he raged like a lion in the fight," and later, with characteristic -generosity, devoted himself to dressing the wounds of the vanquished. -Gallant, chivalrous and versatile, full of high ideals and noble -enthusiasms, he was formed by nature to be the darling of his age and -nation. - -Such general characteristics must suffice for a description of -Maximilian's early life, of which we possess but few details or facts, -until the Burgundian marriage brought him into the full blaze of the -political arena. This famous event, whose results are still to be -traced in the political conditions of Europe, was the first step of the -House of Hapsburg towards the "Weltmacht" of Charles V. - -To Frederick III. belongs the credit of this achievement. During his -long reign of fifty-three years the Imperial crown lost much of its -remaining prestige and influence; and it is undoubtedly true that -Frederick used his Imperial office for purposes of Hapsburg -aggrandisement. But he can hardly be blamed for adopting a policy to -which there was no alternative. Chosen mainly for his impotence, he -had literally no hold upon the Empire itself, beyond the largely -nominal prerogatives of his office; and he had good precedent for his -scheme of attaining to real Imperial power by building up a compact -territorial state. Something must be allowed to a prince who, with -such slight resources as Frederick III., could aspire to the proud -motto, "Alles Erdreich ist Oesterreich Unterthan,"[6] and who, after -years of disaster and disappointment, succeeded in laying the {10} -foundations of a greatness which he did not live to see. The policy of -the Hohenstauffen was no longer practicable. The power of the Emperor -had all but vanished, and the sole way of meeting the territorial -tendencies of the great princes was to develop a territorial power for -himself. The task required a man of courage and endurance, who should -paralyse the opposing forces by passive resistance; and such a man was -Frederick. That the Burgundian marriage was no mere lucky accident, -but the fruit of a long and deliberate policy, is abundantly shown by -the negotiations which preceded the event. A life-long struggle -against inadequate means effectually soured the character of the old -monarch, but it had not been wholly in vain; and the marked contrast -between father and son may perhaps account for the unfavourable light -in which Frederick has been viewed by posterity. - -The first suggestion of a marriage between Maximilian and Mary of -Burgundy occurs in a letter of Pius II. to Philip the Good in 1463.[7] -The Pope doubtless hoped that an alliance of Austria and Burgundy would -further his great scheme of a crusade against the Turks; but even hints -of a kingly title failed to rouse the old Duke's interest in the -proposal, and it seems to have been allowed to drop. In 1468 an envoy -appeared at the Burgundian Court, with full powers to treat as to the -marriage, and the election of Charles the Bold as King of the Romans. -But the latter's soaring ambitions were a hindrance to the marriage; -and when the long negotiations for the revival of the old Burgundian -kingdom came to nothing in 1474, Frederick's object {11} seemed as far -from fulfilment as ever. Throughout Charles's reign there was a -continual danger of the prize falling to some more favoured suitor. It -was only when the Burgundian arms first met with disaster at the hands -of the Swiss, that Charles's day dreams began to be dispelled, and he -gave serious thought to the future of his only child. A month after -the defeat of Grandson, an Imperial embassy waited upon the Duke; and -on May 6, 1476, the betrothal of Maximilian and Mary was formally -announced. In its immediate results, the alliance was disastrous to -Charles; for his desertion by the Prince of Taranto, one of Mary's -disappointed suitors, the day before the battle of Morat, was one of -the causes of his second defeat by the Swiss. Charles now became -anxious to hasten on the marriage, and sent an envoy to obtain his -daughter's consent. On November 4, he wrote to Frederick begging him -and Maximilian to come with all speed to Koln for the ceremony;[8] and -soon after, Maximilian received a letter from his bride, thanking him -for the letter and ring which he had sent her, and declaring her -agreement with her father. But now, as ever, Frederick was tied down -by want of money, and the final catastrophe, when Charles the Bold -perished on the field of Nancy (January 6, 1477), found the bridegroom -quite unprepared for his new and arduous task. At a time when so much -depended on prompt action,[9] the Emperor contented himself with -sending despatches to the officials and stadtholders of the Low -Countries, urging them to obey none but Mary {12} and Maximilian as her -betrothed husband, and promising to come in person at the earliest -possible date. Meanwhile, Mary's position was pitiable in the extreme. -The ungallant citizens of Ghent took prompt advantage of her weakness -by extorting from her "The Great Privilege": the chief cities refused -to pay taxes; and French agents everywhere incited the burghers to -rebellion. Louis XI. did not imitate his cousin of Austria, and lost -no time in profiting by Mary's helpless condition. In the course of a -few weeks, Picardy, Franche Comté, and the Duchy of Burgundy were -annexed to the French Crown. King Louis demanded, almost at the -sword's point, the hand of Mary for the infant Dauphin; and his -ungenerous betrayal of her secret overtures exposed her to an -unpardonable affront at the hands of her disloyal subjects. Despite -her tears and entreaties, and before her very eyes, her two most -trusted counsellors were executed by the citizens of Ghent; and the -young Duchess found herself friendless and alone, at the mercy of the -treacherous Louis and her own rebellious people. In her distress she -turned naturally to her knight and protector, Maximilian, whose -admirers pictured to her a new Lohengrin destined at the last moment to -restore the desperate fortunes of Elsa of Brabant. The romance of this -journey to succour his Princess in distress is somewhat marred by the -long delay which preceded it. It can only be explained by the money -difficulties of his father, and the intrigues of Matthias of Hungary, -which brought him to the verge of war with Frederick. Notwithstanding -Mary's pressing entreaties[10] for his coming, it was only on May 21 -that Maximilian left {13} Vienna, and he did not actually reach Ghent -till August 18. But though this delay was of great advantage to Louis -XI., it may be doubted whether Maximilian could have effected much, -even had he arrived on the scene at an earlier date. The Ghentois were -probably hostile to him,[11] or sank their opposition mainly because of -the distance of his own dominions. It was the growing fear of French -predominance which won adherents to his cause, and he found many -supporters among the Flemish nobles, and the party of the Hoeks. The -old Netherland chronicler gives us a favourable sketch of Maximilian, -when he says: "Though still a youth, he displayed the true qualities of -a man and a prince. He was magnanimous, brave and liberal, born for -the good of the race. His fame was increased by a countenance of right -royal dignity, the splendour of his father's majesty, the antiquity of -his lineage, and the amplitude of his inheritance."[12] The day after -his arrival in Ghent, the marriage was celebrated by the Legate with -great pomp and rejoicings. - - "I beheld the pageants splendid, that adorned those days of old; - Stately dames, like queens attended, knights who bore the fleece - of gold; - Lombard and Venetian merchants with deep-laden argosies; - Ministers from twenty nations; more than royal pomp and ease. - I beheld proud Maximilian, kneeling humbly on the ground; - I beheld the gentle Mary, hunting with her hawk and hound." - - -[Illustration: MARY OF BURGUNDY] - -The young Prince seems at first to have carried all before him; and as -we read the words of an eye-witness of the proceedings, our charmed -fancy pictures {14} for us one of the deathless paladins of Charles the -Great. "Mounted on a large chestnut horse, clad in silver armour, his -head uncovered, his flowing locks bound with a circlet of pearls and -precious stones, Maximilian looks so glorious in his youth, so strong -in his manliness, that I know not which to admire most--the beauty of -his youth, the bravery of his manhood, or the promise of his future. -Man muss ihn gern haben, den glänzenden Mann."[13] From the very first -the marriage seems to have been one of great happiness; and the birth -of Philip (June 1478) set a crown to their affection. Maximilian -himself gives a happy description of his wife in a confidential letter -to Sigismund Prüschenk: "I have a lovely good virtuous wife ... She is -small of body, much smaller than 'die Rosina,'[14] and snow-white. -Brown hair, a small nose, a small head and features, brown and grey -eyes mixed, clear and beautiful. Her mouth is somewhat high, but pure -and red."[15] Mary was a fine horsewoman, and excelled at most forms -of sport; and this formed an additional link between them. "My wife is -thoroughly at home with falcons and hounds; she has a greyhound of -great pace."[16] In all affairs of Government Mary yielded to her -husband, and they remained in complete accord till the day of her -death. On Maximilian devolved the task of repelling the French {15} -attacks, and we find him complaining of the stress of business which -filled every moment of the day.[17] Infusing his own vigour into his -new subjects, and substantially aided by the Imperial Diet, he was ere -long enabled to take the offensive; and on August 7, 1478, gained a -complete victory over the French at Guinegate. The personal prowess -which Maximilian displayed, while it helps to explain the estimation in -which he was held, inevitably suggests that he was more brilliant as a -soldier than as a commander. For so decisive a success, the results -were remarkably small. Maximilian's sanguine nature induced him to -reject Louis' overtures for peace, and though the tide of invasion had -been rolled back, the most favourable time for a satisfactory -settlement was allowed to pass. But while Maximilian eagerly awaited -the death of the French King,[18] he was himself plunged into mourning -and disaster by the sudden death of Mary (March 27, 1482). Filled with -the liveliest grief at his unexpected bereavement,[19] he found that at -the same time he had lost control of the source of his authority; and -though recognized by Brabant and Holland, he met with nothing but -opposition from the refractory Flemings. Louis XI. could not repress -his delight at the welcome news, and confided to the sagacious Comines -his hopes of Maximilian's discomfiture.[20] Nor was he mistaken in his -forecast of {16} events. Without even consulting Maximilian, the -Flemings ratified the Treaty of Arras with Louis XI. By it the -guardianship of Philip was entrusted to the Estates of Flanders; and -the infant Margaret was to be educated at the French Court as the bride -of the Dauphin Charles. Artois and Franche Comté, over which the -Flemings had not the slightest legal control, were calmly ceded as her -immediate dowry.[21] To this humiliating treaty Maximilian had -perforce to give his assent, and it was not till 1485[22] that the -Flemings recognized him as the guardian of his son. Even then his -authority was hedged in by various conditions; and the young Duke might -not be removed from the country. Maximilian continued to reside in the -Netherlands; but the favour which he bestowed on his own countrymen, as -well as his influence in Brabant and Holland, soon rekindled the -jealousy of the Flemings, who accused him of prolonging the war against -France for his own private ends. He could not leave the Low Countries -without ruining his position and prospects, and abandoning his children -to the mercy of the Ghent citizens; French agents were ready to make -the most of even a temporary absence; and he was powerless to assist -his father in his unequal struggle with Matthias. But even want of -{17} money or resources does not excuse the indifference with which he -treated the news of Frederick's misfortunes. The old Emperor was -driven from his capital, the whole of Lower Austria fell into the hands -of Matthias, and it was only the remonstrances of Venice which assured -to Frederick his Adriatic provinces. There was an evident coolness at -this period between father and son, and this was not removed by -Maximilian's dealings with the Electors, in the hope of securing his -election as King of the Romans. - -Frederick had been chosen Emperor mainly for his insignificance, but it -was felt that he had played the part of a nonentity only too well. -There was a growing inclination to turn from Frederick to Maximilian, -and to shift the duties of the Empire's struggle with Matthias of -Hungary on to the Burgundian possessions of the Hapsburg House. -Various causes combined to secure Maximilian's election: but none of -the credit can be assigned to Frederick III., who only consented to -entertain the idea, when he had become a fugitive from his dominions, -and when Maximilian had promised not to make inroads upon his Imperial -power. Frederick's manifest dislike of the scheme was a recommendation -with most of the Electors. Maximilian was welcomed by Albert Achilles -and the old Imperial party, who wished a strong ruler at the head of -the Empire; and his favourable attitude towards Reform won favour with -the party of Berthold of Henneberg, the great Elector of Mainz. The -opposition of France and Hungary was met by the secrecy of the -Electors; and their choice was announced almost before the suspicions -of Uladislas had been aroused (February 16, 1486). Frederick {18} is -said to have wept feebly at the news, but elsewhere the announcement -gave rise to the most sanguine anticipations; and the gorgeous -ceremonial of his coronation at Aachen made a sensible impression upon -the popular mind. The proclamation of a ten years' Landfriede -throughout the Empire, which was the new King's first act, was perhaps -better calculated to please the Reforming party than the rank of the -knights, whose brightest ornament Maximilian was held to be; yet it -seemed to augur well for a new era of peace and order. - -In 1488[23] a new instrument was devised for the enforcement of the -Landfriede. The private feuds, so frequent and so ruinous in mediaeval -times, were now falling into disuse, but only because the general -unrest took larger forms. Leagues and Unions superseded the looser -ties of warlike neighbours, and whole districts became involved in the -settlement of some contemptible quarrel. The Swiss Confederacy was in -reality a development of this system of Leagues, its primary object -being protection against the House of Hapsburg. Every access of -strength on the part of the Swiss, and especially the prestige which -their triumph over Charles the Bold had won them, tended to weaken the -Hapsburg influence in Swabia, the cradle of their race, and their -mainstay in the Empire. Thus, when in 1486 the Bavarian Dukes directly -infringed the Landfriede by their seizure of Regensburg,[24] the moment -seemed favourable for some fresh organization, which should preserve -the peace of the Empire and at the same time restore the {19} waning -Hapsburg power in Swabia. In July 1487 an invitation was issued in the -name of Frederick and Maximilian to all the nobles, knights, prelates -and cities of Swabia, to a meeting at Esslingen. This step resulted in -the formation of the famous Swabian League. Though really a -development of the League of St. George's Shield, whose captain, Count -Hugo von Werdenberg, was the chief originator of the scheme, it -differed from it by extending its membership from the ranks of the -nobles of all orders and classes of the Empire. A confederate Council -and Court of Justice were instituted, and expenses were allotted for -the raising of an army of 12,000 foot and 1,200 horse. A decisive -influence was preserved to the Emperor, and the League was further -strengthened by the adhesion of such princes as Sigismund of Tyrol, -Eberhard of Würtemberg, and the Electors of Mainz and Trier. The -Swabian League remained for many years a leading factor in German -affairs. Though it widened the gulf between the Swiss and the members -of the Empire (and thus no doubt was partly responsible for the Swiss -war of ten years later), it also checked the gradual drifting of single -towns from the Imperial to the Swiss system. And still more, it gave -the Hapsburgs a strong weapon of defence against the House of -Wittelsbach, whose aggressive policy might, without it, have proved -entirely successful. - -Meanwhile, so far from Maximilian realizing the hopes of the Electors -by bringing the forces of the Netherlands to the aid of the Empire, it -was not very long ere Imperial troops were needed to rescue him from -the hands of his turbulent subjects. He was rapidly becoming unpopular -among the Netherlands, {20} whose constitutional traditions were -vitally opposed to his dynastic plans; and the French Government, -strong in Flemish sympathy, renewed the war with greater vigour and -success. Maximilian's first organized body of landsknechts was -completely defeated at Bethune, and afterwards roughly handled by their -nominal allies. The final outbreak was largely due to a commercial -treaty between Maximilian and Henry VII., which closed the Flemish -harbours to English products. As a result, a lively commercial -intercourse in English cloth sprang up in the coast towns of Brabant, -and the economic rivals of Flanders reaped a rich harvest. The French -Government fanned the flame of Flemish disaffection. It declared -Maximilian to have forfeited the French fief of Flanders, and formally -absolved this country from all allegiance to him. His refusal to -account for the expenditure of the public money was an additional -grievance; and when a rash visit to Bruges, with but a slender escort -of troops, placed him in their power, the burghers used their advantage -to the full. The morning after his entry a sudden insurrection took -place (February 10, 1488). The whole town was soon up in arms, the -gates were seized, and the Ducal palace was stormed by an excited mob. -Maximilian himself was removed to the Kranenburg, and closely guarded; -his councillors were racked in the public square, some of his chief -adherents were beheaded, and the citizens of Ghent and Bruges united in -depriving him of the Regency, and forming a new government wholly -subservient to France. For three months he remained in this perilous -condition, in continual fear of death or betrayal to Charles VIII. -Kunz von der Rosen, his {21} faithful jester, who shared his captivity, -begged Maximilian to exchange clothes with him and thus escape from the -city in disguise; but the latter refused to expose him to almost -certain death at the hands of the infuriated mob. Maximilian's letter -to his father and the Electors shows the imminent danger in which he -lay. "They will give me poison to eat, and so kill me ... they are -taking all my people from me; this is my last letter for good and all -... I beseech you, in the name of God and Justice, for counsel and -aid."[24a] For once Frederick's sluggish nature was fully roused, and, -relinquishing all other objects, he moved heaven and earth to obtain -his son's release. Over 20,000 men answered to the Imperial summons to -Koln, and by the middle of May this army was advancing on Liège. The -news of its approach brought the rebels to reason, and led them to -hasten on negotiations with Maximilian. Without awaiting the -liberating army, he gave his consent to the most humiliating terms, and -solemnly pledged himself not to repudiate the agreement. By it he was -to win the consent of the Emperor and Electors, and to withdraw all -foreign troops from the Netherlands within eight days. He renounced, -for Flanders, the guardianship of Philip, and acceded to the formation -of a Council of Regency and to a peace with France (May 16). On the -strength of these promises he was liberated, and joined his father's -army at Liège. Frederick and the Princes refused to recognize any such -agreement; it was declared invalid and contrary to his coronation oath, -on the ground that the Flemings were subjects {22} of the Empire;[25] -and Maximilian, weakly yielding to their pressure, contented himself -with returning the 55,000 groschen which had been granted him to lessen -the bitterness of the pill. The march was resumed, and Ghent was -closely invested. But as usual the old Emperor effected little or -nothing, the town made a vigorous defence, and Maximilian was glad to -avail himself of events in Germany, which claimed his attention. It is -useless to attempt to justify his repudiation of his oath, for he had -carefully precluded himself from all lawful methods of evasion. It -leaves a deep stain upon his honour, and the most that can be said for -him is that it is the one indefensible action of his life. - -After an absence of twelve years[26] Maximilian returned to the Empire -in December 1488, leaving Duke Albert of Saxony as his representative -in the Netherlands. The latter showed his zeal by his promise "so to -serve his master that men should write of it for 1,000 years," and -displayed great ability both as a commander and an organizer. The -cause of peace was furthered by the Treaty of Frankfort (July 7, 1489), -in accordance with which Charles VIII. was to use his influence with -the Flemings, and an interview was to be arranged between him and -Maximilian for the settlement of the Burgundian question. As a result -of this treaty, Flanders again recognized Maximilian as lawful Regent -and guardian of his son, and granted him the sum of 300,000 gold -thalers in token of their submission. - -The readiness with which Charles VIII. concluded {23} peace was due to -the recent turn of affairs in Brittany, to which country his rivalry -with Maximilian was now transferred. During the aggressive war waged -by France in the Netherlands the King of the Romans had found a natural -ally in the Duke of Brittany, who dreaded the expansive policy of the -French King. The death of Francis II. (September, 1488) left the -Breton throne to his young daughter Anne; and Ferdinand V. and Henry -VII. united to protect her against her dangerous neighbour. But this -protection was on the whole rather sympathetic than practical; and the -insecurity of her position led the young Duchess to search the -political horizon for some efficient defender. She turned to -Maximilian as the sovereign most interested in resistance to France and -most likely to afford her practical aid. It seemed as though the -romantic episode of his first marriage was to be re-enacted in a new -quarter. On March 20, 1490, Anne and Maximilian were betrothed, and -towards the end of the year the marriage was formally celebrated by -proxy.[27] Anne openly assumed the title of Queen of the Romans, and -Maximilian's diplomacy was for the time triumphant. But the -acquisition of Brittany was a matter of supreme importance to the -French Crown; and Charles VIII. strained every nerve to secure the -discomfiture of his rival. Brittany was overrun by French troops, -Nantes surrendered after a feeble resistance, and Anne found herself -closely besieged in Rennes, with little prospect of timely relief, and -with a strong French faction within the walls. Maximilian's hands were -tied down by the necessities {24} of the Hungarian war, and, confident -in the validity of his union with Anne, and relying on the promised aid -of Henry VII., he stirred not a muscle in her defence. At last Anne -found herself forced to come to terms. Brittany was to remain in the -hands of the French, and free passage was granted to her through French -territory, on her way to join Maximilian. But her feeling as a -Princess overcame her feeling as a woman. She was naturally reluctant -to leave her ancestral dominions in hostile hands for the sake of a man -whom she had never seen and who was her senior by seventeen years; and -her offended pride at Maximilian's inexcusable absence at her time of -need led her footsteps to Chateau Langeais rather than to the German -frontier. The cunning Charles had all prepared, and was able to -produce the double dispensation of Innocent VIII.[28] On December 6, -1491, the marriage of Charles VIII. and Anne of Brittany was duly -solemnized at Langeais, and Brittany was finally incorporated with -France. - -[Illustration: ANNE OF BRITTANY] - -Maximilian, mainly owing to his dilatory conduct, thus found himself -exposed to the most unpardonable of insults at the hands of a mere -stripling. Not merely had Charles VIII. deprived him of his lawful -wife and her inheritance, but in so doing he repudiated Maximilian's -daughter Margaret, who, since 1482, had been educated at the Court of -Charles as the future Queen of France. To aggravate matters, Charles -{25} showed no inclination to restore Margaret's magnificent dowry, -which consisted of Artois, Picardy and Franche Comté. Nothing could -exceed Maximilian's indignation, and, full of threats of vengeance, he -entered into an offensive alliance against France with the Kings of -England and Spain. - -But the acquisition of Brittany had set a seal to the internal -consolidation of France, and Charles, having deprived his enemies of an -excellent base for hostile operations, was now free to indulge in his -golden dreams of foreign conquest. No concession was thought too great -to secure the neutrality of his neighbours. Henry VII. was bought off -by hard cash and by the promise of a yearly pension; Ferdinand was -appeased by the cession of the coveted provinces of Roussillon and -Cerdagne. Maximilian, whose troops were meeting with some success in -Franche Comté,[29] saw himself deserted by his allies, and consented to -pocket his outraged dignity in return for the substantial concessions -of the Peace of Senlis (May 23, 1493). His daughter Margaret was -restored, and the French evacuated Franche Comté, Artois and Nevers, in -favour of the young Archduke Philip. - - - -[1] Saints Bonosus and Maximilian, martyrs A.D. 360 (day, August 21). - -[2] Library, Siena Cathedral. - -[3] Janssen, _Gesch. des deutschen Volkes_, i. page 593. - -[4] Quoted by Le Glay, _Correspondance de Maximilian et de Marguerite_, -vol. ii. page 345. - -[5] Janssen, i. 593. - -[6] Austriae Est Imperare Orb; Universo. - -[7] _See_ Rausch, _Die Burgundische Heirat Maximilians I_. - -[8] Chmel, _Mon. Hapsb._ I. i. 33, p. 136 (quoted Rausch). - -[9] On January 24, Maximilian had not yet heard of Charles' death. -Lichnowsky Reg. vii. 2004 (quoted Rausch). - -[10] Letter dated March 26. - -[11] They freed Duke Adolf of Gueldres, in hope of forcing him on Mary. -_See_ Rausch. - -[12] Pontus Heuterus, _Rerum Belgie_, lib. ii. 69. - -[13] Letter of Wilhelm v. Hoverde, August 23, 1477, quoted Janssen, i. -592. - -[14] A former sweetheart of Maximilian, from whom he seems to have had -a most tearful parting.--V. von Kraus, _Maximilians I. vertraulicker -Briefwechsel init Sigmund Prüschenk_, p. 30. - -[15] Maximilian to S. P. (December 8, 1477).--v. Kraus, p. 27. - -[16] "Mein gemahl ist ein gantze waidtmännin mit valckhen und hundten. -Sie hat ein weis windtspil daz laufft vast bald."--_Ibid._ - -[17] "Ich bin aber der armist Mensch daz ich nicht essen schlaffn -spatziren stechen (tilt) mag von ubrigen geschefften." - -[18] For whom he seems to have had a profound hatred--"Kein grosser -verzagter Bösswicht ist in aller Welt nit als er ist."--v. Kraus, p. 27. - -[19] "Per omnem exinde vitam, cum de ea M. mentionem inferret, aut -fieri audiret, a lachrymis aut suspirio abstinere non poterat." - -[20] Comines: "Le dit seigneur me compta ces nouvelles, et en eust -grande joye; et aussi que les deux enfans estoyent demourés en la -gardes des Gandois, lesquels il cognoissoit enclins à noise et division -contre ceste maison de Bourgonge et lui sembloit avoir trouvé l'heure, -pour ce que le duc d'Austriche estoit jeune, et pour ce qu'il avoit -encores père, et guerre partout, et estoit estranger, et mal -accompaigné." - -[21] Auxerrois, Maconnais and Charolais were added by "nos seigneurs de -Grand" (as Louis XI. called them), who wished to conduct the affair -majestically. - -[22] When Maximilian had defeated the forces of the rebels. - -[23] The decree founding the League was dated March 10, 1488, but it -was actually formed in the previous year. - -[24] A free Imperial city. - -[24a] _Vertr. Briefwechsel_, p. 68. - -[25] As a matter of fact, Flanders was a fief of the French Crown. - -[26] If we except his coronation. - -[27] Maximilian was represented by Wilhelm v. Polheim, his confidential -agent in Brittany. - -[28] To be more exact, the Pope had _promised_ the dispensation: it was -not actually published till December 16, 1491. - -Anne's matrimonial experiences form one of the most disgraceful -incidents in all history. The shameless manner in which the Papacy -issued this dispensation is only surpassed by the later bull which -released Louis XII. from his virtuous though childless wife Jeanne, -that he might marry Anne of Brittany. - -[29] Battle of Dournon, January 23, 1493, in which 4-5,000 French horse -were defeated by Kappeller and his Germans, inferior in number, but -possessed of cannon. They held a hollow way and withstood the repeated -charges of the French cavalry.--Ulmann, _Kaiser Maximilian I._, i. 169. - - - - -{26} - -III - - Das liebe heil'ge Röm'sche Reich, - Wie hält's nur noch zusammen?--Faust. - - -With the Breton incident we reach the close of Maximilian's Western -career, and are free to examine the events which engaged his attention -while Charles VIII. was robbing him of his bride. The exigencies of -Hapsburg policy and of his imperial office now draw him into all the -various currents of European diplomacy, and it is hardly to be wondered -at, if his personality is sometimes lost sight of in an attempt to -connect the intricate threads of contemporary politics. Maximilian the -man and the chevalier must be our subject, rather than Maximilian the -politician. The kaleidoscope of political combinations must be left to -a Sismondi or a Creighton. For it is from the description of his -earlier years and of his later relations to Humanism and Art that we -gain the truest insight into the charm and fascination of his -character--the romantic incidents which made the nation mourn him as -the Last of the Knights, and the versatility which dazzled the eyes of -so many brilliant contemporaries. - -On his return to the Empire, Maximilian found that his presence was -urgently needed in Tyrol, where Duke Sigismund, after a long reign of -folly and mismanagement, could hardly restrain the general discontent -in his dominions from open expression. The incapable old Duke had in -later life fallen {27} completely under the power of his mistresses, -who played upon his superstitions by incantations and witch-processes, -and who squandered the revenues on their own worthless ends.[30] His -life-long hatred of Frederick III., which even the cession of -Vorder-Austria (1463) could not remove, filled him with the idea that -his cousins wished to deprive him during his lifetime, and inclined him -towards the Bavarian Court, which eagerly furthered the -misunderstanding. The sale of Burgau (1486) to Duke George the Rich -called attention to the possibility of Sigismund leaving his -possessions outside the Hapsburg family. Bavaria was again responsible -for Sigismund's war with Venice; and when defeat came and money failed, -the Duke was obliged to sell all the Vorder-Austria lands to Dukes -Albert and George on terms which made recovery doubtful. The Austrian -party in Tyrol now insisted upon the summons of a Diet, and the Estates -subjected Sigismund to an "Ordnung," by which, in return for the -payment of his debts, he was restricted to a limited expenditure every -year. In the event of his violation of this Ordnung, the Estates were -at liberty to choose another Prince from the House of Austria. The -Dukes of Bavaria had been brought to reason by the formation of the -Swabian League, and raised no serious opposition to this blighting of -their hopes. As was to be expected, six months had not elapsed ere -Sigismund had broken through the Ordnung; while Albert of Bavaria put -in a demand for 100,000 florins, in recompense for the sinking of his -claims. This development brought the old Emperor to Innsbruck, whither -he was {28} followed in April 1489 by Maximilian. The latter, who -entertained more friendly feelings than his father towards Bavaria, -maintained a mediatory position. At last, on March 16, 1490, the -long-desired step was taken. Sigismund made a formal renunciation of -Tyrol, and all his other dominions in favour of Maximilian, contenting -himself with a fixed income and free rights of hunting and fishing. -Almost at the same time Maximilian was recognized heir by Count Bernard -of Görz. - -But by that irony of fate which pursued him throughout life, Maximilian -was never permitted to finish any one thing thoroughly. Time and again -we see him ruined by an excess of alternatives, and by his inability to -devote himself exclusively to one out of many objects. - -Less than a month after Sigismund's abdication, the death of Matthias -Corvinus diverted Maximilian's attention to those ancestral dominions -from which his father had been so ignominiously expelled, and justified -him in the hope of restoring the old Hapsburg influence over Hungary. -Frederick's claim to the latter kingdom was based on the agreement of -1463, ratified by Matthias and the leading Magyar nobles, by which -Frederick or his son was to succeed, if Matthias should die childless. -Though this condition was now fulfilled, the Hungarians were by no -means disposed to act upon it; and Uladislas, King of Bohemia, was a -dangerous rival to the Hapsburgs, both by reason of the nearness of his -dominions and the strength of his hereditary claims.[31] Several -causes {29} combined to handicap Maximilian. His father, with his -usual jealousy, refused to waive his rights in favour of Maximilian, -who alone was capable of carrying the enterprise to a successful issue. -Want of money, his curse throughout life, told heavily against him; nor -was any assistance to be obtained from the German Princes without -concessions on the Emperor's part, and these Frederick stubbornly -declined to make. Finally, Austria claimed first attention, and till -it had been recovered, Uladislas was left unassailed in Hungary. - -Whatever might be the feeling in the latter country, there was no doubt -as to the popularity of Maximilian's cause in Austria. Great -enthusiasm prevailed, and his advance was as rapid and bloodless as it -was triumphant. Vienna University declared unanimously in his favour, -and, by the end of June, 12,000 men had enlisted in his service. In -July Maximilian entered Graz, and on August 19, made his triumphal -entry into Vienna, which had been hastily abandoned by the Hungarian -forces.[32] The oath of allegiance was taken to Maximilian only: the -citizens remembered Frederick too well to entrust themselves a second -time to his mismanagement. Meanwhile Uladislas had been proclaimed -King of Hungary on July 15, 1490,[33] and in September was crowned at -Stuhlweissenburg. Maximilian on this occasion displayed great -activity, and, aided by a liberal grant of money from the Tyrolese -Estates, invaded Hungary at the head of an army of about 17,000 men. -Crossing the Raab late in October, he met with but slight opposition; -Uladislas was unprepared, and by nature averse to energetic measures; -and the invader was joined by a number {30} of Hungarian magnates. But -this phenomenal success was fatal to the invaders; and by the time that -it reached Stuhlweissenburg, the army was virtually out of hand. In -spite of a firm resistance, the city was cannonaded (Maximilian -personally directing the artillery) and taken by storm; but a -disgraceful scene of plunder and slaughter ensued. Maximilian and his -captains were quite unable to restrain the soldiers, and on the next -day an open mutiny broke out. Their refusal to advance upon Buda, and -the consequent delay, proved fatal to the whole enterprise. When -summoned to surrender, the capital indignantly declined, and Uladislas -found time to bring up his Bohemians and to threaten Vienna. Frederick -III., true to his ultra-Fabian motto--"Mit der Zeit lohnt oder rächt -sich alles"[34]--sent no assistance, and Maximilian, seeing his base -endangered, and hampered by want of money and discipline, found it -necessary to withdraw westwards. His overtures to Poland met with no -response, and he was quite unable to continue the struggle alone. By -July 1491 Stuhlweissenburg fell into the hands of Uladislas, and all -Maximilian's recent conquests were lost. The urgent appeals of -Reichenburg to Maximilian for reinforcements and of Maximilian to his -father for money were all in vain. His position was absolutely -desperate from sheer want of funds,[35] while the turn which Breton -affairs were taking seemed to render peace necessary, at whatever -price. Frederick, who {31} throughout the war had thwarted his aims -and damped his ardour,[36] now offered his mediation, and negotiations -were opened in August. By the Treaty of Pressburg (November 7, 1491), -Uladislas was formally recognized as King of Hungary, but, failing his -lawful issue, the crown was to fall to Maximilian or his son. This -promise was to be solemnly ratified by the Hungarian Estates in -presence of the Imperial envoys. Moreover, Uladislas renounced all -claims upon Austria, and undertook to refund Maximilian for the -expenses of the war.[37] - -The old Emperor's attitude during the late war had not improved his -relations with Maximilian; and the friction was rendered the more -acute, when Frederick refused to see his son, and shut off various -sources of income from him, thus seriously injuring his chances of -success against France. Moreover, Frederick's hostility to the -Bavarian Dukes formed a marked contrast to Maximilian's conciliatory -position, which was mainly due to the influence of his sister -Cunigunda, wife of Albert IV.[38] Duke Albert's high-handed conduct in -imposing a general tax on his subjects, in spite of the refusal of the -Estates, had led to the formation of a League of discontented nobles, -known as the Löwlerbund, which united with the Swabian League and was -openly encouraged by the Emperor. By the end of 1491 the movement had -ended in hostilities, and on January 23, 1492, Frederick {32} III. -published the ban of the Empire against Duke Albert of Bavaria. The -Swabian League began to arm. The French were ready to invade the -Empire, if the League should attack Bavaria. An outbreak which would -involve the whole of South-West Germany seemed wellnigh inevitable, and -the entire credit of the preservation of peace, must rest with -Maximilian. At the last moment, when the armies were actually encamped -and facing each other in the field, his influence secured an adjustment -of the quarrel. He had appeased his father's anger by freeing the -Austrian dominions from the oath which they had taken to himself, and -by referring them to the Emperor as their ruler. Frederick was now -satisfied with the restoration of Regensburg to the Empire[39] and the -cancelling of Bavarian claims on Tyrol; while a full pardon was granted -by Albert to all members of the Löwlerbund. (May 1492.) - -Maximilian, notwithstanding this triumph of his diplomacy, met with the -utmost difficulty in raising money for his operations against the -French; while a new enemy had arisen in the young Charles of Egmont, -who had recently recovered the Duchy of Gueldres, and who was destined -to be a thorn in Maximilian's side for the rest of the reign. Though -his position in West Germany was strengthened by a League with the -"Lower Union,"[40] the sole result of his efforts at the Diet of -Coblenz was a prospective grant of 94,000 gulden, of which only 16,000 -actually came in. His campaign against the French has already been -sketched (p. 25). Scarcely were his {33} hands freed by the Peace of -Senlis, when an incursion of the Turks into Styria (August 1493) made a -fresh demand upon his attention. Then, as usual, the necessary aid -arrived too late, and the marauders returned home almost unchallenged. -In the midst of this danger Frederick III., whose health had been -failing for some time, and whose foot it had been found necessary to -amputate,[41] died at Linz, in the seventy-eighth year of his age -(August 19, 1493). - -The old Emperor had lived to see his dreams of Hapsburg revival and -consolidation to a great extent realized; but his irritable nature had -led him to thwart the family aspirations on Hungary. In his dread lest -the acquisition of a throne should make his son more powerful than -himself, he afforded him no assistance, nay rather, threw every -hindrance in his way. Frederick's death was an undoubted gain to -Maximilian, for it left him Emperor elect and unquestioned ruler of the -Hapsburg dominions. Family divisions were no longer possible, since no -relative capable of resistance survived.[42] - -But while his position was rendered more definite and imposing, there -seems to have been at this period a general cooling of Maximilian's -popularity, at least among the ruling classes. A powerful party in the -Empire, led by Berthold of Mainz, now claimed the fulfilment of those -promises of reform which he had made at the Diet of 1489,[43] and his -reluctance to devote {34} his time to its discussion produced a -distinctly bad impression among the Princes. Moreover, the part which -he now began to play in Italian politics, exposing, as it did, the -Imperial person to indignity and failure, roused all the old prejudices -of the caste of nobles, and acted as a damper to their enthusiasm. -Gladly as we should avoid threading the intricate maze of Italian -politics--a task which is after all more apposite to a general -history--some treatment of Maximilian's attitude during these momentous -years is inevitable, even in so slight a sketch as the present. A -general idea of Maximilian's ambitions in Italy will best be conveyed -by his own words. "Italy has for centuries experienced what it means -for the people, if no Emperor is there to restrain unruly passions, and -hence the friends of the people have ever looked with favour on the -Imperial power, and longed for the return of the Emperor."[44] - -[Illustration: BIANCA MARIA SFORZA Painting by A. de Predis] - -The fortunes of Milan were at this moment in the hands of Ludovico il -Moro, who, at first merely Regent for Gian Galeazzo, had retained the -whole powers of government in his own hands, even after his nephew had -come of age. The young Duke's wife, Isabella of Naples, deeply -resented her husband's sudordinate position, and Ludovico lived in -terror of intervention on the part of Ferrante and his Florentine -allies. Hoping to veil the injustice of his cause under Imperial -recognition, he turned to Maximilian, and offered, in return for his -own investiture as Duke of Milan, the hand of his niece, Bianca Maria -Sforza, and a substantial dowry of 300,000 ducats.[45] So much hard -cash seemed to promise to the needy Maximilian the fulfilment of many a -golden {35} dream; and the bride's want of pedigree was atoned for by -the practical possession of her uncle's money bags. The marriage was -duly celebrated on March 9, 1494, at Halle in Tyrol, when the heir of -all the Caesars linked himself with the granddaughter of a Romagnol -peasant.[46] Thus his first entry into Italian politics rightly -exposed him with justice to the nickname afterwards bestowed upon -him--Massimiliano Pochi Danari. "On the altar of politics the heart is -often the lamb of sacrifice." Maximilian's second marriage is not the -most creditable episode in his life. The luckless Bianca Maria never -filled the place of Mary in her husband's affections, and remained till -her death[47] a mere cipher, with next to no influence over him, and, -though never ill-treated, entirely neglected and overlooked. The -unpopularity of his marriage in Germany induced Maximilian to postpone -the investiture of Ludovico with the Milanese, and Gian Galeazzo dying -in the interval, the Emperor was able, with less offence to his -conscience, to fulfil his promise in May 1495.[48] - -Maximilian's first intention was to employ his wife's dowry in a -Crusade against the Turks; and he plunged eagerly into projects of -forming active alliances abroad and of raising permanent forces at home -to stem the tide of infidel invasion.[49] But disturbing {36} rumours -of the doings of Charles VIII. diverted his attention to the Italian -Peninsula. - -By the death of Lorenzo de' Medici in 1492, the balance of power, which -his skill had so long preserved in Italy, was seriously endangered. -The incapable Piero inclined towards Naples, whose attitude was now -little short of openly hostile to the Milanese usurper. Ludovico, in -dire need of some influential ally, made advances to the new Pope and -to Venice. But his alliance with these powers was shortlived: Spanish -diplomacy effected a reconciliation between Naples and Alexander VI., -and Ludovico found himself more isolated than ever. The death of the -old King of Naples, in January 1494, hastened events. The universal -hatred with which his successor, Alfonso II., was regarded, while it -drove the exiled Barons to extreme measures, was favourable to the -cause of Ludovico. He turned naturally to Charles VIII., who had -recently acquired the Angevin claims to the throne of Naples, and whose -feeble mind was filled with all the clap-trap of mediaeval chivalry. -The appeal met with an enthusiastic response: every other trend of -policy was sacrificed that this might succeed. By the end of August -1494, all was prepared for the invasion of Italy, and, with a -magnificently appointed army of 60,000 men, Charles crossed the Alps -and was welcomed by the traitor Ludovico. Florence opened her gates to -the deliverer: the Pope abandoned Rome at his approach, and looked on -in sullen anxiety from Sant' Angelo; and Naples itself was occupied -amid general rejoicings, almost before a single blow had been struck. - -Dazzled by such unprecedented success, Charles VIII. lost all restraint -and began to indulge in the {37} wildest dreams. He was to recover -Jerusalem, to eject the infidel from Europe, and to restore in his own -person the fallen Empire of Constantinople. Rightly or wrongly, he was -credited with the intention of forcing the Pope to crown him Emperor of -the West, or of driving him from the Papal throne and instituting a -thorough reform of the Church. Such rumours could not but fill -Maximilian with an uneasiness which Borgia's letters did not fail to -augment.[50] It was only owing to the skilful diplomacy of Charles' -envoys and his own strained relations with Venice, that he preserved -neutrality for so long as he did.[51] Had not others taken alarm at -the turn of affairs, he might have prevaricated till the time for -action had passed. Ludovico, who was before all others responsible for -the French expedition, was the first to be disillusioned. Alarmed at -the open designs of the Duke of Orleans on Milan, he soon became as -anxious for Charles' ruin as he had been eager for his success, and -looked for assistance to his more powerful neighbours. But it was -Ferdinand of Spain who really brought about Maximilian's change of -policy, by holding out the tempting bait of a double marriage alliance -with his House. The Emperor's[52] suspicions of Venice were overcome, -and the Signoria became {38} the centre of opposition to France. The -various intrigues were conducted with such skill and secrecy, that even -Comines, who then held the post of French Ambassador in Venice, was -completely outwitted. But their details do not leave us with a -favourable impression of the confederates' straightforwardness. The -itch of the Republic's patriotic palm was allayed by a promise of the -Apulian ports; while the Pope displayed to the full his talent for -shifty intrigue and prevarication, and Maximilian kept up a stream of -friendly assurances which effectively duped his young and incapable -rival. - -Thus the proclamation of the Holy League, between the Pope, Maximilian, -Ferdinand, Ludovico and the Venetians, (March 31, 1495) came upon the -French as a bolt from the blue. Its ostensible objects were to defend -the Papacy, and to secure peace in Italy and mutual protection against -the attacks of other Princes. But from the very first its members made -little attempt to conceal their genuine aim--the expulsion of the -French from the Peninsula. The massing of troops by each of the allies -removed all doubts upon the subject; and Charles VIII. saw himself -compelled to abandon Naples. On July 6, 1495, ne encountered the -forces of the League at the battle of Fornovo, and after a running -engagement made good his retreat westwards. Even then the German and -Venetian troops might have inflicted serious losses on his armies ere -they recrossed the Alps; but the treachery of Ludovico, who concluded a -treaty with Charles without consulting any of his allies, forced them -to retire and leave the French unmolested. - -Meanwhile Maximilian was engaged at the famous {39} Diet of Worms (26 -March-August, 1495). Burning to strike a blow which might tend to the -humiliation of his rival, he found himself once more, so to speak, the -prisoner of his pocket. The Electors and the other Estates were -determined that redress should precede supply, and stubbornly refused -to grant a single florin, until the question of reform had been placed -on a satisfactory basis. Nor can they be accused of any want of -patriotism; for the interests of the Empire were by no means coincident -with those of Austria. Indeed, had not Maximilian's territorial -instincts triumphed so completely over his feelings as Emperor, he -might have been the first to recognize the deep and sterling patriotism -which inspired the Elector Berthold. As it was, his first intention -had been to remain fourteen days at Worms, and, after obtaining the -Diet's sanction for the Imperial levies, to conduct a vigorous campaign -against the French. But here he was met by the practical impossibility -of inducing a body mainly constituted for peace, to undertake a long -and tedious war at a distance. The feudal system had fallen into -decay, and the old military power of the Empire was no more. New -circumstances demanded new measures; and the triumph achieved by a -standing army in France pointed the direction which military reform -should take. The proposal, then, which Maximilian laid before the -Diet, was for a continuous money aid for ten or twelve years; with this -he might form an army of landsknechts. But the Diet was wholly -unsympathetic, and rigidly confined itself to schemes of reform. -Meetings were sometimes held without any reference to the Emperor, and, -as he indignantly exclaimed, he found himself treated with {40} less -consideration than some petty burgomaster. The struggle of parties -lasted throughout the summer, Maximilian adopting a highly undignified -attitude of sulking. On three occasions he was particularly pressing, -especially in August, when Novara was threatened by the Swiss, and a -mutiny of the lands-knechts might be expected, if their pay was not -forthcoming. At last nothing was left for Maximilian but submission, -and he accepted the Elector Berthold's proposals for reform. But -Charles VIII. had already recrossed the Alps, and the time for action -was past. - -Yet, notwithstanding his enforced inactivity, Maximilian's presence at -Worms had not been in vain. The brilliancy of the Court and the -gallant ceremonies of the lists hid from the casual observer the true -meaning of this great assembly of princes and nobles. Yet the two -important results of Maximilian's policy form a striking contrast to -his humiliation at the hands of the Electors. In return for the -services of Count Eberhard, he erected Würtemberg into a Duchy, at the -same time limiting the succession to heirs-male. Since the hopes of -the new ducal family rested upon one delicate youth,[53] this -arrangement held out to Maximilian or his successors the prospect of -acquiring the fair valley of the upper Neckar. But the other -achievement of his policy was destined to have far more momentous -consequences. This was the fulfilment of his agreement with Ferdinand -the Catholic, in accordance with which the Prince of Asturias was -betrothed to Margaret of Austria, and the Archduke Philip to Joanna of -Spain. By an extraordinary fatality, the latter marriage, which at the -time had {41} seemed the less important of the two, came to exercise a -vast influence on the history of Europe. The Spanish heir died within -a year of his marriage (1497), and Margaret's child lived but a few -days. Isabella Queen of Portugal was now heiress of Castile and -Arragon; but the fates fought against the unity of the Peninsula. In -1498 Isabella died, and in 1500 her only child, Prince Miguel, followed -her to the grave. Philip's wife, Joanna, became heiress of Spain and -all its splendid dependencies in the New World. - -Though Maximilian had been thwarted in the hope of meeting his rival on -the open field, the next year brought a prospect of intervention in -Italian affairs. Charles VIII., on his return to France, had set on -foot preparations for a fresh invasion. The success of his overtures -to the Swiss Cantons, and the servile attitude of Florence, filled the -Venetians and Ludovico with alarm; and the two powers invited -Maximilian to make an expedition to Italy in person. His eagerness to -restore Imperial influence in that country, coupled with his knightly -thirst for renown, led him, with curious inconsistency, to submit to -the indignity of becoming the pensioner of States whose feudal superior -he claimed to be. Each promised 30,000 ducats for three months towards -the payment of his troops and engaged a number of Swiss mercenaries in -addition. The Emperor's sanguine nature already saw the French party -in Italy crushed, and frontier provinces wrested from the grasp of -Charles. But the Estates of the Empire, which had been summoned to -meet at Lindau, proved more unmanageable than ever. Even had his -condottiere-contract not filled them with disgust, they were wholly -disinclined to {42} repay his grudging and half-cancelled concessions -by grants of money for an object which the Empire viewed with -indifference. His penury may be judged by a letter which he received -from his councillors at Worms, containing an urgent request for more -money, as the maintenance of the courtiers has been stopped, and the -Queen and her ladies will be provided for "only three or four days -more; and if within that time no money comes, even their food-supplies -will come to an end."[54] - -[Illustration: LUDOVICO SFORZA (Duke of Milan)] - -Charles VIII.'s financial straits soon compelled him to abandon his -schemes of active interference in Italy; and the Signoria, no longer -needing Maximilian's presence, now came to regard him as a positive -hindrance to their aggrandizing policy. But nothing could divert him -from his project. When the Venetians boggled over their promised -subsidy, he secured the necessary sum by loans from the Fuggers. The -remonstrances of his advisers were of none avail. At Augsburg and Linz -he divided his time between wild dreams of conquest with the Archduke -Philip, and the festive entertainments of the citizens. On St. John's -Eve he led the fairest maiden of the town to the dance, and gallantly -assisted her to kindle the bonfire, to the sound of drums and cornets -and the merry music of the dance.[55] In July he had an interview with -Ludovico at Munster,[56] receiving him in hunting dress, surrounded by -his companions of the chase; and in the last days of August entered -Italy {43} by the Valtelline. Even then his compact was not strictly -fulfilled. Instead of the stipulated 7,000 men, his army never -amounted to more than 4,000. His first scheme, of driving the French -from Asti and forcing Savoy to join the League, was sacrificed to the -jealousy of Venice, which opposed any increase of the power of Milan. -Nor were his own relations with Ludovico distinguished by their -cordiality. The latter declined to subsidize him unless the Pope and -Venice granted equal amounts, and sought to employ him in garrisoning -the Milanese against French attacks.[57] Finally, Maximilian decided -upon an attack on Florence, and as a preliminary laid siege to Livorno, -curtly informing Ludovico that if he would not provide money for his -troops he had better dismiss them to their homes.[58] But the numbers -of the besiegers were insufficient for the task, the Venetians held -aloof, and the French garrison never lost entire command of the sea. -The arrival of a fleet from Marseilles removed Maximilian's last hopes -of reducing the city; his resources were by now exhausted, and, -declaring that "against the will of God and men he would not wage this -war," he hurriedly retired northwards. He turned a deaf ear to the -entreaties of the Papal Legate,[59] and before Christmas was again in -Tyrol. According to the Italian wits, not even hunting invitations -could detain the disappointed monarch. In short his conduct presents a -favourable opportunity for introducing the cricitisms of Quirini, one -of the first {44} of that line of brilliant ambassadors, whose -diplomacy prolonged the existence of Venice till modern times. "He is -of excellent parts, and more fertile in expedients than any of his -advisers, yet he does not know how to avail himself of any single -remedy at the right moment; while he is as full of ideas and plans as -he is powerless to execute them. And though two or three methods lie -open to his intellect, and though he chooses one of them as the best, -yet he does not pursue this, because before its fulfilment another -design which he considers better has suddenly presented itself. And -thus he flits from better to better, till both time and opportunity for -execution are past"![60] Yet with all his indecision and want of -perseverance, he was resigned and cheerful in adversity, and it was -perhaps at this period that he consoled himself with the assurance -"Gott sorgt schon: es könnte noch schlimmer gehen."[61] - -Maximilian's failure left the French influence all-powerful in Italy; -but Charles VIII. made no further movement, and his premature death in -April 1498 materially changed the situation. The first act of Louis -XII.--his infamous divorce from Jeanne of France, followed by his -marriage to Anne of Brittany--can hardly have been gratifying news to -Maximilian. Still, the latter hoped to obtain the restoration of -Burgundy from the new King, in return for acquiescence in the French -policy in Italy. But when his representations met with no response, he -sought aid {45} from the Diet for a war against France. In spite of -its refusal, and though he might have seen that the League had no -intention of pulling his chestnuts out of the fire, he threw an army -into Burgundy. But the Swiss mercenaries, who formed its strength, -either were bribed by Louis or mutinied for want of pay; while Philip -concluded a separate peace with France (July 2, 1499), actually -renouncing the claims which his father brought forward in his name, and -receiving from Louis XII. the investiture of Artois and Flanders. The -French King was led to conclude this treaty by his designs upon the -Duchy of Milan, which he claimed as the lawful heir of the Visconti -dynasty. His wise policy of treating the various members of the League -as though it were non-existent was crowned with success. Ere long all -were pacified but Maximilian, and he was rendered harmless by -systematic intriguing with the Swiss Confederates--a policy which had a -perceptible influence in producing the memorable Swiss war of 1499. -The immediate causes of the outbreak were incidents of petty friction -on the Tyrolese border; but the real question at issue was the relation -of the Confederates to the Empire. - -No sooner had the Swiss in earlier days attained their object of -holding directly from the Emperor, than they made it sufficiently -obvious that this dependence was for the future to be mainly nominal. -During the long reign of Frederick III. they had enjoyed just such a -state of internal peace and order as the perpetual Landfriede and the -Kammergericht aimed at securing for the rest of the Empire; and now, -when Maximilian demanded their submission to the decrees of the Diet of -Worms, by contributing men and money for his schemes of foreign policy, -war was practically {46} inevitable. Their close relations with -successive Kings of France had long shown the slight regard in which -they held their nominal ruler. Their connexion with the Empire brought -them no advantage, submission to the Common Penny (das Gemeine Pfennig) -naturally appeared a hardship to them, and the decisions of the -Kammergericht they regarded as assaults upon their treasured freedom. -Their refusal of Maximilian's demands was coupled with general steps -for union with the sister Leagues of the Graubünden and the Valais. -The war began with marauding and skirmishing, growing fiercer and -assuming larger proportions when the Swabian League armed itself at the -Imperial summons. But the Swiss everywhere held their own: their -superiority was admitted even by the Count of Fürstenberg, general of -the League, who branded his own troops as "ein flüchtig, schnöd und -ehrlos Volk." Maximilian himself had been engaged in unprofitable -operations against the Duke of Gueldres, and only arrived upon the -scene in July, to find matters going against him. Even his presence -did not turn the balance, and at Schwaderloch the Swiss, though -somewhat outnumbered, more than held their own. Only four days later -(July 24), the army of Henry of Fürstenberg, 15,000 to 16,000 strong, -suffered a severe defeat at Dornach at the hands of 6,000 Confederates. -The Austrian leader, with many distinguished nobles and about 4,000 -men, perished on the field. This disaster dealt the final blow to -Maximilian's hopes. At first he shut himself up in the Castle of -Lindau, and refused to see any of his nobles.[62] But he soon -reconciled himself to the necessity of coming to terms. The {47} -Treaty of Basel (September 22, 1499), though less remarkable for its -provisions than for its omissions, is one of the landmarks of Swiss -history. By it mutual conquests were restored, and Maximilian -recovered the Prättigau, while various small disputes were referred to -arbitration. But, while Swiss independence was not formally recognized -by the Empire till a century and a half later, it was tacitly secured -by this treaty; and henceforward the Confederates enjoyed entire -immunity from Imperial jurisdiction and from Imperial taxation. Nor -was this the only result of the struggle. The Swiss had won for -themselves a position which inspired their neighbours with a genuine -admiration and a very wholesome fear. Respected and courted by the -outer world, they strengthened their position internally by a close -union of the Confederates and the Graubünden. The Empire was deprived -for ever of a number of its most valuable subjects,[63] and the House -of Hapsburg was finally excluded from the cradle of its greatness. - -No one reaped fuller advantage from the Swiss war than Louis XII. -While all the energies of Maximilian were devoted to coping with the -Confederates, he found himself free to carry into execution his -projected invasion of the Milanese. Had the Emperor proved successful, -Ludovico might perhaps have saved himself (or at least prolonged the -struggle) by entering the Swabian League; but with the defeat of -Dornach the usurper's fate was sealed. Louis XII., who had already -allied himself with the Pope and Venice, winning the support of the -latter by the promise of Cremona, crossed the Alps at the end of July -with an army {48} of 22,000 men, and entered Milan almost unopposed. -Ludovico, deserted and betrayed by his people, sought refuge in Tyrol, -and was among the first to bring the tidings of his own misfortunes to -his Imperial nephew. But though received with the utmost sympathy and -respect by Maximilian, he soon perceived that the latter was as usual -at the end of his resources, and that no assistance need be looked for -from him. He purchased the services of 8,000 Swiss mercenaries and of -the celebrated Burgundian guard, and with their aid recovered his -capital and most of its territory. But the army which Louis XII. -despatched to the assistance of Bayard consisted largely of Swiss -troops; and Ludovico's mercenaries, refusing to fight against their -countrymen in the French service, renounced his cause and betrayed him -to the enemy. (April 10, 1500). In this undignified way one of the -chief disturbers of the peace of Italy bids a last farewell to the -field of politics; he remained in the most rigorous confinement at -Loches for the next five years, after which the earnest intercession of -Maximilian secured some relaxation in his treatment. He was allowed a -space of several leagues around his prison for hunting and other -amusements, and died in captivity in 1510. - -On the very day when Ludovico fell into the hands of the French, -Maximilian opened the Imperial Diet at Augsburg. His main object was -to obtain aid against France; but the complete failure of his recent -military enterprises--alike in Burgundy, Gueldres, Switzerland and -Milan--compelled him to acquiesce in the formation of a Council of -Regency, (Reichsregiment), which was to discuss all military and -financial affairs, and even questions of foreign policy, which at that -period were considered the special department {49} of the Monarch. -This Council consisted of twenty-one members, of whom sixteen were -appointed by the Electors and Princes, two by the Imperial towns; while -Maximilian nominated two for Austria and Burgundy, and only one, the -President, in his capacity of Emperor. The promoters of the scheme -aimed at little short of his abdication; while he, on his part, -cheerfully assumed that they would defer to his wishes on matters of -foreign politics. The bait held out to him by Berthold was a permanent -war administration, possessing power both to levy troops and to impose -taxes; from this he promised himself an army of 30,000 men, and money -to maintain it. But the project remained upon paper, and Maximilian's -disgust was turned to fury when the first step of the new Council was -to conclude a truce with France, and virtually to commit him to -investing Louis XII. with Milan. Finding himself helpless in view of -the Diet's opposition, and determined not to submit to the ruling of -the Council, he began to make separate overtures to the French King. -In this he was readily encouraged by the Archduke Philip and by -Ferdinand, who was already hatching his iniquitous plot for the -partition of Naples, and who found Maximilian's hostile attitude to -France a drag upon Louis' action. In October 1501 the visit of -Cardinal d'Amboise, the trusted adviser of Louis XII., to the Court of -Innsbruck, brought matters to a final issue. A treaty, whose -friendliness was only rivalled by its hypocrisy, was concluded between -the two Monarchs. The infant Archduke Charles was betrothed to Louis' -daughter Claude; Louis himself was to receive the investiture of Milan, -in return for the sum of 80,000 crowns, and promised to assist the {50} -Emperor in his journey to Rome and in his projects against the Turks. -But the actual terms of the agreement were of little importance, as -they were obviously intended only for momentary ends. The conquest of -Naples, which was effected in the years 1501-1505, soon led to quarrels -between the two conquerors. Louis XII.'s continual intrigues with the -German Princes induced Maximilian to support the Spanish cause by the -despatch of 2,500 landsknechts; and by the end of 1504 the brilliant -tactics of the great Captain resulted in the final expulsion of the -French from the kingdom of Naples. At the same time the Emperor found -means to check Louis' intrigues, which the outbreak of the Bavarian war -had rendered dangerous. By the Treaty of Blois (September 22), Milan -was ensured to Louis XII., and, failing heirs-male, to Claude and her -youthful bridegroom Charles.[64] But this agreement, like its -predecessor, was not made to be observed. No sooner had d'Amboise -obtained Louis' formal investiture from the Emperor (April 1505), than -the betrothal of Claude to the Archduke was secretly annulled, and -Francis of Angoulême took his place as her prospective husband. The -death of Isabella the Catholic, and the struggle of Ferdinand and -Philip for the Castilian Regency, removed all danger of any united -effort between Spain and the Hapsburgs against France; and early in -1506 Louis' breach of faith was formally proclaimed and ratified by the -States-General of Tours.[65] - -{51} - -Notwithstanding this rebuff, Maximilian had gained a very distinct -advantage from peace with France. So long as the question of -investiture was pending, Louis could not interfere in the affairs of -the Empire, and Maximilian was free to profit by the turn of events. - -The death of George the Rich, Duke of Bavaria-Landshut (December 1, -1503), resulted in a disputed succession. In spite of a family -agreement (Erbvertrag) which expressly nominated as his heirs Duke -Albert IV. of Munich and his brother Wolfgang, the old Duke left his -lands to his daughter Elizabeth, wife of Rupert, a younger son of the -Elector Palatine. Both parties prepared to assert their rights, and -Rupert, careless of the consequences, threw himself into Landshut, thus -opening the war, and putting himself under the ban of the Empire.[66] -The Estates refused allegiance to Albert, and called in Maximilian as -mediator in the quarrel. The Emperor preferred to renounce his -position of _tertius gaudens_, and to throw the whole weight of his -support on Albert's side. Even had he not already, in 1497, recognized -Albert's title, both justice and his own interests urged him to the -Bavarian side. The Palatine House had ever been the foe of the -Hapsburgs, and Duke Albert, as the Emperor's brother-in-law, would -naturally seem the less dangerous of the two claimants. Maximilian at -first offered Rupert a third of George's possessions, in the hope of -averting hostilities; but, meeting with a curt refusal, he roused the -forces of the Swabian League, and, assisted by Würtemberg, Brunswick -and Hesse, took the field in person at the head of a considerable army. -The sudden death of {52} Rupert (August 20, 1504), closely followed by -that of his masculine wife Elizabeth, did not put an end to the war, -the Elector continuing the struggle in the name of his grandsons. A -fierce encounter took place near Regensburg between the Imperialists -and a large body of Bohemian mercenaries in the Elector's service. -Maximilian himself led the right wing to the charge, and drove the -enemy back to their laager, which, after the example of Zizka, they had -constructed from their baggage waggons. A desperate sally for the -moment broke the Imperialist ranks, and he was surrounded and dragged -from his horse by the long grappling hooks attached to the Bohemians' -lances. He owed his life to the distinguished gallantry of Eric of -Brunswick, who scattered his assailants when all hope seemed lost. -Rallying his troops, he led them on to victory, and defeated the enemy -with heavy loss. This affray was followed up by the siege of Kufstein, -in which the Emperor's artillery played an important part--especially -two heavy pieces, which he had christened "Purlepaus" and "Weckauf von -Oesterreich." The hesitation of the garrison, which at first made -promises of surrender, and then decided upon resistance, so deeply -incensed Maximilian, that when the inevitable capitulation came, he -refused to show any mercy. It was only when half the scanty garrison -had been executed that the intercession of the Princes prevailed to -secure pardon for such as remained (October 17, 1504). The capture of -Kufstein was the last serious incident of the war. A truce was -concluded in February, 1505, and in August, when Maximilian appeared at -the Diet of Köln, he was able to dictate his own terms to the -discomfited Elector. With the exception of Neuburg, {53} and some -territory north of the Danube, which were formed into an appanage for -Rupert's children, all the lands of George were made over to Bavaria. -But the Emperor had not conducted the war solely from the kindness of -his heart, and both claimed and secured a substantial reward for his -services. From the Palatinate he acquired Hagenau and the Ortenau; -from Bavaria, Kufstein, Rattenberg, and a number of petty -lordships,[67] and, most important of all, the Zillerthal, which gave -Tyrol a strong frontier to the north-east, and rounded off the -territories to which he had succeeded in 1500 on the death of Leonard -of Görz. - -Maximilian's reputation in the Empire was now perhaps higher than it -had ever been before; the more so, that in the winter of 1504 death had -removed his old opponent, Berthold of Mainz, and that the new Elector -was a near relative of his own.[68] But when the future was all bright -with hope, and when his coronation at Rome and an union of Spain and -the Empire against the French and the Turks seemed at last on the point -of realization, his golden dreams met with a rude awakening. The -sudden and premature death of Philip, who had assumed in person the -government of Castile, and was successfully defending himself against -the spiteful intrigues of Ferdinand, put an end to the Emperor's -projects of Hapsburg combination (Sep. 25, 1506). The Catholic King -recovered the Regency, and was soon more powerful than ever in the -Spanish Peninsula. Maximilian at first met with no better success in -his attempt to {54} secure the government of the Low Countries. The -Estates of the seventeen Provinces refused to recognize his claims to -the Regency during the minority of his grandson Charles, and were -encouraged by Louis XII. in the formation of a Council of Regency. But -internal troubles, and the activity of Charles of Gueldres, pled his -cause more eloquently than any measures of his own. On their voluntary -submission to his rule, he appointed William de Croy, Lord of Chièvres, -and Adrian of Utrecht[69] as Charles' tutors, and entrusted the -administration to his daughter Margaret, the widowed Duchess of Savoy, -who made her public entry into Mechlin in July 1507, and who throughout -her rule justified his choice by her scrupulous integrity and brilliant -statesmanship. - -In the same year, 1507, Maximilian made a fiery appeal to the Diet -assembled at Constance, for assistance in his schemes of a journey to -Rome and the expulsion of the French from Milan. After considerable -delay he obtained a grant of 3,000 horse and 9,000 foot for six months, -and received a further promise of 6,000 men from the Swiss envoys. But -his sanguine expectations were once more doomed to disappointment. The -majority of the promised troops never made their appearance; French -gold won over his Swiss allies;[70] and the Estates of his own -dominions outdid all previous occasions in their parsimony. Meanwhile -his ardent preparations had roused the distrust of Venice, which -refused him passage through {55} her dominions, unless he restricted -himself to a trifling escort. His army was too weak to force its way -either through Milanese or through Venetian territory; and hence he was -driven to an expedient which involved a break with the old mediaeval -traditions of the Empire. On February 4, 1508, he had himself -proclaimed with great pomp and solemnity, in the Cathedral of Trent, as -Holy Roman Emperor. It was declared that for the future in all -official documents he should be known by the title of "erwählte -römischer Kaiser," but that for convenience sake he should commonly be -called "Emperor." Julius II. raised no objection, partly because -Maximilian fully acknowledged the Papal right to crown him, and still -more because his arrival in Rome with an army would have been a most -unwelcome event. Maximilian's step was the first departure from the -immemorial custom of his predecessors; but with the exception of his -grandson, Charles V., not one of his successors in the Empire received -his crown at the hands of the Pope. - -The refusal of Venice to grant a passage to the Imperial army -accentuated the ill-feeling which had long existed between Maximilian -and the Republic. Now that his ambitions could find no outlet to the -South, he turned his gaze Eastwards, and rashly embroiled himself with -his powerful neighbour. Within a month of his assumption of the -Imperial dignity, his troops were advancing into Venetian territory -from three different directions, threatening Vicenza, the valley of the -Adige, and Friuli. Maximilian gives expression to his rosy dreams of -victory in a letter to the Elector of Saxony: "The Venetians paint -their lion with two feet in the sea, the third on {56} the plains, the -fourth on the mountains. We have almost won the foot on the mountains, -only one claw is wanting, which with God's help we shall have in eight -days; then we mean to conquer the foot on the plains too."[71] But the -very day after this confident epistle was penned, Trautson, one of his -best captains, was routed and killed by the Venetians, with a total -loss of over 2,000. The Venetians now took the offensive in earnest, -and, superior both in numbers and discipline, completely turned the -tables on the Imperialists. Town after town fell before their advance, -and by the end of June, Görz, Pordenone, Adelsberg, Trieste were in -their hands; while the fleet seized Fiume and overawed the whole of -Istria. As soon as the tide began to turn, Maximilian had hastened -back to Germany, to rouse the Electors and the Swabian League, but from -neither could he obtain any real assistance. The whole brunt of the -defence fell upon the Tyrolese, who responded manfully to the call, and -checked the Venetian advance at Pietra, on the way to Trent. But any -prolonged resistance was hopeless; and Maximilian saw himself obliged -to conclude a three years' truce with the Republic, by which the latter -retained all her conquests except Adelsberg. - -The Emperor's humiliation at the hands of Venice only served to augment -the suspicion and dislike with which she was regarded by her other -neighbours. The Pope felt an especial grudge against her, as the -possessor of Ravenna and Rimini, which lawfully belonged to the Holy -See. Already in the summer of 1507 he had been feeling his way towards -a coalition, by an attempt to restore friendly relations between {57} -Louis and Maximilian; but the latter was then still too full of schemes -for the recovery of Milan to entertain the proposal. When however he -engaged in war with Venice, he sent agents of his own accord to Louis -XII. The latter at first refused all accommodation unless Venice were -included; but when the Republic neglected to include Gueldres in the -truce, he availed himself of this flimsy excuse to negotiate with the -Emperor. An active exchange of views followed between Margaret and her -father, both as to an agreement with France, with regard to which he -trusted largely to her judgment,[72] and the proposed marriage of -Charles with Mary of England, to which he would only consent in return -for a substantial loan.[73] Maximilian himself arrived in the -Netherlands in August, but does not seem to have visited his daughter. -When the crisis of the negotiations was reached he still remained in -the background, and deputed Margaret and his councillor, Matthew -Lang,[74] to receive the French envoys at Cambrai. D'Amboise raised so -many difficulties that at length Margaret threatened to return home, -declaring that they were merely wasting time.[75] This firm attitude -brought the French envoys to reason, and on December 10, 1508, the -memorable League of Cambrai was duly ratified. Ostensibly it was a -renewal of the treaties of 1501 and 1504, with the exception of the -betrothal of Claude and Charles. But its genuine aim was the complete -partition of the Venetian land-Empire between the four {58} -arch-conspirators. The Pope was to receive the towns of the Romagna, -Ferdinand the Apulian seaports. Maximilian was to recover all his lost -territories and to supplement them by Verona, Padua, Vicenza, Treviso -and Friuli; while Louis XII. should occupy Brescia, Bergamo and -Cremona. The Imperial conscience, which felt some scruples at so -prompt an infringement of the truce, was salved by the commands of -Julius II., who bade him, as protector of the Church, take part in the -recovery of her lands. Further, to veil the iniquity of the agreement, -the Pope excommunicated Venice and all its subject lands. - -Though Maximilian thus isolated Venice, and made it possible to recover -his lost territory, yet his adhesion to the League was an undoubted -political error. Not only did his action assist the destruction of the -only power in North Italy capable of resisting the foreigner, and thus -directly lead to the establishment of French predominance in Lombardy; -but it also implanted in the minds of the Signoria that irremovable -distrust of his intentions which was responsible for many of his later -misfortunes, and which the pursuance of a straightforward policy might -have averted. Had he exercised but a moderate amount of foresight, he -would have realized that Louis, with his vast superiority in power and -resources, would sooner or later discard his needy ally and reserve the -lion's share for himself. It is probable that the false glamour and -vanity of the Imperial tradition obscured his eyes to the fact of his -own weakness; and what from one point of view is his strength--his -unquenchable hopefulness and buoyancy of spirit--here proved his -weakness and egged him on to defeat and humiliation. - -{59} - -Leaving the Netherlands after a year's residence, Maximilian repaired -to the Diet of Worms (April, 1509). Never before had the Estates been -so unanimous in refusing all support and loading him with complaints. -The cities were enraged at the practical supersession of the Council of -Regency, the Princes at his negotiating without their consent. After -mutual recriminations, they separated without effecting anything; and -their dispersal marks the end of all genuine attempts at Reform. Even -Maximilian's hereditary Estates voted far fewer men than he had -expected, and qualified even this grant by making the troops liable to -service only when he was personally in command. He thus found himself -involved in a serious war, without having sufficient resources to -execute his far-reaching designs, and was reduced to pledge tolls, -mines, and other sources of revenue in order to raise money. - -The first great incident of the war was the Battle of Agnadello (May -14, 1509), in which the Venetians suffered defeat at the hands of the -French. The Papal troops occupied Ravenna and the rest of the Romagna, -while Ferdinand added the Apulian ports to his new dominions. For the -first and last time Venice made Maximilian a really advantageous offer: -all his lands should be restored, the Imperial suzerainty should be -recognized, and a handsome yearly subsidy paid down. But the envoys of -the Republic were not even allowed to approach him, and about midsummer -the Emperor opened the campaign in person with 15,000 men. The -Venetians had drawn off the mass of their troops to meet the French -advance, and he was virtually unopposed. By the middle of July he had -recovered all that he {60} had lost, and occupied in addition Verona, -Vicenza, Padua, Bassano and Feltre. He had already fetched some heavy -artillery over the Brenner to reduce Treviso, when the complexion of -affairs was suddenly and completely reversed. The inhabitants of the -invaded districts remained loyal to the Venetians, and so many of the -Imperial troops were required to check their harassing movements that -the towns were insufficiently garrisoned. The Pope and Ferdinand, -their own objects once attained, grew indifferent to the progress of -the League, and the Venetians bravely rallied and by a sudden movement -regained possession of Padua. The Emperor, leaving Treviso, laid siege -to Padua with some 22,000 men, and employed his heavy ordnance with -considerable effect. But the numbers of the garrison prevented him -from maintaining a complete blockade; and when two brilliant and -determined assaults had failed to reduce the town, he raised the siege -and returned to Tyrol (October). He himself explains his action by the -great number of troops and artillery inside, by the wonderful strength -of the defences, and by the lukewarm spirit of his own troops.[76] But -the main reasons are to be found in the short period for which the -troops were voted, and the entire lack of money to win them for further -services. Even in August the Emperor was pawning "deux couliers d'or -garniz de beaucop de bonnes et riches pierres," and a number of other -valuable jewels.[77] The Venetians quickly recovered all places of any -importance, with the solitary exception of Verona, which was defended -by a mixed garrison of Germans, French and {61} Spaniards. Maximilian, -at the end of his resources, threw himself unreservedly into the hands -of Louis XII. The Diet of Augsburg, which met in January, 1510, would -have acted wisely in strengthening his hands; for, now that there was a -danger of both Italy and the Papacy becoming dependent upon France, it -was more than ever to the interests of Germany to hold a strong -position south of the Alps. In spite of his rash onsets without -adequate preparation, Maximilian had a strong sense of the greatness of -the Empire, and was pre-eminently fitted to rouse the patriotism of -Germany in a struggle against the foreigner. The Diet did, it is true, -vote 1,800 horse and 6,000 foot for six months, but it had taken four -months to make up its mind to the sacrifice, and even then the troops -never arrived. Meanwhile the League had broken up. Julius II., once -in possession of the Romagnan cities, devoted himself to the problem of -"the expulsion of the barbarian." With this end in view, he removed -the ban from the Republic (February, 1510) and concluded a five years' -league with the Swiss, who were to send 6,000 mercenaries to his aid. -In July the Papal and Venetian armies assumed the offensive, and the -latter were able to reoccupy Friuli. But Julius met with disaster on -all sides; Maximilian and Louis won over the Swiss to inactivity, and -Henry VIII., on whose aid the Pope had reckoned, made peace with -France. Maximilian's attitude towards Venice was fiercer and more -hostile than ever, and led him to encourage the Pasha of Bosnia to -attack her Adriatic possessions. He himself declares that he hopes -soon "to carry out some fine exploit and execution against our enemy; -for it is not enough to put them to death by the {62} hundred: we must -dispose of them by the thousand."[78] Julius was driven to modify or -conceal his contemptuous opinion of the Emperor, whom he had treated to -the nick-name of "a naked baby."[79] For it was mainly through the -latter's influence that the Congress of Mantua was arranged, and -attended by the envoys of France, Spain, England and the Pope (March -1511), the primary object being the restoration of the League against -Venice. Earnest negotiations were also conducted at Bologna between -the Pope and Matthew Lang, who loyally resisted the bribes of a -cardinal's hat from Julius and of large subsidies from Venice. The -disproportion between the demands of the Emperor and the Republic was -too great to be overcome, and the Pope's hopes of winning Maximilian to -his League were frustrated. Still powerless by himself, Maximilian was -more than ever dependent on the French, and played a somewhat -subordinate part in the operations of Louis against the Venetians. A -despatch which he received from Trivulzio shows us in what scanty -consideration he was held by the French commander. Referring to the -capture of Mirandola by a German captain, he declares that "it has -thrown me into a worse humour than I have been in during my life," and -denounces the Imperialists in the most outspoken fashion.[80] - -The sudden illness of Julius II. (August 1511), from which a fatal -issue was generally expected, led to an episode, which, though trivial -in itself and void of result, gives us a vivid impression of -Maximilian's {63} visionary nature. He actually entertained the -preposterous idea of himself succeeding Julius and uniting Empire and -Papacy in one person. Lang, Bishop of Gurk, was to proceed at once to -Rome, to persuade the Pope "to take us as coadjutor, so that on his -death we may be assured of having the Papacy, and of becoming a priest, -and afterwards a saint, so that after my death you will be constrained -to adore me, whence I shall gain much glory."[81] If necessary, Lang -was to spend 300,000 ducats in bribing the various Cardinals, and -Maximilian counted upon the assistance of Ferdinand and the people of -Rome. His confidential letter to Margaret bears the signature--"vostre -bon père Maximilian, futur pape." - -But these extravagant dreams were dissipated by the unexpected recovery -of Julius II., who plunged more eagerly than ever into political life. -On October 5, 1511, the Holy League was openly published in Rome. Its -members--the Pope, Ferdinand and Venice--veiled their real design, the -expulsion of the French, under the sanctimonious pretence of -maintaining the integrity of the Papal States. Throughout the early -stages of the war Maximilian remained virtually inactive, but steadily -declined to desert his French allies. But none the less he permitted -Ferdinand and the Pope to conclude in his name a ten months' truce with -Venice. He was thus in the happy position of being in request with -both sides, while himself free from all immediate danger. When the -death of Gaston de Foix at Ravenna (April 11, {64} 1512) deprived the -French of their most capable leader, and the tide began to turn against -them, Maximilian inclined towards the side of the Pope. In allowing -18,000 Swiss to pass through Tyrol on their way to join the Venetians, -and in issuing strict orders that all Germans serving with Louis should -return home, he was certainly guilty of unfriendly conduct towards his -ally. In the actual expulsion of the French from the Milanese he took -no direct part, but from want of funds rather than disinclination,--the -Diet of Trier turning a deaf ear to his most urgent entreaties. At -length in November he took the decisive step. Though he had hoped to -see Milan under his grandson Charles rather than Massimiliano Sforza, -he consented to a league with Julius II., to whom the Imperial -recognition of the Lateran Council was of vital importance. In return -for this the Pope promised his support against Venice, with temporal as -well as spiritual arms. - -[Illustration: ARMOUR OF MAXIMILIAN] - -In February 1513, however, the situation was again changed by the death -of Julius II., and by the reconciliation of France and Venice. The new -Pope, Leo X., was vacillating and untrustworthy, though nominally -well-disposed to the Emperor; and the latter began to turn elsewhere -for an ally. On April 5, 1513, a treaty of alliance was concluded -between Maximilian and Henry VIII., mainly through the efforts of -Margaret, who had long urged on her father a break with France and a -close union with Spain and England. At first we find him complaining -that Henry "gives us only to understand what he wishes from us, while -of what he ought to do for us there is no mention."[82] But the -promise of 100,000 gold {65} crowns was magical in its effect; all his -opposition ceased, and he indulged in the usual sanguine anticipations. -Ferdinand, Henry and Maximilian would unite until France was completely -crushed, and by a joint invasion would win back all the territories -which had been wrested from their ancestors. The alliance was to be -cemented at the earliest possible date by the marriage of Charles to -Mary of England. - -Notwithstanding such threatening signs, the French king pushed on his -preparations for a new invasion of Italy. The rapid success of the -expedition was suddenly effaced on the field of Novara (June 6, 1513), -where the French sustained a severe defeat at the hands of the Swiss -and were driven back across the Alps. Their return to France virtually -coincided with the expedition of Henry VIII. At the end of June the -English army landed at Calais, and marching in three divisions, -appeared before Thérouenne on August 1. Eleven days later he was -joined by Maximilian, who had already announced his intention of -serving as the English king's chief captain. "His experienced eye at -once detected a capital blunder in Henry's strategic position," but the -lethargy and exhaustion of the French had saved the latter from any -awkward consequences. The French armies had suffered terribly at -Novara, and Louis XII. himself was too broken in health to infuse -vigour into the operations. On August 16, Maximilian, at the head of -the allied forces, won a brilliant little victory at Guinegate, the -scene of his earlier triumph over the French in 1479. The enemy's -headlong retreat won for the engagement the familiar name of the Battle -of Spurs. This resulted in the surrender of Thérouenne, whose example -was followed on {66} September 24 by the important town of Tournai. -But, in spite of Maximilian's eager encouragement, Henry VIII. refused -to make full use of his advantage. The lateness of the season, the -difficulties of obtaining sufficient supplies, and still more the -position of affairs in Scotland, made him anxious to return to England; -and in November he re-embarked his army, leaving vague promises of a -renewal of the campaign in the following spring. Maximilian's -disappointment had been seriously augmented by the course of events on -the Burgundian frontier. Towards the end of August an army of 30,000 -Swiss and Germans, led by Ulric of Würtemberg, had penetrated into -Burgundy, and on September 7 laid siege to Dijon. A determined assault -upon the town came within an ace of success, and made it clear to La -Trémouille, the commander of the garrison, that any prolonged -resistance was impossible. Substantial bribes to the Swiss leaders won -over the invaders to a treaty, by which Louis XII. was to make peace -with the Pope, to evacuate Milan, Cremona and Asti in favour of the -young Sforza, and to pay 400,000 crowns to the Swiss. On the strength -of this agreement Burgundy was evacuated; but no sooner was all danger -from that quarter at an end than Louis XII. repudiated the treaty, on -the ground that La Trémouille had greatly exceeded his powers. - -In spite of the failure of Maximilian's hopes, he and Henry seem to -have parted on friendly terms. Indeed, the last event of the campaign -had been the treaty of Lille (October 17, 1513), between the two -sovereigns and Ferdinand, which stipulated for a triple attack on -France in the summer. Maximilian was to maintain 10,000 troops on the -French frontier in {67} return for a substantial subsidy from Henry -VIII., and Charles's betrothal to Mary of England was formally renewed. -But the unscrupulous Ferdinand only signed this treaty to infringe it. -Ere six weeks had elapsed, he had formed a close alliance with Louis -XII., which was to be cemented by the marriage of the Princess Renée to -one of Ferdinand's grandsons. Milan and Genoa were to form her dowry, -and were to be jointly occupied by the two sovereigns until the -marriage was actually accomplished. Although the execution of this -treaty could not but thwart one at least of Maximilian's projects--the -marriage of Charles and Mary, and that of young Ferdinand and Anne of -Bohemia---the Emperor was none the less won over by the wiles of the -Catholic king to listen to French proposals of peace. The earnest -dissuasions and sagacious advice of Margaret fell upon deaf ears. "It -seems to me," she wrote, "that this is done only to amuse you ... in -order to gain time, just as happened last year by reason of the -truce.... Small wonder if Ferdinand is the most readily disposed of -you three towards peace; for he has what he wants."[83] And again, -"you know the great inveterate hatred which the French bear towards our -House,"[84] and, "it is clear that now is the hour or never, when you -will be able, with the aid of your allies, to get the mastery over our -common enemies." Even her warnings that peace means that the Duchy of -Burgundy will remain French[85] and that Henry VIII., "if he sees -himself deserted by you, will win for himself better terms than you -will know how to secure," seem to have been entirely {68} disregarded -by the obstinate Maximilian. On March 13, 1514, the Emperor signed the -treaty of Orleans with France, and so confident was he of Ferdinand's -influence with his son-in-law Henry VIII., that he actually guaranteed -the English king's adhesion. The natural result of such presumption -was that Henry and Maximilian fell apart, and early in August the -former made his own terms with Louis XII., fully justifying Margaret's -prophecy that the French King would set more value upon a settlement -with England than upon the less solid advantages to be gained from her -father's goodwill. - -Peace was followed in October by the marriage of the enfeebled Louis -XII. and the vivacious Mary of England, the rupture of whose betrothal -to Charles completed the estrangement of Henry and Maximilian. But the -gaieties and entertainments which heralded the new Queen's arrival -proved fatal to the bridegroom. The death of Louis XII. on New Year's -Day 1515, and the accession of his cousin, the young and fiery Francis -of Angoulême, produced a complete change in the political situation. -The typical product of his age, the new sovereign personified only too -well the France of the Renaissance and of the later Valois kings, -combining all their exaggerated license and treachery with those -debased ideals of chivalry which had replaced the ancient code of -honour. His mind was fired by wild dreams of foreign conquest, and his -accession was promptly followed by preparations for a fresh invasion of -Italy. The treaties with England and Venice were renewed, and by the -end of March the young Archduke Charles, who had assumed the Government -in January, signed, at the instance of his tutor Chièvres, a treaty of -peace and amity {69} with France. But the French monarch was not to -remain unopposed. A new league was speedily formed against him between -the Pope, the Emperor, Ferdinand, Milan and the Swiss, the latter -resolutely rejecting all Francis's overtures for peace. Undeterred by -the threatening attitude of the League, Francis led a magnificent army -of 60,000 men across the Alps, and in the desperate battle of Marignano -(September 13 and 14, 1515) drove back the Swiss army by sheer hard -fighting. Full 20,000 men were left dead upon the field, and the -Swiss, exhausted by so crushing a defeat, were compelled to abandon the -Milanese to yet another conqueror. Leo X. promptly sued for peace, and -the Spanish and Papal forces in North Italy were practically disbanded. - -The strange inactivity and want of interest, which Maximilian would at -first sight seem to have displayed, while such grave issues were at -stake, must be attributed to an event of great importance in the -history of his own dominions. This was no less than his reception, at -Vienna, of the Kings of Hungary and Poland, which set a seal to the -negotiations and labours of many years by a final understanding between -the two dynasties.[86] Under the terms of the Treaty of Vienna (July -22), Prince Louis of Hungary was definitely betrothed to Mary of -Austria, while his sister Anne was delivered over to the Emperor to be -educated, in view of her marriage with the young Archduke Ferdinand. -The flattery and congratulations which surrounded these proceedings -included the adoption of Louis by Maximilian as his successor in the -Empire. But this was merely a formal move in the diplomatic game, -calculated to {70} win the support of the young Prince. The Emperor -well knew that the Electors cared little for any wishes which he might -express; otherwise we may be sure that Charles, not Louis, would have -been designated.[87] - -The completeness of Francis's success, and his efforts to rouse the -Scots against England drove Henry VIII. into the arms of Ferdinand. -(October 19.) English gold was liberally expended among the -Confederates; and in February, 1516, 17,000 Swiss mercenaries moved on -Verona, to join the Imperialists. Maximilian, whose forces were -further swelled by levies of Tyrol and the Swabian League, was thus -enabled to take the offensive in North Italy, with better prospects of -success than on any previous occasion. In March he led a -well-appointed army of 30,000 men across the Mincio, and forced the -French and Venetians to raise the siege of Brescia and fall back upon -their respective bases. Maximilian continued to advance rapidly beyond -the Oglio and the Adda, until he was within nine miles of Milan itself. -But now, when Bourbon was well-nigh incapable of any prolonged -resistance, and when fortune, after so many rebuffs, seemed at length -about to crown the Imperial arms with victory, Maximilian, for some -inexplicable reason, hesitated to strike home, and withdrew his army -once more behind the Adda. His motives for so extraordinary a step -have never been discovered; and today we are as completely in the dark -as were his own allies at the time. Pace, who, as English envoy in -Maximilian's camp, had peculiar opportunities for clearing up the -mystery, writes in {71} his report to Wolsey, "that no man could, ne -can, conject what thing moved him to be so slack at that time, when -every man did see the victory in his hands, and the expulsion of the -Frenchmen out of Italy."[88] Maximilian's own version--that the -difficulties of foraging, the enemy's superiority in cavalry, and the -stoppage of English money necessitated a retreat--is, in the face of -incontestable facts, most improbable; and the only plausible -suggestion--that the Emperor's change of policy was produced by a -liberal outlay of French gold--is pure conjecture, unsupported by -proofs. If we may believe the testimony of Pace in a matter which -concerned his own person (and there is no reason to suspect his -honesty), the Emperor, in his straits for money, actually profited by -the English envoy's helpless condition, to extort a large sum of money -from him, declaring that in case of a refusal he would make terms with -France and would inform Henry that Pace had been responsible for his -defection.[89] - -The universal indignation which Maximilian's withdrawal aroused among -the troops is shown by the nicknames of "Strohkönig" and "Apfelkönig" -which were levelled at him.[90] The army rapidly melted away, and, -after struggling through the Val Camonica in deep snow, he reached -Innsbruck with but a few hundred Tyrolese troops. On May 26 Brescia -surrendered to the French and Venetians, and of all the Emperor's -conquests Verona alone continued its resistance. - -The sorry outcome of Maximilian's last Italian expedition seriously -impaired his credit, alike within the {72} Empire and abroad. He now -found it advisable to give heed to the counsellors of his grandson -Charles, whose position had been materially altered by recent events. -On January 23, 1516, the arch-intriguer Ferdinand had passed from the -scene of his questionable triumphs; and the young Archduke was left -master of the entire Spanish dominions, with all their boundless -possibilities. In spite of Francis' intrigues in Gueldres and Navarre, -and his scarcely veiled designs upon the throne of Naples, Charles -persisted in a policy of friendship towards France. On August 13 he -concluded the Treaty of Noyon, by which Francis was unquestionably the -greater gainer. Charles' betrothal to the French king's infant -daughter not only put in question his rights to Naples, but also -condemned him to remain a bachelor for many years, until the bride -should attain a marriageable age. He further undertook to win -Maximilian's consent to the restoration of Verona to the Republic, for -a sum of 200,000 ducats. - -The Emperor at first repudiated an agreement which implied such a -lowering of self-esteem, and again sought subsidies from Henry VIII. -But the conclusion of the Perpetual Peace between Francis I. and the -Swiss (November 29, 1516) left him entirely unsupported, and revealed -to him the hopelessness of further resistance. By a treaty at -Brussels, Maximilian agreed to surrender Verona and to conclude a six -months' truce with the enemy. But wounded pride still kept him from -consenting to a permanent peace with Venice, and it was not till July -1518 that he finally acknowledged his discomfiture. A five years' -truce was concluded, under the terms of which Maximilian retained -Roveredo and the district {73} known as "the four Vicariates."[91] But -these small acquisitions were completely outbalanced by the extensive -pledging of domains, tolls and other sources of revenues, which the -long-drawn-out war had rendered necessary, and by the further -accumulation of an enormous debt. The dream of restoring Imperial -influence in Italy was thus finally and completely dissolved.[92] -While the French ruled supreme in the North of Italy and the Spaniards -in the South, Germany alone saw herself excluded from the scenes of her -former predominance. The blame of this failure must rest largely with -the Imperial Diet, which hardly once throughout Maximilian's reign -allowed itself to be moved by considerations of patriotism, and which -by a studied neglect of the demands of foreign policy clearly thwarted -the true interests of Germany. Yet, while there were several occasions -on which the effective assistance of the Estates would have crowned the -Imperial arms with success, it cannot be denied that on the whole -Maximilian displayed an incapacity and want of decision which forms a -striking contrast to his earlier record. The plain truth is that -Maximilian lacked the distinguishing features of a great general, -combining, if we may use a modern comparison, the qualities of a -drill-sergeant and a cavalry-colonel. Brave as a lion himself,[93] he -was apt to forget the duties of a commander in the fierce {74} delights -of the melée; and the dashing successes of his tactics were often -neutralized by the want of a connected plan for the whole campaign. -But we cannot review his military failings without bestowing the -highest praise on his organizing and disciplinary talents. The -landsknechts, who spread the fame of the German arms throughout Europe, -were mainly his creation. His eager care for their welfare, and his -readiness to share their fatigues and privations, won him the entire -devotion, nay adoration of his soldiers; and a personal bond of union -was thus established between them, which accounts for their willingness -to submit to a continual discipline, such as was still contrary to the -practice of the age. Among his many other accomplishments he possessed -a practical knowledge of the founder's trade, which enabled him to -invent several kinds of siege- and field-pieces, and to introduce -various minor improvements in the art of war. - -In the summer of 1518, while the settlement with Venice was still -pending, Maximilian met the Estates of the Empire for the last time, at -the Diet of Augsburg. His two main objects--the election of Charles as -his successor, and a permanent military organization with a view to a -crusade against the Turks,--met with little encouragement from the -Estates, whose minds were filled with religious grievances and dreams -of a national German Church. Hence they were scarcely likely to assist -the Emperor, when they realized that his present policy involved entire -dependence upon the Pope.[94] The endless {75} complaints and -proposals which characterized the Diet, "showed clearly that the -highest power in the Empire no longer fulfilled its office, but also -that the possibility of doing so had been removed from its hands." But -Maximilian's comparative lifelessness at this time admits of another -explanation, apart from his pre-occupation with the Venetian Treaty. -Throughout the year he had been in failing health, and the pathetic -words in which he bade farewell to his beloved Augsburg suggest that he -was conscious of his approaching end. "God's blessing rest with thee, -dear Augsburg, and with all upright citizens of thine! Many a happy -mood have we enjoyed within thy walls; now we shall never see thee -more!" Possibly at the prompting of Cajetan, the Papal Legate, -Maximilian gave a most pointed proof of his lack of sympathy with -Luther, by leaving the city only two days before the monk arrived. - -The closing months of his life were troubled by the uncertainty of the -succession to the Empire. His efforts to secure Charles' election as -King of the Romans had almost been crowned with success. The day -before he left Augsburg, he induced four of the Electors to meet him -and to give their consent to the scheme. But his hopes were dashed to -the ground by the opposition of Frederick of Saxony and Richard von -Greifenklau, Elector of Trier, who contended that no election for the -crown of the Romans was possible, while Maximilian himself still -remained uncrowned as Emperor, and that Charles, as King of Naples, was -expressly debarred from the Imperial dignity. The cup of his -disappointment was full, and the Emperor retired wearily to Innsbruck, -hoping to end his days in peace beneath the shadow of his {76} beloved -Alps. But one final indignity awaited him. The burghers of Innsbruck, -who had suffered severely on former occasions from the Emperor's -insolvency, resolutely closed their gates upon him; and he was obliged -to retire to Lower Austria. On January 12, 1519, Maximilian's -adventurous career closed at the little town of Wels, not far from -Linz. The body was interred without pomp in the Church of St. George -at Wiener Neustadt; but his heart was removed to Bruges and buried -beside the remains of the consort, whose early loss had robbed him of -life's brightest joy. Thus, amid disillusionment and humiliation, ends -the career which had opened so full of rich promise. With Maximilian -passed away the last Holy Roman Emperor, in the true mediaeval sense. -The dominion of Charles V. was doubtless more universal than any which -Europe had seen since the days of Charles the Great, but its -universality was essentially modern rather than mediaeval--dynastic and -personal, not founded on the old dreams of an united Christian -commonwealth. "Henceforth the Holy Roman Empire is lost in the German, -and after a few faint attempts to resuscitate old-fashioned claims -nothing remains to indicate its origin save a sounding title and a -precedence among the States of Europe."[95] - -[Illustration: MAXIMILIAN IN 1518 From a Chalk Drawing by Dürer] - - - -[30] _Maximilians I. Beziehungen zu Sigmund von Tyrol._--Victor v. -Kraus. - -[31] His mother was the daughter of Albert II., Emperor and King of -Hungary and Bohemia (died 1439). Though Hungary was strictly an -elective monarchy, the next heir was almost invariably elected. - -[32] A small garrison held out in the citadel till the end of August. - -[33] Huber, _Gesch. Oesterreichs_, iii. 298. - -[34] "Time ever brings its reward or its revenge." - -[35] Maximilian to S. P. (September 21). Debts growing ever larger: -"darumb pit helfft und rath ains für als." He adds, "Der König v. -Behaimb ... ist auch nicht viel erberer dann der ander gewest" (i.e. -Matthias).--_Vertraulicher Briefwechsel_, p. 80. - -[36] This attitude was due to jealousy. Frederick disliked the idea of -Maximilian as King of Hungary, fearing that he would then usurp all his -remaining power in the Empire. - -[37] To the amount of 100,000 gulden. - -[38] This marriage of his only daughter against his will (1487) was a -very sore point with Frederick III., and the fact that Maximilian -acquiesced in it increased his irritation against him. - -[39] It had been seized by Albert in 1486. _See_ above. - -[40] Which included the free towns of Strassburg and Basel and their -bishops. - -[41] V. Polheim and W. v. Waldenstein to Maximilian. Even if Frederick -recovers, "werde er doch die fuesse nit mer mugen brauchen"; ... "hab -in den zehen kain empfintlichait."--_Vertraulicher Briefwecksel_, p. 83. - -[42] Sigismund was now a nonentity, living obscurely in his former -dominions. - -[43] For Maximilian's relations to internal reform, _see_ Appendix. - -[44] Janssen, i. 586. - -[45] Huber, iii. p. 338. - -[46] Creighton's _Papacy_, i. p. 277. - -[47] December 31, 1510. For a most beautiful and touching letter of -condolence from Margaret to Maximilian, _see_ Le Glay, -_Correspondance_, i. p. 481. - -[48] Few people seem to have troubled themselves about Gian Galeazzo's -infant son, who was now the lawful heir of the Sforza. - -[49] For Maximilian's efforts towards war against the Turks, _see_ -Ulmann, i. pp. 203-218. - -[50] Cp. Chmel, _Urkunden_, _Briefen_, etc., page 56. Marquard -Breisacher to Maximilian, about Charles VIII., in Rome--"Darauss ich -sorge, der Kung v. Frankreich werd auff das mindest die Kirchen -reformieren und damit jm selbs in aller cristenheyt lob eer und -auffsechen machen, das doch E. Ko. Mt. von götlichem und weltlichem -rechtem me zu gepürett denn jm." - -[51] Ulmann, i. 272-6. - -[52] The more correct name of Emperor elect has been sunk for -convenience sake. - -[53] Afterwards the famous, or notorious, Ulric. - -[54] "Und wo in der Zeit kein Gelt herkumbt, wirdet die Speisung an dem -end auch still sten"! Dated May 27, 1496.--_Vertr. Briefwecksel_, page -109. - -[55] Ranke, _Latin and Teutonic Nations_, page 109. - -[56] In South Germany. - -[57] Chmel, _Urkunden_, _Briefen_, etc.--Letter 126, Stangha to -Maximilian (Sept. 30, 1496). - -[58] Chmel, _ibid_.--Letter 127, Maximilian to Stangha (Genoa Oct. 1, -1496). - -[59] Chmel, _ibid_.--Letter 146, Bishop of Concordia to Maximilian -(Lindau, Dec. 26). - -[60] This was written in 1507.--_Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti al -Senato_, ed. Alberi, Serie I. vol. vi. page 26 sqq. - -[61] Janssen, i. 593. Cp. Trithemius' view of the Hapsburg -characteristic;--"Seelenruhe und Gottvertrauen beim Missgeschick; viel -Noth, viel Ehr." - -[62] Pirkheimer, quoted by Ranke, _Latin and Teut. Nations_, p. 149. - -[63] The more so, as the Confederacy was joined by the Imperial cities -of Schaffhausen and Basel. - -[64] If Louis XII. died without male issue, Brittany and Burgundy were -likewise to fall to Charles. - -[65] "Il y a longtemps que François ont tousiours fait le piz qu'ilz -ont peu a ceste maison, et n'ay espoir qu'ilz doyent changier," writes -Chièvres to Maximilian 1506. - -[66] By violating the perpetual Landfriede. - -[67] Kirchberg, Weissenhorn, Marstetten, Neuburg-am-Inn, etc. - -[68] Catherine, paternal aunt of Maximilian, married Charles, M. of -Baden, whose son James was. - -[69] Afterwards Adrian VI. - -[70] Yet the people, Maximilian is convinced, are always on his side, -and a few of the Cantons; "mes en sumarum il sount meschans, villains, -prest pour traïre France on Almaingnes" (dated August 18, Lindau).--Le -Glay, _Correspondance_, vol. i., letter 3. - -[71] March 1, 1508, quoted Huber, iii. pp. 369, 370. - -[72] Le Glay, i. p. 68 (dated July 4). - -[73] Le Glay, i. p. 77 (dated July 23). - -[74] Bishop of Gurk. - -[75] Le Glay, i. letter 90 (dated Cambrai, December). - -[76] Le Glay, i.--letter 143 (dated October 7). - -[77] Le Glay, i.--letter 134 (Bassano, August 7). - -[78] Le Glay, i.--letter 192 (Augsburg, April 6, 1510). - -[79] Sanuto, x. 79, quoted by Huber, iii. 387. - -[80] Chmel's _Urkunden_, etc., p. 470 (May 31, 1511). - -[81] Le Glay, ii. p. 38--autograph letter, dated September 18, no year -or place given. But A. Jäger, in _Kaiser Maximilians I. Verhältniss -zum Papstthum_, p. 75, shows that 1511 was almost certainly the year. - -[82] Le Glay, ii. p. 84 (dated January 21, 1513). - -[83] Le Glay, Correspondance, vol. ii.--letter 554, page 221. - -[84] Le Glay, ii.--letter 555. - -[85] Le Glay, ii.--letter 556. - -[86] Kings of Hungary and Poland were brothers. - -[87] It is possible, however, that he was actuated by pique against his -grandson, who had recently asserted his independence of control. -(January 1515.) - -[88] Quoted in Brewer, _Reign of Henry VIII._, page 125. - -[89] Brewer, i. page 133. - -[90] Huber, iii. page 407. - -[91] Ala, Avio, Mori, and Brentonica. - -[92] The early years of Charles V.'s reign do not disprove this -assertion. For, though it was an Imperialist army which was -responsible for the Sack of Rome in 1527, this was entirely composed of -mercenaries, and Charles's predominance in Italy was due to his -position as King of Spain and the Sicilies, and was won by the pikes of -his Spanish infantry. - -[93] He was called "Coeur d'Acier," by Olivier de la Marche. - -[94] He hoped to obtain from Leo X. full recognition of himself as -crowned Emperor, and, further, the grant of a tithe on church property -in Germany for his projected Crusade. - -[95] Bryce, _Holy Roman Empire_, page 126 (1st edition). - - - - -{77} - -IV - -"The essence of Humanism is the belief ... that nothing which has ever -interested living men and women can wholly lose its vitality."--_Walter -Pater_. - - -It is with a certain sense of relief that we pass from the tragi-comedy -of Maximilian's political life to those realms where lies his real -claim to fame and gratitude. Great ambitions thwarted by the sordid -details of poverty are never a pleasant subject of contemplation; and -there have been few monarchs in whose lives they have played a more -prominent part. But it may fairly be argued that all the more credit -is due to one who, under such unfavourable circumstances, ever remained -buoyant and full of the joy of living, and whose frequent -disappointments never soured his enthusiasms nor turned him from the -path of knowledge. The first of his race to welcome the new culture, -and possessed of that joyous temperament which seems to offer immortal -youth, Maximilian was acclaimed by the scholars of his day as the ideal -Emperor of Dante's or Petrarch's dreams. His predecessors had shown -little interest in intellectual pursuits. Sigismund had indeed crowned -several poets, but was always too needy himself to spare much money for -their salaries; Frederick III. was devoid of literary tastes, and, in -spite of his connexion with Æneas Sylvius, gave {78} but slight -encouragement to art or learning. But Maximilian surrendered himself, -with all his habitual energy and enthusiasm, to the new spirit of the -age. In spite of his many political failures he remains to all time -the darling of the scholar and the poet. This almost universal favour -he did not win by liberal donations or the grant of lucrative posts, -for he was seldom free from money embarrassments--nor by the -maintenance of a gorgeous court and imposing ceremonial--for his -endless projects and expeditions made any fixed residence impossible; -but by his restless activity, his manly self-reliance, his wide and -human sympathy with all ranks and classes of the people. Above all, he -identified himself with the struggling ideals of a new German national -feeling, and with the growing opposition to France, to Italy, and to -Rome; and, as a national hero, inspired the devotion alike of the -scholar, the knight, and the peasant. "Mein Ehr ist deutsch Ehr, und -deutsch Ehr ist mein Ehr" is the ruling motive of his life; and the -praise which is continually on all lips is, before all, the result of -his passionate loyalty to that larger Germany of which the poet sings-- - - So weit die deutsche Zunge klingt - Und Gott im Himmel Lieder singt - Das soll es sein! - Das, wackrer Deutscher, nenne dein! - -Nowhere is the general admiration more evident than in the Volkslieder -and the popular poetry of the time. And even when death overtook him -in the midst of complete failure and humiliation, no scornful voice is -heard, and all is regret and loving appreciation. - -{79} - - First among earthly monarchs, - A fount of honour clear, - Sprung of a noble lineage, - Where shall we find his peer? ... - He stands a bright ensample - For other Princes' eyes, - The lieges all appraise him - The Noble and the Wise. - His justice is apportioned - To poor and rich the same. - Just before God Eternal - Shall ever be his name. - And God the Lord hath willed it, - Our pure, immortal King, - And welcomed him in glory, - Where ceaseless praises ring. - Our hero hath departed, - Time's sceptre laying down, - Since God hath, of His goodness, - Prepared a deathless crown.[96] - - -A vital distinction is at once apparent between the Italian and the -German Renaissance. In Italy the movement was essentially aristocratic -and largely dependent upon the various Courts--the Medici, the Popes, -the Dukes of Urbino. In Germany such open-handed patrons were few and -far between. Albert of Mainz, Frederick of Saxony, and Eberhard of -Würtemberg stand alone among the princes as patrons of learning; while -Ulrich von Hutten is the sole representative of the Knightly order in -the ranks of the Humanists.[96a] The political and intellectual -development of the German towns is of great importance during this -transition period, and it is in {80} them that the leaders of the -German Renaissance are to be found. The movement remained throughout -municipal rather than aristocratic, making itself first felt where -there was closest commercial intercourse with Italy--notably in the -cities of Swabia and the Rhine valley. But for this very reason -Humanism took deep root in the soul of the German people. Not merely -aesthetic or sensuous, like the Italian movement, it had a profound -ethical and national basis, on which the powerful art of Dürer, the -sonorous language of Luther, the sweet singing of Hans Sachs, might -safely rest. Almost from the very beginning it pursued a moral aim. -It was inspired by no mere sordid quest of pleasure, but by a noble -dream of purer manners and loftier ideals. It realized the decadence -into which society, both lay and ecclesiastical, had fallen, and -earnestly strove to arrest it in the only possible way--by the -introduction of a new spirit at once into the details of daily life, -and into the broad principles of national existence. But as the -Humanist movement gathered strength and influence, it remained isolated -from politics and from those who ruled the destinies of the Empire, -and, developing in various places and under separate leaders, tended to -waste its energies through lack of systematic or united effort. Under -such circumstances its unspoken appeal for assistance in high places -met with an eager response from Maximilian. For the last twenty-five -years of his life he forms the central figure of the new -movement--possibly not its most glorious or most brilliant -representative, but yet giving life and uniformity to the whole. If -for nought else, he would deserve to be remembered as the connecting -link between the {81} Humanists of Strasburg, Augsburg and Nuremberg. -In order to interpret this feature of the Emperor's character, we must -present a slight sketch of the German Renaissance in its three main -channels, with especial regard to Maximilian and his connexion with the -leading Humanists, and must then proceed to examine Maximilian's own -literary achievements, and his relations to Science and Art in its -various branches. - -In a quaint old comedy written at the close of the fifteenth century, -Cicero and Caesar are brought to life and taken round the cities of -Germany. They are made to describe Strasburg as "the most beautiful of -the German towns, a treasure and ornament of the Fatherland"; of -Augsburg they exclaim, "Rome with its Quirites has wandered here"; -while Nuremberg is pictured as "the Corinth of Germany, if one looks at -the wonderful works of the artist; yet if you look at its walls and -bastions, no Mummius would conquer it so easily."[97] Such are the -three great centres of the German Renaissance. - -In Strasburg, education was the most crying need of the time; for -though there were excellent schools in the Franciscan and Dominican -convents, these were reserved for novices, the laity being wholly -excluded. Jacob Wimpheling, under whom Humanism first took deep root -in the city, was himself a pupil of the Deventer School,[98] and, like -them, {82} devoted his energies to educational reform. His hopes of -founding a University were not realized, and he had to content himself -with forming the centre of a literary society, such as was formed both -at Mainz and Vienna by Conrad Celtes. Wimpheling and his friends -differ largely from their contemporaries in other parts of Germany. -They were characterized by a theological bias which led them into -violent and unprofitable controversies. Though himself a cleric, and -thus a supporter of the spiritual order and of orthodox belief, he -indulged in fierce attacks upon the monks for their immorality, and in -spite of his admiration for heathen authors, he pushed his defence of -theology so far as to condemn the Art of Poetry as useless and unworthy -to be called a science, and only to exempt from utter damnation the -sacred poets of Christianity.[99] He was equally limited in his -patriotic polemics. His praise of everything German is only surpassed -by his hatred for the French and Italians, his profound contempt for -the Swiss. His best-known work, entitled _Germania_, was written with -the double object of proving the exclusively German origin of Alsace -and of "defending the King of the Romans against the monks and secular -preachers who attack him."[100] Even the ingenuous arguments in which -the book abounds, and the quaint array of authorities, from Caesar and -Tacitus to Aeneas Sylvius and Sabellico cannot blind us to the genuine -patriotism, which is latent in every page. "We are Germans, not -French," he exclaims, "and our land must be called Germany, not France, -because Germans live in it. {83} This fact has been acknowledged by -the Romans. For when they had conquered us, the Alemanni on the Rhine, -and, crossing the river, saw that the dwellers on the further bank were -like us in courage, stature, and fair hair, as well as in customs and -way of life, they called us Germans, that is, brothers. But it is -certain that we, these Germans, are like the real Gauls neither in -speech and appearance, nor in character and institutions. Hence our -city and all Alsace is right in preserving the freedom of the Roman -Empire, and will maintain it also in the future, in spite of all French -attempts to win over or conquer us."[101] Such fervent expressions of -German feeling must have called Maximilian's attention to Wimpheling, -even without his vigorous defence of the Imperial dignity. In 1510, -when Maximilian was opposed to Julius II., and hoped to intimidate him -by recounting the wrongs of the German nation, he could think of none -more versed in them than Wimpheling, and therefore requested him to -draw up a summary of the French Pragmatic Sanction, such as would suit -the needs of Germany. In March, 1511, he wrote to Wimpheling that he -was about to hold an assembly at Koln, to deliberate with the French -envoys as to summoning a general Council; and he begged him to think -out means of redressing the various abuses, "without touching -religion." As a result of this request, Wimpheling drew up his -_Gravamina Germanicae Nationis_ and added the desired _Remedia_.[102] -But {84} the Emperor's policy had already changed, and Wimpheling was -informed through the Imperial Councillors that the moment was -unfavourable for publication. Indeed, his labours only received the -attention which they deserved, when they were employed as the basis of -"The Hundred Grievances of the German Nation" (1522).[103] - -[Illustration: SEBASTIAN BRANT] - -Side by side with Wimpheling stands Sebastian Brant, whose literary -worth has probably obtained wider recognition than that of any German -Humanist, with the sole exception of Erasmus. His _Narrenschiff_ ("The -Ship of Fools") is penetrated by a deep religious spirit, and -fearlessly attacks all the corruptions and abuses of the day, "branding -as fools all those who are willing, for things transitory, to barter -things eternal."[104] Brant is in no sense a great poet; his verses -are often stiff and ill-proportioned, and his matter frequently sinks -to the level of the common-place. But the appearance of "The Ship of -Fools" caused an unparalleled stir, not merely in the republic of -letters, but throughout the whole German people; and it owes its -extraordinary popularity to its skilful intermixture of problems which -were in all men's minds. He was the first to give full expression to -the ideas of the middle classes (anticipating the manly independence of -the Scottish poet,[105]) when he sang-- - -{85} - - Aber wer hätt' kein Tugend nit, - Kein Zucht, Scham, Ehr, noch gute Sitt, - Den halt' ich alles Adels leer, - Wenn auch ein Fürst sein Vater wär'. - -But the ruling motives which inspire his muse are the maintenance of -the Church in her pristine purity, and the defence of Christendom -against the onslaught of the infidel. While he preaches earnestly the -Headship of Christ, and exhorts all men to put their trust in God -rather than in mortal men, he is also never tired of enjoining -reverence for the Emperor, and urging them to unite in loyal obedience -to his wishes and aspirations. Apparently unconscious of his -inconsequence, he upheld the principle of absolute Papal domination, -and yet early associated himself with that august dream of the Middle -Ages--the universal monarchy of the Emperor. For him he claimed the -same power in the temporal, as the Pope exercised in the spiritual -world. As the Pope was the organ of religion, so was the Emperor the -source of Law; and the revival of his power as temporal head of -Christendom was to coincide with the re-establishment of that order and -discipline whose absence Brant so frequently laments. The whole fabric -of these vast aspirations Brant rested upon Maximilian. He could not -foresee that this prince, so brilliant, so chivalrous, so sympathetic, -would disappoint the rich promise of his youth and fail to restore the -fallen grandeur of the Empire owing to his schemes of {86} family -aggrandisement. He greeted his election with adulatory verses, -protesting that under such a prince the Golden Age could not fail to -return. The news of Maximilian's imprisonment at Bruges rouses a very -whirlwind of indignant phrases, contrary to the whole spirit of his -later teaching. "Destroy the Flemings," he cries, "extirpate the very -race of this crime, hang and behead the miscreants, overturn their -walls, and make the plough pass over this accursed soil. Such is the -demand of justice."[106] His belief in omens and portents is -unlimited, and they are generally connected with Maximilian in some -quaint and high-sounding verses. Thus the killing of an enormous deer -on some hunting expedition inspires Brant with an absurd and laboured -comparison. "No animal is nobler than the stag: thou, Maximilian, art -the most noble of Princes. He stops astonished before things which -seem new; thou also dost admire things new and great. At the approach -of danger he pricks up his ear and places his young in safety; thou -hearest the menacing noises of thine enemies, and dost protect thy -people."[107] A number of falcons which were seen to assemble and fly -southwards is acclaimed as a symbol of Maximilian, aided by the Princes -in his Italian expedition. "Destiny calls you, O Germans; go and -restore the Empire in Italy." Even when it became evident that -Maximilian was not destined to realize the poet's high ideals, such -extravagances did not cease. Moreover, he was sustained by a personal -attachment for the Emperor, which was deepened by his various visits to -the Court and closer acquaintance {87} with his early hero, and -doubtless strengthened by the Imperial favours bestowed upon him. And -thus it is with unfeigned grief that Brant celebrates his death. "O -magnanimous Caesar, that hope is vanished which we had founded on thee -while thou didst hold the sceptre. How should I restrain my tears? -Thou wert worthy to live, thou the sole anchor of safety for the German -nation. One swift hour hath removed thee: thou art no more, and -misfortune assails the Empire."[108] Our subject is Maximilian, not -Brant, and we may not linger. But the epitaph on the Strasburg poet's -tomb should not be omitted, even in the translation; for it gives us a -sure clue to a character which was sweet and winning in spite of all -its extravagances. "Toi qui regardes ce marbre, souhaite à Brant le -ciel!" - -[Illustration: CONRAD PEUTINGER] - -If in Strasburg the movement assumed a theological and educational -character, in Augsburg it was rather directed towards politics and the -study of history. Alike from its geographical position[109] and from -its industrial and commercial importance,[110] Augsburg was thrown into -close relations with Italy and Italian thought; and enthusiasm for -classical studies was early introduced by Sigismund Gossembrot, one of -the leading merchants of the city. The direction of the movement was -further influenced by the Diets which were held within the city,[111] -and by the frequent visits of the Emperor Maximilian.[112] The place -of {88} Gossembrot was worthily filled by Conrad Peutinger,[113] who -returned from Italy in 1485, as a doctor of law, embued with all the -ardour of a scholar. He became a prominent official of his native -city, and retained his position for many years from inclination rather -than from necessity, betraying throughout his writings the sharp eye -and critical knowledge of the practitioner. His first meeting with -Maximilian probably took place at Augsburg in 1491, and from this time -onwards he was continually employed by the Emperor in various positions -of trust. As ambassador, secretary or orator, he visited many -countries in Europe, and, besides ordering affairs of politics, was -entrusted with the truly humanist task of presenting and answering -formal addresses and greetings. While in his foreign relations he was -eager to maintain the honour of the German name, he skilfully used his -double position as Imperial Councillor and Town-official to smooth over -differences between Maximilian and Augsburg, to the advantage of both -parties. The Emperor's love of Augsburg led him to purchase various -houses within the walls, and the castle of Wellenburg in the -neighbourhood. His action was far from welcome to the burghers, who -did not wish this powerful citizen to acquire too much property in -their midst; and they were only pacified by the assurances of Peutinger -that Maximilian would raise no fortifications round the castle. On the -other hand, during his honourable mission to Hungary (1506), he -obtained from the {89} Emperor a substantial grant of privileges for -his native city--notably the right "de non appellando." But Peutinger -was Maximilian's confidant not merely in political affairs. Indeed, -his employment in Imperial diplomacy directly arose from his -intellectual and artistic relations with Maximilian, who sought the -support of every scholar in his attempt to place the Fatherland in the -forefront of Art and Science. In Italy Peutinger had learned the value -of old Roman inscriptions, and in 1505 he was encouraged by Maximilian -to publish a collection of the inscriptions of German antiquity.[114] -The Emperor and the scholar kept up a correspondence on the subject of -ancient coins, large consignments of which were sent to Augsburg, by -order of the former, from every part of the Empire. During Peutinger's -visit to Vienna in 1506 he was monopolized for three whole days for -learned conversation, and received a new and more important commission -from Maximilian. He was to examine the letters and documents of -members of the House of Hapsburg, and to prepare a selection of them -for publication; and with this object he was assigned a special -apartment in the castle of Vienna, to which chronicles and histories -were brought for his use from all quarters. Here he remained for -almost three months, and the fruit of his labours was the _Kaiserbuch_, -or Book of the Emperors, which was unfortunately never published and -which is now extant only in a few fragments. During his labours for -Maximilian he seems to have acquired a great number of valuable -manuscripts; and had his literary projects been fully realized, we -should have gained {90} an astonishing contribution to the -historiography of the sixteenth century. But apart from his own -unfinished writings, he edited and published, with Maximilian's -approval, various early historical works,--the chronicles of Paul the -Deacon and of Ursperg being of especial value.[115] Moreover, he was -charged by the Emperor with a species of censorship, by virtue of which -he prevented the appearance at Augsburg of a Swiss Chronicle, -containing statements derogatory to the House of Hapsburg. In short, -in almost every phase of the struggle of culture and civilization, -which Maximilian so gallantly led, we find Peutinger intimately engaged -as his friend and fellow-labourer; and with Beatus Rhenanus we may -truly exclaim, "Our Conrad Peutinger is the immortal ornament, not -merely of the town of Augsburg, but also of all Swabia!" - -The activity of Augsburg was not confined to historical studies. The -rising art of Germany had found here a worthy representative in Hans -Holbein, who, though not strictly a Humanist himself, took the deepest -interest in the movement. His attitude is clearly visible from his -portraiture of Erasmus, More, and other leaders of the Renaissance, and -from his illustrations to the _Praise of Folly_ and the _Dance of -Death_. But Holbein, though the greatest of the Augsburg School, was -too much of a wanderer to be {91} thrown into close contact with -Maximilian. The latter none the less found capable artists to give -expression to his own literary projects. Hans Burgkmair, the most -distinguished of their number, produced over one hundred illustrations -of _Weisskunig_, seventy-seven for the _Genealogy_, which consists of -portraits of Maximilian's ancestors, and close upon seventy for the -_Triumphal Procession_, the main idea of which belongs to Dürer. -Leonhard Beck illustrated a book of _Austrian Saints_, and the greater -part of the famous _Teuerdank_; whilst Freydal represented in his -_Mummereien_ the various tournays and festivities of which Maximilian -was the central figure. All these woodcuts and engravings were -executed under the supervision of Peutinger, who also directed the -casting of figures for Maximilian's tomb at Innsbruck, and the making -of armour and warlike equipments for the Emperor's own person. Indeed, -Maximilian put his Humanist friend to very strange uses; for among the -manifold commissions of Peutinger we find the selection of tapestries -from the Netherlands, inquiries after the inventor of a special kind of -siege-ladder, the building of hatching-houses for the Imperial falcons, -and the establishment of an important cannon foundry. The climax is -reached when Maximilian employs Peutinger's historical knowledge to -obtain the names of a hundred women famous in history, after whom he -may christen the latest additions to his artillery! - -[Illustration: WILIBALD PIRKHEIMER] - -Of the three centres of German Humanism, Nuremberg is the greatest and -the most fascinating. The home of invention as well as of industry, it -made no mere empty boast in the proverb, "Nürnberg Tand geht durch alle -Land." Its churches and {92} public buildings were the glory of the -age, its craftsmen and designers perhaps then unequalled in the world. -Its literary circle contains a larger number of distinguished names -than any of its rivals. Meisterlin, the author of the famous Nuremberg -chronicle, Cochläus, the bitter satirist of Luther; Osiander, the -celebrated Hebrew scholar and Reformed preacher; Jäger the -mathematician; above all Hans Sachs, the cobbler-poet, "the sweet -singer of Nuremberg"--all these fill an honourable place in the annals -of the city. But the central figures of its life are, beyond any -doubt, Wilibald Pirkheimer and Albrecht Dürer; in any case they would -monopolise our attention on account of their intimate connexion with -Maximilian. When still King of the Romans, he had resided at -Nuremberg, and the joyous animation with which he entered into the life -of the city won for him wide popularity. "When about to depart, we are -told he invited twenty great ladies to dinner; after dinner, when they -were all in a good humour, the Markgrave Frederick asked Maximilian in -the name of the ladies to stay a little longer and to dance with them. -They had taken away his boots and spurs, so that he had no choice. -Then the whole company adjourned to the Council House, several other -young ladies were invited, and Maximilian stayed dancing all through -the afternoon and night, and arrived a day late at Neumarkt, where the -Count Palatine had been expecting him all the preceding day."[116] As -Emperor, Maximilian paid many visits to Nuremberg, and his first Diet -was enlivened by a succession of brilliant masques, dances and -tournaments, such as roused the enthusiasm of the local {93} -chroniclers. He remained on terms of great intimacy with Pirkheimer, -who in many ways is the most typical figure of the German Renaissance. -After an excellent education, at Padua and Pavia, in jurisprudence, -literature and arts, Pirkheimer became councillor in Nuremberg, and won -the special confidence of the Emperor both by his skilful diplomacy and -by his patriotic assistance in the Swiss War. His great riches he -employed not merely for the adornment of his own house, but also in -generous support of less-favoured followers of the Muse. While he -resembled Peutinger as diplomat, as historian, and as theologian, he -had less of the temperament of a pedagogue, and more of the joyous -nature of a true poet. As the representative of a great movement of -the intellect, he was open to all its various methods and aspirations, -and yet understood the lesson of self-restraint and concentration too -well to exhaust his powers in a labyrinth of alternatives. With the -true cheerfulness and humour of the man who knows the world, yet -remains unsullied by contact with it, he and his friends devoted -themselves to what is after all the highest philosophy, the study of -mankind--hiding under a smiling face, nay, often a mocking mien, their -confidence in the great destinies of the race. And yet a deep pathos -attaches to Pirkheimer's closing days. Disappointed in his dreams of -moral and spiritual regeneration for the people, he turned wearily back -from the paths of the new doctrine to the bosom of Mother Church. His -violent attack upon Johann Eck, his noble defence of Reuchlin, had -seemed to foreshadow him as a leader of the Reformation.[117] But his -ideals were in reality of {94} the past rather than of the future; and, -brooding over his shattered hopes, he lingered out a solitary old age, -whose sadness is but deepened by his swan-like lament for Dürer. - -[Illustration: ALBRECHT DURER] - -Dürer was indeed well worthy of all the praise which has been lavished -upon him; for from all his works there shines forth the noble modesty -of a pure good man. Though scarcely a scholar himself, his deep -sympathy with the great movement is manifest not only in the manner in -which his art interprets it, but also in his own written words.[118] -His letters to Pirkheimer from Venice form delightful reading and show -the keenness of his sympathy and observation. The years which followed -his return to Nuremberg, 1507-1514, were the most productive period of -his life, as well as the period of his most intimate connexion with -Maximilian. From them date the ambitious designs of the "Ehrenpforte" -(Triumphal Arch), which, though executed under Maximilian's direct -supervision, were entirely the idea of Dürer. No less than ninety-two -large woodcuts, the production of which occupied Dürer for two years, -go to {95} make up this imposing metaphorical picture. A structure in -itself impossible is overburdened by portraits of all the ancestors of -Maximilian, mythical as well as real, and by the many exploits and -adventures of the Emperor's own life. But the work must be estimated -less by the quaintness of its composition than by its sterling artistic -qualities and by the important place which it holds in the development -of German Art. The idea was further developed in the "Triumphzug" and -the "Triumphwagen," which was completed in 1516. The Imperial and -other triumphal cars were drawn by Dürer in sixty-three woodcuts, while -the remaining seventy-four were prepared in Augsburg by Hans Burgkmair -and L. Beck.[119] The procession, whose magnificence was to idealize -Maximilian as the greatest of Princes, includes sketches of almost -everything that ever roused the Emperor's interest. Landsknechts, -cannon, huntsmen, mummers, dancers of every rank and variety, the noble -ladies of the Court, are mingled with allegories of every Imperial and -human virtue, elaborately grouped upon triumphal cars. The keen -personal interest of Maximilian in the progress of the work is well -attested. Indeed, he showed his impatience, while the various blocks -were in progress, by frequently visiting not merely Dürer himself, but -also the "formschneider" or block-cutter, who lived in a street -approached by the Frauengasslein. Hence the old Nuremberg proverb, -"The Emperor still often drives to Petticoat Lane."[120] Dürer was -appointed painter to Maximilian, with a grant of arms and a salary of -100 florins a year; and {96} a letter of the Emperor to the Town -Council of Nuremberg is still extant, in which he demands Dürer's -exemption from "communal imposts, and all other contributions in money, -in testimony of our friendship for him, and for the sake of the -marvellous art of which it is but just that he should freely benefit. -We trust that you will not refuse the demand we now make of you, -because it is proper, as far as possible, to encourage the arts he -cultivates and so largely develops among you."[121] These earnest -words of Maximilian reveal to us very clearly his attitude towards the -great movement of his day. Yet, sad as it is to relate, Dürer never -received payment for the ninety-two sheets of the "Triumphal Arch," -which had cost him so much time and labour, and after Maximilian's -death they were sold separately. But the Emperor may fairly be -absolved from the charge of mean treatment of Dürer, for his own needs -were great and many, and it is strictly true that he spent very little -upon himself. The great artist was always treated with distinction as -a personal friend of the Emperor, who, besides granting him a fixed -salary, gave him material assistance in checking the forging and -pirating of his engravings. He sometimes resided at Court, when -Maximilian held it at Augsburg, and often employed his time in making -sketches in chalk of the illustrious persons whom he met. On one -occasion Maximilian was attempting to draw a design for Dürer, but kept -breaking the charcoal in doing so. When the artist took the pencil -and, without once breaking it, easily completed the sketch, the Emperor -expressed his surprise and probably showed his annoyance. But {97} -Dürer was ready with his compliment. "I should not like your Majesty," -he said, "to be able to draw as well as I. It is my province to draw -and yours to rule."[122] Not the least interesting and important of -Dürer's commissions was to paint that portrait of the Emperor which now -hangs in the Imperial Gallery at Vienna. The prominent nose, the -hanging eyelid, the half-contemptuous, half-mournful turn of the lips, -the wrinkled cheeks and neck, the long hair falling over the ears, the -pointed bonnet with its clasp, the sombre flowing robes, form a -striking picture and suggest a speaking likeness. Disappointment, but -also that peculiar attribute of the Hapsburgs, resignation, are clearly -marked upon Maximilian's face. In the other two portraits by Dürer--a -chalk drawing executed at the Diet of Augsburg (1518) and a woodcut -completed shortly before his death--the features are less rugged, and -reveal somewhat more of the sanguine spirit of Maximilian's early days. -With the exception of these sketches,[123] Dürer's last commission for -Maximilian was the exquisite decoration for the latter's private -Gebetbuch (Book of Prayer), of which only ten copies were printed,[124] -and which will ever remain one of the gems of artistic and devotional -literature. With Dürer's career after 1519 we are not concerned; but -it is worthy of notice that his most brilliant work dates from the -reign of Maximilian, and that his sympathy with "the nightingale of -Wittenberg" seems to have partially diverted his attention from his -art. {98} - -It must not be supposed that Maximilian's humanistic enthusiasms were -confined to the three great centres which have just been described, or -that he only helped on such movements as were already animated by a -vigorous existence and a fair prospect of success. His own hereditary -dominions were even more directly indebted to his efforts than were -other parts of the Empire. - -[Illustration: DAS ROSENKRANZFEST. Painting by Dürer, with Kneeling -Figure of Maximilian] - -During the first century of its existence, Vienna University[125] was -an autonomous ecclesiastical corporation, over which the methods of the -mediaeval Schoolmen held complete sway. But during the long reign of -Frederick III., several circumstances combined to cast a blight upon -its hitherto flourishing condition. During the Council of Basel it -assumed a hostile attitude to the Pope, and its surrender of that -position only emphasised its folly; while in the struggle of Frederick -and his brother Albert the professors were unwise enough to dabble in -politics and thus to throw off the immunity which guarded their proper -sphere. Their open sympathy with Albert was fatal to a good -understanding with Frederick, who never showed any favour to their -body. Vienna further suffered from a six months' siege by Matthias of -Hungary (1477) and from a violent outbreak of the plague (1481); and -this had scarce abated, when war was renewed and Matthias overran the -whole of Lower Austria. During the ensuing siege (December 1484 to -June 1485) all lectures were inevitably suspended, and the whole work -of the University was at a standstill. The refusal of the University -authorities to take the oath of {99} allegiance to Matthias--on the -ground that, as a clerical corporation, they were independent of the -temporal power--induced the conqueror to stop all the revenues which -they derived from the government; and though he at length granted[126] -a sum sufficient for the payment of the Professors and other -necessities, yet he never extended to Vienna the same liberality -towards Art and Science which had distinguished his relations with -Buda-Pest. By the time of his death (1490) Vienna University was in a -state of almost complete decay. - -Under such circumstances the recovery of Austria by Maximilian was -greeted with joy on the part of the authorities, and immediate steps -were taken to restore the tottering fabric of the University. -Maximilian set himself definitely to transform it from a clerical -corporation to a home of the new Humanism, and was aided in this -difficult task by the Superintendent Perger, the intention of whose -office was not only to control the Government grants, but also to -decide upon their expenditure, and to refer to the Emperor all -questions of professorial appointments. In spite of much internal -opposition, the Humanists ere long acquired predominance in the -philosophical Faculty, the medicals threw off the monstrous -requirements of Scholasticism, and the jurists began to study Roman as -well as ecclesiastical law. The revival of Vienna soon roused the -interest of that peculiar product of the Renaissance period, the -wandering scholar. The first to visit the University was Johann -Spiesshaimer--more celebrated as Cuspinian--who rapidly won favour with -the Hapsburgs by a poem in praise of St. Leopold, Markgrave of Austria, -and {100} who was crowned poet by Maximilian shortly after his father's -death, in presence of a brilliant and representative assembly. Soon -afterwards he began to hold regular lectures on poetry and rhetoric, -discussing such writers as Cicero, Sallust, Horace, Virgil and Lucan. -But Perger's preference lay decidedly with the Humanists of Italy, many -of whom he had known personally during his residence at Padua and -Bologna. At his recommendation, Maximilian in 1493 summoned Hieronymus -Balbus from Venice to Vienna, and appointed him lecturer on the Roman -Poets. But the Italian's fiery temper soon led him into disputes with -the University authorities, and after an unsatisfactory career of two -years he found a fresh outbreak of plague in the city a convenient -pretext for returning to Italy. Krachenberger and Fuchsmagen, the two -councillors whom Maximilian had appointed to assist Perger, doubtless -influenced by the unseemly brawling of Balbus, were loud in their -complaints of Perger's favouritism, and urged their Imperial master to -encourage German rather than Italian scholars. But Maximilian was, -after all, only following his own judgment, when in 1497 he sent a -cordial invitation to Stabius and Celtes to fill professorships at -Vienna. - -Conrad Celtes is the most famous of the earlier German Humanists, and -is in a sense the forerunner of Peutinger and Pirkheimer. But while -his influence penetrated into every part of the Empire as a stimulating -force, Vienna was the scene of his longest and most definite labours, -and hence all mention of him has been postponed till now. Born in -1459, in humble circumstances, Celtes devoted himself from youth to the -pursuit of learning, studying the {101} Roman classics in the leading -universities of Germany. Without any settled abode, he wandered from -one university to another, associating with scholars and supporting -himself by lectures on the philosophy of Plato, the rhetoric of Cicero, -or the poetry of Horace. In 1486 he visited Italy and made the -acquaintance of all the famous Humanists of the age. On his return, -the publication of his first treatise, the _Ars Versificandi_, brought -him to the notice of Frederick III., by whom he was crowned as poet at -the Diet of Nuremberg (1487). During the next four years he visited -Cracow, Prague, Buda, Heidelberg and Mainz, and again settled down at -Nuremberg in 1491. Here he published a life of St. Sebald, patron of -the city, in sapphics, and a treatise upon the origin and customs of -Nuremberg itself. But within a year he was summoned to Ingolstadt as -Professor of Poetry and Rhetoric, and here he was residing when -Maximilian's letter reached him. The Emperor's appeal was not in vain, -and Celtes took up his permanent abode in Vienna University in 1497, as -professor of the same subjects as at Ingolstadt. His opening lectures, -which treated the philosophy of Plato in connexion with the -Neo-Platonism of the Italian scholars, were regarded with suspicion and -dislike by many members of the University; but his position was -strengthened by the hearty support of Maximilian, who in 1501 appointed -Cuspinian, the intimate friend of Celtes, to the post of -Superintendent. Celtes, and with him the Emperor, was convinced that -new methods of instruction were necessary, if Humanism was to triumph -over Scholasticism. "A new institute was required, which should serve -for the preparation and {102} training of Humanism, a sort of seminary -of Humanist scholars, not outside, but _inside_, the University."[127] -These views led, in October 1501, to the foundation of the "Collegium -Poetarum et Mathematicorum" by Maximilian. Planned by Celtes with the -active approval of Cuspinian, the College in no way formed a fifth -Faculty, though it was directly connected with the Faculty of Arts. Of -its two divisions, the first was devoted to the study of mathematics, -physics and astronomy, the second to that of poetry and rhetoric. The -right of the coronation of poets, which had hitherto lain with the -Emperor alone, was now vested by Maximilian in Celtes, as director of -his own creation. The most distinguished scholars were to receive the -crown of laurel, as a mark of high distinction and as an incentive to -further efforts. But this privilege was exercised by Celtes for the -first and last time, when in 1502 he crowned Stabius, his former -colleague at Ingolstadt, and now Professor of Mathematics and Astronomy -at Vienna. All subsequent coronations of poets were by Maximilian -himself;[128] and the College of Poets fell into disuse after the death -of Celtes in 1508. Even had worthy successors to Celtes and Stabius -been found, it is doubtful whether the College would have had a -permanent existence. Its hybrid position, as an independent -institution and yet an integral part of the University, was a source of -endless bickerings and quarrels, which can scarcely have been a -recommendation to foreign scholars. Celtes' other peculiar -institution, {103} the "Literary Society of the Danube," which he had -originally founded at Buda, and which transplanted itself to Vienna -when he settled there, was a kind of academy or free union of scholars -for the spread of Humanism. Its members were recruited from almost -every nation, and were only held together by the personal influence of -Celtes; on his death it shared the same fate as the College of Poets. - -[Illustration: CONRAD CELTES.] - -An interesting development of such Humanist unions formed itself in the -mind of Aldus Manutius, the famous Venetian printer. He longed for the -establishment of an academy which should devote itself to the -perfecting of printing and to the spread of the Greek language, and he -entertained the further hope of converting it into an educational -institute, which should form a point of scientific intercourse between -Germany and Italy, under the direct initiative of the Emperor. But -though he approached Maximilian on the subject, he obtained nothing but -vague promises of assistance, whose fulfilment was thwarted by the -Emperor's lack of resources. - -Besides his general services to Humanism, Celtes earned the gratitude -of Maximilian by his attention to historical studies. His sketch of -Nuremberg contains a valuable description of its buildings and its -trades, its climate and its inhabitants. His eager investigations -resulted in the discovery of the comedies of the Saxon nun Hroswith, -whose lax morality has been adduced as a proof of their fictitious -character, and the works of Ligurinus, upon which he and his friends -lectured at Vienna.[129] At the moment of his death he {104} was -engaged upon important work for Maximilian. His projected history of -the origin of the House of Hapsburg still remained very much in embryo; -but his great work, _Germania Illustrata_, had assumed very real -dimensions and would, if completed, have eclipsed even the famous -_Nuremberg Chronicle_. - -The place of Celtes was filled in Maximilian's estimation by Stabius -and Cuspinian. The former, who had been crowned poet in 1502, was -appointed Historiographer by the Emperor in 1508, and was virtually -monopolized for historical research. Even during Maximilian's last -illness Stabius was employed to read aloud volumes of Austrian -history.[130] But his achievements in the field of history are of -trifling value, and are not to be compared to his works on geographical -and mathematical subjects. Cuspinian is much more worthy of -consideration, especially as his relations with Maximilian drew him in -the same direction as Peutinger. Already Rector of Vienna University -in 1500, he was incessantly employed by the Emperor on embassies and in -affairs of politics. In the course of five years he was engaged in no -fewer than twenty-four missions to Hungary, and he took the leading -part in the negotiations of 1507 and 1515, which resulted in the double -marriage between Austria and Bohemia-Hungary, and the close union of -Maximilian with Uladislas (1515). Nothwithstanding his political -activity, he found time for medical and historical pursuits, lectures -and public addresses on Philosophy and Rhetoric, and elaborate -discussions {105} with his Humanist friends. Besides editing several -of the later classical authors,[131] he brought out the _Weltchronik_ -of Bishop Otto of Freisingen, and the same writer's _Warlike Deeds of -Frederick Barbarossa_. His own productions include an account of the -Congress of Princes at Vienna in 1515, and a sketch of _The Origin, -Religion and Tyranny of the Turks_, which naturally roused Imperial -interest. All his most important works exhibit traces of his connexion -with Maximilian. His _Commentarii de Romanorum Consulibus_ are -probably the most profound and critical; but his history _De Caesaribus -et Imperatoribus Romanorum_,[132] which employed him between the years -1512 and 1522, undoubtedly possesses the most practical interest, since -it furnishes us with many valuable details of Maximilian's life and -character. His other work, _Austria_, contains a complete history of -the country up till 1519, as well as a geographical and topographical -description of its several provinces. Unhappily it was not published -till 1553, and by that time the maps which were to have been included -had disappeared. - -Under Maximilian's auspices, the medical faculty of the University was -improved to an equal extent with the others, and an ordinance was -issued imposing the severest penalties, at the hands of the -magistrates, on all foreign physicians whose incompetence was -discovered. Again, the Emperor's passionate love of music led to a -distinct revival in that noble science. A famous choirmaster of the -day, Heinrich Isaak, who had spent twelve years in the service of -Lorenzo {106} the Magnificent, was induced to settle at Maximilian's -Court, where his labours raised the Imperial Chapel to a high level of -musical excellence. Amongst other really valuable compositions, his -setting to the poem attributed to Maximilian, "Innsbruck, ich muss dich -lassen," is well known at the present day. The Court organist, Paul -Hofheimer, was likewise esteemed the glory of his profession, and was -the forerunner of a school of brilliant organists scattered throughout -Germany.[133] - -Though Maximilian knew well how to employ the activity of the scholar -and the artist, and to stimulate the most varied aspirations of his -time, there is one necessary limitation to our praise of his attitude. -The buoyancy of his nature was to some extent due to a trait of -vaingloriousness, which gave a rosy colouring to his own achievements, -and prevented him from seeing himself as others saw him. Moreover, -this airy self-conceit led him to lay by material, which should win -from posterity a more comprehensive admission of his greatness than was -accorded either by the bare facts of his political life or by the -estimate of contemporaries; and thus he naturally emphasized the common -idea of that period--that history was a relation of the warlike and -peaceful exploits of the monarchs of the world. And yet he often rose -above his own limitations. At one time he eagerly entertained the idea -of a great Monumenten-Sammlung, or collection of authorities for -mediaeval German history; while his encouragement of critical inquiry -atoned for the incompleteness of his own conceptions. Still his -literary productions are crowded with passages of fulsome adulation, -which, {107} by reason of over-statement and extravagant diction, -rarely produce the effect intended. - -Among these works two stand out prominently; yet even their execution -was entrusted to others, partly no doubt on account of the many -political demands upon Maximilian's time, but also because he did not -himself possess sufficient patience or poetical talent. -_Weisskunig_[134] is a prose romance, much of the material of which was -taken down from Maximilian's dictation by his secretaries, and -re-arranged and compiled by Marx Treitzsauerwein of Innsbruck. It is -divided into three parts, of which the latter is too obvious a mixture -of "Wahrheit und Dichtung" to be of any great value. The earlier -portion describes the life of the old White King (Frederick III.), his -journey to win his bride, his marriage and his coronation, while the -second deals with the youth and education of the young White King, -Maximilian. The description of his endless accomplishments exhibits to -the full the Emperor's love of minute information, as well as the happy -conviction of his own excellence in almost every art and science. His -quaint conversation with his father on the art of Government has -already been referred to (p. 7). Undoubtedly the chief interest and -value of the book, which was only given to the world in 1775, lies in -its illustrations, which show Maximilian engaged in the most varied -pursuits. The charming picture of Mary and Maximilian teaching each -other Flemish and German, the deathbed of Frederick III. with its -simple pathos, the humorous contrast of the young prince and his -instructors in cannon-founding, his serious {108} deportment over his -correspondence--these are but four scenes chosen somewhat at random -from a most fascinating collection. - -_Teuerdank_, the other great prose-epic of Maximilian, is rather a -fairy tale than a history, describing, under a highly allegorical form, -the difficulties which opposed themselves to the Burgundian marriage. -A fabulously wealthy King has an only daughter, a miracle of virtue and -beauty, who is to belong to the most gallant and distinguished of her -many suitors. King Romreich dies before a decision has been come to, -but Princess Ehrenreich sees from his will that only Ritter Teuerdank -is worthy of her hand. She summons him and he promptly sets forth to -join her, accompanied by his trusty comrade Erenhold. But he is -continually detained and led astray by the Evil One, who urges him to -follow his natural instincts, and throws every kind of adventure in his -way. Moreover, the envious magnates of Ehrenreich's Court enlist -against him three captains, who endeavour to lure him to destruction. -Fürwittig represents the vain ambition of youth, to give proof of its -strength and skill and glory, merely for its own gratification; Unfalo, -the fascination for the noble youth, which lies in travel and adventure -by sea and land; while Neidelhard personifies the deadliest of unseen -enemies, Jealousy, that foe who leads the young Prince into the most -difficult entanglements. But the gallant Teuerdank comes scathless -through every ordeal, thanks to his innate virtue and to the powerful -genius of Love. But even then his trial is not at an end. At the -request of Ehrenreich, and the exhortation of a heavenly messenger, he -conducts a campaign against the infidels, who consent to become his -{109} vassals. At length he is free to return, covered with glory and -honour, to the Court of Ehrenreich, when the marriage is duly -celebrated. This extravagant romance, which, with all its sentiment, -is inclined to be wooden and tedious, was actually composed by Melchior -Pfinzing, Provost of St. Sebald's, Nuremberg, though Maximilian -directed its whole tone and substance. It also was elaborately -illustrated by Beck, Burgkmair, and others, but its woodcuts are much -inferior in interest and in execution to those of _Weisskunig_. In -1517 the whole work was privately printed upon parchment, but in 1535 -it was published to the world in an edition which is famous for its -sumptuous style. The _Ehrenpforte_ and _Triumphzug_, the _Genealogie_ -and _Wappenbuch_ lend additional force to the argument that -Maximilian's enthusiasm owed part of its vigour to motives of -self-glorification. The most important of these works have already -been referred to in connexion with the Augsburg artists and with -Dürer.[135] But some mention must here be made of the recently -discovered _Gejaid Buch_, which was written for Maximilian during -1499-1500, by his Master of the Game, Carl von Spaur, and adorned with -rich illuminations, dealing with the Emperor's sport on the mountains -of North Tyrol. This book contains such minute information, that he -could at a glance "ascertain the head of {110} chamois and red deer in -any of the 200 and odd localities described therein," and is full of -hints and suggestions as to the posting of the sportsmen and as to -possible quarters for the night. Often when there was no castle in the -neighbourhood, the Emperor had to content himself with a primitive -log-hut high up on the mountain-slopes. Sometimes, to avoid such rough -lodging for the night, he covered tremendous distances on horseback, to -get back to more frequented valleys; and it was doubtless on such an -occasion as this that he found a beggar dying by the roadside, and, -dismounting, gave him his own flask to drink from, wrapped his own -mantle round him, and then rode hotly to the next town to summon a -priest.[136] Fatigue was well-nigh unknown to him, and he must -sometimes "have started from his headquarters in the middle of the -night, getting back only after some thirty-six hours in the saddle.... -Only those acquainted with the very voluminous correspondence of this -keen sportsman can form any idea of the close attention paid by him to -every detail connected with the chase.... In the thick of a bloody war -in the Netherlands we find him writing letters about a young ibex buck -some peasant women in a remote Tyrolese valley were keeping for him, or -promising in an autograph letter a silk dress to each of certain -peasants' wives in an isolated glen, as a reward for preventing their -husbands from poaching this rare game, or giving minute instructions -where a particular couple of hunting hounds were to be kept, and what -was to be done with their puppies."[137] Our {111} astonishment is not -lessened when we learn that Maximilian possessed as many as 1,500 -hounds. This brief digression, to which the Emperor's literary works -have inevitably tempted us, is far from inappropriate to any -description of one whose passion for the chase led him to sign himself -"sportsman and Emperor." - -Thus, in all their manifold branches, Literature, Art and Science owe -Maximilian a deep debt of gratitude. He worthily led the great onward -movement of his day, devoting himself to its cause with whole-hearted -service. He guided and controlled it up to the very threshold of that -mighty Revolution, in which "a solitary monk" was destined to shake the -world; and on the threshold it was but fitting that he should leave its -direction to others. His little foibles and conceits vanish, in view -of the great fact that he had nobly performed his duty in the march of -time; and it would indeed have been a cruel mockery of fate, had he -been left to see his ideals shattered and falsified, the world of his -conception renovated and transformed, while he himself, too old in -years and too passionate in conviction to remain leader of the van, -dropped backward amid the indistinguishable throng. - -Though Maximilian was wholly out of sympathy with the principles which -guided Luther, and would probably have opposed him had he lived, yet it -may {112} be said that indirectly the Reformation owes something to -him. The earlier stages of the German Renaissance were dominated by a -strong theological bias, and it was only gradually that the prevailing -idea was dispelled, that a student or literary man must belong to the -spiritual order. The revival of the study of Greek and Hebrew -strengthened the element of criticism; and with criticism of theology -came criticism of history, and a desire to dispel the mists which had -gathered round the great past of Germany, and to kindle the growing -national spirit by a closer knowledge of the glorious deeds of men's -ancestors. This patriotic movement, which no one did more to foster -and encourage than Maximilian, soon brought the passionate upholders of -Germany into collision with foreign sentiment. The opposition to Italy -and to Rome, which was mainly due to the degradation of the Papacy and -its practice of draining German resources for purely Italian ends, was -regarded with favour by Maximilian, though his policy was possibly -dictated by secular considerations. Wimpheling's attack on Papal -abuses in Germany, written at Maximilian's command, is the most -outspoken defiance of Rome prior to the appearance of Luther. But -while Maximilian possessed that deep national enthusiasm which was one -of the leading inspirations of Luther's career, he had none of the -Reformer's profound criticism and self-depreciation, and was too much a -man of action to take any deep interest in questions of theology. - -We cannot pass to a final estimate of Maximilian's character and policy -without some mention of the wonderful monument in the Hofkirche at -Innsbruck. The Church itself was erected in compliance with the {113} -will of Maximilian, but owing to the loss of the original plans, the -whole work was not completed till the year 1583. In the centre of the -nave stands a massive marble sarcophagus, which supports the kneeling -figure of Maximilian, surrounded by the four cardinal virtues. On the -sides of the sarcophagus are twenty-four exquisite marble reliefs, -representing the principal events of the Emperor's life, all but four -of which were executed by Alexander Colins of Mechlin, the architect of -the famous Otto-Heinrichsbau in Heidelberg Castle. Many of the reliefs -are especially interesting for the careful studies of faces; those of -Maximilian's meetings with his daughter Margaret and with Henry VIII. -contain striking portraits of the Emperor. But the unique feature of -this famous memorial is the long line of bronze figures which extend -round the nave, the silent witnesses of the vanished grandeur of the -Holy Roman Empire. All the great rulers of the House of Hapsburg here -watch over what should have held the mortal remains of their gallant -descendant; while the gentle Mary and her children take their places in -the silent pageant. But amid all the throng two figures stand out -conspicuously. Maximilian had wished that the heroes of his early -dreams should share the long vigil over his grave; and the magic power -of Peter Vischer, the great Nuremberg craftsman, has given the touch of -life and genius to the figures of Theodoric and Arthur. Fitting indeed -it was that the personality of the champion of the Table Round should -be made to rise before us. Arthur, the great type of all that was best -and noblest in mediaeval chivalry, and Maximilian, the last worthy -representative of a worn-out order and a subverted code of honour, are -thus indissolubly linked {114} together in our imaginations; and as we -turn away from the empty tomb and its spellbound watchers, we can -realize something of the glamour and romance of the Imperial dreamer's -life. - - - -[96] Quoted, Geiger, _Renaissance und Humanismus_, page 345. - -[96a] The only two possible exceptions to this assertion, Joachim of -Brandenburg, who founded the University of Frankfurt-on-Oder, and -Eitelwolf von Stein, who introduced Hutten to the Court of Mainz. - -[97] See Geiger, p. 360. - -[98] An educational movement was set in motion at Deventer by the -Brethren of the Common Life, headed by Gerhard Groot, and later by -Radewins. The chief of many brilliant pupils were Cardinal Nicholas of -Cusa, Rudolph Agricola, and Alexander Hegius. Among its offshoots was -the School of Schletstadt in Alsace, whence Wimpheling came. - -[99] _Defensio theologiae contra turpem libellum Philomusi_. - -[100] See letter of Wimpheling to Brant, quoted by Schmidt, _Histoire -Litteraire de l'Alsace_, i., page 31. - -[101] Quoted, Geiger, page 364. - -[102] See Prof. Ulmann, _Studie über Maximilians I Plan einer deutschen -Kirchenreform in_ 1510--in Briegers Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, -vol. iii. - -[103] Creighton, vi., page 13. - -[104] Janssen, i., p. 304. The English translation of Alexander -Barclay, published in 1508, is a favourite with collectors of rare -editions. - -[105] "A prince can mak' a belted knight - A marquis, duke an' a' that; - But an honest man's aboon his might-- - Guid faith, he mauna fa' that."--_Burns_. - - Compare also-- - - "Ferre lo Sole il fango tutto il giorno; - Vile riman, nè il Sol perde calore. - Dice uomo altier, 'Gentil per schiatta torno'; - Lui sembro al fango, al Sol gentil valore."--_Guido Guinicelli_. - -[106] _Elegiaca exhortatio contra perfldos et sacrilegos -Flamingos_--quoted Schmidt, i., p. 283. - -[107] Quoted, Schmidt, i. 261. - -[108] _Varia Carmina_.--Brant. - -[109] One of the trade routes from Venice and the East was through -Innsbruck direct to Augsburg. - -[110] The great houses of Fugger and Welser had connexions throughout -Europe. - -[111] 1500, 1510, 1518. - -[112] The following list of his visits does not profess to be -complete--1491, 1502, 1504, March 1508, February to May and June to -July 1510, March to April, and May 1513, March 1514, January 1515, -January 1516, January and July 1517, July 1518. - -[113] See Theodor Herberger, _Conrad Peutinger in seinem Verhältniss -zum Kaiser Maximilian I_. - -[114] _Romanae vetustatis fragmenta in Augusta Vindelicorum et eius -Diocesi_. - -[115] His chief publications were: (1) _Historia horarum Canonicarum de -S. Hieronymo_ (1512). (2) _Jornandes, De rebus Gothorum_ (1515). (3) -_Paulus Diaconus forojuliensis, de gestis Langobardorum_ (1515). (4) -_Chronicon Abbatis Urspergensis a Nino Rege Assyriorum magno usque ad -Fridericum II. Rom. Imperatorem_ (1515). (5) New edition of Macrobius, -_De Somno Scipionis_. He also wrote himself--_Sermones convivales de -finibus Germaniae contra Gallos_, and _Germania ex variis scriptoribus -perbrevis explicatio_. - -[116] C. Headlam, _Nuremberg_, p. 60. - -[117] It is not, I think, pedantic nor beside the mark, to compare the -words of Pirkheimer and Zola--"Ich werde nie Verschweigenswertes -enthüllen, denn die Wahrheit, die nur zeitweise bedrückt, aber niemals -unterdrückt werden kann, wird sich selbst offenbaren" (from _Der -gehobelte Eck_); and "La vérité est en avance, et rien ne l'arrêtera!" -(open letter on Dreyfus). - -[118] "Alle begehrenden und wirkenden Kräfte des Gemüthes können eines -jeglichen Dinges, wie nützlich und lustbar das immer erscheinen mag, -von täglicher Übung vielem und überflüssigem Gebrauche befriedigt, -erfüllet und zuletzt verdriesslich werden, allein die Begierde viel zu -wissen; die da einem Jeglichen von Natur eingepflanzet ist, die ist -gegen solche Ersättigung gefeiert und aller Verdriesslichkeit ganz und -gar nicht unterworfen"--quoted from Dürer, in Geiger, _Renaissance und -Humanismus_, p. 384. - -[119] Beck only did seven. (Total 137.) - -[120] See _Albert Dürer_, by Wm. Bell Scott, p. 67. - -[121] Quoted, Scott's _Dürer_, p. 69. - -[122] Headlam, _Story of Nuremberg_, p. 73. - -[123] Maximilian also appears in Dürer's beautiful picture, "Das -Rosenkranzfest," now at Prague. The Blessed Virgin enthroned in the -centre gently lays a crown upon the head of Maximilian, who kneels -sideways, with clasped hands, to her left. - -[124] Six more were printed by Lucas Cranach. - -[125] See Joseph von Aschbach, _Geschichte der Wiener Universitat_, 2 -vols. - -[126] At the instance of Innocent VIII. - -[127] Aschbach, xi. 65. - -[128] They were as follows: Velocianus, 1508; Joachim v. Watt -(Vadianus), 1514; Janus Hadelius, 1515; Rudolfus Agricola (the -younger), 1516. - -[129] The former he unearthed in the monastery of St. Emmeran at -Augsburg, and edited in 1501; the latter was found in the Franconian -monastery of Ebrach, and printed in Augsburg in 1507. See Wattenbach, -_Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen_, i. 1-6. On Celtes, see A. Horawitz, -_Zur Geschichte des deutschen Humanismus_, article in _Zeitschrift für -deutsche Kulturgeschichte_, 1875. - -[130] _Script. Univ. Vienn._ ii. 32, quoted Aschbach. - -[131] Ovid, the hymns of Aurelius Prudentius, a Christian poet, and -_Periegesis_ by Dionysius of Alexandria. - -[132] From Julius Caesar up to the death of Maximilian. - -[133] Janssen, i. 256-8. - -[134] See _Jahrbuch det Kunsthistorischen Sammlung des ah. -Kaiserhauses, vol. vi._ containing _Weisskunig_. - -[135] Bibliography of Maximilian--"_Die Bücher die Kaeyser Max selbst -macht--Grab, Ehren, Weise Künig, Teuerdanck, Freydanck, Triumph Wagen, -Stamm Cronick, der Stamm, Artalerey; die sieben Lust-Gezirck, -Wappen-Buch, Stall-Buch, Joegerey, Valcknerey, Kücherey, Kellnerey, -Fischerey, Goertnerey, Baumeisterey, Moralitoet, Andacht St. Jürgen. -Nec ullus eorum hactenus impressus est, praeterquam is qui inscribitur -der Theuerdanck._" Quoted in "Notice sur Max. I."; in Le Glay, -_Correspondence_, vol. ii. - -[136] Janssen, i. 592. - -[137] See a most interesting article in the _Monthly Review_, February -1901, "An Emperor's Sporting Chronicle," by W. Baillie Grohman. -Perhaps even more extraordinary than these instances is the letter to -his daughter Margaret (Dec. 22, 1510). He desires her to make three -requests of Henry VIII.--first, for 2,000 archers for Maximilian's -expedition to Rome; second, for pardon for the Duke of Suffolk; and -_third_, for "deux beaux doghes femelles et ung masle," for the Duke of -Würtemberg--Le Glay, i., letter 269. Earlier in the same year -(February 1510), he expresses his delight at the eager way in which his -young grandson Charles is taking to the chase, and adds, "otherwise one -might deem him a bastard." - - - - -{115} - -V - -The wideness of Maximilian's interests, and the variety of spheres in -which those interests led him to take a part, enhance the difficulty of -estimating or defining his character as a whole, and each different -attitude demands discussion before any general conclusion can be drawn. -His political career, however, despite all its intrigues and -complications, is comparatively easy to estimate; for his persistence -in controlling his own policy and his dislike of associates and -confidants throw the entire responsibility of any given action upon the -Emperor's own shoulders. His retentive memory and tireless energy -aided him in what would otherwise have been a hopeless effort. "He -seldom or never," writes the Venetian ambassador in 1496, "discusses -with any one what he has in hand or does, especially in important -matters."[138] He was in the habit of dictating to his secretaries -late into the night, and often drew up important documents with his own -hands; while even during his meals, and in the midst of his hunting -expeditions, he dictated dispatches or gave instructions to his -councillors. For his credit as a politician this monopolizing spirit -was most unfortunate. His secrecy kept his councillors and ambassadors -ever in the dark, and rendered a firm attitude on their part almost -impossible. His over-confidence, both in his own capacity {116} and in -the honesty of others, received many a rude shock, and often made him -the dupe of his intellectual inferiors. Machiavelli tells us the -opinion of an intimate friend of the Emperor, "that anyone could cheat -him without his knowing it."[139] His condemnation as a bungler by the -Florentine statesman has been used as an argument in Maximilian's -favour; but the only possible inference is that in affairs of state the -Emperor's morals had not suffered so complete an eclipse as those of -his rivals, while his statecraft was based upon a neglect of sound -political principles. But even more prominent than the self-centred -nature of his policy are two fatal weaknesses in his character, which -account for most of his failures and disappointments--his want of -perseverance and his open-handedness. The whole history of his reign -is an illustration of the inconstancy with which he flitted from scheme -to scheme, never allowing the time {117} necessary for a successful -issue; and the disastrous consequences of this habit were only -accentuated by the fact that he remained a law unto himself, -self-deprived of all moderating influences. It was this fickle and -over-sanguine disposition which caused Louis XII. to exclaim, "What -this King says at night, he does not hold to the next morning."[140] -The criticism of Ferdinand V. is perhaps even more apposite--"If -Maximilian thinks of a thing, he also believes that it is already -done."[141] Without duly considering the means at his disposal, he -stormed impetuously towards an end which was obviously unattainable -under the circumstances, and, to make matters worse, he had already -lost all interest in the project before there was even a prospect of -its being crowned with success. In other cases, his inventive -intellect showed him two or three ways towards the same goal, with the -result that he either pursued all at once, or, confining himself to one -only, soon changed his mind and adopted a course which he regarded as -safer. "And so," writes Quirini, "he springs from one decision to -another, till time and opportunity are past ... and thus he wins from -all men a light enough reputation."[142] But perhaps the greatest -weakness of Maximilian's administration was faulty finance. It is true -that the resources at his disposal were wholly inadequate, whether in -the Empire or in his own dominions. Yet his own unpractical and -visionary nature prevented him from making the best of such means as he -possessed, and drew him into quite a needless amount of money -difficulties. He had absolutely no conception {118} of the meaning of -economy, and, deeming it an unkingly trait, gave with both hands to his -servants and his friends, and laid no proper check upon his household -expenses. The fact that he spent but little upon himself, and that his -personal requirements were frugal in the extreme, while it speaks well -for the generosity of his nature, cannot affect our estimate of his -financial incapacity. Indeed, such were his extravagance and his -penury, that the Venetian ambassador was induced to exclaim: "For a -ducat he can be won for anything."[143] And truly, the fact that he -actually served Venice and Milan, and in later years England, for hire, -after the manner of an Italian condottiere, justifies the severe -exaggeration of this remark. His liberal patronage of Art and Science, -and the magnificence of the Court entertainments, must have contributed -in some degree to his popularity among contemporaries; but his ruinous -method of raising supplies in his own dominions really transferred the -burden of his endless undertakings to the shoulders of the next -generation.[144] - -As Emperor, Maximilian has been severely censured for subordinating the -Imperial to the territorial ideal, and for furthering Hapsburg -ambitions at the expense of Germany as a whole. But a survey of his -youth and early training at once helps to explain this policy and -proves it to have been inevitable. Such a path had been mapped out for -him by his father's motto, A.E.I.O.U., and Frederick's own impotence to -achieve its aspirations only served to impress {119} it more firmly -upon the youthful Maximilian. And indeed there is much truth in his -idea, that the building up of a strong hereditary State was the surest -road towards an imposing position in the Empire. While the personal -defects of Maximilian, which have already been discussed, are largely -responsible for the comparative ineffectiveness of his Imperial policy, -yet the chief cause of all was inherent in the constitution of the -Empire. It can hardly be doubted but that an Emperor far more powerful -than Maximilian ever was would have failed to combine the many -conflicting elements into a central Government capable of strong and -united action. "Constitution, Law, order in the State were everywhere -forcing themselves out of the perverted forms of the Middle Ages into -more perfect models." But as yet confusion and impotence held sway, -and the broad principles of reform were obscured from Maximilian's eyes -by a perplexing array of minor questions. Feudalism had long been in -decay, and the efforts of rulers in every State were directed towards -extending their authority and bringing the nobles and the towns into -greater dependence upon the throne. But the permanent taxation and the -standing army which made the attainment of this end possible to the -French kings, and through which France became for a number of years the -first military power of Europe, were denied to Maximilian by the -peculiar circumstances of the Empire. Not even in his hereditary -lands, still less elsewhere, was there any regular system of "aids" for -the sovereign's support; and Maximilian had to wage his wars, either -with militia, who were ever slow to assemble and prompt to disband, -whose discipline was not beyond {120} reproach, and who were not liable -to serve outside their own territory, or with mercenaries, whose -maintenance involved an expense which the absence of regular taxation -made it difficult to meet. Apart from the revenues of Crown lands and -the deeply mortgaged mines and tolls, he could raise no contributions -without the Diet's consent; and as a rule each Estate vied with the -others in resolutely setting aside all considerations of patriotism and -maintaining the tightest hold upon their purse-strings. They showed no -sympathy with Maximilian's aims and interests; while the Emperor lacked -the power to enforce his wishes upon them. Such circumstances would -almost justify his policy of retaliation by obstructing the Diet's -efforts towards reform. But in any case he can hardly be blamed for -falling back upon a strictly Austrian policy and using his Imperial -office to further Hapsburg interests. - -Whenever the Emperor's political action is deserving of praise, the -House of Hapsburg rather than the Empire will be found to have reaped -the benefit. His enthusiastic belief in the future greatness of his -House was the guiding star of his whole life, and encouraged him to -consolidate his dominions internally, and thus, as he hoped, to fit -them to become the central point of a world-wide empire. Besides the -introduction of Roman law, for which he was mainly responsible, he -thoroughly reorganized the administration of the Austrian Duchies. The -revenues had become insufficient for the execution of his princely -duties, especially in time of war; and Maximilian set himself to -introduce into the country the same methods of Government which he -employed in the Netherlands. He replaced the old feudal survivals -{121} in the State by a modern officialdom, which gradually paralyzed -the opposition of the Estates, and from which certain individuals -exercised a permanent control over the government during his own -absence. Meanwhile it was his Hapsburg and territorial ambitions which -prompted him to reassert the Imperial authority in Italy, and which -were partly responsible for his eagerness to recover Croatia and -Southern Hungary from the hands of the Turks. Above all, it was these -ambitions that inspired him in his endless projects of alliances and -marriages--projects which secured for his descendants the glorious -inheritance of Spain, the two Sicilies and the New World, and the -Kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary. - -Passing from his public to his private life, we may reasonably assert -that Maximilian, while far from spotless, compares favourably with the -Princes of his time. The excesses of Charles VIII., the luxurious vice -of Louis XII., the barbaric licentiousness of Francis I., and again the -unrestrained passions of Henry VIII., and Ferdinand V.'s frank -disavowal of morality--all these traits are happily wanting in -Maximilian's life. He seems to have loved the gracious Mary faithfully -and tenderly, and it is said that, to the day of his death, any mention -of her name drew from him a deep sigh of remembrance. But for her -untimely death he might have resisted the fierce temptations of his -royal position. He had at least eight natural children, of whom two -only are known to history--George, Bishop of Brixen, who eventually -became Prince Bishop of Liège, and a daughter, who perished with her -husband, the Count of Helfenstein, in the Peasants' Revolt of 1525. It -cannot be maintained that Maximilian's second {122} marriage was a -love-match; yet there is reason to believe that, though he paid little -attention to the unfortunate Bianca Maria, he at least remained -faithful to her. - -Though his table was always magnificently served, he himself was -extremely temperate, both in food and drink. Indeed, his strong -detestation of drunkenness forms a pleasant contrast to the opinions -and practice of his courtiers and even of the great princes of the -Empire. His moderation and healthy diet gave added strength to a frame -which was naturally robust and untiring. He could endure with ease the -extremes of heat and cold, prolonged journeys and want of sleep, and -even privations in food and drink. His strong constitution was united -to a pleasing countenance, which seldom failed to prepossess in his -favour. A prominent nose and well-defined features, together with the -lightning glances of his eye, imparted to him a searching look, which -seemed to pierce through men and read their very souls. Withal, he was -fully endowed with that genial and gracious manner which veils its -condescension under a mingling of good humour and perfect tactfulness. -In conversation he exercised a fascination which was not without its -effect even upon his sternest opponents; while the whole-hearted and -friendly spirit with which he threw himself into the amusements and -sports of the common people won for him an even wider respect and love -than his passion for the chase and his intimate relations with the -Tyrolese mountaineers. He frequently took his place in a village -dance, or competed with the peasants in their shooting matches; and he -recommended the chase to his descendants not merely for those delights -which none knew better than himself, but also because of the -opportunities which it {123} offered to princes of coming into contact -with their subjects, of learning their wishes and helping them in their -difficulties. His fresh joyous nature showed itself in a thousand -little touches, but perhaps in none more vividly than in his ardent -love of music and in the delight which he took in the presence of -singing-birds in the palace of Innsbruck. Thus whether fraternizing -with the peasants of his beloved Tyrol, clad in a hunting suit of -simple grey, or affably conversing with the burghers and ladies of -Frankfort or Augsburg, he awoke in all hearts an involuntary feeling of -admiration. - -Before all, Maximilian was a German of the Germans. As he was the last -representative of the dying mediaeval chivalry, and the last monarch of -the ancient German stamp, so also he was the first German patriot-king -of modern times; and herein lies the secret of the love and admiration -which his contemporaries poured so fully upon him. The proud and royal -motto to which he gave utterance, "My honour is German honour, and -German honour mine," graphically reminds us that he identified himself -with the joys and sorrows, the glories and the failures of the German -race. It is neglect of this fact, and want of sympathy with German -thought and ideals, that are responsible for the indiscriminating -criticisms of several modern historians--criticisms which would often -be bestowed with greater justice upon the constitution of the Empire -than upon the Emperor himself. And the motto has been realized in a -further sense. For the feeling of Germany, turning from the weaknesses -and failures which mar the fullness of Maximilian's glory, has -reciprocated the loyalty which he expressed towards his people, and -{124} has elevated the chivalrous Emperor into one of the national -heroes, worthy to rank with Hermann and Barbarossa. For Maximilian, in -no uncertain sense, personified the dreams, the aspirations, the -strugglings of the Fatherland. The nation, chastened and revivified by -a new birth of patriotism, sought an object on whom to fix its -affections and its hopes. It turned naturally to the Emperor, the heir -of so many splendid traditions, and it was met on his side by the -ardent devotion of a whole lifetime. In a word, he and his people had -realized--incompletely it may be, yet in a very genuine sense--the true -relations of a monarch and his subjects, and, linked to one another by -ties of mutual sympathy, handed down the happy tradition as an example -to their remote posterity. "Kaiser Max" (as his people fondly called -him) was not a great man, in the strictest sense of the word; yet all -lovers of large-hearted and human characters must ever treasure his -memory in their hearts. - -And here let us take our leave of Maximilian, in the kindly words of a -contemporary-- - - Du hattest wenig ru in dysem leben, - Darumb dir Got yetz ewig freud hat geben. - - Here upon earth small rest to thee was given, - Now God hath granted thee the joy of Heaven. - - - -[138] _Archivio Storico Ital._ vii. 2. 763, quoted Ulmann, i. 196. - -[139] Opere iv. 174. See also dissertation by Rösemeier, -_Machiavelli's Erste Legation zum K. Maximilian I., mid seine drei -Schriften über Deutschland_. In the main, Machiavelli blames -Maximilian, 1st, for his openhandedness; and, as undecided, credulous, -and all the more dependent on others, in that he tries not to be. But -he qualifies his strictures by saying, "the Emperor is a great general; -he bears fatigue like the most hardened soldiers; he is brave in danger -and just in governing. When he grants an audience, he is patient and -gracious, and is a pattern of many princely virtues." Vettori is not -quite so severe--"none can deny," he says, "that he (Max) is wise and -circumspect, skilful and untiring in war, and widely experienced. He -possesses the confidence of the nation more than any of his -predecessors for more than a hundred years; but he is so amiable and -kind-hearted, that it makes him yielding and credulous"--quoted -Janssen, i. 595. Ludovico Ticiano is less critical when he declares, -that "on no general can the soldier rely more implicitly, from none can -he expect more boldness in the courting of perils and more skill in -meeting them; nor can the burgher wish for any juster or milder prince, -or one in whom justness and mildness are so equally poised"--quoted -Geiger, p. 346. - -[140] See Ulmann, i. 200. - -[141] Despatch of Cornero to Venice, 1508--quoted Huber, iii. 328. - -[142] Albèri, _Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti_, Serie I., vi. 27. - -[143] See Prof. E. Heyck, _Maximilian I._, in the wellknown German -series of ideal illustrated monographs. - -[144] For Maximilian's treatment of Finance, see Ulmann, i. 202, -836-845, and Huber, iii., ch. 6. - - - - -{125} - -APPENDIX - - - -APPENDIX I - -Though some reference to Maximilian's relations to the question of -Imperial Reform was unavoidable, a detailed account must be sought for -rather in an authoritative history of Germany than in an essay which -centres round an individual. Hence an appendix seems the most fitting -place for dealing with the subject. - -When Maximilian was elected King of the Romans (1486), it had long been -evident that, if a new or reformed constitution was to be secured, the -initiative must be taken by the Estates. During the years 1486-89 -frequent deliberations took place, with a view to evolving some scheme -for strengthening the institutions of the Empire. The leaders of the -movement sought especially to impart to the Imperial Diets more regular -forms and greater dignity, and to check the resistance to their decrees -which was met with in the towns. At the Diet of 1487, the towns, -renouncing the policy of obstruction and equivocation which had -characterized them throughout the century, were fully represented, and -took an active part in the business of the committee which discussed -the Landfriede. In 1489 a new stage of development was reached by the -Diet, when the three Colleges of Electors, Princes and burghers -separated for the first time and conducted their deliberations apart. -Their proposal to limit the power of the Imperial Tribunal met with -determined opposition from Frederick the Third; and the Estates applied -to Maximilian, and obtained from him a promise of the reform of the -Kammergericht, or Imperial Chamber. The old Emperor's attitude -necessitated a postponement of the question; but on his death in 1493 -it was revived with greater urgency than ever. The leading spirit of -the whole movement was Berthold of Henneberg, Elector of Mainz, whose -patriotism and calm impartiality won the respect of all parties. At -the great Diet of Worms, which opened at the end of March 1495, the -Estates united in pressing on Maximilian a fulfilment of his promises, -and persisted in refusing him all support until he submitted to their -demands. The struggle lasted {126} throughout the summer, Maximilian -throwing every obstacle in the way of reform, but finally, on August 7, -he signed his agreement to the demands of the Diet. The results of the -Diet may be classified under four heads: - -1st. The Landfriede was more closely organized, and was made -perpetual. No difficulty was experienced over this point, as -Maximilian had taken the lead in enforcing the Landfriede at an earlier -date. - -2nd. The Kammergericht, or Imperial Chamber, was founded, to act as a -court of first instance for all direct subjects of the Emperor. Its -jurisdiction was, however, limited to cases of prelates, nobles, -knights and towns among each other; in the event of complaints against -any of the princes or electors, an arbitration was first necessary -before the councillors of the accused Prince. The Chamber consisted of -a judge, nominated by the Emperor, and sixteen other members, appointed -by the Estates, half being of knightly birth, half learned in the law. - -Its distinguishing features were: - -(_a_) That it was to sit continuously in the Empire, not following the -court, but fixed permanently at Frankfurt-on-Main. - -(_b_) That it could receive appeals from the Landgerichte. - -(_c_) That its members were to receive their salaries out of the fees -of the court, though they might be supplemented from the Imperial -revenues if these fees proved insufficient. - -(_d_) That the judge acquired the power of proclaiming the ban of the -Empire in the sovereign's name. - -3rd. A proposal was laid down for yearly meetings of the Estates, with -the object of controlling the Imperial expenditure. To this assembly -the treasurer was to deliver the money which he received from the -taxes, and it was to hold the exclusive power of deciding the -expenditure; while neither the Emperor nor his son might declare war -without its consent. - -"The constitution thus proposed was a mixture of Monarchical and -federal Government, but with an obvious preponderance of the latter -element; a political union, preserving the forms of the ancient -hierarchy of the Empire." But the defective nature of the Diet's -composition, and the virtual impossibility of securing a united effort -for any length of time, prevented the accomplishment of this scheme. - -4th. In return for these concessions on the part of Maximilian, the -Diet instituted "The Common Penny" (Der Gemeine Pfennig). This was an -attempt at systematic taxation, according to which an impost of half a -gulden was levied on every 500 gulden, and among {127} the poorer -classes every twenty-four people above the age of fifteen contributed -one gulden. - -The Common Penny was imperfectly organized and soon became merely -nominal, as the needy Maximilian often found to his cost; and though it -was revived under Charles V., it soon disappeared again after a brief -and fitful existence. - -The only actions of the Diet of Lindau (1496), the next in succession -to that of Worms, were to renew the Common Penny, to transfer the -Imperial Chamber from Frankfurt to Worms, and to impose a tax upon the -Jews of the chief Imperial towns. - -Though Maximilian had at Worms evaded the demand for a Reichs-regiment, -or Council of Regency, as too serious a limitation to his prerogative, -yet at the Diet of Augsburg (1500) he was obliged to give way even at -this point. The Diet gave its sanction to a scheme of military -organization, according to which every 400 inhabitants were to provide -one foot soldier, the cavalry was to be raised by the Princes and -nobles upon a fixed scale, and a tax was imposed on those who could not -themselves take any active share. In return for this concession, -Maximilian consented to the establishment of a Council of Regency, -which, had it preserved the powers which were at first granted to it, -would have deprived the Emperor of whatever power he still possessed. -It was composed of a President, chosen by the Emperor, one delegate -from each of the Electors, six from the Princes conjointly, two from -Austria and the Netherlands, and two from the Imperial cities. Its -powers were most comprehensive, and included the administration of -justice, the maintenance of peace, the defence of the Empire from -attack, and, most astounding of all, the control of foreign affairs. -It is conceivable that Maximilian might have submitted to the Council's -authority, had it displayed becoming moderation. But its first -act--the conclusion of peace with France--was so directly contrary to -the whole trend of Maximilian's policy, that he was naturally driven -into active opposition to its powers. "In 1502 he fell back upon his -Imperial right of holding Courts of Justice (Hofgerichte), and erected -a standing court or Aulic Council (Hofrath), entirely under his own -control." He himself was its president, and its assessors were -arbitrarily appointed. This action led to a congress of Electors at -Gelnhausen in June 1502, at which they arranged to meet four times a -year to deliberate on public affairs, and actually announced the first -meeting for the following November, without consulting the Emperor in -any way upon the matter. Maximilian was too weak to oppose them, and -therefore proclaimed the assembly himself. But the successful issue of -the War of Landshut and the death of {128} Berthold of Mainz greatly -strengthened Maximilian's position in the Empire, and proportionately -weakened the cause of Reform. Hence the Council of Regency was allowed -to die a natural death. - -At the Diet of Constance (1507) some progress was again made. In -return for a grant of troops and money, Maximilian re-established the -Imperial Chamber, which had held no sittings for three years, and a -small tax was instituted to pay the salaries of its officials. The -Diets of Worms (1509) and Augsburg (1510) were occupied by complaints -and abuse, which were wholly without effect. In 1512, however, the -Diet of Koln, to which city it had removed from Trier, secured the -division of the Empire into six Kreise, or Circles, for administrative -and military purposes. The Circles were to be placed under Captains, -who were all controlled by a Captain-general, and the organization was -to be entrusted to a council of eight, "who were to act as a Privy -Council under the Emperor's control." But the jealousy of the Diet -refused him the nomination of these Captains, and of the council, with -the result that the measure fell through for the time, and did not take -effect till 1521, under Charles V. - -This was the last serious attempt at Reform during the reign of -Maximilian; for the later Diets were mere scenes of confusion and of -mutual recrimination. The failure of the reforming movement only -served to emphasize the fact that the constitution of the Empire had -become an unworkable machine, and that the Empire itself could only be -saved from weakness and disorganization by the rise of a strong central -monarchy. But this was not to be. Such a contingency, which -Maximilian's vast dreams of Austrian world-power had seemed to -foreshadow, was rendered impossible by the great spiritual revolution, -which filled all minds throughout the reign of Charles V. Several -centuries were required to permit the growth of a strong German state -out of the chaos of the mediaeval Empire; and it was reserved for the -nineteenth century to see a native dynasty restore to Germany the -long-lost blessings of consolidation and unity. - - - - -[Illustration: The Imperial House of Hapsburg] - - - - -{133} - -INDEX - - The names of battles have their dates in brackets - Tr.=Treaty - - Aachen, 18 - Adelsberg, 56. - Agnadello (1509), 59. - Albert Achilles, 17 - Albert IV., of Bavaria, 31, 32, 51 - Albert VI., of Austria, 6 - Albert, El. of Mainz, 79 - Albert of Saxony, 22 - Aldus Manutius, 103 - Alexander VI., 36 - Amboise Cardinal d', 49, 57 - Anne of Brittany, 23-5, 44 - Apulian Ports, 38, 59 - Arras, Tr. of (1482), 16 - _Ars Versificandi_, 101 - Ausburg, Diet of (1500), 48; (1510) 61; (1518) 74 - ---- Humanists of, 87 - Aulic Council, 127 - Austria, 6, 17, 27, 29, 98 - _Austria_, 105 - - Balbus, Hieronymus, 100 - Basel, Tr. of (1499), 47 - Bavarian War of Succession, 51-3 - Beck, Leonhard, 91, 95 - Berthold, El. of Mainz, 17, 19, 33, 39-40, 49, 53 - Bianca Maria Sforza, 34, 35, 42 - Blois, Tr. of (1504), 50 - Brant, Sebastian, 84-87 - Brittany, 23-5 - Bruges, 21, 76, 86 - Brussels, Tr. of (1516), 72 - Burgau, 27 - Burgkmair, Hans, 92 - Burgundy, Loss of, 12 - Burgundian Marriage, 10-13 - - Cajetan, Cardinal, 75 - Cambrai, League of (1508), 57 - Celtes, 82, 100-4 - Charles, Archduke, 54, 57, 65, 67, 68, 72, 75, 76 - Charles the Bold, 10 - Charles of Egmont, 46, 48, 57 - Charles VIII., 22, 23, 36, 42; death, 44 - Chièvres, 54, 68 - Coblenz, Diet of (1492), 32 - Cochläus, 92 - Colins, Alexander, 113 - Collegium Poetarum, 102 - Comines, 15, 38 - Common Penny, 46 - Constance, Diet of (1507), 54 - Cunigunda, Sister of Max., 31 - Cuspinian, 99-101, 104, 105 - - Deventer, School of, 81 - Dijon, 65 - Dornach (1499), 46 - Dournon (1493), 25 - Dürer, Albrecht, 94-7 - - Eberhard of Würtemberg, 19, 40, 79 - Eck, Johann, 93 - _Ehrenpforte_, 94 - Eleanor of Portugal, 6 - Engelbrecht, Bishop, 7 - Eric of Brunswick, 52 - Esslingen, 19 - - Ferdinand V., 23, 25, 37, 38, 49, 50, 53 _sqq._, 67, 117; death, 72 - Fornovo (1495), 38 - Francis I., 50, 68-9, 72 - Frankfurt, Tr. of (1489), 22 - Frederick III., 6, 11, 17, 21, 27 _sqq._; death, 33; policy, 9 - Frederick, El. of Saxony, 75, 79 - Freydal's _Mummereien_, 91 - Fuchsmagen, 100 - Fugger, 42 - Fürstenberg, C. of, 46 - - Gaston de Foix, 63 - _Gebetbuch_, 97 - _Gejaidbuch_, 109 - George the Rich, D. of Landshut, 27, 51 - _Germania_, 82 - Gian Galeazzo, II., 34 - Görz, 28, 53, 56 - Gossembrot, Sigismund, 87 - Grandson (1476), 10 - "Great Privilege" of Ghent, 12 - Greifenklau, El. of Trier, 75 - _Grievances, the Hundred_, 84 - Guinegate (1478), 9, 15; (1513), 65 - - Henry VII., 23 - Henry VIII., 61, 64 _sqq._, 70 - Hofheimer, Paul, 106 - Holbein, Hans, 90 - Holy League (1495), 38; (1511) 63 - Humanists, in Strasburg, 81-7; in Augsburg, 87-90; in Nuremberg, - 91-7; in Vienna, 98-105 - Hutten, Ulrich von, 79 - - Innocent VIII., 24 - Innsbruck, 27, 71, 75 - ---- tomb of Max. at, 91, 113 - Isaak, Heinrich, 105 - Isabella the Catholic, 50 - Istria, 56 - - Joanna of Spain, 41 - Julius II., 55, 58 _sq._, 62, 64 - - Köln, 11, 21; Diet of (1505), 52 - Krachenberger, 100 - Kufstein, 52 - Kunz von der Rosen, 20 - - Landshut, 51 - Lang, Matthew, Bp. of Gurk, 3, 57, 63 - La Trémouille, 66 - Leo X., 64, 68 - Lille, Tr. of (1513), 66 - Lindau, Diet of (1496), 41, 127 - Linz, 33, 42 - Livorno, 43 - Louis XI., intrigues of, 12-16 - Louis XII., 44, 47 _sqq._, 54, 57, 58, 61, 65, 117; death, 68 - Louis (II.) of Hungary, 69 - Lower Union, 32 - Löwlerbund, 31 - Ludovico Sforza, 34, 36, 38, 41, 48 - - Machiavelli, 116 - Mantua, Congress of (1511), 62 - Margaret of Austria, 16, 24, 25, 40-1, 54, 57, 63, 64, 67 - Marignano (1515), 69 - Mary of Burgundy, 11, 13-15 - Mary of England, 57, 65, 67-8 - Massimiliano Sforza, 64 - Matthias of Hungary, 7, 17; death, 28 - Maximilian I.,--character, 1-4, 121-4; as idealist, 2; - as soldier, 73-4; as sportsman, 109-11; dream of Papacy, 62; - administration, 115-21; portraits, 97; nicknames, 35, 62, 71. - ---- Contemporary descriptions of, 10, 11, 34, 116 and note, 117 - ---- and the German Renaissance, 77-114 - Meisterlin, 92 - Milan, 37, 45, 48, 50, 57, 69, 70 - Moral (1476), 10 - Münster, 42 - - Nancy (1477), 10 - Naples, Conquest of, 50 - _Narrenschiff_, 84 - Neustadt, 6, 7, 76 - Novara, 40; (1513) 65 - Noyon, Tr. of (1516) 72 - Nuremberg, Chronicle, 92, 104; Diet of (1487), 101; Humanists of, 91-7 - - Orléans, Tr. of (1514), 68 - Osiander, 92 - - Pace, Richard, 70-1 - Padua, 60 - Papacy, Max. aspires to, 62 - Perger, 99 - Perpetual Peace (1516), 72 - Peutinger, Conrad, 88-90 - Pfinzing, Melchior, 109 - Philip, Archduke, 14, 16, 21, 40, 45, 49, 53 - Pirkheimer, Wilibald, 92-4 - Pius II. (Aeneas Sylvius), 10, 77 - Prättigau, 47 - Pressburg, Tr. of (1491), 31 - - Quirini, 34, 117 - - Ravenna (1512), 64 - Regensburg, 18, 32; (1504) 52 - Reichsregiment, 48, 59, 125 - Renaissance, German, Maximilian's connexion with, 77-114 - ---- German and Italian, contrasted, 79-80 - Rupert of Palatinate, 51 - - Sachs, Hans, 92 - Schwaderloch (1499), 46 - Senlis, Peace of (1493), 33 - Sigismund, Emperor, 77, 130 - Spanish Marriages, 40-1 - Spaur, Carl von, 109 - Stabius, 102, 104 - Strasburg, Humanists of, 81-7 - Stuhlweissenburg, 29 - Swabian League, 19, 32, 51, 56 - Swiss, 40, 41, 45 - Swiss War, 45-7 - - _Teuerdank_, 108 - Thérouenne, 65 - Ticiano, Ludovico, 116 - Tournai, 65 - Trautson, 56 - Treitzsauerwein, Marx, 107 - Trent, 55, 56 - Trier, Diet of (1512), 64 - _Triumphzug_, 95 - Trivulzio, 62 - Turks, 33, 35 - Tyrol, 27, 43, 60 - - Uladislas IV., 17, 29-31, 69 - Ulrich of Würtemberg, 40, 65 - - Venice, 37, 38, 41, 43, 47, 55-64, 68, 71-3 - Verona, 58, 60, 70, 72 - Vicariates, the Four, 73 - Vienna, Tr. of (1515), 69 - ---- University, 29, 98-105 - - _Wappenbuch_, 109 - _Weisskunig_, 7, 107-8 - Wels, 76 - Werdenberg, Hugo von, 14, 130 - Wimpheling, Jacob, 81-4 - Worms, 8; Diet of (1495), 39-40, 125; (1509) 59 - Würtemburg, 19, 40, 51 - - Zillerthal, 53 - - - -Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London. - - - - - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Maximilian I, by R. W. Seton-Watson - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAXIMILIAN I *** - -***** This file should be named 51496-8.txt or 51496-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/1/4/9/51496/ - -Produced by Al Haines -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - diff --git a/old/51496-8.zip b/old/51496-8.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index d2391c6..0000000 --- a/old/51496-8.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h.zip b/old/51496-h.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index cf1aeb3..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/51496-h.htm b/old/51496-h/51496-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index a3832a1..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/51496-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,6598 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.1//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml11/DTD/xhtml11.dtd"> - -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en"> - -<head> - -<link rel="coverpage" href="images/img-cover.jpg" /> - -<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=ISO-8859-1" /> - -<title> -The Project Gutenberg E-text of Maximilian I, by R. W. Seton-Watson -</title> - -<style type="text/css"> -body { color: black; - background: white; - margin-right: 10%; - margin-left: 10%; - font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; - text-align: justify } - -p {text-indent: 4% } - -p.noindent {text-indent: 0% } - -p.t1 {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 200%; - text-align: center } - -p.t2 {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 150%; - text-align: center } - -p.t2b {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 150%; - font-weight: bold; - text-align: center } - -p.t3 {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 100%; - text-align: center } - -p.t3b {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 100%; - font-weight: bold; - text-align: center } - -p.t4 {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 80%; - text-align: center } - -p.t4b {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 80%; - font-weight: bold; - text-align: center } - -p.t5 {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 60%; - text-align: center } - -h1 { text-align: center } -h2 { text-align: center } -h3 { text-align: center } -h4 { text-align: center } -h5 { text-align: center } - -p.poem {text-indent: 0%; - margin-left: 10%; } - -p.poem-intro {text-indent: 0%; - font-size: 90%; - margin-left: 10%; } - -p.thought {text-indent: 0% ; - letter-spacing: 4em ; - text-align: center } - -p.letter {text-indent: 0%; - margin-left: 10% ; - margin-right: 10% } - -p.footnote {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 80%; - margin-left: 10% ; - margin-right: 10% } - -p.index {text-indent: -5% ; - margin-left: 5% ; - margin-top: 0% ; - margin-bottom: 0% ; - margin-right: 0% } - -pre.index {text-indent: 0% ; - font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; - font-size: 100%; } - -p.intro {font-size: 90% ; - text-indent: 5% ; - margin-left: 5% ; - margin-right: 5% } - -p.finis { font-size: larger ; - text-align: center ; - text-indent: 0% ; - margin-left: 0% ; - margin-right: 0% } - -p.capcenter { margin-left: 0; - margin-right: 0 ; - margin-bottom: .5% ; - margin-top: 0; - font-weight: bold; - float: none ; - clear: both ; - text-indent: 0%; - text-align: center } - -img.imgcenter { margin-left: auto; - margin-bottom: 0; - margin-top: 1%; - margin-right: auto; } - -.pagenum { position: absolute; - left: 1%; - font-size: 95%; - text-align: left; - text-indent: 0; - font-style: normal; - font-weight: normal; - font-variant: normal; } - -.sidenote { left: 0%; - right: 0%; - font-size: 90%; - text-align: left; - text-indent: 0%; - width: 17%; - float: left; - clear: left; - padding-left: 1%; - padding-right: 1%; - padding-top: 1%; - padding-bottom: 1%; - font-style: normal; - font-weight: normal; - border: solid; - border-width: 1px; - margin-right: 1%; - background: aqua; - font-variant: normal; } - -</style> - -</head> - -<body> - - -<pre> - -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Maximilian I, by R. W. Seton-Watson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Maximilian I - Holy Roman Emperor - -Author: R. W. Seton-Watson - -Release Date: March 19, 2016 [EBook #51496] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAXIMILIAN I *** - - - - -Produced by Al Haines - - - - - -</pre> - - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-front"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-front.jpg" alt="MAXIMILIAN IN 1502 Painting by A. de Predis" /> -<br /> -MAXIMILIAN IN 1502 <br /> -Painting by A. de Predis -</p> - -<h1> -<br /><br /> - MAXIMILIAN I<br /> -</h1> - -<p class="t2b"> - HOLY ROMAN EMPEROR<br /> -</p> - -<p class="t3"> - (Stanhope Historical Essay 1901)<br /> -</p> - -<p class="t3"> - WITH NUMEROUS<br /> - ILLUSTRATIONS<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> - R. W. SETON-WATSON<br /> -</p> - -<p class="t4"> - Commoner of New College<br /> - Oxford<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="t4"> - "Mein Ehr ist deutsch Ehr und<br /> - deutsch Ehr ist mein Ehr"<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> - WESTMINSTER<br /> - ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE & CO LTD<br /> - 2 WHITEHALL GARDENS<br /> - 1902<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="t4"> - BUTLER & TANNER,<br /> - THE SELWOOD PRINTING WORKS,<br /> - FROME, AND LONDON.<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pv"></a>v}</span> -</p> - -<p class="t3b"> -PREFATORY NOTE -</p> - -<p> -No apology seems necessary for illustrating such -an essay as the present, save that it is an -innovation. No one now denies the value of portraits -in rendering history more vivid; and it might be -argued that an essay dealing with a personality -requires illustration more, not less, than important -historical studies. -</p> - -<p> -My best thanks are due to the Keeper of the -Hope Collection of Engraved Portraits, Oxford, and -his assistants, for the use of eight of the illustrations, -and for their unfailing courtesy and ready assistance -in the selection; to the well-known publishers, -Messrs. Velhagen & Klasing, of Leipzig, for the use of -illustrations 6, 7 and 12; and to Herr Löwy, of Vienna, -for the two photographs of Maximilian (frontispiece) -and Bianca Maria Sforza. -</p> - -<p> -The Imperial Arms of Maximilian, which appear -upon the cover, are taken from Sir David Lindsay's -Scottish Heraldic Manuscript. -</p> - -<p> -But for a prolonged illness the essay would have -undergone a much more thorough revision. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pvii"></a>vii}</span> -</p> - -<p class="t3b"> -ILLUSTRATIONS -</p> - -<p> -1. <a href="#img-front">Maximilian in 1502</a>—Painting by A. de Predis (from a -photograph by Herr J. Löwy, of Vienna) . . . (<i>frontispiece</i>) -</p> - -<p> -2. <a href="#img-012">Mary of Burgundy</a> (from the Hope Collection, Oxford) -</p> - -<p> -3. <a href="#img-024">Anne of Brittany</a> (from the Hope Collection, Oxford) -</p> - -<p> -4. <a href="#img-034">Bianca Maria Sforza</a>—Painting by A. de Predis (from a -photograph by Herr J. Löwy, of Vienna) -</p> - -<p> -5. <a href="#img-042">Ludovico Sforza, Duke of Milan</a> (from the Hope Collection) -</p> - -<p> -5. <a href="#img-064">Armour of Maximilian</a> (by permission of Messrs. Velhagen & -Klasing, Leipzig) -</p> - -<p> -7. <a href="#img-076">Maximilian in 1518</a>—Chalk Drawing of Dürer (by permission -of Messrs. Velhagen & Klasing, Leipzig) -</p> - -<p> -8. <a href="#img-084">Sebastian Brant</a> (from the Hope Collection) -</p> - -<p> -9. <a href="#img-088">Conrad Peutinger</a> (from the Hope Collection) -</p> - -<p> -10. <a href="#img-092">Wilibald Pirkheimer</a> (from the Hope Collection) -</p> - -<p> -11. <a href="#img-094">Albrecht Dürer</a> (from the Hope Collection) -</p> - -<p> -12. <a href="#img-096">Das Rosenkranzfest</a>—Painting by Dürer, with kneeling -figure of Maximilian (by permission of Messrs. Velhagen & -Klasing) -</p> - -<p> -13. <a href="#img-102">Conrad Celtes</a> (from the Hope Collection) -</p> - -<p> -14. <a href="#img-130-t">Genealogy of the Imperial House of Hapsburg</a> -</p> - -<p> -<a href="#chap07">Index</a> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pviii"></a>viii}</span> -</p> - -<p class="poem"> - "Preis dem wackern Gemsenjäger!<br /> - Ruhm in Fehden, Ruhm in Frieden,<br /> - In Gedichten Ruhm beschieden<br /> - Dir, o ritterlicher Max!"<br /> - —<i>Max von Schenkendorf</i>.<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap01"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P1"></a>1}</span></p> - -<h3> -I -</h3> - -<p> -There is a peculiar difficulty in bridging over long -periods of history, and in clearing our minds of -the habits and prejudices of to-day, before we criticize -characters and events which belong to distant periods -and other lands. This difficulty, in spite of the strange -charm which encourages us to surmount it, makes -itself all the more felt in a Transition Period, such as -the close of the fifteenth, and the dawn of the -sixteenth century. The breath of new ideas is in the air. -</p> - -<p> -"The old order changeth, yielding place to new," -but the old dreams are not yet banished from the -imagination, and the old ideals have not yet wholly -lost their power. Change is everywhere apparent, -consummation is still a dream of the far-distant -future. To those who look for a figure typical of the -age, Maximilian stands forth pre-eminent. Heir to all -the splendid traditions of the Caesars and the later -glories of the Saxon and Franconian Emperors, he -filled the highest position of Germany, not in an -attitude of indifference or aloofness, but devoting all his -energies and sympathies to every movement or aspiration -of his time. His actual achievements in the hard -concrete of facts are, from a national point of view, -but small; but these are more than balanced by his -activity in other and more abstract directions. It is -in his relations to the budding thought of modern life -that we can feel the real charm and fascination of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P2"></a>2}</span> -Maximilian's character. For his was a nature which -could never rest satisfied with the past, and aspired -to ends which only the far distant future was destined -to attain. -</p> - -<p> -Maximilian cannot fairly be judged solely from an -historical standpoint; from this a judgment in the -main unfavourable would be difficult to avoid. For -his task was to bridge over a necessary period of -transition—to check the perils of innovation, to -employ political expedients which could not, from their -very nature, stand the shock of later developments, -and to make shift with materials and resources which -were soon to be altered or replaced. Hence his -achievements, though of very real value to his own -age, have left but few traces visible to modern eyes. -The Southern temperament which he inherited from -his mother often drove him into foolhardy adventures, -from which he only extricated himself with a loss of -dignity. But the questionable results of his headlong -enthusiasms are atoned for by the noble ideals which -prompted them; and the very traits which were -disastrous to his political career have earned for him his -truest claims to greatness. -</p> - -<p> -To tell the life-story of an idealist seems to be -repugnant to the most modern of historical methods. -Hard dry facts must be summoned to describe -his career; an array of political exploits and the -wearisome details of fruitless legal reforms must be -poured forth in profitless and unending monotony. -The soul and its impulses, human or divine, seem no -longer to be admitted to the chamber of the historian, -whose dull and regulated pulse scorns to beat faster -at the tragedy of human lives. But if there is one -case in which a true account must not be limited to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P3"></a>3}</span> -mere facts, it is that of Maximilian. The specious -system of accumulating details, coldly balancing them, -and leaving the reader to judge, would be utterly unfair -in his case. As well attempt to do justice to Luther, -while omitting the agonies and self-reproach of his -cloister life, the deep formative influence of those -silent months upon the Wartburg, as estimate Maximilian, -the dreamer and idealist, by the necessities of -his purse or the extravagance of his vast designs! -His personality and his office do not by any means -coincide. There are many features of his character -which have no connexion with the government of his -lands, which the historians of his own day overlooked, -and which would still be overlooked from a strictly -political and historical point of view. But while our -admiration is aroused by his active share in the great -living movements of the age, it must be confessed that -his versatility and breadth of interest have an -unfortunate counterpart in the fickleness and lack of -concentration which led him to flit from scheme to -scheme, without ever allowing any single one to -attain to maturity. Such inconstancy in a sovereign -is usually negatived, or at least held in bounds, by the -apparatus of government. But in this case all -centred in Maximilian himself, and not even the -influential Matthew Lang was entirely trusted in high -affairs of state. As a rule, Maximilian could not -endure to have men of masterly or original character -about him, mainly owing to the passionate conviction -with which he clung to his own opinions, and partly -perhaps to a half-conscious fear of unfavourable -comparisons. We are thus driven to the conclusion that -his policy is mainly his own work, and that, though -inspired by lofty patriotism and definite family and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P4"></a>4}</span> -territorial ambitions, he never succeeded in combining -the two motives, and finally left the problem unsolved -and insoluble. But this conviction should only serve -to remind us that his greatest achievements lie -outside the province of politics. Indeed, regarded as a -whole, his life is not so much a great historical drama, -as an epic poem of chivalry, rich in bright colours and -romantic episodes, and crowded with the swift turns -and surprises of fortune. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap02"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P5"></a>5}</span></p> - -<h3> -II -</h3> - -<p> -To describe the events of Maximilian's political -career with any sort of detail would be to -narrate the history of Europe during one of its most -fascinating and complicated phases. To an essay -such as the present such a scheme must be -entirely alien; and for its purposes Maximilian's life -may be broadly divided into two periods. In the first, -which ends with 1490, his ambitions are directed -towards the West; and Burgundy, the Netherlands, -and the French frontier claim his whole attention. -But in the midst of his designs against France, new -developments at home summon him away. The -acquisition of Tyrol and the recovery of Austria shift -the centre of gravity from West to East, and his -accession to the Empire finally compels him to take up -new threads of policy, which point him to the East -and the South rather than to the West. In this later -period, which is more purely political, and in which -the character of Maximilian is perhaps less marked, -the main trend of his policy is towards the -re-establishment of Imperial influence in Italy, and -combinations either against the French or the Turks. In -each case he is doomed to disappointment; and the -misfortunes that arise from his continual lack of money -and resources form a story at once irritating and -pathetic. -</p> - -<p> -While engaged in certain operations against the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P6"></a>6}</span> -County of Cilly, 1452, the Emperor Frederick -III. narrowly escaped capture by the enemy. He ascribed -his safety to a dream, in which St. Maximilian[<a id="chap02fn1text"></a><a href="#chap02fn1">1</a>] warned -him of his danger; and thus when his wife presented -him with a son, the infant received the name of -his father's saintly patron. Maximilian was born -at Neustadt near Vienna on May 22, 1459. His -mother, Eleanor of Portugal, whose marriage to -Frederick III. has been immortalized by the brush of -Pinturicchio,[<a id="chap02fn2text"></a><a href="#chap02fn2">2</a>] was a princess of lively wit and -considerable talent: and many points of his character -are to be traced to the Southern temperament of -Eleanor, rather than to the phlegmatic and ineffectual -nature of Frederick. His early years were times of -stress and trouble; and, while still an infant, he -shared the dangers of his parents, who were closely -besieged in the citadel of Vienna by Albert of Austria -and the insurgent citizens. To such straits was the -slender garrison reduced, that the young prince is -said to have wandered through the castle vaults, -tearfully begging the servants for a piece of bread.[<a id="chap02fn3text"></a><a href="#chap02fn3">3</a>] -In spite of a vigorous defence, Frederick must have -yielded to superior force, but for the timely assistance -of his allies, the Bohemians, through whose influence -peace was restored between the rival brothers. The -death of Albert in 1463 left Frederick supreme in -Austria and its dependencies. But his past experiences -had inspired him with a very natural prejudice against -the citizens of Vienna; and they, on their part, were -never slow to reveal the dislike and contempt in -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P7"></a>7}</span> -which they held their Imperial master. This mutual -ill-feeling largely accounts for the ease with which -Matthias effected the conquest of Austria. Frederick, -at first from choice, later from necessity, chose Linz -or Graz as his Austrian residences, and never -overcame his distrust of the Viennese. Thus it was that -Maximilian's childhood was spent at Wiener Neustadt, -thirteen miles S.E. from Vienna. His education was -entrusted to Peter Engelbrecht, afterwards Bishop of -Wiener Neustadt; and we learn that up to the age of -six he found great difficulty in articulating. This may -have thrown him back somewhat; and, indeed, he -himself complained in later days of his bad education. -"If Peter, my teacher, still lived," he declared, "I -would make him live near me, in order to teach him -how to bring up children."[<a id="chap02fn4text"></a><a href="#chap02fn4">4</a>] But Maximilian's -strictures are probably undeserved, and may be due to the -fact that his tutor restrained him from the study of -history, which he loved, and held him down to Latin -and dialectics, even enforcing them upon his unwilling -pupil by rudely practical methods. Certainly, if we -may judge by the accounts furnished in Weisskunig, -which seems the most reliable of the books compiled -under Maximilian's supervision, there were but few -pursuits, physical or mental, in which the young -Prince had not his share. Not merely was he -instructed in the art of war, and in the technical details -of various trades, such as carpentry and founding, -but also in the prevailing theories of statesmanship -and government. These are quaintly divided by the -young White King under five heads—the all-mightiness -of God, the influence of the planets on Man's -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P8"></a>8}</span> -destiny, the reason of Man, excessive mildness in -administration, and excessive severity in power; and -his discourse on the subject wins the complete -approval of his father and the wonder of his biographer. -Everything which Maximilian does approaches perfection; -if he fishes, he catches more than other men; -he cures horses of which all the horse-doctors have -despaired; he has few equals as blacksmith or -locksmith. But though all this is clearly exaggeration, it yet -affords a clue to the accomplishments to which -Maximilian was brought up, and to the manysidedness of -his early training. There is no doubt as to his -proficiency as a linguist; he could speak Latin, French, -Italian and Flemish fluently, and had some knowledge -of Spanish, Walloon, and English besides.[<a id="chap02fn5text"></a><a href="#chap02fn5">5</a>] His thirst -for knowledge was almost unquenchable, and -increased with his years—history, mathematics, -languages, all receiving attention from the Royal student. -But his literary tastes, even in later life, never -superseded his love of manly exercises; and it was no -doubt in his early years that he first acquired that -passion for the chase which never deserted him. His -marvellous adventures in pursuit of the chamois or -the bear are still remembered in the Tyrolese Alps. -He possessed the most dauntless courage, and is said -to have been one of the finest swordsmen in Europe. -He had few equals at the tourney; and one of the -most romantic incidents of his life was the single -combat at Worms, when, entering the lists in the -simplest of armour, he overcame a famous French -knight, and then, raising his vizor, revealed his -identity amid the deafening plaudits of the crowd. -Nor were his exploits confined to chivalrous -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P9"></a>9}</span> -amusements: time and again he proved his courage on the -field of battle; notably at Guinegate, where "he raged -like a lion in the fight," and later, with characteristic -generosity, devoted himself to dressing the wounds -of the vanquished. Gallant, chivalrous and versatile, -full of high ideals and noble enthusiasms, he was -formed by nature to be the darling of his age and -nation. -</p> - -<p> -Such general characteristics must suffice for a -description of Maximilian's early life, of which we -possess but few details or facts, until the Burgundian -marriage brought him into the full blaze of the -political arena. This famous event, whose results -are still to be traced in the political conditions of -Europe, was the first step of the House of Hapsburg -towards the "Weltmacht" of Charles V. -</p> - -<p> -To Frederick III. belongs the credit of this achievement. -During his long reign of fifty-three years the -Imperial crown lost much of its remaining prestige -and influence; and it is undoubtedly true that -Frederick used his Imperial office for purposes of -Hapsburg aggrandisement. But he can hardly be -blamed for adopting a policy to which there was no -alternative. Chosen mainly for his impotence, he -had literally no hold upon the Empire itself, beyond -the largely nominal prerogatives of his office; and he -had good precedent for his scheme of attaining to -real Imperial power by building up a compact -territorial state. Something must be allowed to a prince -who, with such slight resources as Frederick III., -could aspire to the proud motto, "Alles Erdreich ist -Oesterreich Unterthan,"[<a id="chap02fn6text"></a><a href="#chap02fn6">6</a>] and who, after years of -disaster and disappointment, succeeded in laying the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P10"></a>10}</span> -foundations of a greatness which he did not live to -see. The policy of the Hohenstauffen was no longer -practicable. The power of the Emperor had all but -vanished, and the sole way of meeting the territorial -tendencies of the great princes was to develop a -territorial power for himself. The task required a man -of courage and endurance, who should paralyse the -opposing forces by passive resistance; and such a -man was Frederick. That the Burgundian marriage -was no mere lucky accident, but the fruit of a long -and deliberate policy, is abundantly shown by the -negotiations which preceded the event. A life-long -struggle against inadequate means effectually soured -the character of the old monarch, but it had not been -wholly in vain; and the marked contrast between -father and son may perhaps account for the unfavourable -light in which Frederick has been viewed by -posterity. -</p> - -<p> -The first suggestion of a marriage between -Maximilian and Mary of Burgundy occurs in a letter of -Pius II. to Philip the Good in 1463.[<a id="chap02fn7text"></a><a href="#chap02fn7">7</a>] The Pope -doubtless hoped that an alliance of Austria and -Burgundy would further his great scheme of a -crusade against the Turks; but even hints of a -kingly title failed to rouse the old Duke's interest in -the proposal, and it seems to have been allowed to -drop. In 1468 an envoy appeared at the Burgundian -Court, with full powers to treat as to the marriage, -and the election of Charles the Bold as King of the -Romans. But the latter's soaring ambitions were a -hindrance to the marriage; and when the long -negotiations for the revival of the old Burgundian -kingdom came to nothing in 1474, Frederick's object -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P11"></a>11}</span> -seemed as far from fulfilment as ever. Throughout -Charles's reign there was a continual danger of the -prize falling to some more favoured suitor. It was -only when the Burgundian arms first met with -disaster at the hands of the Swiss, that Charles's -day dreams began to be dispelled, and he gave -serious thought to the future of his only child. A -month after the defeat of Grandson, an Imperial -embassy waited upon the Duke; and on May 6, 1476, -the betrothal of Maximilian and Mary was formally -announced. In its immediate results, the alliance -was disastrous to Charles; for his desertion by the -Prince of Taranto, one of Mary's disappointed suitors, -the day before the battle of Morat, was one of the -causes of his second defeat by the Swiss. Charles -now became anxious to hasten on the marriage, and -sent an envoy to obtain his daughter's consent. On -November 4, he wrote to Frederick begging him and -Maximilian to come with all speed to Koln for the -ceremony;[<a id="chap02fn8text"></a><a href="#chap02fn8">8</a>] and soon after, Maximilian received a -letter from his bride, thanking him for the letter and -ring which he had sent her, and declaring her -agreement with her father. But now, as ever, Frederick -was tied down by want of money, and the final -catastrophe, when Charles the Bold perished on the -field of Nancy (January 6, 1477), found the -bridegroom quite unprepared for his new and arduous -task. At a time when so much depended on prompt -action,[<a id="chap02fn9text"></a><a href="#chap02fn9">9</a>] the Emperor contented himself with sending -despatches to the officials and stadtholders of the -Low Countries, urging them to obey none but Mary -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P12"></a>12}</span> -and Maximilian as her betrothed husband, and -promising to come in person at the earliest possible -date. Meanwhile, Mary's position was pitiable in -the extreme. The ungallant citizens of Ghent took -prompt advantage of her weakness by extorting from -her "The Great Privilege": the chief cities refused -to pay taxes; and French agents everywhere incited -the burghers to rebellion. Louis XI. did not imitate -his cousin of Austria, and lost no time in profiting by -Mary's helpless condition. In the course of a few -weeks, Picardy, Franche Comté, and the Duchy of -Burgundy were annexed to the French Crown. King -Louis demanded, almost at the sword's point, the -hand of Mary for the infant Dauphin; and his -ungenerous betrayal of her secret overtures exposed -her to an unpardonable affront at the hands of her -disloyal subjects. Despite her tears and entreaties, -and before her very eyes, her two most trusted -counsellors were executed by the citizens of Ghent; -and the young Duchess found herself friendless and -alone, at the mercy of the treacherous Louis and her -own rebellious people. In her distress she turned -naturally to her knight and protector, Maximilian, -whose admirers pictured to her a new Lohengrin -destined at the last moment to restore the desperate -fortunes of Elsa of Brabant. The romance of this -journey to succour his Princess in distress is -somewhat marred by the long delay which preceded it. -It can only be explained by the money difficulties of -his father, and the intrigues of Matthias of Hungary, -which brought him to the verge of war with Frederick. -Notwithstanding Mary's pressing entreaties[<a id="chap02fn10text"></a><a href="#chap02fn10">10</a>] for his -coming, it was only on May 21 that Maximilian left -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P13"></a>13}</span> -Vienna, and he did not actually reach Ghent till -August 18. But though this delay was of great -advantage to Louis XI., it may be doubted whether -Maximilian could have effected much, even had he -arrived on the scene at an earlier date. The Ghentois -were probably hostile to him,[<a id="chap02fn11text"></a><a href="#chap02fn11">11</a>] or sank their opposition -mainly because of the distance of his own dominions. -It was the growing fear of French predominance which -won adherents to his cause, and he found many -supporters among the Flemish nobles, and the party of -the Hoeks. The old Netherland chronicler gives us -a favourable sketch of Maximilian, when he says: -"Though still a youth, he displayed the true qualities -of a man and a prince. He was magnanimous, brave -and liberal, born for the good of the race. His fame -was increased by a countenance of right royal dignity, -the splendour of his father's majesty, the antiquity of -his lineage, and the amplitude of his inheritance."[<a id="chap02fn12text"></a><a href="#chap02fn12">12</a>] -The day after his arrival in Ghent, the marriage -was celebrated by the Legate with great pomp and -rejoicings. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> - "I beheld the pageants splendid, that adorned those days of old;<br /> - Stately dames, like queens attended, knights who bore the fleece<br /> - of gold;<br /> - Lombard and Venetian merchants with deep-laden argosies;<br /> - Ministers from twenty nations; more than royal pomp and ease.<br /> - I beheld proud Maximilian, kneeling humbly on the ground;<br /> - I beheld the gentle Mary, hunting with her hawk and hound."<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-012"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-012.jpg" alt="MARY OF BURGUNDY" /> -<br /> -MARY OF BURGUNDY -</p> - -<p> -The young Prince seems at first to have carried all -before him; and as we read the words of an eye-witness -of the proceedings, our charmed fancy pictures -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P14"></a>14}</span> -for us one of the deathless paladins of Charles the -Great. "Mounted on a large chestnut horse, clad -in silver armour, his head uncovered, his flowing -locks bound with a circlet of pearls and precious -stones, Maximilian looks so glorious in his youth, -so strong in his manliness, that I know not which -to admire most—the beauty of his youth, the bravery -of his manhood, or the promise of his future. -Man muss ihn gern haben, den glänzenden Mann."[<a id="chap02fn13text"></a><a href="#chap02fn13">13</a>] -From the very first the marriage seems to have -been one of great happiness; and the birth of Philip -(June 1478) set a crown to their affection. Maximilian -himself gives a happy description of his wife -in a confidential letter to Sigismund Prüschenk: -"I have a lovely good virtuous wife ... She is -small of body, much smaller than 'die Rosina,'[<a id="chap02fn14text"></a><a href="#chap02fn14">14</a>] and -snow-white. Brown hair, a small nose, a small head -and features, brown and grey eyes mixed, clear and -beautiful. Her mouth is somewhat high, but pure -and red."[<a id="chap02fn15text"></a><a href="#chap02fn15">15</a>] Mary was a fine horsewoman, and -excelled at most forms of sport; and this formed an -additional link between them. "My wife is -thoroughly at home with falcons and hounds; she has a -greyhound of great pace."[<a id="chap02fn16text"></a><a href="#chap02fn16">16</a>] In all affairs of -Government Mary yielded to her husband, and they remained -in complete accord till the day of her death. On -Maximilian devolved the task of repelling the French -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P15"></a>15}</span> -attacks, and we find him complaining of the stress of -business which filled every moment of the day.[<a id="chap02fn17text"></a><a href="#chap02fn17">17</a>] -Infusing his own vigour into his new subjects, and -substantially aided by the Imperial Diet, he was ere -long enabled to take the offensive; and on August 7, -1478, gained a complete victory over the French at -Guinegate. The personal prowess which Maximilian -displayed, while it helps to explain the estimation in -which he was held, inevitably suggests that he was -more brilliant as a soldier than as a commander. -For so decisive a success, the results were remarkably -small. Maximilian's sanguine nature induced him to -reject Louis' overtures for peace, and though the tide -of invasion had been rolled back, the most favourable -time for a satisfactory settlement was allowed to pass. -But while Maximilian eagerly awaited the death of the -French King,[<a id="chap02fn18text"></a><a href="#chap02fn18">18</a>] he was himself plunged into mourning -and disaster by the sudden death of Mary -(March 27, 1482). Filled with the liveliest grief at -his unexpected bereavement,[<a id="chap02fn19text"></a><a href="#chap02fn19">19</a>] he found that at the -same time he had lost control of the source of his -authority; and though recognized by Brabant and -Holland, he met with nothing but opposition from the -refractory Flemings. Louis XI. could not repress -his delight at the welcome news, and confided to the -sagacious Comines his hopes of Maximilian's -discomfiture.[<a id="chap02fn20text"></a><a href="#chap02fn20">20</a>] Nor was he mistaken in his forecast of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P16"></a>16}</span> -events. Without even consulting Maximilian, the -Flemings ratified the Treaty of Arras with Louis XI. -By it the guardianship of Philip was entrusted to the -Estates of Flanders; and the infant Margaret was to -be educated at the French Court as the bride of the -Dauphin Charles. Artois and Franche Comté, over -which the Flemings had not the slightest legal control, -were calmly ceded as her immediate dowry.[<a id="chap02fn21text"></a><a href="#chap02fn21">21</a>] To this -humiliating treaty Maximilian had perforce to give his -assent, and it was not till 1485[<a id="chap02fn22text"></a><a href="#chap02fn22">22</a>] that the Flemings -recognized him as the guardian of his son. Even -then his authority was hedged in by various -conditions; and the young Duke might not be removed -from the country. Maximilian continued to reside in -the Netherlands; but the favour which he bestowed -on his own countrymen, as well as his influence in -Brabant and Holland, soon rekindled the jealousy of -the Flemings, who accused him of prolonging the war -against France for his own private ends. He could -not leave the Low Countries without ruining his position -and prospects, and abandoning his children to the -mercy of the Ghent citizens; French agents were -ready to make the most of even a temporary absence; -and he was powerless to assist his father in his -unequal struggle with Matthias. But even want of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P17"></a>17}</span> -money or resources does not excuse the indifference -with which he treated the news of Frederick's -misfortunes. The old Emperor was driven from his -capital, the whole of Lower Austria fell into the -hands of Matthias, and it was only the remonstrances -of Venice which assured to Frederick his Adriatic -provinces. There was an evident coolness at this -period between father and son, and this was not -removed by Maximilian's dealings with the Electors, -in the hope of securing his election as King of the -Romans. -</p> - -<p> -Frederick had been chosen Emperor mainly for his -insignificance, but it was felt that he had played the -part of a nonentity only too well. There was a -growing inclination to turn from Frederick to Maximilian, -and to shift the duties of the Empire's struggle with -Matthias of Hungary on to the Burgundian possessions -of the Hapsburg House. Various causes combined -to secure Maximilian's election: but none of -the credit can be assigned to Frederick III., who only -consented to entertain the idea, when he had become -a fugitive from his dominions, and when Maximilian -had promised not to make inroads upon his Imperial -power. Frederick's manifest dislike of the scheme -was a recommendation with most of the Electors. -Maximilian was welcomed by Albert Achilles and the -old Imperial party, who wished a strong ruler at the -head of the Empire; and his favourable attitude -towards Reform won favour with the party of Berthold -of Henneberg, the great Elector of Mainz. The -opposition of France and Hungary was met by the -secrecy of the Electors; and their choice was -announced almost before the suspicions of Uladislas -had been aroused (February 16, 1486). Frederick -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P18"></a>18}</span> -is said to have wept feebly at the news, but -elsewhere the announcement gave rise to the most -sanguine anticipations; and the gorgeous ceremonial of -his coronation at Aachen made a sensible impression -upon the popular mind. The proclamation of a ten -years' Landfriede throughout the Empire, which was -the new King's first act, was perhaps better -calculated to please the Reforming party than the rank -of the knights, whose brightest ornament Maximilian -was held to be; yet it seemed to augur well for a -new era of peace and order. -</p> - -<p> -In 1488[<a id="chap02fn23text"></a><a href="#chap02fn23">23</a>] a new instrument was devised for the -enforcement of the Landfriede. The private feuds, so -frequent and so ruinous in mediaeval times, were now -falling into disuse, but only because the general -unrest took larger forms. Leagues and Unions -superseded the looser ties of warlike neighbours, and -whole districts became involved in the settlement of -some contemptible quarrel. The Swiss Confederacy -was in reality a development of this system of -Leagues, its primary object being protection against -the House of Hapsburg. Every access of strength -on the part of the Swiss, and especially the prestige -which their triumph over Charles the Bold had won -them, tended to weaken the Hapsburg influence in -Swabia, the cradle of their race, and their mainstay in -the Empire. Thus, when in 1486 the Bavarian Dukes -directly infringed the Landfriede by their seizure of -Regensburg,[<a id="chap02fn24text"></a><a href="#chap02fn24">24</a>] the moment seemed favourable for some -fresh organization, which should preserve the peace -of the Empire and at the same time restore the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P19"></a>19}</span> -waning Hapsburg power in Swabia. In July 1487 -an invitation was issued in the name of Frederick and -Maximilian to all the nobles, knights, prelates and -cities of Swabia, to a meeting at Esslingen. This -step resulted in the formation of the famous Swabian -League. Though really a development of the League -of St. George's Shield, whose captain, Count Hugo -von Werdenberg, was the chief originator of the -scheme, it differed from it by extending its -membership from the ranks of the nobles of all orders and -classes of the Empire. A confederate Council and -Court of Justice were instituted, and expenses were -allotted for the raising of an army of 12,000 foot -and 1,200 horse. A decisive influence was -preserved to the Emperor, and the League was further -strengthened by the adhesion of such princes as -Sigismund of Tyrol, Eberhard of Würtemberg, and -the Electors of Mainz and Trier. The Swabian -League remained for many years a leading factor in -German affairs. Though it widened the gulf between -the Swiss and the members of the Empire (and thus -no doubt was partly responsible for the Swiss war of -ten years later), it also checked the gradual drifting of -single towns from the Imperial to the Swiss system. -And still more, it gave the Hapsburgs a strong -weapon of defence against the House of Wittelsbach, -whose aggressive policy might, without it, have -proved entirely successful. -</p> - -<p> -Meanwhile, so far from Maximilian realizing the -hopes of the Electors by bringing the forces of the -Netherlands to the aid of the Empire, it was not -very long ere Imperial troops were needed to rescue -him from the hands of his turbulent subjects. He -was rapidly becoming unpopular among the Netherlands, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P20"></a>20}</span> -whose constitutional traditions were vitally -opposed to his dynastic plans; and the French -Government, strong in Flemish sympathy, renewed the -war with greater vigour and success. Maximilian's -first organized body of landsknechts was completely -defeated at Bethune, and afterwards roughly handled -by their nominal allies. The final outbreak was largely -due to a commercial treaty between Maximilian and -Henry VII., which closed the Flemish harbours to -English products. As a result, a lively commercial -intercourse in English cloth sprang up in the coast -towns of Brabant, and the economic rivals of -Flanders reaped a rich harvest. The French -Government fanned the flame of Flemish disaffection. -It declared Maximilian to have forfeited the -French fief of Flanders, and formally absolved this -country from all allegiance to him. His refusal to -account for the expenditure of the public money was -an additional grievance; and when a rash visit to -Bruges, with but a slender escort of troops, placed -him in their power, the burghers used their advantage -to the full. The morning after his entry a sudden -insurrection took place (February 10, 1488). The -whole town was soon up in arms, the gates were -seized, and the Ducal palace was stormed by an -excited mob. Maximilian himself was removed to the -Kranenburg, and closely guarded; his councillors -were racked in the public square, some of his chief -adherents were beheaded, and the citizens of Ghent -and Bruges united in depriving him of the Regency, -and forming a new government wholly subservient -to France. For three months he remained in this -perilous condition, in continual fear of death or -betrayal to Charles VIII. Kunz von der Rosen, his -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P21"></a>21}</span> -faithful jester, who shared his captivity, begged -Maximilian to exchange clothes with him and thus -escape from the city in disguise; but the latter -refused to expose him to almost certain death at the -hands of the infuriated mob. Maximilian's letter to -his father and the Electors shows the imminent -danger in which he lay. "They will give me poison -to eat, and so kill me ... they are taking all my -people from me; this is my last letter for good and -all ... I beseech you, in the name of God and -Justice, for counsel and aid."[24a] For once Frederick's -sluggish nature was fully roused, and, relinquishing -all other objects, he moved heaven and earth to -obtain his son's release. Over 20,000 men answered -to the Imperial summons to Koln, and by the middle -of May this army was advancing on Liège. The -news of its approach brought the rebels to reason, -and led them to hasten on negotiations with -Maximilian. Without awaiting the liberating army, -he gave his consent to the most humiliating terms, -and solemnly pledged himself not to repudiate the -agreement. By it he was to win the consent of the -Emperor and Electors, and to withdraw all foreign -troops from the Netherlands within eight days. He -renounced, for Flanders, the guardianship of Philip, -and acceded to the formation of a Council of -Regency and to a peace with France (May 16). On -the strength of these promises he was liberated, and -joined his father's army at Liège. Frederick and the -Princes refused to recognize any such agreement; -it was declared invalid and contrary to his coronation -oath, on the ground that the Flemings were subjects -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P22"></a>22}</span> -of the Empire;[<a id="chap02fn25text"></a><a href="#chap02fn25">25</a>] and Maximilian, weakly yielding to -their pressure, contented himself with returning the -55,000 groschen which had been granted him to -lessen the bitterness of the pill. The march was -resumed, and Ghent was closely invested. But as -usual the old Emperor effected little or nothing, the -town made a vigorous defence, and Maximilian was -glad to avail himself of events in Germany, which -claimed his attention. It is useless to attempt to -justify his repudiation of his oath, for he had carefully -precluded himself from all lawful methods of evasion. -It leaves a deep stain upon his honour, and the most -that can be said for him is that it is the one -indefensible action of his life. -</p> - -<p> -After an absence of twelve years[<a id="chap02fn26text"></a><a href="#chap02fn26">26</a>] Maximilian -returned to the Empire in December 1488, leaving -Duke Albert of Saxony as his representative in the -Netherlands. The latter showed his zeal by his -promise "so to serve his master that men should -write of it for 1,000 years," and displayed great -ability both as a commander and an organizer. The -cause of peace was furthered by the Treaty of -Frankfort (July 7, 1489), in accordance with which -Charles VIII. was to use his influence with the -Flemings, and an interview was to be arranged -between him and Maximilian for the settlement of the -Burgundian question. As a result of this treaty, -Flanders again recognized Maximilian as lawful -Regent and guardian of his son, and granted him the -sum of 300,000 gold thalers in token of their submission. -</p> - -<p> -The readiness with which Charles VIII. concluded -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P23"></a>23}</span> -peace was due to the recent turn of affairs -in Brittany, to which country his rivalry with -Maximilian was now transferred. During the -aggressive war waged by France in the Netherlands the -King of the Romans had found a natural ally in the -Duke of Brittany, who dreaded the expansive policy -of the French King. The death of Francis II. (September, -1488) left the Breton throne to his young -daughter Anne; and Ferdinand V. and Henry -VII. united to protect her against her dangerous -neighbour. But this protection was on the whole rather -sympathetic than practical; and the insecurity of her -position led the young Duchess to search the political -horizon for some efficient defender. She turned to -Maximilian as the sovereign most interested in resistance -to France and most likely to afford her practical -aid. It seemed as though the romantic episode of -his first marriage was to be re-enacted in a new -quarter. On March 20, 1490, Anne and Maximilian -were betrothed, and towards the end of the year the -marriage was formally celebrated by proxy.[<a id="chap02fn27text"></a><a href="#chap02fn27">27</a>] Anne -openly assumed the title of Queen of the Romans, -and Maximilian's diplomacy was for the time -triumphant. But the acquisition of Brittany was a matter -of supreme importance to the French Crown; and -Charles VIII. strained every nerve to secure the -discomfiture of his rival. Brittany was overrun by -French troops, Nantes surrendered after a feeble -resistance, and Anne found herself closely besieged -in Rennes, with little prospect of timely relief, and -with a strong French faction within the walls. -Maximilian's hands were tied down by the necessities -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P24"></a>24}</span> -of the Hungarian war, and, confident in the -validity of his union with Anne, and relying on the -promised aid of Henry VII., he stirred not a muscle -in her defence. At last Anne found herself forced to -come to terms. Brittany was to remain in the hands -of the French, and free passage was granted to her -through French territory, on her way to join -Maximilian. But her feeling as a Princess overcame her -feeling as a woman. She was naturally reluctant to -leave her ancestral dominions in hostile hands for -the sake of a man whom she had never seen and who -was her senior by seventeen years; and her offended -pride at Maximilian's inexcusable absence at her time -of need led her footsteps to Chateau Langeais rather -than to the German frontier. The cunning Charles -had all prepared, and was able to produce the double -dispensation of Innocent VIII.[<a id="chap02fn28text"></a><a href="#chap02fn28">28</a>] On December 6, -1491, the marriage of Charles VIII. and Anne of -Brittany was duly solemnized at Langeais, and -Brittany was finally incorporated with France. -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-024"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-024.jpg" alt="ANNE OF BRITTANY" /> -<br /> -ANNE OF BRITTANY -</p> - -<p> -Maximilian, mainly owing to his dilatory conduct, -thus found himself exposed to the most unpardonable -of insults at the hands of a mere stripling. Not merely -had Charles VIII. deprived him of his lawful wife -and her inheritance, but in so doing he repudiated -Maximilian's daughter Margaret, who, since 1482, had -been educated at the Court of Charles as the future -Queen of France. To aggravate matters, Charles -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P25"></a>25}</span> -showed no inclination to restore Margaret's -magnificent dowry, which consisted of Artois, Picardy and -Franche Comté. Nothing could exceed Maximilian's -indignation, and, full of threats of vengeance, he -entered into an offensive alliance against France with -the Kings of England and Spain. -</p> - -<p> -But the acquisition of Brittany had set a seal to -the internal consolidation of France, and Charles, -having deprived his enemies of an excellent base for -hostile operations, was now free to indulge in his -golden dreams of foreign conquest. No concession -was thought too great to secure the neutrality of his -neighbours. Henry VII. was bought off by hard -cash and by the promise of a yearly pension; -Ferdinand was appeased by the cession of the coveted -provinces of Roussillon and Cerdagne. Maximilian, -whose troops were meeting with some success in -Franche Comté,[<a id="chap02fn29text"></a><a href="#chap02fn29">29</a>] saw himself deserted by his allies, -and consented to pocket his outraged dignity in return -for the substantial concessions of the Peace of Senlis -(May 23, 1493). His daughter Margaret was restored, -and the French evacuated Franche Comté, Artois and -Nevers, in favour of the young Archduke Philip. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn1text">1</a>] Saints Bonosus and Maximilian, martyrs A.D. 360 (day, August -21). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn2text">2</a>] Library, Siena Cathedral. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn3text">3</a>] Janssen, <i>Gesch. des deutschen Volkes</i>, i. page 593. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn4text">4</a>] Quoted by Le Glay, <i>Correspondance de Maximilian et de -Marguerite</i>, vol. ii. page 345. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn5text">5</a>] Janssen, i. 593. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn6text">6</a>] Austriae Est Imperare Orb; Universo. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn7"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn7text">7</a>] <i>See</i> Rausch, <i>Die Burgundische Heirat Maximilians I</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn8"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn8text">8</a>] Chmel, <i>Mon. Hapsb.</i> I. i. 33, p. 136 (quoted Rausch). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn9"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn9text">9</a>] On January 24, Maximilian had not yet heard of Charles' -death. Lichnowsky Reg. vii. 2004 (quoted Rausch). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn10"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn10text">10</a>] Letter dated March 26. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn11"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn11text">11</a>] They freed Duke Adolf of Gueldres, in hope of forcing him on -Mary. <i>See</i> Rausch. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn12"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn12text">12</a>] Pontus Heuterus, <i>Rerum Belgie</i>, lib. ii. 69. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn13"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn13text">13</a>] Letter of Wilhelm v. Hoverde, August 23, 1477, quoted -Janssen, i. 592. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn14"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn14text">14</a>] A former sweetheart of Maximilian, from whom he seems to -have had a most tearful parting.—V. von Kraus, <i>Maximilians -I. vertraulicker Briefwechsel init Sigmund Prüschenk</i>, p. 30. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn15"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn15text">15</a>] Maximilian to S. P. (December 8, 1477).—v. Kraus, p. 27. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn16"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn16text">16</a>] "Mein gemahl ist ein gantze waidtmännin mit valckhen und -hundten. Sie hat ein weis windtspil daz laufft vast bald."—<i>Ibid.</i> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn17"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn17text">17</a>] "Ich bin aber der armist Mensch daz ich nicht essen schlaffn -spatziren stechen (tilt) mag von ubrigen geschefften." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn18"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn18text">18</a>] For whom he seems to have had a profound hatred—"Kein -grosser verzagter Bösswicht ist in aller Welt nit als er -ist."—v. Kraus, p. 27. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn19"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn19text">19</a>] "Per omnem exinde vitam, cum de ea M. mentionem inferret, -aut fieri audiret, a lachrymis aut suspirio abstinere non poterat." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn20"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn20text">20</a>] Comines: "Le dit seigneur me compta ces nouvelles, et en -eust grande joye; et aussi que les deux enfans estoyent demourés -en la gardes des Gandois, lesquels il cognoissoit enclins à noise et -division contre ceste maison de Bourgonge et lui sembloit avoir -trouvé l'heure, pour ce que le duc d'Austriche estoit jeune, et pour -ce qu'il avoit encores père, et guerre partout, et estoit estranger, et -mal accompaigné." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn21"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn21text">21</a>] Auxerrois, Maconnais and Charolais were added by "nos -seigneurs de Grand" (as Louis XI. called them), who wished to -conduct the affair majestically. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn22"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn22text">22</a>] When Maximilian had defeated the forces of the rebels. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn23"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn23text">23</a>] The decree founding the League was dated March 10, 1488, but -it was actually formed in the previous year. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn24"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn24text">24</a>] A free Imperial city. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -[24a] <i>Vertr. Briefwechsel</i>, p. 68. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn25"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn25text">25</a>] As a matter of fact, Flanders was a fief of the French Crown. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn26"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn26text">26</a>] If we except his coronation. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn27"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn27text">27</a>] Maximilian was represented by Wilhelm v. Polheim, his -confidential agent in Brittany. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn28"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn28text">28</a>] To be more exact, the Pope had <i>promised</i> the dispensation: it -was not actually published till December 16, 1491. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -Anne's matrimonial experiences form one of the most disgraceful -incidents in all history. The shameless manner in which the -Papacy issued this dispensation is only surpassed by the later bull -which released Louis XII. from his virtuous though childless wife -Jeanne, that he might marry Anne of Brittany. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn29"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn29text">29</a>] Battle of Dournon, January 23, 1493, in which 4-5,000 French -horse were defeated by Kappeller and his Germans, inferior in -number, but possessed of cannon. They held a hollow way and -withstood the repeated charges of the French cavalry.—Ulmann, -<i>Kaiser Maximilian I.</i>, i. 169. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap03"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P26"></a>26}</span></p> - -<h3> -III -</h3> - -<p class="poem-intro"> - Das liebe heil'ge Röm'sche Reich,<br /> - Wie hält's nur noch zusammen?—Faust.<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -With the Breton incident we reach the close of -Maximilian's Western career, and are free to -examine the events which engaged his attention -while Charles VIII. was robbing him of his bride. -The exigencies of Hapsburg policy and of his -imperial office now draw him into all the various -currents of European diplomacy, and it is hardly to -be wondered at, if his personality is sometimes lost -sight of in an attempt to connect the intricate threads -of contemporary politics. Maximilian the man and -the chevalier must be our subject, rather than -Maximilian the politician. The kaleidoscope of political -combinations must be left to a Sismondi or a Creighton. -For it is from the description of his earlier -years and of his later relations to Humanism and -Art that we gain the truest insight into the charm -and fascination of his character—the romantic -incidents which made the nation mourn him as -the Last of the Knights, and the versatility which -dazzled the eyes of so many brilliant contemporaries. -</p> - -<p> -On his return to the Empire, Maximilian found -that his presence was urgently needed in Tyrol, -where Duke Sigismund, after a long reign of folly and -mismanagement, could hardly restrain the general -discontent in his dominions from open expression. -The incapable old Duke had in later life fallen -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P27"></a>27}</span> -completely under the power of his mistresses, who -played upon his superstitions by incantations and -witch-processes, and who squandered the revenues -on their own worthless ends.[<a id="chap03fn30text"></a><a href="#chap03fn30">30</a>] His life-long hatred -of Frederick III., which even the cession of -Vorder-Austria (1463) could not remove, filled him with the -idea that his cousins wished to deprive him during -his lifetime, and inclined him towards the Bavarian -Court, which eagerly furthered the misunderstanding. -The sale of Burgau (1486) to Duke George the Rich -called attention to the possibility of Sigismund leaving -his possessions outside the Hapsburg family. Bavaria -was again responsible for Sigismund's war with -Venice; and when defeat came and money failed, the -Duke was obliged to sell all the Vorder-Austria lands -to Dukes Albert and George on terms which made -recovery doubtful. The Austrian party in Tyrol now -insisted upon the summons of a Diet, and the -Estates subjected Sigismund to an "Ordnung," by -which, in return for the payment of his debts, he -was restricted to a limited expenditure every year. -In the event of his violation of this Ordnung, the -Estates were at liberty to choose another Prince from -the House of Austria. The Dukes of Bavaria had -been brought to reason by the formation of the -Swabian League, and raised no serious opposition to -this blighting of their hopes. As was to be expected, -six months had not elapsed ere Sigismund had broken -through the Ordnung; while Albert of Bavaria put -in a demand for 100,000 florins, in recompense for the -sinking of his claims. This development brought -the old Emperor to Innsbruck, whither he was -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P28"></a>28}</span> -followed in April 1489 by Maximilian. The latter, who -entertained more friendly feelings than his father -towards Bavaria, maintained a mediatory position. -At last, on March 16, 1490, the long-desired step was -taken. Sigismund made a formal renunciation of -Tyrol, and all his other dominions in favour of -Maximilian, contenting himself with a fixed income and -free rights of hunting and fishing. Almost at the -same time Maximilian was recognized heir by Count -Bernard of Görz. -</p> - -<p> -But by that irony of fate which pursued him -throughout life, Maximilian was never permitted to -finish any one thing thoroughly. Time and again we -see him ruined by an excess of alternatives, and by -his inability to devote himself exclusively to one out -of many objects. -</p> - -<p> -Less than a month after Sigismund's abdication, the -death of Matthias Corvinus diverted Maximilian's -attention to those ancestral dominions from which -his father had been so ignominiously expelled, and -justified him in the hope of restoring the old Hapsburg -influence over Hungary. Frederick's claim to the -latter kingdom was based on the agreement of 1463, -ratified by Matthias and the leading Magyar nobles, -by which Frederick or his son was to succeed, if -Matthias should die childless. Though this condition -was now fulfilled, the Hungarians were by no means -disposed to act upon it; and Uladislas, King of -Bohemia, was a dangerous rival to the Hapsburgs, -both by reason of the nearness of his dominions and -the strength of his hereditary claims.[<a id="chap03fn31text"></a><a href="#chap03fn31">31</a>] Several causes -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P29"></a>29}</span> -combined to handicap Maximilian. His father, with -his usual jealousy, refused to waive his rights in favour -of Maximilian, who alone was capable of carrying the -enterprise to a successful issue. Want of money, his -curse throughout life, told heavily against him; nor was -any assistance to be obtained from the German Princes -without concessions on the Emperor's part, and these -Frederick stubbornly declined to make. Finally, -Austria claimed first attention, and till it had been -recovered, Uladislas was left unassailed in Hungary. -</p> - -<p> -Whatever might be the feeling in the latter country, -there was no doubt as to the popularity of Maximilian's -cause in Austria. Great enthusiasm prevailed, -and his advance was as rapid and bloodless as it was -triumphant. Vienna University declared unanimously -in his favour, and, by the end of June, 12,000 men had -enlisted in his service. In July Maximilian entered -Graz, and on August 19, made his triumphal entry -into Vienna, which had been hastily abandoned by -the Hungarian forces.[<a id="chap03fn32text"></a><a href="#chap03fn32">32</a>] The oath of allegiance was -taken to Maximilian only: the citizens remembered -Frederick too well to entrust themselves a second -time to his mismanagement. Meanwhile Uladislas -had been proclaimed King of Hungary on July 15, -1490,[<a id="chap03fn33text"></a><a href="#chap03fn33">33</a>] and in September was crowned at Stuhlweissenburg. -Maximilian on this occasion displayed great -activity, and, aided by a liberal grant of money from -the Tyrolese Estates, invaded Hungary at the head of -an army of about 17,000 men. Crossing the Raab late -in October, he met with but slight opposition; Uladislas -was unprepared, and by nature averse to energetic -measures; and the invader was joined by a number -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P30"></a>30}</span> -of Hungarian magnates. But this phenomenal success -was fatal to the invaders; and by the time that it -reached Stuhlweissenburg, the army was virtually out -of hand. In spite of a firm resistance, the city was -cannonaded (Maximilian personally directing the -artillery) and taken by storm; but a disgraceful -scene of plunder and slaughter ensued. Maximilian -and his captains were quite unable to restrain the -soldiers, and on the next day an open mutiny broke -out. Their refusal to advance upon Buda, and the -consequent delay, proved fatal to the whole -enterprise. When summoned to surrender, the capital -indignantly declined, and Uladislas found time to -bring up his Bohemians and to threaten Vienna. -Frederick III., true to his ultra-Fabian motto—"Mit -der Zeit lohnt oder rächt sich alles"[<a id="chap03fn34text"></a><a href="#chap03fn34">34</a>]—sent no -assistance, and Maximilian, seeing his base endangered, -and hampered by want of money and discipline, found -it necessary to withdraw westwards. His overtures -to Poland met with no response, and he was quite -unable to continue the struggle alone. By July 1491 -Stuhlweissenburg fell into the hands of Uladislas, and -all Maximilian's recent conquests were lost. The -urgent appeals of Reichenburg to Maximilian for -reinforcements and of Maximilian to his father for -money were all in vain. His position was absolutely -desperate from sheer want of funds,[<a id="chap03fn35text"></a><a href="#chap03fn35">35</a>] while the turn -which Breton affairs were taking seemed to render -peace necessary, at whatever price. Frederick, who -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P31"></a>31}</span> -throughout the war had thwarted his aims and -damped his ardour,[<a id="chap03fn36text"></a><a href="#chap03fn36">36</a>] now offered his mediation, and -negotiations were opened in August. By the Treaty -of Pressburg (November 7, 1491), Uladislas was -formally recognized as King of Hungary, but, failing -his lawful issue, the crown was to fall to Maximilian -or his son. This promise was to be solemnly ratified -by the Hungarian Estates in presence of the Imperial -envoys. Moreover, Uladislas renounced all claims -upon Austria, and undertook to refund Maximilian for -the expenses of the war.[<a id="chap03fn37text"></a><a href="#chap03fn37">37</a>] -</p> - -<p> -The old Emperor's attitude during the late war had -not improved his relations with Maximilian; and the -friction was rendered the more acute, when -Frederick refused to see his son, and shut off various -sources of income from him, thus seriously injuring -his chances of success against France. Moreover, -Frederick's hostility to the Bavarian Dukes formed a -marked contrast to Maximilian's conciliatory position, -which was mainly due to the influence of his sister -Cunigunda, wife of Albert IV.[<a id="chap03fn38text"></a><a href="#chap03fn38">38</a>] Duke Albert's -high-handed conduct in imposing a general tax on his -subjects, in spite of the refusal of the Estates, had led -to the formation of a League of discontented nobles, -known as the Löwlerbund, which united with the -Swabian League and was openly encouraged by the -Emperor. By the end of 1491 the movement had -ended in hostilities, and on January 23, 1492, Frederick -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P32"></a>32}</span> -III. published the ban of the Empire against -Duke Albert of Bavaria. The Swabian League -began to arm. The French were ready to invade the -Empire, if the League should attack Bavaria. An -outbreak which would involve the whole of -South-West Germany seemed wellnigh inevitable, and the -entire credit of the preservation of peace, must rest -with Maximilian. At the last moment, when the -armies were actually encamped and facing each other -in the field, his influence secured an adjustment of the -quarrel. He had appeased his father's anger by -freeing the Austrian dominions from the oath which they -had taken to himself, and by referring them to the -Emperor as their ruler. Frederick was now satisfied -with the restoration of Regensburg to the Empire[<a id="chap03fn39text"></a><a href="#chap03fn39">39</a>] -and the cancelling of Bavarian claims on Tyrol; while -a full pardon was granted by Albert to all members of -the Löwlerbund. (May 1492.) -</p> - -<p> -Maximilian, notwithstanding this triumph of his -diplomacy, met with the utmost difficulty in raising -money for his operations against the French; while -a new enemy had arisen in the young Charles of -Egmont, who had recently recovered the Duchy of -Gueldres, and who was destined to be a thorn in -Maximilian's side for the rest of the reign. Though -his position in West Germany was strengthened by a -League with the "Lower Union,"[<a id="chap03fn40text"></a><a href="#chap03fn40">40</a>] the sole result of -his efforts at the Diet of Coblenz was a prospective -grant of 94,000 gulden, of which only 16,000 actually -came in. His campaign against the French has -already been sketched (p. <a href="#P25">25</a>). Scarcely were his -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P33"></a>33}</span> -hands freed by the Peace of Senlis, when an incursion -of the Turks into Styria (August 1493) made a fresh -demand upon his attention. Then, as usual, the -necessary aid arrived too late, and the marauders -returned home almost unchallenged. In the midst of -this danger Frederick III., whose health had been -failing for some time, and whose foot it had been -found necessary to amputate,[<a id="chap03fn41text"></a><a href="#chap03fn41">41</a>] died at Linz, in the -seventy-eighth year of his age (August 19, 1493). -</p> - -<p> -The old Emperor had lived to see his dreams of -Hapsburg revival and consolidation to a great extent -realized; but his irritable nature had led him to -thwart the family aspirations on Hungary. In his -dread lest the acquisition of a throne should make his -son more powerful than himself, he afforded him no -assistance, nay rather, threw every hindrance in his -way. Frederick's death was an undoubted gain to -Maximilian, for it left him Emperor elect and -unquestioned ruler of the Hapsburg dominions. Family -divisions were no longer possible, since no relative -capable of resistance survived.[<a id="chap03fn42text"></a><a href="#chap03fn42">42</a>] -</p> - -<p> -But while his position was rendered more definite -and imposing, there seems to have been at this period -a general cooling of Maximilian's popularity, at least -among the ruling classes. A powerful party in the -Empire, led by Berthold of Mainz, now claimed the -fulfilment of those promises of reform which he had -made at the Diet of 1489,[<a id="chap03fn43text"></a><a href="#chap03fn43">43</a>] and his reluctance to devote -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P34"></a>34}</span> -his time to its discussion produced a distinctly bad -impression among the Princes. Moreover, the part -which he now began to play in Italian politics, -exposing, as it did, the Imperial person to indignity and -failure, roused all the old prejudices of the caste of -nobles, and acted as a damper to their enthusiasm. -Gladly as we should avoid threading the intricate maze -of Italian politics—a task which is after all more apposite -to a general history—some treatment of Maximilian's -attitude during these momentous years is inevitable, -even in so slight a sketch as the present. A -general idea of Maximilian's ambitions in Italy will -best be conveyed by his own words. "Italy has for -centuries experienced what it means for the people, if -no Emperor is there to restrain unruly passions, and -hence the friends of the people have ever looked with -favour on the Imperial power, and longed for the -return of the Emperor."[<a id="chap03fn44text"></a><a href="#chap03fn44">44</a>] -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-034"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-034.jpg" alt="BIANCA MARIA SFORZA Painting by A. de Predis" /> -<br /> -BIANCA MARIA SFORZA <br />Painting by A. de Predis -</p> - -<p> -The fortunes of Milan were at this moment in the -hands of Ludovico il Moro, who, at first merely -Regent for Gian Galeazzo, had retained the whole -powers of government in his own hands, even after -his nephew had come of age. The young Duke's -wife, Isabella of Naples, deeply resented her -husband's sudordinate position, and Ludovico lived in -terror of intervention on the part of Ferrante and his -Florentine allies. Hoping to veil the injustice of his -cause under Imperial recognition, he turned to -Maximilian, and offered, in return for his own investiture -as Duke of Milan, the hand of his niece, Bianca -Maria Sforza, and a substantial dowry of 300,000 -ducats.[<a id="chap03fn45text"></a><a href="#chap03fn45">45</a>] So much hard cash seemed to promise to -the needy Maximilian the fulfilment of many a golden -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P35"></a>35}</span> -dream; and the bride's want of pedigree was atoned -for by the practical possession of her uncle's money -bags. The marriage was duly celebrated on March -9, 1494, at Halle in Tyrol, when the heir of all the -Caesars linked himself with the granddaughter of a -Romagnol peasant.[<a id="chap03fn46text"></a><a href="#chap03fn46">46</a>] Thus his first entry into -Italian politics rightly exposed him with justice to the -nickname afterwards bestowed upon him—Massimiliano -Pochi Danari. "On the altar of politics the -heart is often the lamb of sacrifice." Maximilian's -second marriage is not the most creditable episode in -his life. The luckless Bianca Maria never filled the -place of Mary in her husband's affections, and -remained till her death[<a id="chap03fn47text"></a><a href="#chap03fn47">47</a>] a mere cipher, with next to -no influence over him, and, though never ill-treated, -entirely neglected and overlooked. The unpopularity -of his marriage in Germany induced Maximilian to -postpone the investiture of Ludovico with the -Milanese, and Gian Galeazzo dying in the interval, the -Emperor was able, with less offence to his conscience, -to fulfil his promise in May 1495.[<a id="chap03fn48text"></a><a href="#chap03fn48">48</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Maximilian's first intention was to employ his -wife's dowry in a Crusade against the Turks; and he -plunged eagerly into projects of forming active -alliances abroad and of raising permanent forces at home -to stem the tide of infidel invasion.[<a id="chap03fn49text"></a><a href="#chap03fn49">49</a>] But disturbing -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P36"></a>36}</span> -rumours of the doings of Charles VIII. diverted his -attention to the Italian Peninsula. -</p> - -<p> -By the death of Lorenzo de' Medici in 1492, the -balance of power, which his skill had so long preserved -in Italy, was seriously endangered. The incapable -Piero inclined towards Naples, whose attitude was -now little short of openly hostile to the Milanese -usurper. Ludovico, in dire need of some influential -ally, made advances to the new Pope and to Venice. -But his alliance with these powers was shortlived: -Spanish diplomacy effected a reconciliation between -Naples and Alexander VI., and Ludovico found himself -more isolated than ever. The death of the old -King of Naples, in January 1494, hastened events. The -universal hatred with which his successor, Alfonso II., -was regarded, while it drove the exiled Barons to -extreme measures, was favourable to the cause of -Ludovico. He turned naturally to Charles VIII., -who had recently acquired the Angevin claims to the -throne of Naples, and whose feeble mind was filled -with all the clap-trap of mediaeval chivalry. The -appeal met with an enthusiastic response: every -other trend of policy was sacrificed that this might -succeed. By the end of August 1494, all was prepared -for the invasion of Italy, and, with a magnificently -appointed army of 60,000 men, Charles crossed -the Alps and was welcomed by the traitor Ludovico. -Florence opened her gates to the deliverer: the Pope -abandoned Rome at his approach, and looked on in -sullen anxiety from Sant' Angelo; and Naples itself -was occupied amid general rejoicings, almost before a -single blow had been struck. -</p> - -<p> -Dazzled by such unprecedented success, Charles -VIII. lost all restraint and began to indulge in the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P37"></a>37}</span> -wildest dreams. He was to recover Jerusalem, to -eject the infidel from Europe, and to restore in his -own person the fallen Empire of Constantinople. -Rightly or wrongly, he was credited with the -intention of forcing the Pope to crown him Emperor -of the West, or of driving him from the Papal -throne and instituting a thorough reform of the -Church. Such rumours could not but fill -Maximilian with an uneasiness which Borgia's letters -did not fail to augment.[<a id="chap03fn50text"></a><a href="#chap03fn50">50</a>] It was only owing -to the skilful diplomacy of Charles' envoys and -his own strained relations with Venice, that he -preserved neutrality for so long as he did.[<a id="chap03fn51text"></a><a href="#chap03fn51">51</a>] Had not -others taken alarm at the turn of affairs, he might -have prevaricated till the time for action had passed. -Ludovico, who was before all others responsible for -the French expedition, was the first to be disillusioned. -Alarmed at the open designs of the Duke of Orleans -on Milan, he soon became as anxious for Charles' ruin -as he had been eager for his success, and looked for -assistance to his more powerful neighbours. But -it was Ferdinand of Spain who really brought -about Maximilian's change of policy, by holding -out the tempting bait of a double marriage alliance -with his House. The Emperor's[<a id="chap03fn52text"></a><a href="#chap03fn52">52</a>] suspicions of -Venice were overcome, and the Signoria became -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P38"></a>38}</span> -the centre of opposition to France. The various -intrigues were conducted with such skill and -secrecy, that even Comines, who then held the -post of French Ambassador in Venice, was -completely outwitted. But their details do not leave -us with a favourable impression of the confederates' -straightforwardness. The itch of the Republic's -patriotic palm was allayed by a promise of the -Apulian ports; while the Pope displayed to the full -his talent for shifty intrigue and prevarication, and -Maximilian kept up a stream of friendly assurances -which effectively duped his young and incapable rival. -</p> - -<p> -Thus the proclamation of the Holy League, between -the Pope, Maximilian, Ferdinand, Ludovico and the -Venetians, (March 31, 1495) came upon the French -as a bolt from the blue. Its ostensible objects were -to defend the Papacy, and to secure peace in Italy -and mutual protection against the attacks of other -Princes. But from the very first its members made -little attempt to conceal their genuine aim—the -expulsion of the French from the Peninsula. The -massing of troops by each of the allies removed all -doubts upon the subject; and Charles VIII. saw -himself compelled to abandon Naples. On July -6, 1495, ne encountered the forces of the League at -the battle of Fornovo, and after a running -engagement made good his retreat westwards. Even then -the German and Venetian troops might have inflicted -serious losses on his armies ere they recrossed the -Alps; but the treachery of Ludovico, who concluded -a treaty with Charles without consulting any of his -allies, forced them to retire and leave the French -unmolested. -</p> - -<p> -Meanwhile Maximilian was engaged at the famous -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P39"></a>39}</span> -Diet of Worms (26 March-August, 1495). Burning -to strike a blow which might tend to the humiliation of -his rival, he found himself once more, so to speak, -the prisoner of his pocket. The Electors and the -other Estates were determined that redress should -precede supply, and stubbornly refused to grant a -single florin, until the question of reform had been -placed on a satisfactory basis. Nor can they be -accused of any want of patriotism; for the interests of -the Empire were by no means coincident with those -of Austria. Indeed, had not Maximilian's territorial -instincts triumphed so completely over his feelings -as Emperor, he might have been the first to recognize -the deep and sterling patriotism which inspired -the Elector Berthold. As it was, his first intention -had been to remain fourteen days at Worms, and, after -obtaining the Diet's sanction for the Imperial levies, -to conduct a vigorous campaign against the French. -But here he was met by the practical impossibility -of inducing a body mainly constituted for peace, to -undertake a long and tedious war at a distance. -The feudal system had fallen into decay, and the old -military power of the Empire was no more. New -circumstances demanded new measures; and the -triumph achieved by a standing army in France -pointed the direction which military reform should -take. The proposal, then, which Maximilian laid -before the Diet, was for a continuous money aid for ten -or twelve years; with this he might form an army -of landsknechts. But the Diet was wholly -unsympathetic, and rigidly confined itself to schemes of -reform. Meetings were sometimes held without -any reference to the Emperor, and, as he indignantly -exclaimed, he found himself treated with -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P40"></a>40}</span> -less consideration than some petty burgomaster. -The struggle of parties lasted throughout the summer, -Maximilian adopting a highly undignified attitude -of sulking. On three occasions he was particularly -pressing, especially in August, when Novara was -threatened by the Swiss, and a mutiny of the -lands-knechts might be expected, if their pay was not -forthcoming. At last nothing was left for Maximilian -but submission, and he accepted the Elector Berthold's -proposals for reform. But Charles VIII. had already -recrossed the Alps, and the time for action was past. -</p> - -<p> -Yet, notwithstanding his enforced inactivity, -Maximilian's presence at Worms had not been in vain. -The brilliancy of the Court and the gallant ceremonies -of the lists hid from the casual observer the true -meaning of this great assembly of princes and nobles. -Yet the two important results of Maximilian's policy -form a striking contrast to his humiliation at the hands -of the Electors. In return for the services of Count -Eberhard, he erected Würtemberg into a Duchy, at -the same time limiting the succession to heirs-male. -Since the hopes of the new ducal family rested upon -one delicate youth,[<a id="chap03fn53text"></a><a href="#chap03fn53">53</a>] this arrangement held out to -Maximilian or his successors the prospect of acquiring -the fair valley of the upper Neckar. But the other -achievement of his policy was destined to have far -more momentous consequences. This was the fulfilment -of his agreement with Ferdinand the Catholic, -in accordance with which the Prince of Asturias was -betrothed to Margaret of Austria, and the Archduke -Philip to Joanna of Spain. By an extraordinary -fatality, the latter marriage, which at the time had -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P41"></a>41}</span> -seemed the less important of the two, came to exercise -a vast influence on the history of Europe. The -Spanish heir died within a year of his marriage -(1497), and Margaret's child lived but a few days. -Isabella Queen of Portugal was now heiress of Castile -and Arragon; but the fates fought against the unity -of the Peninsula. In 1498 Isabella died, and in 1500 -her only child, Prince Miguel, followed her to the -grave. Philip's wife, Joanna, became heiress of -Spain and all its splendid dependencies in the New -World. -</p> - -<p> -Though Maximilian had been thwarted in the hope -of meeting his rival on the open field, the next year -brought a prospect of intervention in Italian affairs. -Charles VIII., on his return to France, had set on foot -preparations for a fresh invasion. The success of his -overtures to the Swiss Cantons, and the servile -attitude of Florence, filled the Venetians and Ludovico -with alarm; and the two powers invited Maximilian -to make an expedition to Italy in person. His -eagerness to restore Imperial influence in that country, -coupled with his knightly thirst for renown, led him, -with curious inconsistency, to submit to the indignity -of becoming the pensioner of States whose feudal -superior he claimed to be. Each promised 30,000 -ducats for three months towards the payment of his -troops and engaged a number of Swiss mercenaries -in addition. The Emperor's sanguine nature already -saw the French party in Italy crushed, and frontier -provinces wrested from the grasp of Charles. But the -Estates of the Empire, which had been summoned to -meet at Lindau, proved more unmanageable than -ever. Even had his condottiere-contract not filled -them with disgust, they were wholly disinclined to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P42"></a>42}</span> -repay his grudging and half-cancelled concessions by -grants of money for an object which the Empire -viewed with indifference. His penury may be judged -by a letter which he received from his councillors at -Worms, containing an urgent request for more money, -as the maintenance of the courtiers has been stopped, -and the Queen and her ladies will be provided for -"only three or four days more; and if within that -time no money comes, even their food-supplies will -come to an end."[<a id="chap03fn54text"></a><a href="#chap03fn54">54</a>] -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-042"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-042.jpg" alt="LUDOVICO SFORZA (Duke of Milan)" /> -<br /> -LUDOVICO SFORZA <br />(Duke of Milan) -</p> - -<p> -Charles VIII.'s financial straits soon compelled him -to abandon his schemes of active interference in Italy; -and the Signoria, no longer needing Maximilian's -presence, now came to regard him as a positive -hindrance to their aggrandizing policy. But nothing -could divert him from his project. When the Venetians -boggled over their promised subsidy, he secured -the necessary sum by loans from the Fuggers. The -remonstrances of his advisers were of none avail. At -Augsburg and Linz he divided his time between wild -dreams of conquest with the Archduke Philip, and -the festive entertainments of the citizens. On -St. John's Eve he led the fairest maiden of the town to -the dance, and gallantly assisted her to kindle the -bonfire, to the sound of drums and cornets and the -merry music of the dance.[<a id="chap03fn55text"></a><a href="#chap03fn55">55</a>] In July he had an -interview with Ludovico at Munster,[<a id="chap03fn56text"></a><a href="#chap03fn56">56</a>] receiving him -in hunting dress, surrounded by his companions of the -chase; and in the last days of August entered Italy -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P43"></a>43}</span> -by the Valtelline. Even then his compact was not -strictly fulfilled. Instead of the stipulated 7,000 men, -his army never amounted to more than 4,000. His -first scheme, of driving the French from Asti and -forcing Savoy to join the League, was sacrificed to the -jealousy of Venice, which opposed any increase of -the power of Milan. Nor were his own relations with -Ludovico distinguished by their cordiality. The latter -declined to subsidize him unless the Pope and Venice -granted equal amounts, and sought to employ him in -garrisoning the Milanese against French attacks.[<a id="chap03fn57text"></a><a href="#chap03fn57">57</a>] -Finally, Maximilian decided upon an attack on -Florence, and as a preliminary laid siege to Livorno, -curtly informing Ludovico that if he would not provide -money for his troops he had better dismiss them to -their homes.[<a id="chap03fn58text"></a><a href="#chap03fn58">58</a>] But the numbers of the besiegers were -insufficient for the task, the Venetians held aloof, and -the French garrison never lost entire command of -the sea. The arrival of a fleet from Marseilles -removed Maximilian's last hopes of reducing the city; -his resources were by now exhausted, and, declaring -that "against the will of God and men he would not -wage this war," he hurriedly retired northwards. -He turned a deaf ear to the entreaties of the Papal -Legate,[<a id="chap03fn59text"></a><a href="#chap03fn59">59</a>] and before Christmas was again in Tyrol. -According to the Italian wits, not even hunting -invitations could detain the disappointed monarch. In -short his conduct presents a favourable opportunity -for introducing the cricitisms of Quirini, one of the first -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P44"></a>44}</span> -of that line of brilliant ambassadors, whose diplomacy -prolonged the existence of Venice till modern times. -"He is of excellent parts, and more fertile in -expedients than any of his advisers, yet he does not know -how to avail himself of any single remedy at the right -moment; while he is as full of ideas and plans as he is -powerless to execute them. And though two or three -methods lie open to his intellect, and though he -chooses one of them as the best, yet he does not -pursue this, because before its fulfilment another design -which he considers better has suddenly presented -itself. And thus he flits from better to better, till both -time and opportunity for execution are past"![<a id="chap03fn60text"></a><a href="#chap03fn60">60</a>] Yet -with all his indecision and want of perseverance, he -was resigned and cheerful in adversity, and it was -perhaps at this period that he consoled himself with -the assurance "Gott sorgt schon: es könnte noch -schlimmer gehen."[<a id="chap03fn61text"></a><a href="#chap03fn61">61</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Maximilian's failure left the French influence -all-powerful in Italy; but Charles VIII. made no further -movement, and his premature death in April 1498 -materially changed the situation. The first act of -Louis XII.—his infamous divorce from Jeanne of -France, followed by his marriage to Anne of Brittany—can -hardly have been gratifying news to Maximilian. -Still, the latter hoped to obtain the restoration of -Burgundy from the new King, in return for acquiescence -in the French policy in Italy. But when his -representations met with no response, he sought aid -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P45"></a>45}</span> -from the Diet for a war against France. In spite of -its refusal, and though he might have seen that the -League had no intention of pulling his chestnuts out -of the fire, he threw an army into Burgundy. But the -Swiss mercenaries, who formed its strength, either -were bribed by Louis or mutinied for want of pay; -while Philip concluded a separate peace with France -(July 2, 1499), actually renouncing the claims which -his father brought forward in his name, and receiving -from Louis XII. the investiture of Artois and Flanders. -The French King was led to conclude this treaty by -his designs upon the Duchy of Milan, which he -claimed as the lawful heir of the Visconti dynasty. -His wise policy of treating the various members of -the League as though it were non-existent was -crowned with success. Ere long all were pacified but -Maximilian, and he was rendered harmless by systematic -intriguing with the Swiss Confederates—a policy -which had a perceptible influence in producing the -memorable Swiss war of 1499. The immediate -causes of the outbreak were incidents of petty friction -on the Tyrolese border; but the real question at issue -was the relation of the Confederates to the Empire. -</p> - -<p> -No sooner had the Swiss in earlier days attained -their object of holding directly from the Emperor, than -they made it sufficiently obvious that this dependence -was for the future to be mainly nominal. During the -long reign of Frederick III. they had enjoyed just -such a state of internal peace and order as the -perpetual Landfriede and the Kammergericht aimed at -securing for the rest of the Empire; and now, when -Maximilian demanded their submission to the decrees -of the Diet of Worms, by contributing men and money -for his schemes of foreign policy, war was practically -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P46"></a>46}</span> -inevitable. Their close relations with successive -Kings of France had long shown the slight regard -in which they held their nominal ruler. Their -connexion with the Empire brought them no advantage, -submission to the Common Penny (das Gemeine -Pfennig) naturally appeared a hardship to them, and -the decisions of the Kammergericht they regarded -as assaults upon their treasured freedom. Their -refusal of Maximilian's demands was coupled with -general steps for union with the sister Leagues of the -Graubünden and the Valais. The war began with -marauding and skirmishing, growing fiercer and -assuming larger proportions when the Swabian -League armed itself at the Imperial summons. But -the Swiss everywhere held their own: their superiority -was admitted even by the Count of Fürstenberg, -general of the League, who branded his own troops -as "ein flüchtig, schnöd und ehrlos Volk." Maximilian -himself had been engaged in unprofitable operations -against the Duke of Gueldres, and only arrived -upon the scene in July, to find matters going against -him. Even his presence did not turn the balance, -and at Schwaderloch the Swiss, though somewhat -outnumbered, more than held their own. Only four -days later (July 24), the army of Henry of Fürstenberg, -15,000 to 16,000 strong, suffered a severe defeat at -Dornach at the hands of 6,000 Confederates. The -Austrian leader, with many distinguished nobles and -about 4,000 men, perished on the field. This disaster -dealt the final blow to Maximilian's hopes. At first -he shut himself up in the Castle of Lindau, and refused -to see any of his nobles.[<a id="chap03fn62text"></a><a href="#chap03fn62">62</a>] But he soon reconciled -himself to the necessity of coming to terms. The -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P47"></a>47}</span> -Treaty of Basel (September 22, 1499), though less -remarkable for its provisions than for its omissions, is -one of the landmarks of Swiss history. By it mutual -conquests were restored, and Maximilian recovered -the Prättigau, while various small disputes were -referred to arbitration. But, while Swiss independence -was not formally recognized by the Empire till -a century and a half later, it was tacitly secured by -this treaty; and henceforward the Confederates -enjoyed entire immunity from Imperial jurisdiction -and from Imperial taxation. Nor was this the only -result of the struggle. The Swiss had won for -themselves a position which inspired their neighbours with -a genuine admiration and a very wholesome fear. -Respected and courted by the outer world, they -strengthened their position internally by a close union -of the Confederates and the Graubünden. The -Empire was deprived for ever of a number of its -most valuable subjects,[<a id="chap03fn63text"></a><a href="#chap03fn63">63</a>] and the House of Hapsburg -was finally excluded from the cradle of its greatness. -</p> - -<p> -No one reaped fuller advantage from the Swiss war -than Louis XII. While all the energies of Maximilian -were devoted to coping with the Confederates, he -found himself free to carry into execution his projected -invasion of the Milanese. Had the Emperor proved -successful, Ludovico might perhaps have saved himself -(or at least prolonged the struggle) by entering -the Swabian League; but with the defeat of Dornach -the usurper's fate was sealed. Louis XII., who had -already allied himself with the Pope and Venice, winning -the support of the latter by the promise of Cremona, -crossed the Alps at the end of July with an army -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P48"></a>48}</span> -of 22,000 men, and entered Milan almost unopposed. -Ludovico, deserted and betrayed by his people, sought -refuge in Tyrol, and was among the first to bring the -tidings of his own misfortunes to his Imperial nephew. -But though received with the utmost sympathy and -respect by Maximilian, he soon perceived that the -latter was as usual at the end of his resources, and -that no assistance need be looked for from him. He -purchased the services of 8,000 Swiss mercenaries -and of the celebrated Burgundian guard, and with -their aid recovered his capital and most of its territory. -But the army which Louis XII. despatched to the -assistance of Bayard consisted largely of Swiss troops; -and Ludovico's mercenaries, refusing to fight against -their countrymen in the French service, renounced -his cause and betrayed him to the enemy. (April -10, 1500). In this undignified way one of the chief -disturbers of the peace of Italy bids a last farewell to -the field of politics; he remained in the most rigorous -confinement at Loches for the next five years, after -which the earnest intercession of Maximilian secured -some relaxation in his treatment. He was allowed a -space of several leagues around his prison for hunting -and other amusements, and died in captivity in 1510. -</p> - -<p> -On the very day when Ludovico fell into the hands -of the French, Maximilian opened the Imperial Diet -at Augsburg. His main object was to obtain aid -against France; but the complete failure of his recent -military enterprises—alike in Burgundy, Gueldres, -Switzerland and Milan—compelled him to acquiesce -in the formation of a Council of Regency, (Reichsregiment), -which was to discuss all military and financial -affairs, and even questions of foreign policy, which at -that period were considered the special department -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P49"></a>49}</span> -of the Monarch. This Council consisted of twenty-one -members, of whom sixteen were appointed by the -Electors and Princes, two by the Imperial towns; -while Maximilian nominated two for Austria and -Burgundy, and only one, the President, in his capacity -of Emperor. The promoters of the scheme aimed at -little short of his abdication; while he, on his part, -cheerfully assumed that they would defer to his -wishes on matters of foreign politics. The bait held -out to him by Berthold was a permanent war -administration, possessing power both to levy troops and -to impose taxes; from this he promised himself -an army of 30,000 men, and money to maintain it. -But the project remained upon paper, and Maximilian's -disgust was turned to fury when the first step -of the new Council was to conclude a truce with -France, and virtually to commit him to investing -Louis XII. with Milan. Finding himself helpless in -view of the Diet's opposition, and determined not to -submit to the ruling of the Council, he began to -make separate overtures to the French King. In this -he was readily encouraged by the Archduke Philip -and by Ferdinand, who was already hatching his -iniquitous plot for the partition of Naples, and who -found Maximilian's hostile attitude to France a drag -upon Louis' action. In October 1501 the visit of -Cardinal d'Amboise, the trusted adviser of Louis XII., -to the Court of Innsbruck, brought matters to a final -issue. A treaty, whose friendliness was only rivalled -by its hypocrisy, was concluded between the two -Monarchs. The infant Archduke Charles was -betrothed to Louis' daughter Claude; Louis himself -was to receive the investiture of Milan, in return for -the sum of 80,000 crowns, and promised to assist the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P50"></a>50}</span> -Emperor in his journey to Rome and in his projects -against the Turks. But the actual terms of the -agreement were of little importance, as they were -obviously intended only for momentary ends. The -conquest of Naples, which was effected in the years -1501-1505, soon led to quarrels between the two -conquerors. Louis XII.'s continual intrigues with the -German Princes induced Maximilian to support the -Spanish cause by the despatch of 2,500 landsknechts; -and by the end of 1504 the brilliant tactics of the -great Captain resulted in the final expulsion of the -French from the kingdom of Naples. At the same -time the Emperor found means to check Louis' -intrigues, which the outbreak of the Bavarian war -had rendered dangerous. By the Treaty of Blois -(September 22), Milan was ensured to Louis XII., -and, failing heirs-male, to Claude and her youthful -bridegroom Charles.[<a id="chap03fn64text"></a><a href="#chap03fn64">64</a>] But this agreement, like its -predecessor, was not made to be observed. No -sooner had d'Amboise obtained Louis' formal -investiture from the Emperor (April 1505), than the -betrothal of Claude to the Archduke was secretly -annulled, and Francis of Angoulême took his place as -her prospective husband. The death of Isabella the -Catholic, and the struggle of Ferdinand and Philip for -the Castilian Regency, removed all danger of any -united effort between Spain and the Hapsburgs -against France; and early in 1506 Louis' breach of -faith was formally proclaimed and ratified by the -States-General of Tours.[<a id="chap03fn65text"></a><a href="#chap03fn65">65</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P51"></a>51}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Notwithstanding this rebuff, Maximilian had gained -a very distinct advantage from peace with France. -So long as the question of investiture was pending, -Louis could not interfere in the affairs of the Empire, -and Maximilian was free to profit by the turn of -events. -</p> - -<p> -The death of George the Rich, Duke of Bavaria-Landshut -(December 1, 1503), resulted in a disputed -succession. In spite of a family agreement -(Erbvertrag) which expressly nominated as his heirs Duke -Albert IV. of Munich and his brother Wolfgang, the -old Duke left his lands to his daughter Elizabeth, wife -of Rupert, a younger son of the Elector Palatine. -Both parties prepared to assert their rights, and -Rupert, careless of the consequences, threw himself -into Landshut, thus opening the war, and putting -himself under the ban of the Empire.[<a id="chap03fn66text"></a><a href="#chap03fn66">66</a>] The Estates -refused allegiance to Albert, and called in Maximilian -as mediator in the quarrel. The Emperor preferred -to renounce his position of <i>tertius gaudens</i>, and to -throw the whole weight of his support on Albert's -side. Even had he not already, in 1497, recognized -Albert's title, both justice and his own interests urged -him to the Bavarian side. The Palatine House had -ever been the foe of the Hapsburgs, and Duke Albert, -as the Emperor's brother-in-law, would naturally -seem the less dangerous of the two claimants. -Maximilian at first offered Rupert a third of George's -possessions, in the hope of averting hostilities; but, -meeting with a curt refusal, he roused the forces of -the Swabian League, and, assisted by Würtemberg, -Brunswick and Hesse, took the field in person at the -head of a considerable army. The sudden death of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P52"></a>52}</span> -Rupert (August 20, 1504), closely followed by that of -his masculine wife Elizabeth, did not put an end to -the war, the Elector continuing the struggle in the -name of his grandsons. A fierce encounter took place -near Regensburg between the Imperialists and a large -body of Bohemian mercenaries in the Elector's -service. Maximilian himself led the right wing to the -charge, and drove the enemy back to their laager, -which, after the example of Zizka, they had -constructed from their baggage waggons. A desperate -sally for the moment broke the Imperialist ranks, and -he was surrounded and dragged from his horse by -the long grappling hooks attached to the Bohemians' -lances. He owed his life to the distinguished gallantry -of Eric of Brunswick, who scattered his assailants -when all hope seemed lost. Rallying his troops, he -led them on to victory, and defeated the enemy with -heavy loss. This affray was followed up by the -siege of Kufstein, in which the Emperor's artillery -played an important part—especially two heavy pieces, -which he had christened "Purlepaus" and "Weckauf -von Oesterreich." The hesitation of the garrison, -which at first made promises of surrender, and then -decided upon resistance, so deeply incensed -Maximilian, that when the inevitable capitulation came, -he refused to show any mercy. It was only when -half the scanty garrison had been executed that the -intercession of the Princes prevailed to secure pardon -for such as remained (October 17, 1504). The capture -of Kufstein was the last serious incident of the war. -A truce was concluded in February, 1505, and in -August, when Maximilian appeared at the Diet of -Köln, he was able to dictate his own terms to the -discomfited Elector. With the exception of Neuburg, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P53"></a>53}</span> -and some territory north of the Danube, which were -formed into an appanage for Rupert's children, all -the lands of George were made over to Bavaria. But -the Emperor had not conducted the war solely from -the kindness of his heart, and both claimed and -secured a substantial reward for his services. From -the Palatinate he acquired Hagenau and the Ortenau; -from Bavaria, Kufstein, Rattenberg, and a number of -petty lordships,[<a id="chap03fn67text"></a><a href="#chap03fn67">67</a>] and, most important of all, the -Zillerthal, which gave Tyrol a strong frontier to the -north-east, and rounded off the territories to which -he had succeeded in 1500 on the death of Leonard of Görz. -</p> - -<p> -Maximilian's reputation in the Empire was now -perhaps higher than it had ever been before; the -more so, that in the winter of 1504 death had removed -his old opponent, Berthold of Mainz, and that the -new Elector was a near relative of his own.[<a id="chap03fn68text"></a><a href="#chap03fn68">68</a>] But -when the future was all bright with hope, and when -his coronation at Rome and an union of Spain and the -Empire against the French and the Turks seemed at -last on the point of realization, his golden dreams met -with a rude awakening. The sudden and premature -death of Philip, who had assumed in person the -government of Castile, and was successfully defending -himself against the spiteful intrigues of Ferdinand, -put an end to the Emperor's projects of Hapsburg -combination (Sep. 25, 1506). The Catholic King -recovered the Regency, and was soon more powerful -than ever in the Spanish Peninsula. Maximilian at -first met with no better success in his attempt to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P54"></a>54}</span> -secure the government of the Low Countries. The -Estates of the seventeen Provinces refused to -recognize his claims to the Regency during the minority -of his grandson Charles, and were encouraged by -Louis XII. in the formation of a Council of Regency. -But internal troubles, and the activity of Charles of -Gueldres, pled his cause more eloquently than any -measures of his own. On their voluntary submission -to his rule, he appointed William de Croy, Lord of -Chièvres, and Adrian of Utrecht[<a id="chap03fn69text"></a><a href="#chap03fn69">69</a>] as Charles' tutors, -and entrusted the administration to his daughter -Margaret, the widowed Duchess of Savoy, who made -her public entry into Mechlin in July 1507, and who -throughout her rule justified his choice by her -scrupulous integrity and brilliant statesmanship. -</p> - -<p> -In the same year, 1507, Maximilian made a fiery -appeal to the Diet assembled at Constance, for -assistance in his schemes of a journey to Rome and the -expulsion of the French from Milan. After considerable -delay he obtained a grant of 3,000 horse and 9,000 -foot for six months, and received a further promise of -6,000 men from the Swiss envoys. But his sanguine -expectations were once more doomed to disappointment. -The majority of the promised troops never -made their appearance; French gold won over his -Swiss allies;[<a id="chap03fn70text"></a><a href="#chap03fn70">70</a>] and the Estates of his own dominions -outdid all previous occasions in their parsimony. -Meanwhile his ardent preparations had roused the -distrust of Venice, which refused him passage through -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P55"></a>55}</span> -her dominions, unless he restricted himself to a trifling -escort. His army was too weak to force its way either -through Milanese or through Venetian territory; and -hence he was driven to an expedient which involved -a break with the old mediaeval traditions of the -Empire. On February 4, 1508, he had himself -proclaimed with great pomp and solemnity, in the -Cathedral of Trent, as Holy Roman Emperor. It was -declared that for the future in all official documents -he should be known by the title of "erwählte -römischer Kaiser," but that for convenience sake he -should commonly be called "Emperor." Julius -II. raised no objection, partly because Maximilian fully -acknowledged the Papal right to crown him, and still -more because his arrival in Rome with an army would -have been a most unwelcome event. Maximilian's -step was the first departure from the immemorial -custom of his predecessors; but with the exception of -his grandson, Charles V., not one of his successors -in the Empire received his crown at the hands of the -Pope. -</p> - -<p> -The refusal of Venice to grant a passage to the -Imperial army accentuated the ill-feeling which had -long existed between Maximilian and the Republic. -Now that his ambitions could find no outlet to the -South, he turned his gaze Eastwards, and rashly -embroiled himself with his powerful neighbour. -Within a month of his assumption of the Imperial -dignity, his troops were advancing into Venetian -territory from three different directions, threatening -Vicenza, the valley of the Adige, and Friuli. -Maximilian gives expression to his rosy dreams of victory -in a letter to the Elector of Saxony: "The Venetians -paint their lion with two feet in the sea, the third on -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P56"></a>56}</span> -the plains, the fourth on the mountains. We have -almost won the foot on the mountains, only one claw -is wanting, which with God's help we shall have in -eight days; then we mean to conquer the foot on the -plains too."[<a id="chap03fn71text"></a><a href="#chap03fn71">71</a>] But the very day after this confident -epistle was penned, Trautson, one of his best captains, -was routed and killed by the Venetians, with a total -loss of over 2,000. The Venetians now took the -offensive in earnest, and, superior both in numbers -and discipline, completely turned the tables on the -Imperialists. Town after town fell before their -advance, and by the end of June, Görz, Pordenone, -Adelsberg, Trieste were in their hands; while the -fleet seized Fiume and overawed the whole of Istria. -As soon as the tide began to turn, Maximilian had -hastened back to Germany, to rouse the Electors and -the Swabian League, but from neither could he -obtain any real assistance. The whole brunt of the -defence fell upon the Tyrolese, who responded -manfully to the call, and checked the Venetian advance at -Pietra, on the way to Trent. But any prolonged -resistance was hopeless; and Maximilian saw himself -obliged to conclude a three years' truce with the -Republic, by which the latter retained all her -conquests except Adelsberg. -</p> - -<p> -The Emperor's humiliation at the hands of Venice -only served to augment the suspicion and dislike with -which she was regarded by her other neighbours. -The Pope felt an especial grudge against her, as the -possessor of Ravenna and Rimini, which lawfully -belonged to the Holy See. Already in the summer of -1507 he had been feeling his way towards a coalition, -by an attempt to restore friendly relations between -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P57"></a>57}</span> -Louis and Maximilian; but the latter was then still -too full of schemes for the recovery of Milan to -entertain the proposal. When however he engaged in war -with Venice, he sent agents of his own accord to -Louis XII. The latter at first refused all -accommodation unless Venice were included; but when the -Republic neglected to include Gueldres in the truce, -he availed himself of this flimsy excuse to negotiate -with the Emperor. An active exchange of views -followed between Margaret and her father, both as -to an agreement with France, with regard to which -he trusted largely to her judgment,[<a id="chap03fn72text"></a><a href="#chap03fn72">72</a>] and the -proposed marriage of Charles with Mary of England, to -which he would only consent in return for a -substantial loan.[<a id="chap03fn73text"></a><a href="#chap03fn73">73</a>] Maximilian himself arrived in the -Netherlands in August, but does not seem to have -visited his daughter. When the crisis of the negotiations -was reached he still remained in the background, -and deputed Margaret and his councillor, Matthew -Lang,[<a id="chap03fn74text"></a><a href="#chap03fn74">74</a>] to receive the French envoys at Cambrai. -D'Amboise raised so many difficulties that at length -Margaret threatened to return home, declaring that -they were merely wasting time.[<a id="chap03fn75text"></a><a href="#chap03fn75">75</a>] This firm attitude -brought the French envoys to reason, and on -December 10, 1508, the memorable League of -Cambrai was duly ratified. Ostensibly it was a -renewal of the treaties of 1501 and 1504, with the -exception of the betrothal of Claude and Charles. -But its genuine aim was the complete partition of the -Venetian land-Empire between the four -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P58"></a>58}</span> -arch-conspirators. The Pope was to receive the towns of the -Romagna, Ferdinand the Apulian seaports. Maximilian -was to recover all his lost territories and to -supplement them by Verona, Padua, Vicenza, Treviso -and Friuli; while Louis XII. should occupy Brescia, -Bergamo and Cremona. The Imperial conscience, -which felt some scruples at so prompt an infringement -of the truce, was salved by the commands of -Julius II., who bade him, as protector of the Church, -take part in the recovery of her lands. Further, to -veil the iniquity of the agreement, the Pope -excommunicated Venice and all its subject lands. -</p> - -<p> -Though Maximilian thus isolated Venice, and made -it possible to recover his lost territory, yet his -adhesion to the League was an undoubted political -error. Not only did his action assist the destruction -of the only power in North Italy capable of resisting -the foreigner, and thus directly lead to the establishment -of French predominance in Lombardy; but it -also implanted in the minds of the Signoria that -irremovable distrust of his intentions which was -responsible for many of his later misfortunes, and which -the pursuance of a straightforward policy might have -averted. Had he exercised but a moderate amount -of foresight, he would have realized that Louis, with -his vast superiority in power and resources, would -sooner or later discard his needy ally and reserve the -lion's share for himself. It is probable that the false -glamour and vanity of the Imperial tradition obscured -his eyes to the fact of his own weakness; and what -from one point of view is his strength—his unquenchable -hopefulness and buoyancy of spirit—here proved -his weakness and egged him on to defeat and humiliation. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P59"></a>59}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Leaving the Netherlands after a year's residence, -Maximilian repaired to the Diet of Worms (April, -1509). Never before had the Estates been so -unanimous in refusing all support and loading him with -complaints. The cities were enraged at the -practical supersession of the Council of Regency, the -Princes at his negotiating without their consent. -After mutual recriminations, they separated without -effecting anything; and their dispersal marks the end -of all genuine attempts at Reform. Even Maximilian's -hereditary Estates voted far fewer men than he had -expected, and qualified even this grant by making the -troops liable to service only when he was personally -in command. He thus found himself involved in a -serious war, without having sufficient resources to -execute his far-reaching designs, and was reduced to -pledge tolls, mines, and other sources of revenue in -order to raise money. -</p> - -<p> -The first great incident of the war was the Battle -of Agnadello (May 14, 1509), in which the Venetians -suffered defeat at the hands of the French. The -Papal troops occupied Ravenna and the rest of the -Romagna, while Ferdinand added the Apulian ports -to his new dominions. For the first and last time -Venice made Maximilian a really advantageous -offer: all his lands should be restored, the Imperial -suzerainty should be recognized, and a handsome -yearly subsidy paid down. But the envoys of the -Republic were not even allowed to approach him, and -about midsummer the Emperor opened the campaign -in person with 15,000 men. The Venetians had -drawn off the mass of their troops to meet the -French advance, and he was virtually unopposed. -By the middle of July he had recovered all that he -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P60"></a>60}</span> -had lost, and occupied in addition Verona, Vicenza, -Padua, Bassano and Feltre. He had already fetched -some heavy artillery over the Brenner to reduce -Treviso, when the complexion of affairs was suddenly -and completely reversed. The inhabitants of the -invaded districts remained loyal to the Venetians, and -so many of the Imperial troops were required to -check their harassing movements that the towns -were insufficiently garrisoned. The Pope and -Ferdinand, their own objects once attained, grew -indifferent to the progress of the League, and the -Venetians bravely rallied and by a sudden movement -regained possession of Padua. The Emperor, -leaving Treviso, laid siege to Padua with some 22,000 -men, and employed his heavy ordnance with -considerable effect. But the numbers of the garrison -prevented him from maintaining a complete blockade; -and when two brilliant and determined assaults had -failed to reduce the town, he raised the siege and -returned to Tyrol (October). He himself explains his -action by the great number of troops and artillery -inside, by the wonderful strength of the defences, and -by the lukewarm spirit of his own troops.[<a id="chap03fn76text"></a><a href="#chap03fn76">76</a>] But the -main reasons are to be found in the short period for -which the troops were voted, and the entire lack of -money to win them for further services. Even in -August the Emperor was pawning "deux couliers -d'or garniz de beaucop de bonnes et riches pierres," -and a number of other valuable jewels.[<a id="chap03fn77text"></a><a href="#chap03fn77">77</a>] The -Venetians quickly recovered all places of any importance, -with the solitary exception of Verona, which was -defended by a mixed garrison of Germans, French and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P61"></a>61}</span> -Spaniards. Maximilian, at the end of his resources, -threw himself unreservedly into the hands of Louis -XII. The Diet of Augsburg, which met in January, -1510, would have acted wisely in strengthening his -hands; for, now that there was a danger of both -Italy and the Papacy becoming dependent upon -France, it was more than ever to the interests of -Germany to hold a strong position south of the Alps. -In spite of his rash onsets without adequate preparation, -Maximilian had a strong sense of the greatness -of the Empire, and was pre-eminently fitted to rouse -the patriotism of Germany in a struggle against the -foreigner. The Diet did, it is true, vote 1,800 horse -and 6,000 foot for six months, but it had taken four -months to make up its mind to the sacrifice, and -even then the troops never arrived. Meanwhile the -League had broken up. Julius II., once in possession -of the Romagnan cities, devoted himself to the -problem of "the expulsion of the barbarian." With -this end in view, he removed the ban from the -Republic (February, 1510) and concluded a five years' -league with the Swiss, who were to send 6,000 -mercenaries to his aid. In July the Papal and Venetian -armies assumed the offensive, and the latter were -able to reoccupy Friuli. But Julius met with disaster -on all sides; Maximilian and Louis won over the -Swiss to inactivity, and Henry VIII., on whose -aid the Pope had reckoned, made peace with France. -Maximilian's attitude towards Venice was fiercer and -more hostile than ever, and led him to encourage the -Pasha of Bosnia to attack her Adriatic possessions. -He himself declares that he hopes soon "to carry out -some fine exploit and execution against our enemy; -for it is not enough to put them to death by the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P62"></a>62}</span> -hundred: we must dispose of them by the -thousand."[<a id="chap03fn78text"></a><a href="#chap03fn78">78</a>] Julius was driven to modify or conceal his -contemptuous opinion of the Emperor, whom he had -treated to the nick-name of "a naked baby."[<a id="chap03fn79text"></a><a href="#chap03fn79">79</a>] For -it was mainly through the latter's influence that the -Congress of Mantua was arranged, and attended by -the envoys of France, Spain, England and the Pope -(March 1511), the primary object being the -restoration of the League against Venice. Earnest -negotiations were also conducted at Bologna between the -Pope and Matthew Lang, who loyally resisted the -bribes of a cardinal's hat from Julius and of large -subsidies from Venice. The disproportion between -the demands of the Emperor and the Republic was -too great to be overcome, and the Pope's hopes of -winning Maximilian to his League were frustrated. -Still powerless by himself, Maximilian was more than -ever dependent on the French, and played a -somewhat subordinate part in the operations of Louis -against the Venetians. A despatch which he -received from Trivulzio shows us in what scanty -consideration he was held by the French commander. -Referring to the capture of Mirandola by a German -captain, he declares that "it has thrown me into a -worse humour than I have been in during my life," -and denounces the Imperialists in the most outspoken -fashion.[<a id="chap03fn80text"></a><a href="#chap03fn80">80</a>] -</p> - -<p> -The sudden illness of Julius II. (August 1511), -from which a fatal issue was generally expected, led -to an episode, which, though trivial in itself and void -of result, gives us a vivid impression of Maximilian's -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P63"></a>63}</span> -visionary nature. He actually entertained the -preposterous idea of himself succeeding Julius and -uniting Empire and Papacy in one person. Lang, -Bishop of Gurk, was to proceed at once to Rome, to -persuade the Pope "to take us as coadjutor, so that -on his death we may be assured of having the -Papacy, and of becoming a priest, and afterwards a -saint, so that after my death you will be constrained -to adore me, whence I shall gain much glory."[<a id="chap03fn81text"></a><a href="#chap03fn81">81</a>] If -necessary, Lang was to spend 300,000 ducats in -bribing the various Cardinals, and Maximilian counted -upon the assistance of Ferdinand and the people of -Rome. His confidential letter to Margaret bears the -signature—"vostre bon père Maximilian, futur pape." -</p> - -<p> -But these extravagant dreams were dissipated by -the unexpected recovery of Julius II., who plunged -more eagerly than ever into political life. On -October 5, 1511, the Holy League was openly published -in Rome. Its members—the Pope, Ferdinand and -Venice—veiled their real design, the expulsion of the -French, under the sanctimonious pretence of maintaining -the integrity of the Papal States. Throughout -the early stages of the war Maximilian remained -virtually inactive, but steadily declined to desert his -French allies. But none the less he permitted -Ferdinand and the Pope to conclude in his name a -ten months' truce with Venice. He was thus in the -happy position of being in request with both sides, -while himself free from all immediate danger. When -the death of Gaston de Foix at Ravenna (April 11, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P64"></a>64}</span> -1512) deprived the French of their most capable -leader, and the tide began to turn against them, -Maximilian inclined towards the side of the Pope. -In allowing 18,000 Swiss to pass through Tyrol on -their way to join the Venetians, and in issuing strict -orders that all Germans serving with Louis should -return home, he was certainly guilty of unfriendly -conduct towards his ally. In the actual expulsion of -the French from the Milanese he took no direct part, -but from want of funds rather than disinclination,—the -Diet of Trier turning a deaf ear to his most -urgent entreaties. At length in November he took -the decisive step. Though he had hoped to see -Milan under his grandson Charles rather than -Massimiliano Sforza, he consented to a league with -Julius II., to whom the Imperial recognition of the -Lateran Council was of vital importance. In return -for this the Pope promised his support against -Venice, with temporal as well as spiritual arms. -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-064"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-064.jpg" alt="ARMOUR OF MAXIMILIAN" /> -<br /> -ARMOUR OF MAXIMILIAN -</p> - -<p> -In February 1513, however, the situation was -again changed by the death of Julius II., and by the -reconciliation of France and Venice. The new Pope, -Leo X., was vacillating and untrustworthy, though -nominally well-disposed to the Emperor; and the -latter began to turn elsewhere for an ally. On April -5, 1513, a treaty of alliance was concluded between -Maximilian and Henry VIII., mainly through the -efforts of Margaret, who had long urged on her father -a break with France and a close union with Spain -and England. At first we find him complaining that -Henry "gives us only to understand what he wishes -from us, while of what he ought to do for us there is -no mention."[<a id="chap03fn82text"></a><a href="#chap03fn82">82</a>] But the promise of 100,000 gold -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P65"></a>65}</span> -crowns was magical in its effect; all his opposition -ceased, and he indulged in the usual sanguine -anticipations. Ferdinand, Henry and Maximilian would -unite until France was completely crushed, and by a -joint invasion would win back all the territories which -had been wrested from their ancestors. The alliance -was to be cemented at the earliest possible date by -the marriage of Charles to Mary of England. -</p> - -<p> -Notwithstanding such threatening signs, the French -king pushed on his preparations for a new invasion of -Italy. The rapid success of the expedition was -suddenly effaced on the field of Novara (June 6, 1513), -where the French sustained a severe defeat at the -hands of the Swiss and were driven back across the -Alps. Their return to France virtually coincided with -the expedition of Henry VIII. At the end of June -the English army landed at Calais, and marching -in three divisions, appeared before Thérouenne on -August 1. Eleven days later he was joined by -Maximilian, who had already announced his intention of -serving as the English king's chief captain. "His -experienced eye at once detected a capital blunder in -Henry's strategic position," but the lethargy and -exhaustion of the French had saved the latter from -any awkward consequences. The French armies -had suffered terribly at Novara, and Louis XII. himself -was too broken in health to infuse vigour into -the operations. On August 16, Maximilian, at the -head of the allied forces, won a brilliant little victory -at Guinegate, the scene of his earlier triumph over -the French in 1479. The enemy's headlong retreat -won for the engagement the familiar name of the -Battle of Spurs. This resulted in the surrender of -Thérouenne, whose example was followed on -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P66"></a>66}</span> -September 24 by the important town of Tournai. But, -in spite of Maximilian's eager encouragement, Henry -VIII. refused to make full use of his advantage. The -lateness of the season, the difficulties of obtaining -sufficient supplies, and still more the position of -affairs in Scotland, made him anxious to return to -England; and in November he re-embarked his army, -leaving vague promises of a renewal of the campaign -in the following spring. Maximilian's disappointment -had been seriously augmented by the course of events -on the Burgundian frontier. Towards the end of -August an army of 30,000 Swiss and Germans, led -by Ulric of Würtemberg, had penetrated into -Burgundy, and on September 7 laid siege to Dijon. A -determined assault upon the town came within an ace -of success, and made it clear to La Trémouille, the -commander of the garrison, that any prolonged resistance -was impossible. Substantial bribes to the Swiss -leaders won over the invaders to a treaty, by which -Louis XII. was to make peace with the Pope, to -evacuate Milan, Cremona and Asti in favour of the -young Sforza, and to pay 400,000 crowns to the Swiss. -On the strength of this agreement Burgundy was -evacuated; but no sooner was all danger from that -quarter at an end than Louis XII. repudiated the -treaty, on the ground that La Trémouille had greatly -exceeded his powers. -</p> - -<p> -In spite of the failure of Maximilian's hopes, he and -Henry seem to have parted on friendly terms. -Indeed, the last event of the campaign had been the -treaty of Lille (October 17, 1513), between the two -sovereigns and Ferdinand, which stipulated for a triple -attack on France in the summer. Maximilian was -to maintain 10,000 troops on the French frontier in -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P67"></a>67}</span> -return for a substantial subsidy from Henry VIII., -and Charles's betrothal to Mary of England was -formally renewed. But the unscrupulous Ferdinand -only signed this treaty to infringe it. Ere six weeks -had elapsed, he had formed a close alliance with -Louis XII., which was to be cemented by the -marriage of the Princess Renée to one of Ferdinand's -grandsons. Milan and Genoa were to form her -dowry, and were to be jointly occupied by the two -sovereigns until the marriage was actually accomplished. -Although the execution of this treaty could -not but thwart one at least of Maximilian's projects—the -marriage of Charles and Mary, and that of -young Ferdinand and Anne of Bohemia—-the -Emperor was none the less won over by the wiles of the -Catholic king to listen to French proposals of peace. -The earnest dissuasions and sagacious advice of -Margaret fell upon deaf ears. "It seems to me," she -wrote, "that this is done only to amuse you ... in -order to gain time, just as happened last year by -reason of the truce.... Small wonder if Ferdinand is -the most readily disposed of you three towards peace; -for he has what he wants."[<a id="chap03fn83text"></a><a href="#chap03fn83">83</a>] And again, "you know -the great inveterate hatred which the French bear -towards our House,"[<a id="chap03fn84text"></a><a href="#chap03fn84">84</a>] and, "it is clear that now is -the hour or never, when you will be able, with the aid -of your allies, to get the mastery over our common -enemies." Even her warnings that peace means -that the Duchy of Burgundy will remain French[<a id="chap03fn85text"></a><a href="#chap03fn85">85</a>] -and that Henry VIII., "if he sees himself deserted -by you, will win for himself better terms than you -will know how to secure," seem to have been entirely -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P68"></a>68}</span> -disregarded by the obstinate Maximilian. On March -13, 1514, the Emperor signed the treaty of Orleans -with France, and so confident was he of Ferdinand's -influence with his son-in-law Henry VIII., that he -actually guaranteed the English king's adhesion. -The natural result of such presumption was that -Henry and Maximilian fell apart, and early in August -the former made his own terms with Louis XII., -fully justifying Margaret's prophecy that the French -King would set more value upon a settlement with -England than upon the less solid advantages to be -gained from her father's goodwill. -</p> - -<p> -Peace was followed in October by the marriage of -the enfeebled Louis XII. and the vivacious Mary of -England, the rupture of whose betrothal to Charles -completed the estrangement of Henry and Maximilian. -But the gaieties and entertainments which -heralded the new Queen's arrival proved fatal to the -bridegroom. The death of Louis XII. on New Year's -Day 1515, and the accession of his cousin, the young -and fiery Francis of Angoulême, produced a complete -change in the political situation. The typical product -of his age, the new sovereign personified only too well -the France of the Renaissance and of the later Valois -kings, combining all their exaggerated license and -treachery with those debased ideals of chivalry which -had replaced the ancient code of honour. His mind -was fired by wild dreams of foreign conquest, and his -accession was promptly followed by preparations for a -fresh invasion of Italy. The treaties with England -and Venice were renewed, and by the end of March -the young Archduke Charles, who had assumed the -Government in January, signed, at the instance -of his tutor Chièvres, a treaty of peace and amity -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P69"></a>69}</span> -with France. But the French monarch was not to -remain unopposed. A new league was speedily -formed against him between the Pope, the Emperor, -Ferdinand, Milan and the Swiss, the latter resolutely -rejecting all Francis's overtures for peace. -Undeterred by the threatening attitude of the League, -Francis led a magnificent army of 60,000 men across -the Alps, and in the desperate battle of Marignano -(September 13 and 14, 1515) drove back the Swiss -army by sheer hard fighting. Full 20,000 men were -left dead upon the field, and the Swiss, exhausted by -so crushing a defeat, were compelled to abandon the -Milanese to yet another conqueror. Leo X. promptly -sued for peace, and the Spanish and Papal forces in -North Italy were practically disbanded. -</p> - -<p> -The strange inactivity and want of interest, which -Maximilian would at first sight seem to have -displayed, while such grave issues were at stake, must -be attributed to an event of great importance in the -history of his own dominions. This was no less than -his reception, at Vienna, of the Kings of Hungary -and Poland, which set a seal to the negotiations and -labours of many years by a final understanding -between the two dynasties.[<a id="chap03fn86text"></a><a href="#chap03fn86">86</a>] Under the terms of the -Treaty of Vienna (July 22), Prince Louis of Hungary -was definitely betrothed to Mary of Austria, -while his sister Anne was delivered over to the -Emperor to be educated, in view of her marriage with -the young Archduke Ferdinand. The flattery and -congratulations which surrounded these proceedings -included the adoption of Louis by Maximilian as his -successor in the Empire. But this was merely a -formal move in the diplomatic game, calculated to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P70"></a>70}</span> -win the support of the young Prince. The Emperor -well knew that the Electors cared little for any wishes -which he might express; otherwise we may be sure -that Charles, not Louis, would have been designated.[<a id="chap03fn87text"></a><a href="#chap03fn87">87</a>] -</p> - -<p> -The completeness of Francis's success, and his -efforts to rouse the Scots against England drove -Henry VIII. into the arms of Ferdinand. (October -19.) English gold was liberally expended among the -Confederates; and in February, 1516, 17,000 Swiss -mercenaries moved on Verona, to join the -Imperialists. Maximilian, whose forces were further -swelled by levies of Tyrol and the Swabian League, -was thus enabled to take the offensive in North Italy, -with better prospects of success than on any previous -occasion. In March he led a well-appointed army of -30,000 men across the Mincio, and forced the French -and Venetians to raise the siege of Brescia and fall -back upon their respective bases. Maximilian -continued to advance rapidly beyond the Oglio and the -Adda, until he was within nine miles of Milan itself. -But now, when Bourbon was well-nigh incapable of -any prolonged resistance, and when fortune, after so -many rebuffs, seemed at length about to crown the -Imperial arms with victory, Maximilian, for some -inexplicable reason, hesitated to strike home, and -withdrew his army once more behind the Adda. His -motives for so extraordinary a step have never been -discovered; and today we are as completely in the -dark as were his own allies at the time. Pace, who, -as English envoy in Maximilian's camp, had peculiar -opportunities for clearing up the mystery, writes in -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P71"></a>71}</span> -his report to Wolsey, "that no man could, ne can, -conject what thing moved him to be so slack at that time, -when every man did see the victory in his hands, and -the expulsion of the Frenchmen out of Italy."[<a id="chap03fn88text"></a><a href="#chap03fn88">88</a>] -Maximilian's own version—that the difficulties of foraging, -the enemy's superiority in cavalry, and the stoppage -of English money necessitated a retreat—is, in the -face of incontestable facts, most improbable; and the -only plausible suggestion—that the Emperor's change -of policy was produced by a liberal outlay of French -gold—is pure conjecture, unsupported by proofs. If -we may believe the testimony of Pace in a matter -which concerned his own person (and there is no -reason to suspect his honesty), the Emperor, in his -straits for money, actually profited by the English -envoy's helpless condition, to extort a large sum of -money from him, declaring that in case of a refusal -he would make terms with France and would inform -Henry that Pace had been responsible for his -defection.[<a id="chap03fn89text"></a><a href="#chap03fn89">89</a>] -</p> - -<p> -The universal indignation which Maximilian's -withdrawal aroused among the troops is shown by the -nicknames of "Strohkönig" and "Apfelkönig" which -were levelled at him.[<a id="chap03fn90text"></a><a href="#chap03fn90">90</a>] The army rapidly melted -away, and, after struggling through the Val Camonica -in deep snow, he reached Innsbruck with but a few -hundred Tyrolese troops. On May 26 Brescia -surrendered to the French and Venetians, and of all the -Emperor's conquests Verona alone continued its -resistance. -</p> - -<p> -The sorry outcome of Maximilian's last Italian -expedition seriously impaired his credit, alike within the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P72"></a>72}</span> -Empire and abroad. He now found it advisable to -give heed to the counsellors of his grandson Charles, -whose position had been materially altered by recent -events. On January 23, 1516, the arch-intriguer -Ferdinand had passed from the scene of his -questionable triumphs; and the young Archduke was left -master of the entire Spanish dominions, with all their -boundless possibilities. In spite of Francis' intrigues -in Gueldres and Navarre, and his scarcely veiled -designs upon the throne of Naples, Charles persisted -in a policy of friendship towards France. On August -13 he concluded the Treaty of Noyon, by which -Francis was unquestionably the greater gainer. -Charles' betrothal to the French king's infant -daughter not only put in question his rights to Naples, -but also condemned him to remain a bachelor for -many years, until the bride should attain a marriageable -age. He further undertook to win Maximilian's -consent to the restoration of Verona to the Republic, -for a sum of 200,000 ducats. -</p> - -<p> -The Emperor at first repudiated an agreement -which implied such a lowering of self-esteem, and -again sought subsidies from Henry VIII. But the -conclusion of the Perpetual Peace between Francis I. and -the Swiss (November 29, 1516) left him entirely -unsupported, and revealed to him the hopelessness of -further resistance. By a treaty at Brussels, -Maximilian agreed to surrender Verona and to conclude a -six months' truce with the enemy. But wounded -pride still kept him from consenting to a permanent -peace with Venice, and it was not till July 1518 -that he finally acknowledged his discomfiture. A -five years' truce was concluded, under the terms of -which Maximilian retained Roveredo and the district -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P73"></a>73}</span> -known as "the four Vicariates."[<a id="chap03fn91text"></a><a href="#chap03fn91">91</a>] But these small -acquisitions were completely outbalanced by the -extensive pledging of domains, tolls and other sources -of revenues, which the long-drawn-out war had -rendered necessary, and by the further accumulation of -an enormous debt. The dream of restoring Imperial -influence in Italy was thus finally and completely -dissolved.[<a id="chap03fn92text"></a><a href="#chap03fn92">92</a>] While the French ruled supreme in the -North of Italy and the Spaniards in the South, -Germany alone saw herself excluded from the scenes of -her former predominance. The blame of this failure -must rest largely with the Imperial Diet, which -hardly once throughout Maximilian's reign allowed -itself to be moved by considerations of patriotism, and -which by a studied neglect of the demands of foreign -policy clearly thwarted the true interests of Germany. -Yet, while there were several occasions on which -the effective assistance of the Estates would have -crowned the Imperial arms with success, it cannot be -denied that on the whole Maximilian displayed an -incapacity and want of decision which forms a striking -contrast to his earlier record. The plain truth is -that Maximilian lacked the distinguishing features of -a great general, combining, if we may use a modern -comparison, the qualities of a drill-sergeant and a -cavalry-colonel. Brave as a lion himself,[<a id="chap03fn93text"></a><a href="#chap03fn93">93</a>] he was -apt to forget the duties of a commander in the fierce -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P74"></a>74}</span> -delights of the melée; and the dashing successes of -his tactics were often neutralized by the want of a -connected plan for the whole campaign. But we -cannot review his military failings without bestowing -the highest praise on his organizing and disciplinary -talents. The landsknechts, who spread the fame of -the German arms throughout Europe, were mainly -his creation. His eager care for their welfare, and -his readiness to share their fatigues and privations, -won him the entire devotion, nay adoration of his -soldiers; and a personal bond of union was thus -established between them, which accounts for their -willingness to submit to a continual discipline, such -as was still contrary to the practice of the age. -Among his many other accomplishments he possessed -a practical knowledge of the founder's trade, -which enabled him to invent several kinds of -siege- and field-pieces, and to introduce various minor -improvements in the art of war. -</p> - -<p> -In the summer of 1518, while the settlement with -Venice was still pending, Maximilian met the Estates -of the Empire for the last time, at the Diet of -Augsburg. His two main objects—the election of Charles -as his successor, and a permanent military organization -with a view to a crusade against the Turks,—met -with little encouragement from the Estates, -whose minds were filled with religious grievances -and dreams of a national German Church. Hence -they were scarcely likely to assist the Emperor, -when they realized that his present policy involved -entire dependence upon the Pope.[<a id="chap03fn94text"></a><a href="#chap03fn94">94</a>] The endless -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P75"></a>75}</span> -complaints and proposals which characterized the Diet, -"showed clearly that the highest power in the Empire -no longer fulfilled its office, but also that the -possibility of doing so had been removed from its hands." But -Maximilian's comparative lifelessness at this time -admits of another explanation, apart from his -pre-occupation with the Venetian Treaty. Throughout -the year he had been in failing health, and the -pathetic words in which he bade farewell to his -beloved Augsburg suggest that he was conscious of -his approaching end. "God's blessing rest with thee, -dear Augsburg, and with all upright citizens of thine! -Many a happy mood have we enjoyed within thy -walls; now we shall never see thee more!" Possibly -at the prompting of Cajetan, the Papal Legate, -Maximilian gave a most pointed proof of his lack of -sympathy with Luther, by leaving the city only two days -before the monk arrived. -</p> - -<p> -The closing months of his life were troubled by -the uncertainty of the succession to the Empire. -His efforts to secure Charles' election as King of -the Romans had almost been crowned with success. -The day before he left Augsburg, he induced four of -the Electors to meet him and to give their consent -to the scheme. But his hopes were dashed to the -ground by the opposition of Frederick of Saxony and -Richard von Greifenklau, Elector of Trier, who -contended that no election for the crown of the Romans -was possible, while Maximilian himself still remained -uncrowned as Emperor, and that Charles, as King -of Naples, was expressly debarred from the Imperial -dignity. The cup of his disappointment was full, and -the Emperor retired wearily to Innsbruck, hoping to -end his days in peace beneath the shadow of his -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P76"></a>76}</span> -beloved Alps. But one final indignity awaited him. -The burghers of Innsbruck, who had suffered -severely on former occasions from the Emperor's -insolvency, resolutely closed their gates upon him; -and he was obliged to retire to Lower Austria. On -January 12, 1519, Maximilian's adventurous career -closed at the little town of Wels, not far from Linz. -The body was interred without pomp in the Church -of St. George at Wiener Neustadt; but his heart was -removed to Bruges and buried beside the remains of -the consort, whose early loss had robbed him of -life's brightest joy. Thus, amid disillusionment and -humiliation, ends the career which had opened so -full of rich promise. With Maximilian passed away -the last Holy Roman Emperor, in the true mediaeval -sense. The dominion of Charles V. was doubtless -more universal than any which Europe had seen -since the days of Charles the Great, but its -universality was essentially modern rather than -mediaeval—dynastic and personal, not founded on the old -dreams of an united Christian commonwealth. -"Henceforth the Holy Roman Empire is lost in the -German, and after a few faint attempts to resuscitate -old-fashioned claims nothing remains to indicate its -origin save a sounding title and a precedence among -the States of Europe."[<a id="chap03fn95text"></a><a href="#chap03fn95">95</a>] -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-076"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-076.jpg" alt="MAXIMILIAN IN 1518 From a Chalk Drawing by Dürer" /> -<br /> -MAXIMILIAN IN 1518 <br />From a Chalk Drawing by Dürer -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn30"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn30text">30</a>] <i>Maximilians I. Beziehungen zu Sigmund von -Tyrol.</i>—Victor v. Kraus. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn31"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn31text">31</a>] His mother was the daughter of Albert II., Emperor and King of -Hungary and Bohemia (died 1439). Though Hungary was strictly -an elective monarchy, the next heir was almost invariably elected. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn32"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn32text">32</a>] A small garrison held out in the citadel till the end of August. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn33"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn33text">33</a>] Huber, <i>Gesch. Oesterreichs</i>, iii. 298. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn34"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn34text">34</a>] "Time ever brings its reward or its revenge." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn35"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn35text">35</a>] Maximilian to S. P. (September 21). Debts growing ever larger: -"darumb pit helfft und rath ains für als." He adds, "Der König -v. Behaimb ... ist auch nicht viel erberer dann der ander gewest" -(i.e. Matthias).—<i>Vertraulicher Briefwechsel</i>, p. 80. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn36"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn36text">36</a>] This attitude was due to jealousy. -Frederick disliked the idea -of Maximilian as King of Hungary, fearing that he would then -usurp all his remaining power in the Empire. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn37"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn37text">37</a>] To the amount of 100,000 gulden. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn38"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn38text">38</a>] This marriage of his only daughter -against his will (1487) was -a very sore point with Frederick III., -and the fact that Maximilian -acquiesced in it increased his irritation against him. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn39"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn39text">39</a>] It had been seized by Albert in 1486. <i>See</i> above. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn40"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn40text">40</a>] Which included the free towns of Strassburg and -Basel and their bishops. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn41"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn41text">41</a>] V. Polheim and W. v. Waldenstein to Maximilian. Even if -Frederick recovers, "werde er doch die fuesse nit mer mugen -brauchen"; ... "hab in den zehen kain -empfintlichait."—<i>Vertraulicher Briefwecksel</i>, p. 83. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn42"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn42text">42</a>] Sigismund was now a nonentity, living obscurely in his former -dominions. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn43"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn43text">43</a>] For Maximilian's relations to internal reform, <i>see</i> Appendix. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn44"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn44text">44</a>] Janssen, i. 586. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn45"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn45text">45</a>] Huber, iii. p. 338. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn46"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn46text">46</a>] Creighton's <i>Papacy</i>, i. p. 277. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn47"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn47text">47</a>] December 31, 1510. -For a most beautiful and touching letter of -condolence from Margaret to Maximilian, <i>see</i> Le Glay, -<i>Correspondance</i>, i. p. 481. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn48"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn48text">48</a>] Few people seem to have troubled themselves about Gian -Galeazzo's infant son, who was now the lawful heir of the -Sforza. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn49"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn49text">49</a>] For Maximilian's efforts towards war -against the Turks, <i>see</i> -Ulmann, i. pp. 203-218. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn50"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn50text">50</a>] Cp. Chmel, <i>Urkunden</i>, <i>Briefen</i>, etc., page 56. Marquard -Breisacher to Maximilian, about Charles VIII., in Rome—"Darauss ich -sorge, der Kung v. Frankreich werd auff das mindest die Kirchen -reformieren und damit jm selbs in aller cristenheyt lob eer und -auffsechen machen, das doch E. Ko. Mt. von götlichem und weltlichem -rechtem me zu gepürett denn jm." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn51"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn51text">51</a>] Ulmann, i. 272-6. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn52"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn52text">52</a>] The more correct name of Emperor elect has been sunk for -convenience sake. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn53"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn53text">53</a>] Afterwards the famous, or notorious, Ulric. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn54"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn54text">54</a>] "Und wo in der Zeit kein Gelt herkumbt, wirdet die Speisung -an dem end auch still sten"! Dated May 27, -1496.—<i>Vertr. Briefwecksel</i>, page 109. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn55"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn55text">55</a>] Ranke, <i>Latin and Teutonic Nations</i>, page 109. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn56"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn56text">56</a>] In South Germany. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn57"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn57text">57</a>] Chmel, <i>Urkunden</i>, <i>Briefen</i>, etc.—Letter 126, Stangha to -Maximilian (Sept. 30, 1496). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn58"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn58text">58</a>] Chmel, <i>ibid</i>.—Letter 127, Maximilian to Stangha (Genoa -Oct. 1, 1496). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn59"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn59text">59</a>] Chmel, <i>ibid</i>.—Letter 146, Bishop of Concordia to Maximilian -(Lindau, Dec. 26). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn60"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn60text">60</a>] This was written in 1507.—<i>Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti al -Senato</i>, ed. Alberi, Serie I. vol. vi. page 26 sqq. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn61"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn61text">61</a>] Janssen, i. 593. Cp. Trithemius' view of the Hapsburg -characteristic;—"Seelenruhe und Gottvertrauen -beim Missgeschick; viel -Noth, viel Ehr." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn62"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn62text">62</a>] Pirkheimer, quoted by Ranke, <i>Latin and Teut. Nations</i>, p. 149. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn63"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn63text">63</a>] The more so, as the Confederacy was joined by the Imperial -cities of Schaffhausen and Basel. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn64"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn64text">64</a>] If Louis XII. died without male issue, Brittany and Burgundy -were likewise to fall to Charles. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn65"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn65text">65</a>] "Il y a longtemps que François ont tousiours fait le piz qu'ilz ont -peu a ceste maison, et n'ay espoir qu'ilz doyent changier," writes -Chièvres to Maximilian 1506. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn66"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn66text">66</a>] By violating the perpetual Landfriede. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn67"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn67text">67</a>] Kirchberg, Weissenhorn, Marstetten, Neuburg-am-Inn, etc. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn68"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn68text">68</a>] Catherine, paternal aunt of Maximilian, married Charles, -M. of Baden, whose son James was. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn69"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn69text">69</a>] Afterwards Adrian VI. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn70"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn70text">70</a>] Yet the people, Maximilian is convinced, -are always on his side, -and a few of the Cantons; "mes en sumarum il sount meschans, -villains, prest pour traïre France on Almaingnes" -(dated August 18, -Lindau).—Le Glay, <i>Correspondance</i>, vol. i., letter 3. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn71"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn71text">71</a>] March 1, 1508, quoted Huber, iii. pp. 369, 370. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn72"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn72text">72</a>] Le Glay, i. p. 68 (dated July 4). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn73"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn73text">73</a>] Le Glay, i. p. 77 (dated July 23). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn74"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn74text">74</a>] Bishop of Gurk. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn75"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn75text">75</a>] Le Glay, i. letter 90 (dated Cambrai, December). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn76"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn76text">76</a>] Le Glay, i.—letter 143 (dated October 7). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn77"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn77text">77</a>] Le Glay, i.—letter 134 (Bassano, August 7). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn78"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn78text">78</a>] Le Glay, i.—letter 192 (Augsburg, April 6, 1510). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn79"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn79text">79</a>] Sanuto, x. 79, quoted by Huber, iii. 387. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn80"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn80text">80</a>] Chmel's <i>Urkunden</i>, etc., p. 470 (May 31, 1511). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn81"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn81text">81</a>] Le Glay, ii. p. 38—autograph letter, -dated September 18, no year or place given. But A. Jäger, -in <i>Kaiser Maximilians I. Verhältniss -zum Papstthum</i>, p. 75, shows that 1511 -was almost certainly the year. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn82"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn82text">82</a>] Le Glay, ii. p. 84 (dated January 21, 1513). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn83"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn83text">83</a>] Le Glay, Correspondance, vol. ii.—letter 554, page 221. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn84"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn84text">84</a>] Le Glay, ii.—letter 555. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn85"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn85text">85</a>] Le Glay, ii.—letter 556. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn86"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn86text">86</a>] Kings of Hungary and Poland were brothers. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn87"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn87text">87</a>] It is possible, however, that he was -actuated by pique against -his grandson, who had recently asserted his independence of -control. (January 1515.) -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn88"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn88text">88</a>] Quoted in Brewer, <i>Reign of Henry VIII.</i>, page 125. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn89"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn89text">89</a>] Brewer, i. page 133. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn90"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn90text">90</a>] Huber, iii. page 407. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn91"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn91text">91</a>] Ala, Avio, Mori, and Brentonica. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn92"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn92text">92</a>] The early years of Charles V.'s reign do not disprove this -assertion. For, though it was an Imperialist army which was -responsible for the Sack of Rome in 1527, -this was entirely composed of -mercenaries, and Charles's predominance in Italy was due to his -position as King of Spain and the Sicilies, -and was won by the pikes -of his Spanish infantry. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn93"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn93text">93</a>] He was called "Coeur d'Acier," by Olivier de la Marche. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn94"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn94text">94</a>] He hoped to obtain from Leo X. full -recognition of himself as -crowned Emperor, and, further, the grant of a tithe on church -property in Germany for his projected Crusade. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn95"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn95text">95</a>] Bryce, <i>Holy Roman Empire</i>, page 126 (1st edition). -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap04"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P77"></a>77}</span></p> - -<h3> -IV -</h3> - -<p class="intro"> -"The essence of Humanism is the belief ... that -nothing which has ever interested living men and -women can wholly lose its vitality."—<i>Walter Pater</i>. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -It is with a certain sense of relief that we pass -from the tragi-comedy of Maximilian's political -life to those realms where lies his real claim to fame -and gratitude. Great ambitions thwarted by the -sordid details of poverty are never a pleasant subject -of contemplation; and there have been few monarchs -in whose lives they have played a more prominent -part. But it may fairly be argued that all the more -credit is due to one who, under such unfavourable -circumstances, ever remained buoyant and full of -the joy of living, and whose frequent disappointments -never soured his enthusiasms nor turned him from -the path of knowledge. The first of his race to -welcome the new culture, and possessed of that -joyous temperament which seems to offer immortal -youth, Maximilian was acclaimed by the scholars -of his day as the ideal Emperor of Dante's or -Petrarch's dreams. His predecessors had shown -little interest in intellectual pursuits. Sigismund had -indeed crowned several poets, but was always too -needy himself to spare much money for their salaries; -Frederick III. was devoid of literary tastes, and, -in spite of his connexion with Æneas Sylvius, gave -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P78"></a>78}</span> -but slight encouragement to art or learning. But -Maximilian surrendered himself, with all his habitual -energy and enthusiasm, to the new spirit of the age. -In spite of his many political failures he remains to -all time the darling of the scholar and the poet. This -almost universal favour he did not win by liberal -donations or the grant of lucrative posts, for he was -seldom free from money embarrassments—nor by -the maintenance of a gorgeous court and imposing -ceremonial—for his endless projects and expeditions -made any fixed residence impossible; but by his -restless activity, his manly self-reliance, his wide and -human sympathy with all ranks and classes of the -people. Above all, he identified himself with the -struggling ideals of a new German national feeling, -and with the growing opposition to France, to Italy, -and to Rome; and, as a national hero, inspired the -devotion alike of the scholar, the knight, and the -peasant. "Mein Ehr ist deutsch Ehr, und deutsch -Ehr ist mein Ehr" is the ruling motive of his life; -and the praise which is continually on all lips is, -before all, the result of his passionate loyalty to that -larger Germany of which the poet sings— -</p> - -<p class="poem"> - So weit die deutsche Zunge klingt<br /> - Und Gott im Himmel Lieder singt<br /> - Das soll es sein!<br /> - Das, wackrer Deutscher, nenne dein!<br /> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -Nowhere is the general admiration more evident -than in the Volkslieder and the popular poetry of -the time. And even when death overtook him in -the midst of complete failure and humiliation, no -scornful voice is heard, and all is regret and loving -appreciation. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P79"></a>79}</span> -</p> - -<p class="poem"> - First among earthly monarchs,<br /> - A fount of honour clear,<br /> - Sprung of a noble lineage,<br /> - Where shall we find his peer? ...<br /> - He stands a bright ensample<br /> - For other Princes' eyes,<br /> - The lieges all appraise him<br /> - The Noble and the Wise.<br /> - His justice is apportioned<br /> - To poor and rich the same.<br /> - Just before God Eternal<br /> - Shall ever be his name.<br /> - And God the Lord hath willed it,<br /> - Our pure, immortal King,<br /> - And welcomed him in glory,<br /> - Where ceaseless praises ring.<br /> - Our hero hath departed,<br /> - Time's sceptre laying down,<br /> - Since God hath, of His goodness,<br /> - Prepared a deathless crown.[<a id="chap04fn96text"></a><a href="#chap04fn96">96</a>]<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -A vital distinction is at once apparent between -the Italian and the German Renaissance. In Italy the -movement was essentially aristocratic and largely -dependent upon the various Courts—the Medici, the -Popes, the Dukes of Urbino. In Germany such -open-handed patrons were few and far between. -Albert of Mainz, Frederick of Saxony, and Eberhard -of Würtemberg stand alone among the princes as -patrons of learning; while Ulrich von Hutten is the -sole representative of the Knightly order in the ranks -of the Humanists.[96a] The political and intellectual -development of the German towns is of great -importance during this transition period, and it is in -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P80"></a>80}</span> -them that the leaders of the German Renaissance are -to be found. The movement remained throughout -municipal rather than aristocratic, making itself first -felt where there was closest commercial intercourse -with Italy—notably in the cities of Swabia and the -Rhine valley. But for this very reason Humanism -took deep root in the soul of the German people. -Not merely aesthetic or sensuous, like the Italian -movement, it had a profound ethical and national -basis, on which the powerful art of Dürer, the -sonorous language of Luther, the sweet singing of -Hans Sachs, might safely rest. Almost from the -very beginning it pursued a moral aim. It was -inspired by no mere sordid quest of pleasure, but -by a noble dream of purer manners and loftier ideals. -It realized the decadence into which society, both lay -and ecclesiastical, had fallen, and earnestly strove to -arrest it in the only possible way—by the introduction -of a new spirit at once into the details of daily -life, and into the broad principles of national -existence. But as the Humanist movement gathered -strength and influence, it remained isolated from -politics and from those who ruled the destinies of the -Empire, and, developing in various places and under -separate leaders, tended to waste its energies through -lack of systematic or united effort. Under such -circumstances its unspoken appeal for assistance in -high places met with an eager response from Maximilian. -For the last twenty-five years of his life he -forms the central figure of the new movement—possibly -not its most glorious or most brilliant -representative, but yet giving life and uniformity to the -whole. If for nought else, he would deserve to be -remembered as the connecting link between the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P81"></a>81}</span> -Humanists of Strasburg, Augsburg and Nuremberg. -In order to interpret this feature of the Emperor's -character, we must present a slight sketch of the -German Renaissance in its three main channels, with -especial regard to Maximilian and his connexion with -the leading Humanists, and must then proceed to -examine Maximilian's own literary achievements, -and his relations to Science and Art in its various -branches. -</p> - -<p> -In a quaint old comedy written at the close of the -fifteenth century, Cicero and Caesar are brought to -life and taken round the cities of Germany. They -are made to describe Strasburg as "the most beautiful -of the German towns, a treasure and ornament of -the Fatherland"; of Augsburg they exclaim, "Rome -with its Quirites has wandered here"; while Nuremberg -is pictured as "the Corinth of Germany, if one -looks at the wonderful works of the artist; yet if you -look at its walls and bastions, no Mummius would -conquer it so easily."[<a id="chap04fn97text"></a><a href="#chap04fn97">97</a>] Such are the three great centres -of the German Renaissance. -</p> - -<p> -In Strasburg, education was the most crying need -of the time; for though there were excellent schools -in the Franciscan and Dominican convents, these -were reserved for novices, the laity being wholly -excluded. Jacob Wimpheling, under whom Humanism -first took deep root in the city, was himself a -pupil of the Deventer School,[<a id="chap04fn98text"></a><a href="#chap04fn98">98</a>] and, like them, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P82"></a>82}</span> -devoted his energies to educational reform. His hopes -of founding a University were not realized, and he -had to content himself with forming the centre of a -literary society, such as was formed both at Mainz -and Vienna by Conrad Celtes. Wimpheling and his -friends differ largely from their contemporaries in -other parts of Germany. They were characterized -by a theological bias which led them into violent and -unprofitable controversies. Though himself a cleric, -and thus a supporter of the spiritual order and of -orthodox belief, he indulged in fierce attacks upon the -monks for their immorality, and in spite of his -admiration for heathen authors, he pushed his defence of -theology so far as to condemn the Art of Poetry as -useless and unworthy to be called a science, and only -to exempt from utter damnation the sacred poets of -Christianity.[<a id="chap04fn99text"></a><a href="#chap04fn99">99</a>] He was equally limited in his patriotic -polemics. His praise of everything German is only -surpassed by his hatred for the French and Italians, -his profound contempt for the Swiss. His best-known -work, entitled <i>Germania</i>, was written with the double -object of proving the exclusively German origin of -Alsace and of "defending the King of the Romans -against the monks and secular preachers who attack -him."[<a id="chap04fn100text"></a><a href="#chap04fn100">100</a>] Even the ingenuous arguments in which -the book abounds, and the quaint array of authorities, -from Caesar and Tacitus to Aeneas Sylvius and Sabellico -cannot blind us to the genuine patriotism, which -is latent in every page. "We are Germans, not -French," he exclaims, "and our land must be called -Germany, not France, because Germans live in it. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P83"></a>83}</span> -This fact has been acknowledged by the Romans. -For when they had conquered us, the Alemanni -on the Rhine, and, crossing the river, saw that -the dwellers on the further bank were like us in -courage, stature, and fair hair, as well as in -customs and way of life, they called us Germans, -that is, brothers. But it is certain that we, these -Germans, are like the real Gauls neither in speech -and appearance, nor in character and institutions. -Hence our city and all Alsace is right in -preserving the freedom of the Roman Empire, and -will maintain it also in the future, in spite of all -French attempts to win over or conquer us."[<a id="chap04fn101text"></a><a href="#chap04fn101">101</a>] Such -fervent expressions of German feeling must have called -Maximilian's attention to Wimpheling, even without -his vigorous defence of the Imperial dignity. In 1510, -when Maximilian was opposed to Julius II., and -hoped to intimidate him by recounting the wrongs of -the German nation, he could think of none more -versed in them than Wimpheling, and therefore -requested him to draw up a summary of the French -Pragmatic Sanction, such as would suit the needs of -Germany. In March, 1511, he wrote to Wimpheling -that he was about to hold an assembly at Koln, to -deliberate with the French envoys as to summoning -a general Council; and he begged him to think out -means of redressing the various abuses, "without -touching religion." As a result of this request, -Wimpheling drew up his <i>Gravamina Germanicae -Nationis</i> and added the desired <i>Remedia</i>.[<a id="chap04fn102text"></a><a href="#chap04fn102">102</a>] But -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P84"></a>84}</span> -the Emperor's policy had already changed, and -Wimpheling was informed through the Imperial -Councillors that the moment was unfavourable for -publication. Indeed, his labours only received the -attention which they deserved, when they were -employed as the basis of "The Hundred Grievances -of the German Nation" (1522).[<a id="chap04fn103text"></a><a href="#chap04fn103">103</a>] -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-084"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-084.jpg" alt="SEBASTIAN BRANT" /> -<br /> -SEBASTIAN BRANT -</p> - -<p> -Side by side with Wimpheling stands Sebastian -Brant, whose literary worth has probably obtained -wider recognition than that of any German Humanist, -with the sole exception of Erasmus. His <i>Narrenschiff</i> -("The Ship of Fools") is penetrated by a deep -religious spirit, and fearlessly attacks all the -corruptions and abuses of the day, "branding as fools all -those who are willing, for things transitory, to barter -things eternal."[<a id="chap04fn104text"></a><a href="#chap04fn104">104</a>] Brant is in no sense a great poet; -his verses are often stiff and ill-proportioned, and his -matter frequently sinks to the level of the common-place. -But the appearance of "The Ship of Fools" -caused an unparalleled stir, not merely in the republic -of letters, but throughout the whole German people; -and it owes its extraordinary popularity to its skilful -intermixture of problems which were in all men's -minds. He was the first to give full expression to the -ideas of the middle classes (anticipating the manly -independence of the Scottish poet,[<a id="chap04fn105text"></a><a href="#chap04fn105">105</a>]) when he -sang— -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P85"></a>85}</span> -</p> - -<p class="poem"> - Aber wer hätt' kein Tugend nit,<br /> - Kein Zucht, Scham, Ehr, noch gute Sitt,<br /> - Den halt' ich alles Adels leer,<br /> - Wenn auch ein Fürst sein Vater wär'.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -But the ruling motives which inspire his muse are the -maintenance of the Church in her pristine purity, and -the defence of Christendom against the onslaught of -the infidel. While he preaches earnestly the -Headship of Christ, and exhorts all men to put their trust -in God rather than in mortal men, he is also never -tired of enjoining reverence for the Emperor, and -urging them to unite in loyal obedience to his wishes -and aspirations. Apparently unconscious of his -inconsequence, he upheld the principle of absolute -Papal domination, and yet early associated himself -with that august dream of the Middle Ages—the -universal monarchy of the Emperor. For him he -claimed the same power in the temporal, as the Pope -exercised in the spiritual world. As the Pope was -the organ of religion, so was the Emperor the source of -Law; and the revival of his power as temporal head -of Christendom was to coincide with the re-establishment -of that order and discipline whose absence -Brant so frequently laments. The whole fabric of -these vast aspirations Brant rested upon Maximilian. -He could not foresee that this prince, so brilliant, so -chivalrous, so sympathetic, would disappoint the rich -promise of his youth and fail to restore the fallen -grandeur of the Empire owing to his schemes of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P86"></a>86}</span> -family aggrandisement. He greeted his election with -adulatory verses, protesting that under such a prince -the Golden Age could not fail to return. The news of -Maximilian's imprisonment at Bruges rouses a very -whirlwind of indignant phrases, contrary to the whole -spirit of his later teaching. "Destroy the Flemings," -he cries, "extirpate the very race of this crime, hang -and behead the miscreants, overturn their walls, and -make the plough pass over this accursed soil. Such is -the demand of justice."[<a id="chap04fn106text"></a><a href="#chap04fn106">106</a>] His belief in omens and -portents is unlimited, and they are generally -connected with Maximilian in some quaint and -high-sounding verses. Thus the killing of an enormous -deer on some hunting expedition inspires Brant with -an absurd and laboured comparison. "No animal is -nobler than the stag: thou, Maximilian, art the -most noble of Princes. He stops astonished before -things which seem new; thou also dost admire things -new and great. At the approach of danger he pricks -up his ear and places his young in safety; thou -hearest the menacing noises of thine enemies, and dost -protect thy people."[<a id="chap04fn107text"></a><a href="#chap04fn107">107</a>] A number of falcons which -were seen to assemble and fly southwards is acclaimed -as a symbol of Maximilian, aided by the Princes in his -Italian expedition. "Destiny calls you, O Germans; -go and restore the Empire in Italy." Even when it -became evident that Maximilian was not destined to -realize the poet's high ideals, such extravagances did -not cease. Moreover, he was sustained by a personal -attachment for the Emperor, which was deepened by -his various visits to the Court and closer acquaintance -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P87"></a>87}</span> -with his early hero, and doubtless strengthened by the -Imperial favours bestowed upon him. And thus it is -with unfeigned grief that Brant celebrates his death. -"O magnanimous Caesar, that hope is vanished -which we had founded on thee while thou didst hold -the sceptre. How should I restrain my tears? -Thou wert worthy to live, thou the sole anchor of -safety for the German nation. One swift hour hath -removed thee: thou art no more, and misfortune -assails the Empire."[<a id="chap04fn108text"></a><a href="#chap04fn108">108</a>] Our subject is Maximilian, not -Brant, and we may not linger. But the epitaph on -the Strasburg poet's tomb should not be omitted, even -in the translation; for it gives us a sure clue to a -character which was sweet and winning in spite of all -its extravagances. "Toi qui regardes ce marbre, -souhaite à Brant le ciel!" -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-088"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-088.jpg" alt="CONRAD PEUTINGER" /> -<br /> -CONRAD PEUTINGER -</p> - -<p> -If in Strasburg the movement assumed a theological -and educational character, in Augsburg it was -rather directed towards politics and the study of -history. Alike from its geographical position[<a id="chap04fn109text"></a><a href="#chap04fn109">109</a>] and -from its industrial and commercial importance,[<a id="chap04fn110text"></a><a href="#chap04fn110">110</a>] -Augsburg was thrown into close relations with Italy and -Italian thought; and enthusiasm for classical studies -was early introduced by Sigismund Gossembrot, one -of the leading merchants of the city. The direction -of the movement was further influenced by the Diets -which were held within the city,[<a id="chap04fn111text"></a><a href="#chap04fn111">111</a>] and by the frequent -visits of the Emperor Maximilian.[<a id="chap04fn112text"></a><a href="#chap04fn112">112</a>] The place of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P88"></a>88}</span> -Gossembrot was worthily filled by Conrad Peutinger,[<a id="chap04fn113text"></a><a href="#chap04fn113">113</a>] -who returned from Italy in 1485, as a doctor of law, -embued with all the ardour of a scholar. He became -a prominent official of his native city, and retained his -position for many years from inclination rather than -from necessity, betraying throughout his writings the -sharp eye and critical knowledge of the practitioner. -His first meeting with Maximilian probably took place -at Augsburg in 1491, and from this time onwards he -was continually employed by the Emperor in various -positions of trust. As ambassador, secretary or -orator, he visited many countries in Europe, and, -besides ordering affairs of politics, was entrusted with -the truly humanist task of presenting and answering -formal addresses and greetings. While in his foreign -relations he was eager to maintain the honour of the -German name, he skilfully used his double position -as Imperial Councillor and Town-official to smooth -over differences between Maximilian and Augsburg, -to the advantage of both parties. The Emperor's -love of Augsburg led him to purchase various houses -within the walls, and the castle of Wellenburg in the -neighbourhood. His action was far from welcome to -the burghers, who did not wish this powerful citizen -to acquire too much property in their midst; and they -were only pacified by the assurances of Peutinger -that Maximilian would raise no fortifications round -the castle. On the other hand, during his honourable -mission to Hungary (1506), he obtained from the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P89"></a>89}</span> -Emperor a substantial grant of privileges for his -native city—notably the right "de non appellando." But -Peutinger was Maximilian's confidant not merely -in political affairs. Indeed, his employment in -Imperial diplomacy directly arose from his intellectual -and artistic relations with Maximilian, who sought the -support of every scholar in his attempt to place the -Fatherland in the forefront of Art and Science. In -Italy Peutinger had learned the value of old Roman -inscriptions, and in 1505 he was encouraged by -Maximilian to publish a collection of the inscriptions of -German antiquity.[<a id="chap04fn114text"></a><a href="#chap04fn114">114</a>] The Emperor and the scholar -kept up a correspondence on the subject of ancient -coins, large consignments of which were sent to -Augsburg, by order of the former, from every part of -the Empire. During Peutinger's visit to Vienna in -1506 he was monopolized for three whole days for -learned conversation, and received a new and more -important commission from Maximilian. He was to -examine the letters and documents of members of the -House of Hapsburg, and to prepare a selection of -them for publication; and with this object he was -assigned a special apartment in the castle of Vienna, -to which chronicles and histories were brought for -his use from all quarters. Here he remained for -almost three months, and the fruit of his labours was -the <i>Kaiserbuch</i>, or Book of the Emperors, which was -unfortunately never published and which is now -extant only in a few fragments. During his labours -for Maximilian he seems to have acquired a great -number of valuable manuscripts; and had his literary -projects been fully realized, we should have gained -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P90"></a>90}</span> -an astonishing contribution to the historiography of -the sixteenth century. But apart from his own -unfinished writings, he edited and published, with -Maximilian's approval, various early historical works,—the -chronicles of Paul the Deacon and of Ursperg being -of especial value.[<a id="chap04fn115text"></a><a href="#chap04fn115">115</a>] Moreover, he was charged by the -Emperor with a species of censorship, by virtue of -which he prevented the appearance at Augsburg of a -Swiss Chronicle, containing statements derogatory to -the House of Hapsburg. In short, in almost every -phase of the struggle of culture and civilization, which -Maximilian so gallantly led, we find Peutinger -intimately engaged as his friend and fellow-labourer; and -with Beatus Rhenanus we may truly exclaim, -"Our Conrad Peutinger is the immortal ornament, -not merely of the town of Augsburg, but also of all -Swabia!" -</p> - -<p> -The activity of Augsburg was not confined to -historical studies. The rising art of Germany had -found here a worthy representative in Hans Holbein, -who, though not strictly a Humanist himself, took the -deepest interest in the movement. His attitude is -clearly visible from his portraiture of Erasmus, More, -and other leaders of the Renaissance, and from his -illustrations to the <i>Praise of Folly</i> and the <i>Dance of -Death</i>. But Holbein, though the greatest of the -Augsburg School, was too much of a wanderer to be -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P91"></a>91}</span> -thrown into close contact with Maximilian. The -latter none the less found capable artists to give -expression to his own literary projects. Hans -Burgkmair, the most distinguished of their number, -produced over one hundred illustrations of <i>Weisskunig</i>, -seventy-seven for the <i>Genealogy</i>, which consists of -portraits of Maximilian's ancestors, and close upon -seventy for the <i>Triumphal Procession</i>, the main idea of -which belongs to Dürer. Leonhard Beck illustrated -a book of <i>Austrian Saints</i>, and the greater part of the -famous <i>Teuerdank</i>; whilst Freydal represented in his -<i>Mummereien</i> the various tournays and festivities of -which Maximilian was the central figure. All these -woodcuts and engravings were executed under the -supervision of Peutinger, who also directed the -casting of figures for Maximilian's tomb at Innsbruck, -and the making of armour and warlike equipments -for the Emperor's own person. Indeed, Maximilian -put his Humanist friend to very strange uses; for -among the manifold commissions of Peutinger we -find the selection of tapestries from the Netherlands, -inquiries after the inventor of a special kind of -siege-ladder, the building of hatching-houses for the -Imperial falcons, and the establishment of an important -cannon foundry. The climax is reached when -Maximilian employs Peutinger's historical knowledge to -obtain the names of a hundred women famous in -history, after whom he may christen the latest additions -to his artillery! -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-092"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-092.jpg" alt="WILIBALD PIRKHEIMER" /> -<br /> -WILIBALD PIRKHEIMER -</p> - -<p> -Of the three centres of German Humanism, -Nuremberg is the greatest and the most fascinating. -The home of invention as well as of industry, it -made no mere empty boast in the proverb, "Nürnberg -Tand geht durch alle Land." Its churches and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P92"></a>92}</span> -public buildings were the glory of the age, its -craftsmen and designers perhaps then unequalled in the -world. Its literary circle contains a larger -number of distinguished names than any of its rivals. -Meisterlin, the author of the famous Nuremberg -chronicle, Cochläus, the bitter satirist of Luther; -Osiander, the celebrated Hebrew scholar and -Reformed preacher; Jäger the mathematician; above all -Hans Sachs, the cobbler-poet, "the sweet singer of -Nuremberg"—all these fill an honourable place in -the annals of the city. But the central figures of its -life are, beyond any doubt, Wilibald Pirkheimer and -Albrecht Dürer; in any case they would monopolise -our attention on account of their intimate connexion -with Maximilian. When still King of the Romans, -he had resided at Nuremberg, and the joyous -animation with which he entered into the life of the city -won for him wide popularity. "When about to -depart, we are told he invited twenty great ladies to -dinner; after dinner, when they were all in a good -humour, the Markgrave Frederick asked Maximilian -in the name of the ladies to stay a little longer and to -dance with them. They had taken away his boots -and spurs, so that he had no choice. Then the whole -company adjourned to the Council House, several -other young ladies were invited, and Maximilian -stayed dancing all through the afternoon and night, -and arrived a day late at Neumarkt, where the Count -Palatine had been expecting him all the preceding -day."[<a id="chap04fn116text"></a><a href="#chap04fn116">116</a>] As Emperor, Maximilian paid many visits to -Nuremberg, and his first Diet was enlivened by a -succession of brilliant masques, dances and -tournaments, such as roused the enthusiasm of the local -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P93"></a>93}</span> -chroniclers. He remained on terms of great -intimacy with Pirkheimer, who in many ways is the -most typical figure of the German Renaissance. -After an excellent education, at Padua and Pavia, in -jurisprudence, literature and arts, Pirkheimer became -councillor in Nuremberg, and won the special -confidence of the Emperor both by his skilful diplomacy -and by his patriotic assistance in the Swiss War. -His great riches he employed not merely for the -adornment of his own house, but also in generous -support of less-favoured followers of the Muse. -While he resembled Peutinger as diplomat, as -historian, and as theologian, he had less of the -temperament of a pedagogue, and more of the joyous nature -of a true poet. As the representative of a great -movement of the intellect, he was open to all its -various methods and aspirations, and yet understood -the lesson of self-restraint and concentration too well -to exhaust his powers in a labyrinth of alternatives. -With the true cheerfulness and humour of the man -who knows the world, yet remains unsullied by contact -with it, he and his friends devoted themselves to -what is after all the highest philosophy, the study of -mankind—hiding under a smiling face, nay, often a -mocking mien, their confidence in the great -destinies of the race. And yet a deep pathos attaches -to Pirkheimer's closing days. Disappointed in his -dreams of moral and spiritual regeneration for the -people, he turned wearily back from the paths of the -new doctrine to the bosom of Mother Church. His -violent attack upon Johann Eck, his noble defence of -Reuchlin, had seemed to foreshadow him as a leader -of the Reformation.[<a id="chap04fn117text"></a><a href="#chap04fn117">117</a>] But his ideals were in reality of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P94"></a>94}</span> -the past rather than of the future; and, brooding -over his shattered hopes, he lingered out a solitary -old age, whose sadness is but deepened by his -swan-like lament for Dürer. -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-094"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-094.jpg" alt="ALBRECHT DURER" /> -<br /> -ALBRECHT DURER -</p> - -<p> -Dürer was indeed well worthy of all the praise -which has been lavished upon him; for from all his -works there shines forth the noble modesty of a pure -good man. Though scarcely a scholar himself, his -deep sympathy with the great movement is manifest -not only in the manner in which his art interprets it, -but also in his own written words.[<a id="chap04fn118text"></a><a href="#chap04fn118">118</a>] His letters to -Pirkheimer from Venice form delightful reading and -show the keenness of his sympathy and observation. -The years which followed his return to Nuremberg, -1507-1514, were the most productive period of his -life, as well as the period of his most intimate -connexion with Maximilian. From them date the -ambitious designs of the "Ehrenpforte" (Triumphal -Arch), which, though executed under Maximilian's -direct supervision, were entirely the idea of Dürer. -No less than ninety-two large woodcuts, the -production of which occupied Dürer for two years, go to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P95"></a>95}</span> -make up this imposing metaphorical picture. A -structure in itself impossible is overburdened by -portraits of all the ancestors of Maximilian, mythical -as well as real, and by the many exploits and -adventures of the Emperor's own life. But the work must -be estimated less by the quaintness of its composition -than by its sterling artistic qualities and by the -important place which it holds in the development of -German Art. The idea was further developed in -the "Triumphzug" and the "Triumphwagen," -which was completed in 1516. The Imperial and -other triumphal cars were drawn by Dürer in -sixty-three woodcuts, while the remaining seventy-four -were prepared in Augsburg by Hans Burgkmair and -L. Beck.[<a id="chap04fn119text"></a><a href="#chap04fn119">119</a>] The procession, whose magnificence was -to idealize Maximilian as the greatest of Princes, -includes sketches of almost everything that ever -roused the Emperor's interest. Landsknechts, -cannon, huntsmen, mummers, dancers of every -rank and variety, the noble ladies of the Court, are -mingled with allegories of every Imperial and human -virtue, elaborately grouped upon triumphal cars. -The keen personal interest of Maximilian in the -progress of the work is well attested. Indeed, he -showed his impatience, while the various blocks were -in progress, by frequently visiting not merely Dürer -himself, but also the "formschneider" or block-cutter, -who lived in a street approached by the -Frauengasslein. Hence the old Nuremberg proverb, -"The Emperor still often drives to Petticoat Lane."[<a id="chap04fn120text"></a><a href="#chap04fn120">120</a>] -Dürer was appointed painter to Maximilian, with a -grant of arms and a salary of 100 florins a year; and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P96"></a>96}</span> -a letter of the Emperor to the Town Council of -Nuremberg is still extant, in which he demands -Dürer's exemption from "communal imposts, and -all other contributions in money, in testimony of -our friendship for him, and for the sake of the -marvellous art of which it is but just that he should -freely benefit. We trust that you will not refuse the -demand we now make of you, because it is proper, -as far as possible, to encourage the arts he -cultivates and so largely develops among you."[<a id="chap04fn121text"></a><a href="#chap04fn121">121</a>] These -earnest words of Maximilian reveal to us very clearly -his attitude towards the great movement of his day. -Yet, sad as it is to relate, Dürer never received -payment for the ninety-two sheets of the "Triumphal -Arch," which had cost him so much time and labour, -and after Maximilian's death they were sold separately. -But the Emperor may fairly be absolved from -the charge of mean treatment of Dürer, for his own -needs were great and many, and it is strictly true -that he spent very little upon himself. The great -artist was always treated with distinction as a -personal friend of the Emperor, who, besides granting -him a fixed salary, gave him material assistance in -checking the forging and pirating of his engravings. -He sometimes resided at Court, when Maximilian -held it at Augsburg, and often employed his time in -making sketches in chalk of the illustrious persons -whom he met. On one occasion Maximilian was -attempting to draw a design for Dürer, but kept -breaking the charcoal in doing so. When the artist -took the pencil and, without once breaking it, easily -completed the sketch, the Emperor expressed his -surprise and probably showed his annoyance. But -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P97"></a>97}</span> -Dürer was ready with his compliment. "I should -not like your Majesty," he said, "to be able to draw -as well as I. It is my province to draw and yours to -rule."[<a id="chap04fn122text"></a><a href="#chap04fn122">122</a>] Not the least interesting and important of -Dürer's commissions was to paint that portrait of the -Emperor which now hangs in the Imperial Gallery at -Vienna. The prominent nose, the hanging eyelid, the -half-contemptuous, half-mournful turn of the lips, the -wrinkled cheeks and neck, the long hair falling over -the ears, the pointed bonnet with its clasp, the sombre -flowing robes, form a striking picture and suggest a -speaking likeness. Disappointment, but also that -peculiar attribute of the Hapsburgs, resignation, are clearly -marked upon Maximilian's face. In the other two -portraits by Dürer—a chalk drawing executed at the -Diet of Augsburg (1518) and a woodcut completed -shortly before his death—the features are less rugged, -and reveal somewhat more of the sanguine spirit of -Maximilian's early days. With the exception of -these sketches,[<a id="chap04fn123text"></a><a href="#chap04fn123">123</a>] Dürer's last commission for -Maximilian was the exquisite decoration for the latter's -private Gebetbuch (Book of Prayer), of which only -ten copies were printed,[<a id="chap04fn124text"></a><a href="#chap04fn124">124</a>] and which will ever remain -one of the gems of artistic and devotional literature. -With Dürer's career after 1519 we are not concerned; -but it is worthy of notice that his most brilliant work -dates from the reign of Maximilian, and that his -sympathy with "the nightingale of Wittenberg" seems -to have partially diverted his attention from his art. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P98"></a>98}</span> -</p> - -<p> -It must not be supposed that Maximilian's humanistic -enthusiasms were confined to the three great -centres which have just been described, or that he -only helped on such movements as were already -animated by a vigorous existence and a fair prospect -of success. His own hereditary dominions were -even more directly indebted to his efforts than were -other parts of the Empire. -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-096"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-096.jpg" alt="DAS ROSENKRANZFEST. Painting by Dürer, with Kneeling Figure of Maximilian" /> -<br /> -DAS ROSENKRANZFEST. <br />Painting by Dürer, with Kneeling Figure of Maximilian -</p> - -<p> -During the first century of its existence, Vienna -University[<a id="chap04fn125text"></a><a href="#chap04fn125">125</a>] was an autonomous ecclesiastical -corporation, over which the methods of the mediaeval -Schoolmen held complete sway. But during the long -reign of Frederick III., several circumstances -combined to cast a blight upon its hitherto flourishing -condition. During the Council of Basel it assumed a -hostile attitude to the Pope, and its surrender of that -position only emphasised its folly; while in the -struggle of Frederick and his brother Albert the -professors were unwise enough to dabble in politics -and thus to throw off the immunity which guarded -their proper sphere. Their open sympathy with -Albert was fatal to a good understanding with -Frederick, who never showed any favour to their -body. Vienna further suffered from a six months' -siege by Matthias of Hungary (1477) and from a -violent outbreak of the plague (1481); and this had -scarce abated, when war was renewed and Matthias -overran the whole of Lower Austria. During the -ensuing siege (December 1484 to June 1485) all lectures -were inevitably suspended, and the whole work of -the University was at a standstill. The refusal of -the University authorities to take the oath of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P99"></a>99}</span> -allegiance to Matthias—on the ground that, as a clerical -corporation, they were independent of the temporal -power—induced the conqueror to stop all the -revenues which they derived from the government; -and though he at length granted[<a id="chap04fn126text"></a><a href="#chap04fn126">126</a>] a sum sufficient for -the payment of the Professors and other necessities, -yet he never extended to Vienna the same liberality -towards Art and Science which had distinguished his -relations with Buda-Pest. By the time of his death -(1490) Vienna University was in a state of almost -complete decay. -</p> - -<p> -Under such circumstances the recovery of Austria -by Maximilian was greeted with joy on the part of -the authorities, and immediate steps were taken to -restore the tottering fabric of the University. -Maximilian set himself definitely to transform it from a -clerical corporation to a home of the new Humanism, -and was aided in this difficult task by the Superintendent -Perger, the intention of whose office was not -only to control the Government grants, but also to -decide upon their expenditure, and to refer to the -Emperor all questions of professorial appointments. -In spite of much internal opposition, the Humanists -ere long acquired predominance in the philosophical -Faculty, the medicals threw off the monstrous requirements -of Scholasticism, and the jurists began to study -Roman as well as ecclesiastical law. The revival -of Vienna soon roused the interest of that peculiar -product of the Renaissance period, the wandering -scholar. The first to visit the University was Johann -Spiesshaimer—more celebrated as Cuspinian—who -rapidly won favour with the Hapsburgs by a poem -in praise of St. Leopold, Markgrave of Austria, and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P100"></a>100}</span> -who was crowned poet by Maximilian shortly after his -father's death, in presence of a brilliant and -representative assembly. Soon afterwards he began to hold -regular lectures on poetry and rhetoric, discussing -such writers as Cicero, Sallust, Horace, Virgil and -Lucan. But Perger's preference lay decidedly with -the Humanists of Italy, many of whom he had known -personally during his residence at Padua and Bologna. -At his recommendation, Maximilian in 1493 -summoned Hieronymus Balbus from Venice to Vienna, -and appointed him lecturer on the Roman Poets. -But the Italian's fiery temper soon led him into -disputes with the University authorities, and after an -unsatisfactory career of two years he found a fresh -outbreak of plague in the city a convenient pretext for -returning to Italy. Krachenberger and Fuchsmagen, -the two councillors whom Maximilian had appointed -to assist Perger, doubtless influenced by the unseemly -brawling of Balbus, were loud in their complaints -of Perger's favouritism, and urged their Imperial -master to encourage German rather than Italian -scholars. But Maximilian was, after all, only -following his own judgment, when in 1497 he sent a cordial -invitation to Stabius and Celtes to fill professorships -at Vienna. -</p> - -<p> -Conrad Celtes is the most famous of the earlier -German Humanists, and is in a sense the forerunner -of Peutinger and Pirkheimer. But while his -influence penetrated into every part of the Empire -as a stimulating force, Vienna was the scene of his -longest and most definite labours, and hence all -mention of him has been postponed till now. Born in -1459, in humble circumstances, Celtes devoted himself -from youth to the pursuit of learning, studying the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P101"></a>101}</span> -Roman classics in the leading universities of Germany. -Without any settled abode, he wandered from one -university to another, associating with scholars and -supporting himself by lectures on the philosophy of -Plato, the rhetoric of Cicero, or the poetry of Horace. -In 1486 he visited Italy and made the acquaintance -of all the famous Humanists of the age. On his -return, the publication of his first treatise, the <i>Ars -Versificandi</i>, brought him to the notice of Frederick III., -by whom he was crowned as poet at the Diet of -Nuremberg (1487). During the next four years he -visited Cracow, Prague, Buda, Heidelberg and Mainz, -and again settled down at Nuremberg in 1491. Here -he published a life of St. Sebald, patron of the city, in -sapphics, and a treatise upon the origin and customs -of Nuremberg itself. But within a year he was -summoned to Ingolstadt as Professor of Poetry -and Rhetoric, and here he was residing when -Maximilian's letter reached him. The Emperor's appeal -was not in vain, and Celtes took up his permanent -abode in Vienna University in 1497, as professor of -the same subjects as at Ingolstadt. His opening -lectures, which treated the philosophy of Plato in -connexion with the Neo-Platonism of the Italian -scholars, were regarded with suspicion and dislike -by many members of the University; but his -position was strengthened by the hearty support of -Maximilian, who in 1501 appointed Cuspinian, the -intimate friend of Celtes, to the post of -Superintendent. Celtes, and with him the Emperor, was -convinced that new methods of instruction were -necessary, if Humanism was to triumph over -Scholasticism. "A new institute was required, -which should serve for the preparation and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P102"></a>102}</span> -training of Humanism, a sort of seminary of Humanist -scholars, not outside, but <i>inside</i>, the University."[<a id="chap04fn127text"></a><a href="#chap04fn127">127</a>] These -views led, in October 1501, to the foundation -of the "Collegium Poetarum et Mathematicorum" -by Maximilian. Planned by Celtes with the active -approval of Cuspinian, the College in no way formed -a fifth Faculty, though it was directly connected with -the Faculty of Arts. Of its two divisions, the first -was devoted to the study of mathematics, physics -and astronomy, the second to that of poetry and -rhetoric. The right of the coronation of poets, which -had hitherto lain with the Emperor alone, was now -vested by Maximilian in Celtes, as director of his own -creation. The most distinguished scholars were to -receive the crown of laurel, as a mark of high distinction -and as an incentive to further efforts. But this -privilege was exercised by Celtes for the first and last -time, when in 1502 he crowned Stabius, his former -colleague at Ingolstadt, and now Professor of -Mathematics and Astronomy at Vienna. All subsequent -coronations of poets were by Maximilian himself;[<a id="chap04fn128text"></a><a href="#chap04fn128">128</a>] -and the College of Poets fell into disuse after the -death of Celtes in 1508. Even had worthy successors -to Celtes and Stabius been found, it is doubtful -whether the College would have had a permanent -existence. Its hybrid position, as an independent -institution and yet an integral part of the University, -was a source of endless bickerings and quarrels, -which can scarcely have been a recommendation to -foreign scholars. Celtes' other peculiar institution, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P103"></a>103}</span> -the "Literary Society of the Danube," which he had -originally founded at Buda, and which transplanted -itself to Vienna when he settled there, was a kind of -academy or free union of scholars for the spread of -Humanism. Its members were recruited from almost -every nation, and were only held together by the -personal influence of Celtes; on his death it shared -the same fate as the College of Poets. -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-102"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-102.jpg" alt="CONRAD CELTES." /> -<br /> -CONRAD CELTES. -</p> - -<p> -An interesting development of such Humanist unions -formed itself in the mind of Aldus Manutius, the -famous Venetian printer. He longed for the establishment -of an academy which should devote itself to the -perfecting of printing and to the spread of the Greek -language, and he entertained the further hope of -converting it into an educational institute, which should -form a point of scientific intercourse between Germany -and Italy, under the direct initiative of the Emperor. -But though he approached Maximilian on the subject, -he obtained nothing but vague promises of assistance, -whose fulfilment was thwarted by the Emperor's lack -of resources. -</p> - -<p> -Besides his general services to Humanism, Celtes -earned the gratitude of Maximilian by his attention to -historical studies. His sketch of Nuremberg contains -a valuable description of its buildings and its trades, -its climate and its inhabitants. His eager investigations -resulted in the discovery of the comedies of the -Saxon nun Hroswith, whose lax morality has been -adduced as a proof of their fictitious character, and -the works of Ligurinus, upon which he and his friends -lectured at Vienna.[<a id="chap04fn129text"></a><a href="#chap04fn129">129</a>] At the moment of his death he -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P104"></a>104}</span> -was engaged upon important work for Maximilian. -His projected history of the origin of the House of -Hapsburg still remained very much in embryo; but -his great work, <i>Germania Illustrata</i>, had assumed -very real dimensions and would, if completed, have -eclipsed even the famous <i>Nuremberg Chronicle</i>. -</p> - -<p> -The place of Celtes was filled in Maximilian's -estimation by Stabius and Cuspinian. The former, -who had been crowned poet in 1502, was appointed -Historiographer by the Emperor in 1508, and was -virtually monopolized for historical research. Even -during Maximilian's last illness Stabius was employed -to read aloud volumes of Austrian history.[<a id="chap04fn130text"></a><a href="#chap04fn130">130</a>] But his -achievements in the field of history are of trifling -value, and are not to be compared to his works on -geographical and mathematical subjects. Cuspinian is -much more worthy of consideration, especially as -his relations with Maximilian drew him in the same -direction as Peutinger. Already Rector of Vienna -University in 1500, he was incessantly employed by -the Emperor on embassies and in affairs of politics. -In the course of five years he was engaged in no -fewer than twenty-four missions to Hungary, and he -took the leading part in the negotiations of 1507 and -1515, which resulted in the double marriage between -Austria and Bohemia-Hungary, and the close union -of Maximilian with Uladislas (1515). Nothwithstanding -his political activity, he found time for medical -and historical pursuits, lectures and public addresses -on Philosophy and Rhetoric, and elaborate discussions -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P105"></a>105}</span> -with his Humanist friends. Besides editing several -of the later classical authors,[<a id="chap04fn131text"></a><a href="#chap04fn131">131</a>] he brought out the -<i>Weltchronik</i> of Bishop Otto of Freisingen, and the -same writer's <i>Warlike Deeds of Frederick Barbarossa</i>. -His own productions include an account of the -Congress of Princes at Vienna in 1515, and a sketch of -<i>The Origin, Religion and Tyranny of the Turks</i>, which -naturally roused Imperial interest. All his most -important works exhibit traces of his connexion with -Maximilian. His <i>Commentarii de Romanorum -Consulibus</i> are probably the most profound and critical; -but his history <i>De Caesaribus et Imperatoribus -Romanorum</i>,[<a id="chap04fn132text"></a><a href="#chap04fn132">132</a>] which employed him between the years 1512 -and 1522, undoubtedly possesses the most practical -interest, since it furnishes us with many valuable -details of Maximilian's life and character. His other -work, <i>Austria</i>, contains a complete history of the -country up till 1519, as well as a geographical and -topographical description of its several provinces. -Unhappily it was not published till 1553, and by that -time the maps which were to have been included had -disappeared. -</p> - -<p> -Under Maximilian's auspices, the medical faculty of -the University was improved to an equal extent with -the others, and an ordinance was issued imposing the -severest penalties, at the hands of the magistrates, on -all foreign physicians whose incompetence was -discovered. Again, the Emperor's passionate love of -music led to a distinct revival in that noble science. -A famous choirmaster of the day, Heinrich Isaak, -who had spent twelve years in the service of Lorenzo -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P106"></a>106}</span> -the Magnificent, was induced to settle at Maximilian's -Court, where his labours raised the Imperial Chapel -to a high level of musical excellence. Amongst other -really valuable compositions, his setting to the poem -attributed to Maximilian, "Innsbruck, ich muss dich -lassen," is well known at the present day. The Court -organist, Paul Hofheimer, was likewise esteemed the -glory of his profession, and was the forerunner of a -school of brilliant organists scattered throughout -Germany.[<a id="chap04fn133text"></a><a href="#chap04fn133">133</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Though Maximilian knew well how to employ the -activity of the scholar and the artist, and to stimulate -the most varied aspirations of his time, there is one -necessary limitation to our praise of his attitude. -The buoyancy of his nature was to some extent due -to a trait of vaingloriousness, which gave a rosy -colouring to his own achievements, and prevented -him from seeing himself as others saw him. Moreover, -this airy self-conceit led him to lay by material, -which should win from posterity a more comprehensive -admission of his greatness than was accorded -either by the bare facts of his political life or by the -estimate of contemporaries; and thus he naturally -emphasized the common idea of that period—that -history was a relation of the warlike and peaceful -exploits of the monarchs of the world. And yet he -often rose above his own limitations. At one time he -eagerly entertained the idea of a great Monumenten-Sammlung, -or collection of authorities for mediaeval -German history; while his encouragement of critical -inquiry atoned for the incompleteness of his own -conceptions. Still his literary productions are -crowded with passages of fulsome adulation, which, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P107"></a>107}</span> -by reason of over-statement and extravagant diction, -rarely produce the effect intended. -</p> - -<p> -Among these works two stand out prominently; yet -even their execution was entrusted to others, partly -no doubt on account of the many political demands -upon Maximilian's time, but also because he did not -himself possess sufficient patience or poetical talent. -<i>Weisskunig</i>[<a id="chap04fn134text"></a><a href="#chap04fn134">134</a>] is a prose romance, much of the material -of which was taken down from Maximilian's -dictation by his secretaries, and re-arranged and -compiled by Marx Treitzsauerwein of Innsbruck. It is -divided into three parts, of which the latter is too -obvious a mixture of "Wahrheit und Dichtung" to be -of any great value. The earlier portion describes the -life of the old White King (Frederick III.), his journey -to win his bride, his marriage and his coronation, -while the second deals with the youth and education -of the young White King, Maximilian. The description -of his endless accomplishments exhibits to the -full the Emperor's love of minute information, as -well as the happy conviction of his own excellence -in almost every art and science. His quaint -conversation with his father on the art of Government -has already been referred to (p. <a href="#P7">7</a>). Undoubtedly -the chief interest and value of the book, which was -only given to the world in 1775, lies in its -illustrations, which show Maximilian engaged in the most -varied pursuits. The charming picture of Mary and -Maximilian teaching each other Flemish and German, -the deathbed of Frederick III. with its simple pathos, -the humorous contrast of the young prince and his -instructors in cannon-founding, his serious -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P108"></a>108}</span> -deportment over his correspondence—these are but four -scenes chosen somewhat at random from a most -fascinating collection. -</p> - -<p> -<i>Teuerdank</i>, the other great prose-epic of Maximilian, -is rather a fairy tale than a history, describing, -under a highly allegorical form, the difficulties which -opposed themselves to the Burgundian marriage. A -fabulously wealthy King has an only daughter, a -miracle of virtue and beauty, who is to belong to the -most gallant and distinguished of her many suitors. -King Romreich dies before a decision has been come -to, but Princess Ehrenreich sees from his will that -only Ritter Teuerdank is worthy of her hand. She -summons him and he promptly sets forth to join her, -accompanied by his trusty comrade Erenhold. But -he is continually detained and led astray by the Evil -One, who urges him to follow his natural instincts, -and throws every kind of adventure in his way. -Moreover, the envious magnates of Ehrenreich's -Court enlist against him three captains, who endeavour -to lure him to destruction. Fürwittig represents -the vain ambition of youth, to give proof of its strength -and skill and glory, merely for its own gratification; -Unfalo, the fascination for the noble youth, which lies -in travel and adventure by sea and land; while -Neidelhard personifies the deadliest of unseen -enemies, Jealousy, that foe who leads the young -Prince into the most difficult entanglements. But the -gallant Teuerdank comes scathless through every -ordeal, thanks to his innate virtue and to the powerful -genius of Love. But even then his trial is not at an -end. At the request of Ehrenreich, and the exhortation -of a heavenly messenger, he conducts a campaign -against the infidels, who consent to become his -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P109"></a>109}</span> -vassals. At length he is free to return, covered with -glory and honour, to the Court of Ehrenreich, when -the marriage is duly celebrated. This extravagant -romance, which, with all its sentiment, is inclined to -be wooden and tedious, was actually composed by -Melchior Pfinzing, Provost of St. Sebald's, Nuremberg, -though Maximilian directed its whole tone and -substance. It also was elaborately illustrated by Beck, -Burgkmair, and others, but its woodcuts are much -inferior in interest and in execution to those of -<i>Weisskunig</i>. In 1517 the whole work was privately -printed upon parchment, but in 1535 it was -published to the world in an edition which is famous -for its sumptuous style. The <i>Ehrenpforte</i> and -<i>Triumphzug</i>, the <i>Genealogie</i> and <i>Wappenbuch</i> lend -additional force to the argument that Maximilian's -enthusiasm owed part of its vigour to motives of -self-glorification. The most important of these works -have already been referred to in connexion with the -Augsburg artists and with Dürer.[<a id="chap04fn135text"></a><a href="#chap04fn135">135</a>] But some mention -must here be made of the recently discovered <i>Gejaid -Buch</i>, which was written for Maximilian during -1499-1500, by his Master of the Game, Carl von -Spaur, and adorned with rich illuminations, dealing -with the Emperor's sport on the mountains of North -Tyrol. This book contains such minute information, -that he could at a glance "ascertain the head of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P110"></a>110}</span> -chamois and red deer in any of the 200 and odd -localities described therein," and is full of hints and -suggestions as to the posting of the sportsmen and as -to possible quarters for the night. Often when there -was no castle in the neighbourhood, the Emperor had -to content himself with a primitive log-hut high up -on the mountain-slopes. Sometimes, to avoid such -rough lodging for the night, he covered tremendous -distances on horseback, to get back to more frequented -valleys; and it was doubtless on such an occasion as -this that he found a beggar dying by the roadside, -and, dismounting, gave him his own flask to drink -from, wrapped his own mantle round him, and then -rode hotly to the next town to summon a priest.[<a id="chap04fn136text"></a><a href="#chap04fn136">136</a>] -Fatigue was well-nigh unknown to him, and he must -sometimes "have started from his headquarters in -the middle of the night, getting back only after some -thirty-six hours in the saddle.... Only those -acquainted with the very voluminous correspondence of -this keen sportsman can form any idea of the close -attention paid by him to every detail connected with -the chase.... In the thick of a bloody war in the -Netherlands we find him writing letters about a -young ibex buck some peasant women in a remote -Tyrolese valley were keeping for him, or promising in -an autograph letter a silk dress to each of certain -peasants' wives in an isolated glen, as a reward for -preventing their husbands from poaching this rare -game, or giving minute instructions where a particular -couple of hunting hounds were to be kept, and what -was to be done with their puppies."[<a id="chap04fn137text"></a><a href="#chap04fn137">137</a>] Our -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P111"></a>111}</span> -astonishment is not lessened when we learn that Maximilian -possessed as many as 1,500 hounds. This brief -digression, to which the Emperor's literary works -have inevitably tempted us, is far from inappropriate -to any description of one whose passion for the chase -led him to sign himself "sportsman and Emperor." -</p> - -<p> -Thus, in all their manifold branches, Literature, -Art and Science owe Maximilian a deep debt of -gratitude. He worthily led the great onward movement -of his day, devoting himself to its cause with -whole-hearted service. He guided and controlled it up to -the very threshold of that mighty Revolution, in which -"a solitary monk" was destined to shake the world; -and on the threshold it was but fitting that he should -leave its direction to others. His little foibles and -conceits vanish, in view of the great fact that he had -nobly performed his duty in the march of time; and it -would indeed have been a cruel mockery of fate, had -he been left to see his ideals shattered and falsified, -the world of his conception renovated and transformed, -while he himself, too old in years and too -passionate in conviction to remain leader of the van, -dropped backward amid the indistinguishable throng. -</p> - -<p> -Though Maximilian was wholly out of sympathy -with the principles which guided Luther, and would -probably have opposed him had he lived, yet it may -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P112"></a>112}</span> -be said that indirectly the Reformation owes -something to him. The earlier stages of the German -Renaissance were dominated by a strong theological -bias, and it was only gradually that the prevailing -idea was dispelled, that a student or literary man -must belong to the spiritual order. The revival of the -study of Greek and Hebrew strengthened the element -of criticism; and with criticism of theology came -criticism of history, and a desire to dispel the mists -which had gathered round the great past of Germany, -and to kindle the growing national spirit by a closer -knowledge of the glorious deeds of men's ancestors. -This patriotic movement, which no one did more to -foster and encourage than Maximilian, soon brought -the passionate upholders of Germany into collision -with foreign sentiment. The opposition to Italy and -to Rome, which was mainly due to the degradation of -the Papacy and its practice of draining German -resources for purely Italian ends, was regarded with -favour by Maximilian, though his policy was possibly -dictated by secular considerations. Wimpheling's -attack on Papal abuses in Germany, written at -Maximilian's command, is the most outspoken defiance of -Rome prior to the appearance of Luther. But while -Maximilian possessed that deep national enthusiasm -which was one of the leading inspirations of Luther's -career, he had none of the Reformer's profound -criticism and self-depreciation, and was too much a -man of action to take any deep interest in questions -of theology. -</p> - -<p> -We cannot pass to a final estimate of Maximilian's -character and policy without some mention of the -wonderful monument in the Hofkirche at Innsbruck. -The Church itself was erected in compliance with the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P113"></a>113}</span> -will of Maximilian, but owing to the loss of the -original plans, the whole work was not completed -till the year 1583. In the centre of the nave stands -a massive marble sarcophagus, which supports the -kneeling figure of Maximilian, surrounded by the four -cardinal virtues. On the sides of the sarcophagus are -twenty-four exquisite marble reliefs, representing the -principal events of the Emperor's life, all but four of -which were executed by Alexander Colins of Mechlin, -the architect of the famous Otto-Heinrichsbau in -Heidelberg Castle. Many of the reliefs are especially -interesting for the careful studies of faces; those of -Maximilian's meetings with his daughter Margaret -and with Henry VIII. contain striking portraits of -the Emperor. But the unique feature of this famous -memorial is the long line of bronze figures which -extend round the nave, the silent witnesses of the -vanished grandeur of the Holy Roman Empire. All -the great rulers of the House of Hapsburg here watch -over what should have held the mortal remains of -their gallant descendant; while the gentle Mary and -her children take their places in the silent pageant. -But amid all the throng two figures stand out -conspicuously. Maximilian had wished that the heroes -of his early dreams should share the long vigil over -his grave; and the magic power of Peter Vischer, the -great Nuremberg craftsman, has given the touch of -life and genius to the figures of Theodoric and Arthur. -Fitting indeed it was that the personality of the -champion of the Table Round should be made to rise before -us. Arthur, the great type of all that was best and -noblest in mediaeval chivalry, and Maximilian, the -last worthy representative of a worn-out order and a -subverted code of honour, are thus indissolubly linked -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P114"></a>114}</span> -together in our imaginations; and as we turn away -from the empty tomb and its spellbound watchers, -we can realize something of the glamour and romance -of the Imperial dreamer's life. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn96"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn96text">96</a>] Quoted, Geiger, <i>Renaissance und Humanismus</i>, page 345. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -[96a] The only two possible exceptions to this assertion, Joachim of -Brandenburg, who founded the University of Frankfurt-on-Oder, -and Eitelwolf von Stein, who introduced Hutten to the Court of -Mainz. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn97"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn97text">97</a>] See Geiger, p. 360. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn98"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn98text">98</a>] An educational movement was set in motion at Deventer by the -Brethren of the Common Life, headed by Gerhard Groot, and later -by Radewins. The chief of many brilliant pupils were Cardinal -Nicholas of Cusa, Rudolph Agricola, and Alexander Hegius. -Among its offshoots was the School of Schletstadt in Alsace, -whence Wimpheling came. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn99"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn99text">99</a>] <i>Defensio theologiae contra turpem libellum Philomusi</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn100"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn100text">100</a>] See letter of Wimpheling to Brant, quoted by Schmidt, <i>Histoire -Litteraire de l'Alsace</i>, i., page 31. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn101"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn101text">101</a>] Quoted, Geiger, page 364. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn102"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn102text">102</a>] See Prof. Ulmann, <i>Studie über Maximilians I Plan einer -deutschen Kirchenreform in</i> 1510—in Briegers Zeitschrift für -Kirchengeschichte, vol. iii. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn103"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn103text">103</a>] Creighton, vi., page 13. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn104"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn104text">104</a>] Janssen, i., p. 304. The English translation of Alexander -Barclay, published in 1508, is a favourite with collectors of rare -editions. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn105"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn105text">105</a>] "A prince can mak' a belted knight - A marquis, duke an' a' that;<br /> - But an honest man's aboon his might—<br /> - Guid faith, he mauna fa' that."—<i>Burns</i>.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - Compare also—<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - "Ferre lo Sole il fango tutto il giorno;<br /> - Vile riman, nè il Sol perde calore.<br /> - Dice uomo altier, 'Gentil per schiatta torno';<br /> - Lui sembro al fango, al Sol gentil valore."—<i>Guido Guinicelli</i>.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn106"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn106text">106</a>] <i>Elegiaca exhortatio contra perfldos et sacrilegos -Flamingos</i>—quoted Schmidt, i., p. 283. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn107"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn107text">107</a>] Quoted, Schmidt, i. 261. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn108"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn108text">108</a>] <i>Varia Carmina</i>.—Brant. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn109"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn109text">109</a>] One of the trade routes from Venice and the East was through -Innsbruck direct to Augsburg. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn110"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn110text">110</a>] The great houses of Fugger and Welser had connexions -throughout Europe. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn111"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn111text">111</a>] 1500, 1510, 1518. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn112"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn112text">112</a>] The following list of his visits does not profess to be -complete—1491, 1502, 1504, March 1508, -February to May and June to July -1510, March to April, and May 1513, March 1514, January 1515, -January 1516, January and July 1517, July 1518. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn113"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn113text">113</a>] See Theodor Herberger, <i>Conrad Peutinger -in seinem Verhältniss -zum Kaiser Maximilian I</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn114"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn114text">114</a>] <i>Romanae vetustatis fragmenta in Augusta -Vindelicorum et eius Diocesi</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn115"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn115text">115</a>] His chief publications were: (1) <i>Historia horarum Canonicarum -de S. Hieronymo</i> (1512). (2) <i>Jornandes, De rebus Gothorum</i> (1515). -(3) <i>Paulus Diaconus forojuliensis, de gestis Langobardorum</i> (1515). -(4) <i>Chronicon Abbatis Urspergensis a Nino Rege Assyriorum magno -usque ad Fridericum II. Rom. Imperatorem</i> (1515). (5) New edition of -Macrobius, <i>De Somno Scipionis</i>. He also wrote himself—<i>Sermones -convivales de finibus Germaniae contra Gallos</i>, and <i>Germania ex variis -scriptoribus perbrevis explicatio</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn116"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn116text">116</a>] C. Headlam, <i>Nuremberg</i>, p. 60. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn117"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn117text">117</a>] It is not, I think, pedantic nor beside the mark, to compare -the words of Pirkheimer and Zola—"Ich werde nie Verschweigenswertes -enthüllen, denn die Wahrheit, die nur zeitweise bedrückt, -aber niemals unterdrückt werden kann, wird sich selbst offenbaren" -(from <i>Der gehobelte Eck</i>); and "La vérité est en avance, et rien ne -l'arrêtera!" (open letter on Dreyfus). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn118"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn118text">118</a>] "Alle begehrenden und wirkenden Kräfte des Gemüthes -können eines jeglichen Dinges, wie nützlich und lustbar das -immer erscheinen mag, von täglicher Übung vielem und -überflüssigem Gebrauche befriedigt, erfüllet und zuletzt verdriesslich -werden, allein die Begierde viel zu wissen; die da einem Jeglichen -von Natur eingepflanzet ist, die ist gegen solche Ersättigung -gefeiert und aller Verdriesslichkeit ganz und gar nicht -unterworfen"—quoted from Dürer, in Geiger, <i>Renaissance und -Humanismus</i>, p. 384. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn119"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn119text">119</a>] Beck only did seven. (Total 137.) -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn120"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn120text">120</a>] See <i>Albert Dürer</i>, by Wm. Bell Scott, p. 67. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn121"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn121text">121</a>] Quoted, Scott's <i>Dürer</i>, p. 69. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn122"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn122text">122</a>] Headlam, <i>Story of Nuremberg</i>, p. 73. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn123"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn123text">123</a>] Maximilian also appears in Dürer's beautiful picture, "Das -Rosenkranzfest," now at Prague. The Blessed Virgin enthroned -in the centre gently lays a crown upon the head of Maximilian, -who kneels sideways, with clasped hands, to her left. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn124"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn124text">124</a>] Six more were printed by Lucas Cranach. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn125"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn125text">125</a>] See Joseph von Aschbach, <i>Geschichte der Wiener -Universitat</i>, 2 vols. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn126"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn126text">126</a>] At the instance of Innocent VIII. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn127"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn127text">127</a>] Aschbach, xi. 65. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn128"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn128text">128</a>] They were as follows: Velocianus, 1508; Joachim v. Watt -(Vadianus), 1514; Janus Hadelius, 1515; Rudolfus Agricola (the -younger), 1516. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn129"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn129text">129</a>] The former he unearthed in the monastery of St. Emmeran at -Augsburg, and edited in 1501; the latter was found in the Franconian -monastery of Ebrach, and printed in Augsburg in 1507. See -Wattenbach, <i>Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen</i>, i. 1-6. On Celtes, see -A. Horawitz, <i>Zur Geschichte des deutschen Humanismus</i>, article in -<i>Zeitschrift für deutsche Kulturgeschichte</i>, 1875. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn130"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn130text">130</a>] <i>Script. Univ. Vienn.</i> ii. 32, quoted Aschbach. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn131"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn131text">131</a>] Ovid, the hymns of Aurelius Prudentius, -a Christian poet, and -<i>Periegesis</i> by Dionysius of Alexandria. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn132"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn132text">132</a>] From Julius Caesar up to the death of Maximilian. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn133"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn133text">133</a>] Janssen, i. 256-8. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn134"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn134text">134</a>] See <i>Jahrbuch det Kunsthistorischen Sammlung -des ah. Kaiserhauses, -vol. vi.</i> containing <i>Weisskunig</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn135"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn135text">135</a>] Bibliography of Maximilian—"<i>Die Bücher die Kaeyser Max -selbst macht—Grab, Ehren, Weise Künig, Teuerdanck, Freydanck, -Triumph Wagen, Stamm Cronick, der Stamm, Artalerey; die sieben -Lust-Gezirck, Wappen-Buch, Stall-Buch, Joegerey, Valcknerey, -Kücherey, Kellnerey, Fischerey, Goertnerey, -Baumeisterey, Moralitoet, -Andacht St. Jürgen. Nec ullus eorum hactenus impressus est, -praeterquam is qui inscribitur der Theuerdanck.</i>" Quoted in -"Notice sur Max. I."; in Le Glay, <i>Correspondence</i>, vol. ii. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn136"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn136text">136</a>] Janssen, i. 592. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn137"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn137text">137</a>] See a most interesting article -in the <i>Monthly Review</i>, February -1901, "An Emperor's Sporting Chronicle," -by W. Baillie Grohman. -Perhaps even more extraordinary than these instances is the letter -to his daughter Margaret (Dec. 22, 1510). He desires her to make -three requests of Henry VIII.—first, for 2,000 archers for -Maximilian's expedition to Rome; second, for pardon for the Duke of -Suffolk; and <i>third</i>, for "deux beaux doghes femelles et ung masle," -for the Duke of Würtemberg—Le Glay, i., letter 269. Earlier in the -same year (February 1510), he expresses his delight at the eager way -in which his young grandson Charles is taking to the chase, and -adds, "otherwise one might deem him a bastard." -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap05"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P115"></a>115}</span></p> - -<h3> -V -</h3> - -<p> -The wideness of Maximilian's interests, and the -variety of spheres in which those interests led -him to take a part, enhance the difficulty of estimating -or defining his character as a whole, and each -different attitude demands discussion before any general -conclusion can be drawn. His political career, however, -despite all its intrigues and complications, is -comparatively easy to estimate; for his persistence in -controlling his own policy and his dislike of associates -and confidants throw the entire responsibility of any -given action upon the Emperor's own shoulders. His -retentive memory and tireless energy aided him in -what would otherwise have been a hopeless effort. -"He seldom or never," writes the Venetian ambassador -in 1496, "discusses with any one what he has in -hand or does, especially in important matters."[<a id="chap05fn138text"></a><a href="#chap05fn138">138</a>] He -was in the habit of dictating to his secretaries late -into the night, and often drew up important -documents with his own hands; while even during his -meals, and in the midst of his hunting expeditions, he -dictated dispatches or gave instructions to his councillors. -For his credit as a politician this monopolizing -spirit was most unfortunate. His secrecy kept his -councillors and ambassadors ever in the dark, and -rendered a firm attitude on their part almost impossible. -His over-confidence, both in his own capacity -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P116"></a>116}</span> -and in the honesty of others, received many a rude -shock, and often made him the dupe of his intellectual -inferiors. Machiavelli tells us the opinion of an -intimate friend of the Emperor, "that anyone could -cheat him without his knowing it."[<a id="chap05fn139text"></a><a href="#chap05fn139">139</a>] His condemnation -as a bungler by the Florentine statesman has -been used as an argument in Maximilian's favour; but -the only possible inference is that in affairs of state -the Emperor's morals had not suffered so complete an -eclipse as those of his rivals, while his statecraft was -based upon a neglect of sound political principles. -But even more prominent than the self-centred nature -of his policy are two fatal weaknesses in his -character, which account for most of his failures and -disappointments—his want of perseverance and his -open-handedness. The whole history of his reign is an -illustration of the inconstancy with which he flitted -from scheme to scheme, never allowing the time -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P117"></a>117}</span> -necessary for a successful issue; and the disastrous -consequences of this habit were only accentuated by -the fact that he remained a law unto himself, -self-deprived of all moderating influences. It was this -fickle and over-sanguine disposition which caused -Louis XII. to exclaim, "What this King says at night, -he does not hold to the next morning."[<a id="chap05fn140text"></a><a href="#chap05fn140">140</a>] The criticism -of Ferdinand V. is perhaps even more apposite—"If -Maximilian thinks of a thing, he also believes that it -is already done."[<a id="chap05fn141text"></a><a href="#chap05fn141">141</a>] Without duly considering the -means at his disposal, he stormed impetuously -towards an end which was obviously unattainable -under the circumstances, and, to make matters worse, -he had already lost all interest in the project before -there was even a prospect of its being crowned with -success. In other cases, his inventive intellect showed -him two or three ways towards the same goal, with -the result that he either pursued all at once, or, -confining himself to one only, soon changed his mind and -adopted a course which he regarded as safer. "And -so," writes Quirini, "he springs from one decision to -another, till time and opportunity are past ... and -thus he wins from all men a light enough reputation."[<a id="chap05fn142text"></a><a href="#chap05fn142">142</a>] -But perhaps the greatest weakness of Maximilian's -administration was faulty finance. It is true that -the resources at his disposal were wholly inadequate, -whether in the Empire or in his own dominions. Yet -his own unpractical and visionary nature prevented -him from making the best of such means as he -possessed, and drew him into quite a needless amount of -money difficulties. He had absolutely no conception -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P118"></a>118}</span> -of the meaning of economy, and, deeming it an -unkingly trait, gave with both hands to his servants and -his friends, and laid no proper check upon his household -expenses. The fact that he spent but little upon -himself, and that his personal requirements were -frugal in the extreme, while it speaks well for the -generosity of his nature, cannot affect our estimate of -his financial incapacity. Indeed, such were his -extravagance and his penury, that the Venetian ambassador -was induced to exclaim: "For a ducat he can be won -for anything."[<a id="chap05fn143text"></a><a href="#chap05fn143">143</a>] And truly, the fact that he actually -served Venice and Milan, and in later years England, -for hire, after the manner of an Italian condottiere, -justifies the severe exaggeration of this remark. His -liberal patronage of Art and Science, and the -magnificence of the Court entertainments, must have -contributed in some degree to his popularity among -contemporaries; but his ruinous method of raising -supplies in his own dominions really transferred the -burden of his endless undertakings to the shoulders -of the next generation.[<a id="chap05fn144text"></a><a href="#chap05fn144">144</a>] -</p> - -<p> -As Emperor, Maximilian has been severely censured -for subordinating the Imperial to the territorial ideal, -and for furthering Hapsburg ambitions at the expense -of Germany as a whole. But a survey of his youth -and early training at once helps to explain this -policy and proves it to have been inevitable. Such a -path had been mapped out for him by his father's -motto, A.E.I.O.U., and Frederick's own impotence -to achieve its aspirations only served to impress -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P119"></a>119}</span> -it more firmly upon the youthful Maximilian. And -indeed there is much truth in his idea, that the building -up of a strong hereditary State was the surest road -towards an imposing position in the Empire. While -the personal defects of Maximilian, which have already -been discussed, are largely responsible for the -comparative ineffectiveness of his Imperial policy, yet -the chief cause of all was inherent in the -constitution of the Empire. It can hardly be doubted -but that an Emperor far more powerful than -Maximilian ever was would have failed to -combine the many conflicting elements into a -central Government capable of strong and united -action. "Constitution, Law, order in the State were -everywhere forcing themselves out of the perverted -forms of the Middle Ages into more perfect models." But -as yet confusion and impotence held sway, and -the broad principles of reform were obscured from -Maximilian's eyes by a perplexing array of minor -questions. Feudalism had long been in decay, and -the efforts of rulers in every State were directed -towards extending their authority and bringing the -nobles and the towns into greater dependence upon -the throne. But the permanent taxation and the -standing army which made the attainment of this -end possible to the French kings, and through which -France became for a number of years the first military -power of Europe, were denied to Maximilian by the -peculiar circumstances of the Empire. Not even in -his hereditary lands, still less elsewhere, was there -any regular system of "aids" for the sovereign's -support; and Maximilian had to wage his wars, either -with militia, who were ever slow to assemble and -prompt to disband, whose discipline was not beyond -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P120"></a>120}</span> -reproach, and who were not liable to serve outside -their own territory, or with mercenaries, whose -maintenance involved an expense which the absence of -regular taxation made it difficult to meet. Apart from -the revenues of Crown lands and the deeply mortgaged -mines and tolls, he could raise no contributions -without the Diet's consent; and as a rule each Estate vied -with the others in resolutely setting aside all considerations -of patriotism and maintaining the tightest hold -upon their purse-strings. They showed no sympathy -with Maximilian's aims and interests; while the -Emperor lacked the power to enforce his wishes upon -them. Such circumstances would almost justify his -policy of retaliation by obstructing the Diet's efforts -towards reform. But in any case he can hardly be -blamed for falling back upon a strictly Austrian policy -and using his Imperial office to further Hapsburg -interests. -</p> - -<p> -Whenever the Emperor's political action is deserving -of praise, the House of Hapsburg rather than the -Empire will be found to have reaped the benefit. His -enthusiastic belief in the future greatness of his House -was the guiding star of his whole life, and encouraged -him to consolidate his dominions internally, and -thus, as he hoped, to fit them to become the central -point of a world-wide empire. Besides the -introduction of Roman law, for which he was mainly -responsible, he thoroughly reorganized the administration -of the Austrian Duchies. The revenues had -become insufficient for the execution of his princely -duties, especially in time of war; and Maximilian set -himself to introduce into the country the same -methods of Government which he employed in the -Netherlands. He replaced the old feudal survivals -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P121"></a>121}</span> -in the State by a modern officialdom, which gradually -paralyzed the opposition of the Estates, and from -which certain individuals exercised a permanent -control over the government during his own absence. -Meanwhile it was his Hapsburg and territorial -ambitions which prompted him to reassert the Imperial -authority in Italy, and which were partly responsible -for his eagerness to recover Croatia and Southern -Hungary from the hands of the Turks. Above all, it -was these ambitions that inspired him in his endless -projects of alliances and marriages—projects which -secured for his descendants the glorious inheritance -of Spain, the two Sicilies and the New World, and -the Kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary. -</p> - -<p> -Passing from his public to his private life, we may -reasonably assert that Maximilian, while far from -spotless, compares favourably with the Princes of -his time. The excesses of Charles VIII., the luxurious -vice of Louis XII., the barbaric licentiousness of -Francis I., and again the unrestrained passions of -Henry VIII., and Ferdinand V.'s frank disavowal -of morality—all these traits are happily wanting in -Maximilian's life. He seems to have loved the -gracious Mary faithfully and tenderly, and it is said -that, to the day of his death, any mention of her name -drew from him a deep sigh of remembrance. But for -her untimely death he might have resisted the fierce -temptations of his royal position. He had at least -eight natural children, of whom two only are -known to history—George, Bishop of Brixen, who -eventually became Prince Bishop of Liège, and a -daughter, who perished with her husband, the Count -of Helfenstein, in the Peasants' Revolt of 1525. It -cannot be maintained that Maximilian's second -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P122"></a>122}</span> -marriage was a love-match; yet there is reason to believe -that, though he paid little attention to the unfortunate -Bianca Maria, he at least remained faithful to her. -</p> - -<p> -Though his table was always magnificently served, -he himself was extremely temperate, both in food and -drink. Indeed, his strong detestation of drunkenness -forms a pleasant contrast to the opinions and practice -of his courtiers and even of the great princes of the -Empire. His moderation and healthy diet gave added -strength to a frame which was naturally robust and -untiring. He could endure with ease the extremes -of heat and cold, prolonged journeys and want of -sleep, and even privations in food and drink. His -strong constitution was united to a pleasing countenance, -which seldom failed to prepossess in his favour. -A prominent nose and well-defined features, together -with the lightning glances of his eye, imparted to him -a searching look, which seemed to pierce through -men and read their very souls. Withal, he was fully -endowed with that genial and gracious manner which -veils its condescension under a mingling of good -humour and perfect tactfulness. In conversation he -exercised a fascination which was not without its -effect even upon his sternest opponents; while the -whole-hearted and friendly spirit with which he threw -himself into the amusements and sports of the -common people won for him an even wider respect and -love than his passion for the chase and his intimate -relations with the Tyrolese mountaineers. He -frequently took his place in a village dance, or competed -with the peasants in their shooting matches; and he -recommended the chase to his descendants not merely -for those delights which none knew better than -himself, but also because of the opportunities which it -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P123"></a>123}</span> -offered to princes of coming into contact with their -subjects, of learning their wishes and helping them in -their difficulties. His fresh joyous nature showed -itself in a thousand little touches, but perhaps in none -more vividly than in his ardent love of music and in -the delight which he took in the presence of singing-birds -in the palace of Innsbruck. Thus whether -fraternizing with the peasants of his beloved Tyrol, -clad in a hunting suit of simple grey, or affably -conversing with the burghers and ladies of Frankfort -or Augsburg, he awoke in all hearts an involuntary -feeling of admiration. -</p> - -<p> -Before all, Maximilian was a German of the -Germans. As he was the last representative of the -dying mediaeval chivalry, and the last monarch of the -ancient German stamp, so also he was the first -German patriot-king of modern times; and herein -lies the secret of the love and admiration which his -contemporaries poured so fully upon him. The proud -and royal motto to which he gave utterance, "My -honour is German honour, and German honour mine," -graphically reminds us that he identified himself -with the joys and sorrows, the glories and the failures -of the German race. It is neglect of this fact, and -want of sympathy with German thought and ideals, -that are responsible for the indiscriminating criticisms -of several modern historians—criticisms which would -often be bestowed with greater justice upon the -constitution of the Empire than upon the Emperor -himself. And the motto has been realized in a -further sense. For the feeling of Germany, turning -from the weaknesses and failures which mar the -fullness of Maximilian's glory, has reciprocated the -loyalty which he expressed towards his people, and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P124"></a>124}</span> -has elevated the chivalrous Emperor into one of -the national heroes, worthy to rank with Hermann -and Barbarossa. For Maximilian, in no uncertain -sense, personified the dreams, the aspirations, the -strugglings of the Fatherland. The nation, chastened -and revivified by a new birth of patriotism, sought an -object on whom to fix its affections and its hopes. -It turned naturally to the Emperor, the heir of so -many splendid traditions, and it was met on his side -by the ardent devotion of a whole lifetime. In a -word, he and his people had realized—incompletely it -may be, yet in a very genuine sense—the true -relations of a monarch and his subjects, and, linked to one -another by ties of mutual sympathy, handed down the -happy tradition as an example to their remote posterity. -"Kaiser Max" (as his people fondly called him) -was not a great man, in the strictest sense of the -word; yet all lovers of large-hearted and human -characters must ever treasure his memory in their -hearts. -</p> - -<p> -And here let us take our leave of Maximilian, in -the kindly words of a contemporary— -</p> - -<p class="poem"> - Du hattest wenig ru in dysem leben,<br /> - Darumb dir Got yetz ewig freud hat geben.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="poem"> - Here upon earth small rest to thee was given,<br /> - Now God hath granted thee the joy of Heaven.<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn138"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn138text">138</a>] <i>Archivio Storico Ital.</i> vii. 2. 763, quoted Ulmann, i. 196. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn139"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn139text">139</a>] Opere iv. 174. See also dissertation by Rösemeier, <i>Machiavelli's -Erste Legation zum K. Maximilian I., mid seine drei Schriften über -Deutschland</i>. In the main, Machiavelli blames Maximilian, 1st, for -his openhandedness; and, as undecided, credulous, and all the -more dependent on others, in that he tries not to be. But he -qualifies his strictures by saying, "the Emperor is a great general; -he bears fatigue like the most hardened soldiers; he is brave in -danger and just in governing. When he grants an audience, he -is patient and gracious, and is a pattern of many princely virtues." -Vettori is not quite so severe—"none can deny," he says, "that he -(Max) is wise and circumspect, skilful and untiring in war, and -widely experienced. He possesses the confidence of the nation more -than any of his predecessors for more than a hundred years; but he -is so amiable and kind-hearted, that it makes him yielding and -credulous"—quoted Janssen, i. 595. Ludovico Ticiano is less -critical when he declares, that "on no general can the soldier rely more -implicitly, from none can he expect more boldness in the courting of -perils and more skill in meeting them; nor can the burgher wish for -any juster or milder prince, or one in whom justness and mildness -are so equally poised"—quoted Geiger, p. 346. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn140"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn140text">140</a>] See Ulmann, i. 200. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn141"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn141text">141</a>] Despatch of Cornero to Venice, 1508—quoted Huber, iii. 328. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn142"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn142text">142</a>] Albèri, <i>Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti</i>, Serie I., vi. 27. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn143"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn143text">143</a>] See Prof. E. Heyck, <i>Maximilian I.</i>, in the wellknown German -series of ideal illustrated monographs. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn144"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn144text">144</a>] For Maximilian's treatment of Finance, see Ulmann, i. 202, -836-845, and Huber, iii., ch. 6. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap06"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P125"></a>125}</span></p> - -<h3> -APPENDIX -</h3> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="t3b"> -APPENDIX I -</p> - -<p> -Though some reference to Maximilian's relations to the -question of Imperial Reform was unavoidable, a detailed -account must be sought for rather in an authoritative history -of Germany than in an essay which centres round an individual. -Hence an appendix seems the most fitting place for dealing with the -subject. -</p> - -<p> -When Maximilian was elected King of the Romans (1486), it had -long been evident that, if a new or reformed constitution was to be -secured, the initiative must be taken by the Estates. During -the years 1486-89 frequent deliberations took place, with a view to -evolving some scheme for strengthening the institutions of the -Empire. The leaders of the movement sought especially to impart -to the Imperial Diets more regular forms and greater dignity, and -to check the resistance to their decrees which was met with in the -towns. At the Diet of 1487, the towns, renouncing the policy of -obstruction and equivocation which had characterized them throughout -the century, were fully represented, and took an active part in -the business of the committee which discussed the Landfriede. In -1489 a new stage of development was reached by the Diet, when the -three Colleges of Electors, Princes and burghers separated for the -first time and conducted their deliberations apart. Their proposal to -limit the power of the Imperial Tribunal met with determined -opposition from Frederick the Third; and the Estates applied to -Maximilian, and obtained from him a promise of the reform of the -Kammergericht, or Imperial Chamber. The old Emperor's attitude -necessitated a postponement of the question; but on his death in -1493 it was revived with greater urgency than ever. The leading -spirit of the whole movement was Berthold of Henneberg, Elector -of Mainz, whose patriotism and calm impartiality won the respect -of all parties. At the great Diet of Worms, which opened at the end -of March 1495, the Estates united in pressing on Maximilian a -fulfilment of his promises, and persisted in refusing him all support -until he submitted to their demands. The struggle lasted -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P126"></a>126}</span> -throughout the summer, Maximilian throwing -every obstacle in the way of -reform, but finally, on August 7, he signed his agreement to the -demands of the Diet. The results of the Diet may be classified -under four heads: -</p> - -<p> -1st. The Landfriede was more closely organized, and was made -perpetual. No difficulty was experienced over this point, as -Maximilian had taken the lead in enforcing -the Landfriede at an earlier -date. -</p> - -<p> -2nd. The Kammergericht, or Imperial Chamber, was founded, to -act as a court of first instance for all -direct subjects of the Emperor. -Its jurisdiction was, however, limited to cases of prelates, nobles, -knights and towns among each other; in the event of complaints -against any of the princes or electors, an arbitration was first -necessary before the councillors of the accused Prince. The -Chamber consisted of a judge, nominated by the Emperor, and -sixteen other members, appointed by the Estates, half being of -knightly birth, half learned in the law. -</p> - -<p> -Its distinguishing features were: -</p> - -<p> -(<i>a</i>) That it was to sit continuously in the Empire, not following -the court, but fixed permanently at Frankfurt-on-Main. -</p> - -<p> -(<i>b</i>) That it could receive appeals from the Landgerichte. -</p> - -<p> -(<i>c</i>) That its members were to receive their salaries out of the -fees of the court, though they might be supplemented from the -Imperial revenues if these fees proved insufficient. -</p> - -<p> -(<i>d</i>) That the judge acquired the power of proclaiming the ban -of the Empire in the sovereign's name. -</p> - -<p> -3rd. A proposal was laid down for yearly meetings of the Estates, -with the object of controlling the Imperial expenditure. To this -assembly the treasurer was to deliver the money which he received -from the taxes, and it was to hold the exclusive power of deciding -the expenditure; while neither the Emperor nor his son might -declare war without its consent. -</p> - -<p> -"The constitution thus proposed was a mixture of Monarchical and -federal Government, but with an obvious preponderance of the -latter element; a political union, preserving the forms of the ancient -hierarchy of the Empire." But the defective nature of the Diet's -composition, and the virtual impossibility of securing a united -effort for any length of time, prevented the accomplishment of this -scheme. -</p> - -<p> -4th. In return for these concessions on the part of Maximilian, the -Diet instituted "The Common Penny" (Der Gemeine Pfennig). -This was an attempt at systematic taxation, according to which an -impost of half a gulden was levied on every 500 gulden, and among -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P127"></a>127}</span> -the poorer classes every twenty-four people above the age of -fifteen contributed one gulden. -</p> - -<p> -The Common Penny was imperfectly organized and soon became -merely nominal, as the needy Maximilian often found to his cost; -and though it was revived under Charles V., it soon disappeared -again after a brief and fitful existence. -</p> - -<p> -The only actions of the Diet of Lindau (1496), the next in -succession to that of Worms, were to renew the Common Penny, to -transfer the Imperial Chamber from Frankfurt to Worms, and to -impose a tax upon the Jews of the chief Imperial towns. -</p> - -<p> -Though Maximilian had at Worms evaded the demand for a -Reichs-regiment, or Council of Regency, as too serious a limitation -to his prerogative, yet at the Diet of Augsburg (1500) he was obliged -to give way even at this point. The Diet gave its sanction to a -scheme of military organization, according to which every 400 -inhabitants were to provide one foot soldier, the cavalry was to be -raised by the Princes and nobles upon a fixed scale, and a tax -was imposed on those who could not themselves take any active -share. In return for this concession, Maximilian consented to the -establishment of a Council of Regency, which, had it preserved the -powers which were at first granted to it, would have deprived the -Emperor of whatever power he still possessed. It was composed of -a President, chosen by the Emperor, one delegate from each of the -Electors, six from the Princes conjointly, two from Austria and the -Netherlands, and two from the Imperial cities. Its powers were -most comprehensive, and included the administration of justice, the -maintenance of peace, the defence of the Empire from attack, and, -most astounding of all, the control of foreign affairs. It is -conceivable that Maximilian might have submitted to the Council's -authority, had it displayed becoming -moderation. But its first act—the -conclusion of peace with France—was so directly contrary to the -whole trend of Maximilian's policy, that he was naturally driven -into active opposition to its powers. "In 1502 he fell back upon -his Imperial right of holding Courts of Justice (Hofgerichte), and -erected a standing court or Aulic Council (Hofrath), entirely under -his own control." He himself was its president, and its assessors -were arbitrarily appointed. This action led to a congress of Electors -at Gelnhausen in June 1502, at which they arranged to meet four -times a year to deliberate on public affairs, and actually announced -the first meeting for the following November, without consulting the -Emperor in any way upon the matter. Maximilian was too weak to -oppose them, and therefore proclaimed the assembly himself. But -the successful issue of the War of Landshut and the death of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P128"></a>128}</span> -Berthold of Mainz greatly strengthened Maximilian's position in the -Empire, and proportionately weakened the cause of Reform. Hence -the Council of Regency was allowed to die a natural death. -</p> - -<p> -At the Diet of Constance (1507) some progress was again made. -In return for a grant of troops and money, Maximilian re-established -the Imperial Chamber, which had held no sittings for three years, -and a small tax was instituted to pay the salaries of its officials. -The Diets of Worms (1509) and Augsburg (1510) were occupied by -complaints and abuse, which were wholly without effect. In 1512, -however, the Diet of Koln, to which city it had removed from Trier, -secured the division of the Empire into six Kreise, or Circles, for -administrative and military purposes. The Circles were to be placed -under Captains, who were all controlled by a Captain-general, and -the organization was to be entrusted to a council of eight, "who -were to act as a Privy Council under the Emperor's control." But -the jealousy of the Diet refused him the nomination of these -Captains, and of the council, -with the result that the measure fell through -for the time, and did not take effect till 1521, under Charles V. -</p> - -<p> -This was the last serious attempt at Reform during the reign -of Maximilian; for the later Diets were mere scenes of confusion and -of mutual recrimination. The failure of the reforming movement -only served to emphasize the fact that the constitution of the -Empire had become an unworkable machine, and that the Empire -itself could only be saved from weakness and disorganization by -the rise of a strong central monarchy. But this was not to be. -Such a contingency, which Maximilian's vast dreams of Austrian -world-power had seemed to foreshadow, was rendered impossible -by the great spiritual revolution, which filled all minds throughout -the reign of Charles V. Several centuries were required to permit -the growth of a strong German state out of the chaos of the -mediaeval Empire; and it was reserved for the nineteenth century -to see a native dynasty restore to Germany the long-lost blessings -of consolidation and unity. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P130"></a>130}</span></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-130-t"></a> -<a href="images/img-130.jpg"> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-130-t.jpg" alt="The Imperial House of Hapsburg" /> -</a> -<br /> -The Imperial House of Hapsburg -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap07"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P133"></a>133}</span></p> - -<h3> -INDEX -</h3> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> - The names of battles have their dates in brackets<br /> - Tr.=Treaty -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<pre class="index"> - Aachen, <a href="#P18">18</a> - Adelsberg, <a href="#P56">56</a>. - Agnadello (1509), <a href="#P59">59</a>. - Albert Achilles, <a href="#P17">17</a> - Albert IV., of Bavaria, <a href="#P31">31</a>, <a href="#P32">32</a>, <a href="#P51">51</a> - Albert VI., of Austria, <a href="#P6">6</a> - Albert, El. of Mainz, <a href="#P79">79</a> - Albert of Saxony, <a href="#P22">22</a> - Aldus Manutius, <a href="#P103">103</a> - Alexander VI., <a href="#P36">36</a> - Amboise Cardinal d', <a href="#P49">49</a>, <a href="#P57">57</a> - Anne of Brittany, <a href="#P23">23-5</a>, <a href="#P44">44</a> - Apulian Ports, <a href="#P38">38</a>, <a href="#P59">59</a> - Arras, Tr. of (1482), <a href="#P16">16</a> - <i>Ars Versificandi</i>, <a href="#P101">101</a> - Ausburg, Diet of (1500), <a href="#P48">48</a>; (1510) <a href="#P61">61</a>; (1518) <a href="#P74">74</a> - —— Humanists of, <a href="#P87">87</a> - Aulic Council, <a href="#P127">127</a> - Austria, <a href="#P6">6</a>, <a href="#P17">17</a>, <a href="#P27">27</a>, <a href="#P29">29</a>, <a href="#P98">98</a> - <i>Austria</i>, <a href="#P105">105</a> - - Balbus, Hieronymus, <a href="#P100">100</a> - Basel, Tr. of (1499), <a href="#P47">47</a> - Bavarian War of Succession, <a href="#P51">51-3</a> - Beck, Leonhard, <a href="#P91">91</a>, <a href="#P95">95</a> - Berthold, El. of Mainz, <a href="#P17">17</a>, <a href="#P19">19</a>, <a href="#P33">33</a>, <a href="#P39">39-40</a>, <a href="#P49">49</a>, <a href="#P53">53</a> - Bianca Maria Sforza, <a href="#P34">34</a>, <a href="#P35">35</a>, <a href="#P42">42</a> - Blois, Tr. of (1504), <a href="#P50">50</a> - Brant, Sebastian, <a href="#P84">84-87</a> - Brittany, <a href="#P23">23-5</a> - Bruges, <a href="#P21">21</a>, <a href="#P76">76</a>, <a href="#P86">86</a> - Brussels, Tr. of (1516), <a href="#P72">72</a> - Burgau, <a href="#P27">27</a> - Burgkmair, Hans, <a href="#P92">92</a> - Burgundy, Loss of, <a href="#P12">12</a> - Burgundian Marriage, <a href="#P10">10-13</a> - - Cajetan, Cardinal, <a href="#P75">75</a> - Cambrai, League of (1508), <a href="#P57">57</a> - Celtes, <a href="#P82">82</a>, <a href="#P100">100-4</a> - Charles, Archduke, <a href="#P54">54</a>, <a href="#P57">57</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a>, <a href="#P67">67</a>, <a href="#P68">68</a>, <a href="#P72">72</a>, <a href="#P75">75</a>, <a href="#P76">76</a> - Charles the Bold, <a href="#P10">10</a> - Charles of Egmont, <a href="#P46">46</a>, <a href="#P48">48</a>, <a href="#P57">57</a> - Charles VIII., <a href="#P22">22</a>, <a href="#P23">23</a>, <a href="#P36">36</a>, <a href="#P42">42</a>; death, <a href="#P44">44</a> - Chièvres, <a href="#P54">54</a>, <a href="#P68">68</a> - Coblenz, Diet of (1492), <a href="#P32">32</a> - Cochläus, <a href="#P92">92</a> - Colins, Alexander, <a href="#P113">113</a> - Collegium Poetarum, <a href="#P102">102</a> - Comines, <a href="#P15">15</a>, <a href="#P38">38</a> - Common Penny, <a href="#P46">46</a> - Constance, Diet of (1507), <a href="#P54">54</a> - Cunigunda, Sister of Max., <a href="#P31">31</a> - Cuspinian, <a href="#P99">99-101</a>, <a href="#P104">104</a>, <a href="#P105">105</a> - - Deventer, School of, <a href="#P81">81</a> - Dijon, <a href="#P65">65</a> - Dornach (1499), <a href="#P46">46</a> - Dournon (1493), <a href="#P25">25</a> - Dürer, Albrecht, <a href="#P94">94-7</a> - - Eberhard of Würtemberg, <a href="#P19">19</a>, <a href="#P40">40</a>, <a href="#P79">79</a> - Eck, Johann, <a href="#P93">93</a> - <i>Ehrenpforte</i>, <a href="#P94">94</a> - Eleanor of Portugal, <a href="#P6">6</a> - Engelbrecht, Bishop, <a href="#P7">7</a> - Eric of Brunswick, <a href="#P52">52</a> - Esslingen, <a href="#P19">19</a> - - Ferdinand V., <a href="#P23">23</a>, <a href="#P25">25</a>, <a href="#P37">37</a>, <a href="#P38">38</a>, <a href="#P49">49</a>, <a href="#P50">50</a>, <a href="#P53">53</a> <i>sqq.</i>, <a href="#P67">67</a>, <a href="#P117">117</a>; death, <a href="#P72">72</a> - Fornovo (1495), <a href="#P38">38</a> - Francis I., <a href="#P50">50</a>, <a href="#P68">68-9</a>, <a href="#P72">72</a> - Frankfurt, Tr. of (1489), <a href="#P22">22</a> - Frederick III., <a href="#P6">6</a>, <a href="#P11">11</a>, <a href="#P17">17</a>, <a href="#P21">21</a>, <a href="#P27">27</a> <i>sqq.</i>; death, <a href="#P33">33</a>; policy, <a href="#P9">9</a> - Frederick, El. of Saxony, <a href="#P75">75</a>, <a href="#P79">79</a> - Freydal's <i>Mummereien</i>, <a href="#P91">91</a> - Fuchsmagen, <a href="#P100">100</a> - Fugger, <a href="#P42">42</a> - Fürstenberg, C. of, <a href="#P46">46</a> - - Gaston de Foix, <a href="#P63">63</a> - <i>Gebetbuch</i>, <a href="#P97">97</a> - <i>Gejaidbuch</i>, <a href="#P109">109</a> - George the Rich, D. of Landshut, <a href="#P27">27</a>, <a href="#P51">51</a> - <i>Germania</i>, <a href="#P82">82</a> - Gian Galeazzo, II., <a href="#P34">34</a> - Görz, <a href="#P28">28</a>, <a href="#P53">53</a>, <a href="#P56">56</a> - Gossembrot, Sigismund, <a href="#P87">87</a> - Grandson (1476), <a href="#P10">10</a> - "Great Privilege" of Ghent, <a href="#P12">12</a> - Greifenklau, El. of Trier, <a href="#P75">75</a> - <i>Grievances, the Hundred</i>, <a href="#P84">84</a> - Guinegate (1478), <a href="#P9">9</a>, <a href="#P15">15</a>; (1513), <a href="#P65">65</a> - - Henry VII., <a href="#P23">23</a> - Henry VIII., <a href="#P61">61</a>, <a href="#P64">64</a> <i>sqq.</i>, <a href="#P70">70</a> - Hofheimer, Paul, <a href="#P106">106</a> - Holbein, Hans, <a href="#P90">90</a> - Holy League (1495), <a href="#P38">38</a>; (1511) <a href="#P63">63</a> - Humanists, in Strasburg, <a href="#P81">81-7</a>; in Augsburg, <a href="#P87">87-90</a>; in Nuremberg, - <a href="#P91">91-7</a>; in Vienna, <a href="#P98">98-105</a> - Hutten, Ulrich von, <a href="#P79">79</a> - - Innocent VIII., <a href="#P24">24</a> - Innsbruck, <a href="#P27">27</a>, <a href="#P71">71</a>, <a href="#P75">75</a> - —— tomb of Max. at, <a href="#P91">91</a>, <a href="#P113">113</a> - Isaak, Heinrich, <a href="#P105">105</a> - Isabella the Catholic, <a href="#P50">50</a> - Istria, <a href="#P56">56</a> - - Joanna of Spain, <a href="#P41">41</a> - Julius II., <a href="#P55">55</a>, <a href="#P58">58</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a href="#P62">62</a>, <a href="#P64">64</a> - - Köln, <a href="#P11">11</a>, <a href="#P21">21</a>; Diet of (1505), <a href="#P52">52</a> - Krachenberger, <a href="#P100">100</a> - Kufstein, <a href="#P52">52</a> - Kunz von der Rosen, <a href="#P20">20</a> - - Landshut, <a href="#P51">51</a> - Lang, Matthew, Bp. of Gurk, <a href="#P3">3</a>, <a href="#P57">57</a>, <a href="#P63">63</a> - La Trémouille, <a href="#P66">66</a> - Leo X., <a href="#P64">64</a>, <a href="#P68">68</a> - Lille, Tr. of (1513), <a href="#P66">66</a> - Lindau, Diet of (1496), <a href="#P41">41</a>, <a href="#P127">127</a> - Linz, <a href="#P33">33</a>, <a href="#P42">42</a> - Livorno, <a href="#P43">43</a> - Louis XI., intrigues of, <a href="#P12">12-16</a> - Louis XII., <a href="#P44">44</a>, <a href="#P47">47</a> <i>sqq.</i>, <a href="#P54">54</a>, <a href="#P57">57</a>, <a href="#P58">58</a>, <a href="#P61">61</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a>, <a href="#P117">117</a>; death, <a href="#P68">68</a> - Louis (II.) of Hungary, <a href="#P69">69</a> - Lower Union, <a href="#P32">32</a> - Löwlerbund, <a href="#P31">31</a> - Ludovico Sforza, <a href="#P34">34</a>, <a href="#P36">36</a>, <a href="#P38">38</a>, <a href="#P41">41</a>, <a href="#P48">48</a> - - Machiavelli, <a href="#P116">116</a> - Mantua, Congress of (1511), <a href="#P62">62</a> - Margaret of Austria, <a href="#P16">16</a>, <a href="#P24">24</a>, <a href="#P25">25</a>, <a href="#P40">40-1</a>, <a href="#P54">54</a>, <a href="#P57">57</a>, <a href="#P63">63</a>, <a href="#P64">64</a>, <a href="#P67">67</a> - Marignano (1515), <a href="#P69">69</a> - Mary of Burgundy, <a href="#P11">11</a>, <a href="#P13">13-15</a> - Mary of England, <a href="#P57">57</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a>, <a href="#P67">67-8</a> - Massimiliano Sforza, <a href="#P64">64</a> - Matthias of Hungary, <a href="#P7">7</a>, <a href="#P17">17</a>; death, <a href="#P28">28</a> - Maximilian I.,--character, <a href="#P1">1-4</a>, <a href="#P121">121-4</a>; as idealist, <a href="#P2">2</a>; - as soldier, <a href="#P73">73-4</a>; as sportsman, <a href="#P109">109-11</a>; dream of Papacy, <a href="#P62">62</a>; - administration, <a href="#P115">115-21</a>; portraits, <a href="#P97">97</a>; nicknames, <a href="#P35">35</a>, <a href="#P62">62</a>, <a href="#P71">71</a>. - —— Contemporary descriptions of, <a href="#P10">10</a>, <a href="#P11">11</a>, <a href="#P34">34</a>, <a href="#P116">116</a> and note, <a href="#P117">117</a> - —— and the German Renaissance, <a href="#P77">77-114</a> - Meisterlin, <a href="#P92">92</a> - Milan, <a href="#P37">37</a>, <a href="#P45">45</a>, <a href="#P48">48</a>, <a href="#P50">50</a>, <a href="#P57">57</a>, <a href="#P69">69</a>, <a href="#P70">70</a> - Moral (1476), <a href="#P10">10</a> - Münster, <a href="#P42">42</a> - - Nancy (1477), <a href="#P10">10</a> - Naples, Conquest of, <a href="#P50">50</a> - <i>Narrenschiff</i>, <a href="#P84">84</a> - Neustadt, <a href="#P6">6</a>, <a href="#P7">7</a>, <a href="#P76">76</a> - Novara, <a href="#P40">40</a>; (1513) <a href="#P65">65</a> - Noyon, Tr. of (1516) <a href="#P72">72</a> - Nuremberg, Chronicle, <a href="#P92">92</a>, <a href="#P104">104</a>; Diet of (1487), <a href="#P101">101</a>; Humanists of, <a href="#P91">91-7</a> - - Orléans, Tr. of (1514), <a href="#P68">68</a> - Osiander, <a href="#P92">92</a> - - Pace, Richard, <a href="#P70">70-1</a> - Padua, <a href="#P60">60</a> - Papacy, Max. aspires to, <a href="#P62">62</a> - Perger, <a href="#P99">99</a> - Perpetual Peace (1516), <a href="#P72">72</a> - Peutinger, Conrad, <a href="#P88">88-90</a> - Pfinzing, Melchior, <a href="#P109">109</a> - Philip, Archduke, <a href="#P14">14</a>, <a href="#P16">16</a>, <a href="#P21">21</a>, <a href="#P40">40</a>, <a href="#P45">45</a>, <a href="#P49">49</a>, <a href="#P53">53</a> - Pirkheimer, Wilibald, <a href="#P92">92-4</a> - Pius II. (Aeneas Sylvius), <a href="#P10">10</a>, <a href="#P77">77</a> - Prättigau, <a href="#P47">47</a> - Pressburg, Tr. of (1491), <a href="#P31">31</a> - - Quirini, <a href="#P34">34</a>, <a href="#P117">117</a> - - Ravenna (1512), <a href="#P64">64</a> - Regensburg, <a href="#P18">18</a>, <a href="#P32">32</a>; (1504) <a href="#P52">52</a> - Reichsregiment, <a href="#P48">48</a>, <a href="#P59">59</a>, <a href="#P125">125</a> - Renaissance, German, Maximilian's connexion with, <a href="#P77">77-114</a> - —— German and Italian, contrasted, <a href="#P79">79-80</a> - Rupert of Palatinate, <a href="#P51">51</a> - - Sachs, Hans, <a href="#P92">92</a> - Schwaderloch (1499), <a href="#P46">46</a> - Senlis, Peace of (1493), <a href="#P33">33</a> - Sigismund, Emperor, <a href="#P77">77</a>, <a href="#P130">130</a> - Spanish Marriages, <a href="#P40">40-1</a> - Spaur, Carl von, <a href="#P109">109</a> - Stabius, <a href="#P102">102</a>, <a href="#P104">104</a> - Strasburg, Humanists of, <a href="#P81">81-7</a> - Stuhlweissenburg, <a href="#P29">29</a> - Swabian League, <a href="#P19">19</a>, <a href="#P32">32</a>, <a href="#P51">51</a>, <a href="#P56">56</a> - Swiss, <a href="#P40">40</a>, <a href="#P41">41</a>, <a href="#P45">45</a> - Swiss War, <a href="#P45">45-7</a> - - <i>Teuerdank</i>, <a href="#P108">108</a> - Thérouenne, <a href="#P65">65</a> - Ticiano, Ludovico, <a href="#P116">116</a> - Tournai, <a href="#P65">65</a> - Trautson, <a href="#P56">56</a> - Treitzsauerwein, Marx, <a href="#P107">107</a> - Trent, <a href="#P55">55</a>, <a href="#P56">56</a> - Trier, Diet of (1512), <a href="#P64">64</a> - <i>Triumphzug</i>, <a href="#P95">95</a> - Trivulzio, <a href="#P62">62</a> - Turks, <a href="#P33">33</a>, <a href="#P35">35</a> - Tyrol, <a href="#P27">27</a>, <a href="#P43">43</a>, <a href="#P60">60</a> - - Uladislas IV., <a href="#P17">17</a>, <a href="#P29">29-31</a>, <a href="#P69">69</a> - Ulrich of Würtemberg, <a href="#P40">40</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a> - - Venice, <a href="#P37">37</a>, <a href="#P38">38</a>, <a href="#P41">41</a>, <a href="#P43">43</a>, <a href="#P47">47</a>, <a href="#P55">55-64</a>, <a href="#P68">68</a>, <a href="#P71">71-3</a> - Verona, <a href="#P58">58</a>, <a href="#P60">60</a>, <a href="#P70">70</a>, <a href="#P72">72</a> - Vicariates, the Four, <a href="#P73">73</a> - Vienna, Tr. of (1515), <a href="#P69">69</a> - —— University, <a href="#P29">29</a>, <a href="#P98">98-105</a> - - <i>Wappenbuch</i>, <a href="#P109">109</a> - <i>Weisskunig</i>, <a href="#P7">7</a>, <a href="#P107">107-8</a> - Wels, <a href="#P76">76</a> - Werdenberg, Hugo von, <a href="#P14">14</a>, <a href="#P130">130</a> - Wimpheling, Jacob, <a href="#P81">81-4</a> - Worms, <a href="#P8">8</a>; Diet of (1495), <a href="#P39">39-40</a>, <a href="#P125">125</a>; (1509) <a href="#P59">59</a> - Würtemburg, <a href="#P19">19</a>, <a href="#P40">40</a>, <a href="#P51">51</a> - - Zillerthal, <a href="#P53">53</a> -</pre> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="t4"> -Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /><br /></p> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Maximilian I, by R. W. Seton-Watson - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAXIMILIAN I *** - -***** This file should be named 51496-h.htm or 51496-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/1/4/9/51496/ - -Produced by Al Haines -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - - - -</pre> - -</body> - -</html> - diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-012.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-012.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index cfb752d..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-012.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-024.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-024.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 8ed10ad..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-024.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-034.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-034.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index e9e323d..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-034.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-042.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-042.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 460410d..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-042.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-064.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-064.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 2a3ded6..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-064.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-076.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-076.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index d0a20d3..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-076.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-084.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-084.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 418a5dc..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-084.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-088.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-088.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 9ede37f..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-088.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-092.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-092.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index ce4987c..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-092.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-094.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-094.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 44b2347..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-094.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-096.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-096.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index a023699..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-096.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-102.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-102.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 3047a8a..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-102.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-130-t.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-130-t.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 63526f7..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-130-t.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-130.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-130.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index d44b7d5..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-130.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-cover.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-cover.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 4c59c89..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-cover.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51496-h/images/img-front.jpg b/old/51496-h/images/img-front.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 51def8d..0000000 --- a/old/51496-h/images/img-front.jpg +++ /dev/null |
