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diff --git a/old/51496-8.txt b/old/51496-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index ee69d70..0000000 --- a/old/51496-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4462 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Maximilian I, by R. W. Seton-Watson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Maximilian I - Holy Roman Emperor - -Author: R. W. Seton-Watson - -Release Date: March 19, 2016 [EBook #51496] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAXIMILIAN I *** - - - - -Produced by Al Haines - - - - - - - - -[Frontispiece: MAXIMILIAN IN 1502 Painting by A. de Predis] - - - - - MAXIMILIAN I - - HOLY ROMAN EMPEROR - - (Stanhope Historical Essay 1901) - - WITH NUMEROUS - ILLUSTRATIONS - - - - R. W. SETON-WATSON - - Commoner of New College - Oxford - - - - "Mein Ehr ist deutsch Ehr und - deutsch Ehr ist mein Ehr" - - - - WESTMINSTER - ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE & CO LTD - 2 WHITEHALL GARDENS - 1902 - - - - - BUTLER & TANNER, - THE SELWOOD PRINTING WORKS, - FROME, AND LONDON. - - - - -{v} - -PREFATORY NOTE - -No apology seems necessary for illustrating such an essay as the -present, save that it is an innovation. No one now denies the value of -portraits in rendering history more vivid; and it might be argued that -an essay dealing with a personality requires illustration more, not -less, than important historical studies. - -My best thanks are due to the Keeper of the Hope Collection of Engraved -Portraits, Oxford, and his assistants, for the use of eight of the -illustrations, and for their unfailing courtesy and ready assistance in -the selection; to the well-known publishers, Messrs. Velhagen & -Klasing, of Leipzig, for the use of illustrations 6, 7 and 12; and to -Herr Löwy, of Vienna, for the two photographs of Maximilian -(frontispiece) and Bianca Maria Sforza. - -The Imperial Arms of Maximilian, which appear upon the cover, are taken -from Sir David Lindsay's Scottish Heraldic Manuscript. - -But for a prolonged illness the essay would have undergone a much more -thorough revision. - - - - -{vii} - -ILLUSTRATIONS - -1. Maximilian in 1502--Painting by A. de Predis (from a photograph by -Herr J. Löwy, of Vienna) . . . (_frontispiece_) - -2. Mary of Burgundy (from the Hope Collection, Oxford) - -3. Anne of Brittany (from the Hope Collection, Oxford) - -4. Bianca Maria Sforza--Painting by A. de Predis (from a photograph by -Herr J. Löwy, of Vienna) - -5. Ludovico Sforza, Duke of Milan (from the Hope Collection) - -5. Armour of Maximilian (by permission of Messrs. Velhagen & Klasing, -Leipzig) - -7. Maximilian in 1518--Chalk Drawing of Dürer (by permission of Messrs. -Velhagen & Klasing, Leipzig) - -8. Sebastian Brant (from the Hope Collection) - -9. Conrad Peutinger (from the Hope Collection) - -10. Wilibald Pirkheimer (from the Hope Collection) - -11. Albrecht Dürer (from the Hope Collection) - -12. Das Rosenkranzfest--Painting by Dürer, with kneeling figure of -Maximilian (by permission of Messrs. Velhagen & Klasing) - -13. Conrad Celtes (from the Hope Collection) - -14. Genealogy of the Imperial House of Hapsburg - -Index - - - - -{viii} - - "Preis dem wackern Gemsenjäger! - Ruhm in Fehden, Ruhm in Frieden, - In Gedichten Ruhm beschieden - Dir, o ritterlicher Max!" - --_Max von Schenkendorf_. - - - - -{1} - -I - -There is a peculiar difficulty in bridging over long periods of -history, and in clearing our minds of the habits and prejudices of -to-day, before we criticize characters and events which belong to -distant periods and other lands. This difficulty, in spite of the -strange charm which encourages us to surmount it, makes itself all the -more felt in a Transition Period, such as the close of the fifteenth, -and the dawn of the sixteenth century. The breath of new ideas is in -the air. - -"The old order changeth, yielding place to new," but the old dreams are -not yet banished from the imagination, and the old ideals have not yet -wholly lost their power. Change is everywhere apparent, consummation -is still a dream of the far-distant future. To those who look for a -figure typical of the age, Maximilian stands forth pre-eminent. Heir -to all the splendid traditions of the Caesars and the later glories of -the Saxon and Franconian Emperors, he filled the highest position of -Germany, not in an attitude of indifference or aloofness, but devoting -all his energies and sympathies to every movement or aspiration of his -time. His actual achievements in the hard concrete of facts are, from -a national point of view, but small; but these are more than balanced -by his activity in other and more abstract directions. It is in his -relations to the budding thought of modern life that we can feel the -real charm and fascination of {2} Maximilian's character. For his was -a nature which could never rest satisfied with the past, and aspired to -ends which only the far distant future was destined to attain. - -Maximilian cannot fairly be judged solely from an historical -standpoint; from this a judgment in the main unfavourable would be -difficult to avoid. For his task was to bridge over a necessary period -of transition--to check the perils of innovation, to employ political -expedients which could not, from their very nature, stand the shock of -later developments, and to make shift with materials and resources -which were soon to be altered or replaced. Hence his achievements, -though of very real value to his own age, have left but few traces -visible to modern eyes. The Southern temperament which he inherited -from his mother often drove him into foolhardy adventures, from which -he only extricated himself with a loss of dignity. But the -questionable results of his headlong enthusiasms are atoned for by the -noble ideals which prompted them; and the very traits which were -disastrous to his political career have earned for him his truest -claims to greatness. - -To tell the life-story of an idealist seems to be repugnant to the most -modern of historical methods. Hard dry facts must be summoned to -describe his career; an array of political exploits and the wearisome -details of fruitless legal reforms must be poured forth in profitless -and unending monotony. The soul and its impulses, human or divine, -seem no longer to be admitted to the chamber of the historian, whose -dull and regulated pulse scorns to beat faster at the tragedy of human -lives. But if there is one case in which a true account must not be -limited to {3} mere facts, it is that of Maximilian. The specious -system of accumulating details, coldly balancing them, and leaving the -reader to judge, would be utterly unfair in his case. As well attempt -to do justice to Luther, while omitting the agonies and self-reproach -of his cloister life, the deep formative influence of those silent -months upon the Wartburg, as estimate Maximilian, the dreamer and -idealist, by the necessities of his purse or the extravagance of his -vast designs! His personality and his office do not by any means -coincide. There are many features of his character which have no -connexion with the government of his lands, which the historians of his -own day overlooked, and which would still be overlooked from a strictly -political and historical point of view. But while our admiration is -aroused by his active share in the great living movements of the age, -it must be confessed that his versatility and breadth of interest have -an unfortunate counterpart in the fickleness and lack of concentration -which led him to flit from scheme to scheme, without ever allowing any -single one to attain to maturity. Such inconstancy in a sovereign is -usually negatived, or at least held in bounds, by the apparatus of -government. But in this case all centred in Maximilian himself, and -not even the influential Matthew Lang was entirely trusted in high -affairs of state. As a rule, Maximilian could not endure to have men -of masterly or original character about him, mainly owing to the -passionate conviction with which he clung to his own opinions, and -partly perhaps to a half-conscious fear of unfavourable comparisons. -We are thus driven to the conclusion that his policy is mainly his own -work, and that, though inspired by lofty patriotism and definite family -and {4} territorial ambitions, he never succeeded in combining the two -motives, and finally left the problem unsolved and insoluble. But this -conviction should only serve to remind us that his greatest -achievements lie outside the province of politics. Indeed, regarded as -a whole, his life is not so much a great historical drama, as an epic -poem of chivalry, rich in bright colours and romantic episodes, and -crowded with the swift turns and surprises of fortune. - - - - -{5} - -II - -To describe the events of Maximilian's political career with any sort -of detail would be to narrate the history of Europe during one of its -most fascinating and complicated phases. To an essay such as the -present such a scheme must be entirely alien; and for its purposes -Maximilian's life may be broadly divided into two periods. In the -first, which ends with 1490, his ambitions are directed towards the -West; and Burgundy, the Netherlands, and the French frontier claim his -whole attention. But in the midst of his designs against France, new -developments at home summon him away. The acquisition of Tyrol and the -recovery of Austria shift the centre of gravity from West to East, and -his accession to the Empire finally compels him to take up new threads -of policy, which point him to the East and the South rather than to the -West. In this later period, which is more purely political, and in -which the character of Maximilian is perhaps less marked, the main -trend of his policy is towards the re-establishment of Imperial -influence in Italy, and combinations either against the French or the -Turks. In each case he is doomed to disappointment; and the -misfortunes that arise from his continual lack of money and resources -form a story at once irritating and pathetic. - -While engaged in certain operations against the {6} County of Cilly, -1452, the Emperor Frederick III. narrowly escaped capture by the enemy. -He ascribed his safety to a dream, in which St. Maximilian[1] warned -him of his danger; and thus when his wife presented him with a son, the -infant received the name of his father's saintly patron. Maximilian -was born at Neustadt near Vienna on May 22, 1459. His mother, Eleanor -of Portugal, whose marriage to Frederick III. has been immortalized by -the brush of Pinturicchio,[2] was a princess of lively wit and -considerable talent: and many points of his character are to be traced -to the Southern temperament of Eleanor, rather than to the phlegmatic -and ineffectual nature of Frederick. His early years were times of -stress and trouble; and, while still an infant, he shared the dangers -of his parents, who were closely besieged in the citadel of Vienna by -Albert of Austria and the insurgent citizens. To such straits was the -slender garrison reduced, that the young prince is said to have -wandered through the castle vaults, tearfully begging the servants for -a piece of bread.[3] In spite of a vigorous defence, Frederick must -have yielded to superior force, but for the timely assistance of his -allies, the Bohemians, through whose influence peace was restored -between the rival brothers. The death of Albert in 1463 left Frederick -supreme in Austria and its dependencies. But his past experiences had -inspired him with a very natural prejudice against the citizens of -Vienna; and they, on their part, were never slow to reveal the dislike -and contempt in {7} which they held their Imperial master. This mutual -ill-feeling largely accounts for the ease with which Matthias effected -the conquest of Austria. Frederick, at first from choice, later from -necessity, chose Linz or Graz as his Austrian residences, and never -overcame his distrust of the Viennese. Thus it was that Maximilian's -childhood was spent at Wiener Neustadt, thirteen miles S.E. from -Vienna. His education was entrusted to Peter Engelbrecht, afterwards -Bishop of Wiener Neustadt; and we learn that up to the age of six he -found great difficulty in articulating. This may have thrown him back -somewhat; and, indeed, he himself complained in later days of his bad -education. "If Peter, my teacher, still lived," he declared, "I would -make him live near me, in order to teach him how to bring up -children."[4] But Maximilian's strictures are probably undeserved, and -may be due to the fact that his tutor restrained him from the study of -history, which he loved, and held him down to Latin and dialectics, -even enforcing them upon his unwilling pupil by rudely practical -methods. Certainly, if we may judge by the accounts furnished in -Weisskunig, which seems the most reliable of the books compiled under -Maximilian's supervision, there were but few pursuits, physical or -mental, in which the young Prince had not his share. Not merely was he -instructed in the art of war, and in the technical details of various -trades, such as carpentry and founding, but also in the prevailing -theories of statesmanship and government. These are quaintly divided -by the young White King under five heads--the all-mightiness of God, -the influence of the planets on Man's {8} destiny, the reason of Man, -excessive mildness in administration, and excessive severity in power; -and his discourse on the subject wins the complete approval of his -father and the wonder of his biographer. Everything which Maximilian -does approaches perfection; if he fishes, he catches more than other -men; he cures horses of which all the horse-doctors have despaired; he -has few equals as blacksmith or locksmith. But though all this is -clearly exaggeration, it yet affords a clue to the accomplishments to -which Maximilian was brought up, and to the manysidedness of his early -training. There is no doubt as to his proficiency as a linguist; he -could speak Latin, French, Italian and Flemish fluently, and had some -knowledge of Spanish, Walloon, and English besides.[5] His thirst for -knowledge was almost unquenchable, and increased with his -years--history, mathematics, languages, all receiving attention from -the Royal student. But his literary tastes, even in later life, never -superseded his love of manly exercises; and it was no doubt in his -early years that he first acquired that passion for the chase which -never deserted him. His marvellous adventures in pursuit of the -chamois or the bear are still remembered in the Tyrolese Alps. He -possessed the most dauntless courage, and is said to have been one of -the finest swordsmen in Europe. He had few equals at the tourney; and -one of the most romantic incidents of his life was the single combat at -Worms, when, entering the lists in the simplest of armour, he overcame -a famous French knight, and then, raising his vizor, revealed his -identity amid the deafening plaudits of the crowd. Nor were his -exploits confined to chivalrous {9} amusements: time and again he -proved his courage on the field of battle; notably at Guinegate, where -"he raged like a lion in the fight," and later, with characteristic -generosity, devoted himself to dressing the wounds of the vanquished. -Gallant, chivalrous and versatile, full of high ideals and noble -enthusiasms, he was formed by nature to be the darling of his age and -nation. - -Such general characteristics must suffice for a description of -Maximilian's early life, of which we possess but few details or facts, -until the Burgundian marriage brought him into the full blaze of the -political arena. This famous event, whose results are still to be -traced in the political conditions of Europe, was the first step of the -House of Hapsburg towards the "Weltmacht" of Charles V. - -To Frederick III. belongs the credit of this achievement. During his -long reign of fifty-three years the Imperial crown lost much of its -remaining prestige and influence; and it is undoubtedly true that -Frederick used his Imperial office for purposes of Hapsburg -aggrandisement. But he can hardly be blamed for adopting a policy to -which there was no alternative. Chosen mainly for his impotence, he -had literally no hold upon the Empire itself, beyond the largely -nominal prerogatives of his office; and he had good precedent for his -scheme of attaining to real Imperial power by building up a compact -territorial state. Something must be allowed to a prince who, with -such slight resources as Frederick III., could aspire to the proud -motto, "Alles Erdreich ist Oesterreich Unterthan,"[6] and who, after -years of disaster and disappointment, succeeded in laying the {10} -foundations of a greatness which he did not live to see. The policy of -the Hohenstauffen was no longer practicable. The power of the Emperor -had all but vanished, and the sole way of meeting the territorial -tendencies of the great princes was to develop a territorial power for -himself. The task required a man of courage and endurance, who should -paralyse the opposing forces by passive resistance; and such a man was -Frederick. That the Burgundian marriage was no mere lucky accident, -but the fruit of a long and deliberate policy, is abundantly shown by -the negotiations which preceded the event. A life-long struggle -against inadequate means effectually soured the character of the old -monarch, but it had not been wholly in vain; and the marked contrast -between father and son may perhaps account for the unfavourable light -in which Frederick has been viewed by posterity. - -The first suggestion of a marriage between Maximilian and Mary of -Burgundy occurs in a letter of Pius II. to Philip the Good in 1463.[7] -The Pope doubtless hoped that an alliance of Austria and Burgundy would -further his great scheme of a crusade against the Turks; but even hints -of a kingly title failed to rouse the old Duke's interest in the -proposal, and it seems to have been allowed to drop. In 1468 an envoy -appeared at the Burgundian Court, with full powers to treat as to the -marriage, and the election of Charles the Bold as King of the Romans. -But the latter's soaring ambitions were a hindrance to the marriage; -and when the long negotiations for the revival of the old Burgundian -kingdom came to nothing in 1474, Frederick's object {11} seemed as far -from fulfilment as ever. Throughout Charles's reign there was a -continual danger of the prize falling to some more favoured suitor. It -was only when the Burgundian arms first met with disaster at the hands -of the Swiss, that Charles's day dreams began to be dispelled, and he -gave serious thought to the future of his only child. A month after -the defeat of Grandson, an Imperial embassy waited upon the Duke; and -on May 6, 1476, the betrothal of Maximilian and Mary was formally -announced. In its immediate results, the alliance was disastrous to -Charles; for his desertion by the Prince of Taranto, one of Mary's -disappointed suitors, the day before the battle of Morat, was one of -the causes of his second defeat by the Swiss. Charles now became -anxious to hasten on the marriage, and sent an envoy to obtain his -daughter's consent. On November 4, he wrote to Frederick begging him -and Maximilian to come with all speed to Koln for the ceremony;[8] and -soon after, Maximilian received a letter from his bride, thanking him -for the letter and ring which he had sent her, and declaring her -agreement with her father. But now, as ever, Frederick was tied down -by want of money, and the final catastrophe, when Charles the Bold -perished on the field of Nancy (January 6, 1477), found the bridegroom -quite unprepared for his new and arduous task. At a time when so much -depended on prompt action,[9] the Emperor contented himself with -sending despatches to the officials and stadtholders of the Low -Countries, urging them to obey none but Mary {12} and Maximilian as her -betrothed husband, and promising to come in person at the earliest -possible date. Meanwhile, Mary's position was pitiable in the extreme. -The ungallant citizens of Ghent took prompt advantage of her weakness -by extorting from her "The Great Privilege": the chief cities refused -to pay taxes; and French agents everywhere incited the burghers to -rebellion. Louis XI. did not imitate his cousin of Austria, and lost -no time in profiting by Mary's helpless condition. In the course of a -few weeks, Picardy, Franche Comté, and the Duchy of Burgundy were -annexed to the French Crown. King Louis demanded, almost at the -sword's point, the hand of Mary for the infant Dauphin; and his -ungenerous betrayal of her secret overtures exposed her to an -unpardonable affront at the hands of her disloyal subjects. Despite -her tears and entreaties, and before her very eyes, her two most -trusted counsellors were executed by the citizens of Ghent; and the -young Duchess found herself friendless and alone, at the mercy of the -treacherous Louis and her own rebellious people. In her distress she -turned naturally to her knight and protector, Maximilian, whose -admirers pictured to her a new Lohengrin destined at the last moment to -restore the desperate fortunes of Elsa of Brabant. The romance of this -journey to succour his Princess in distress is somewhat marred by the -long delay which preceded it. It can only be explained by the money -difficulties of his father, and the intrigues of Matthias of Hungary, -which brought him to the verge of war with Frederick. Notwithstanding -Mary's pressing entreaties[10] for his coming, it was only on May 21 -that Maximilian left {13} Vienna, and he did not actually reach Ghent -till August 18. But though this delay was of great advantage to Louis -XI., it may be doubted whether Maximilian could have effected much, -even had he arrived on the scene at an earlier date. The Ghentois were -probably hostile to him,[11] or sank their opposition mainly because of -the distance of his own dominions. It was the growing fear of French -predominance which won adherents to his cause, and he found many -supporters among the Flemish nobles, and the party of the Hoeks. The -old Netherland chronicler gives us a favourable sketch of Maximilian, -when he says: "Though still a youth, he displayed the true qualities of -a man and a prince. He was magnanimous, brave and liberal, born for -the good of the race. His fame was increased by a countenance of right -royal dignity, the splendour of his father's majesty, the antiquity of -his lineage, and the amplitude of his inheritance."[12] The day after -his arrival in Ghent, the marriage was celebrated by the Legate with -great pomp and rejoicings. - - "I beheld the pageants splendid, that adorned those days of old; - Stately dames, like queens attended, knights who bore the fleece - of gold; - Lombard and Venetian merchants with deep-laden argosies; - Ministers from twenty nations; more than royal pomp and ease. - I beheld proud Maximilian, kneeling humbly on the ground; - I beheld the gentle Mary, hunting with her hawk and hound." - - -[Illustration: MARY OF BURGUNDY] - -The young Prince seems at first to have carried all before him; and as -we read the words of an eye-witness of the proceedings, our charmed -fancy pictures {14} for us one of the deathless paladins of Charles the -Great. "Mounted on a large chestnut horse, clad in silver armour, his -head uncovered, his flowing locks bound with a circlet of pearls and -precious stones, Maximilian looks so glorious in his youth, so strong -in his manliness, that I know not which to admire most--the beauty of -his youth, the bravery of his manhood, or the promise of his future. -Man muss ihn gern haben, den glänzenden Mann."[13] From the very first -the marriage seems to have been one of great happiness; and the birth -of Philip (June 1478) set a crown to their affection. Maximilian -himself gives a happy description of his wife in a confidential letter -to Sigismund Prüschenk: "I have a lovely good virtuous wife ... She is -small of body, much smaller than 'die Rosina,'[14] and snow-white. -Brown hair, a small nose, a small head and features, brown and grey -eyes mixed, clear and beautiful. Her mouth is somewhat high, but pure -and red."[15] Mary was a fine horsewoman, and excelled at most forms -of sport; and this formed an additional link between them. "My wife is -thoroughly at home with falcons and hounds; she has a greyhound of -great pace."[16] In all affairs of Government Mary yielded to her -husband, and they remained in complete accord till the day of her -death. On Maximilian devolved the task of repelling the French {15} -attacks, and we find him complaining of the stress of business which -filled every moment of the day.[17] Infusing his own vigour into his -new subjects, and substantially aided by the Imperial Diet, he was ere -long enabled to take the offensive; and on August 7, 1478, gained a -complete victory over the French at Guinegate. The personal prowess -which Maximilian displayed, while it helps to explain the estimation in -which he was held, inevitably suggests that he was more brilliant as a -soldier than as a commander. For so decisive a success, the results -were remarkably small. Maximilian's sanguine nature induced him to -reject Louis' overtures for peace, and though the tide of invasion had -been rolled back, the most favourable time for a satisfactory -settlement was allowed to pass. But while Maximilian eagerly awaited -the death of the French King,[18] he was himself plunged into mourning -and disaster by the sudden death of Mary (March 27, 1482). Filled with -the liveliest grief at his unexpected bereavement,[19] he found that at -the same time he had lost control of the source of his authority; and -though recognized by Brabant and Holland, he met with nothing but -opposition from the refractory Flemings. Louis XI. could not repress -his delight at the welcome news, and confided to the sagacious Comines -his hopes of Maximilian's discomfiture.[20] Nor was he mistaken in his -forecast of {16} events. Without even consulting Maximilian, the -Flemings ratified the Treaty of Arras with Louis XI. By it the -guardianship of Philip was entrusted to the Estates of Flanders; and -the infant Margaret was to be educated at the French Court as the bride -of the Dauphin Charles. Artois and Franche Comté, over which the -Flemings had not the slightest legal control, were calmly ceded as her -immediate dowry.[21] To this humiliating treaty Maximilian had -perforce to give his assent, and it was not till 1485[22] that the -Flemings recognized him as the guardian of his son. Even then his -authority was hedged in by various conditions; and the young Duke might -not be removed from the country. Maximilian continued to reside in the -Netherlands; but the favour which he bestowed on his own countrymen, as -well as his influence in Brabant and Holland, soon rekindled the -jealousy of the Flemings, who accused him of prolonging the war against -France for his own private ends. He could not leave the Low Countries -without ruining his position and prospects, and abandoning his children -to the mercy of the Ghent citizens; French agents were ready to make -the most of even a temporary absence; and he was powerless to assist -his father in his unequal struggle with Matthias. But even want of -{17} money or resources does not excuse the indifference with which he -treated the news of Frederick's misfortunes. The old Emperor was -driven from his capital, the whole of Lower Austria fell into the hands -of Matthias, and it was only the remonstrances of Venice which assured -to Frederick his Adriatic provinces. There was an evident coolness at -this period between father and son, and this was not removed by -Maximilian's dealings with the Electors, in the hope of securing his -election as King of the Romans. - -Frederick had been chosen Emperor mainly for his insignificance, but it -was felt that he had played the part of a nonentity only too well. -There was a growing inclination to turn from Frederick to Maximilian, -and to shift the duties of the Empire's struggle with Matthias of -Hungary on to the Burgundian possessions of the Hapsburg House. -Various causes combined to secure Maximilian's election: but none of -the credit can be assigned to Frederick III., who only consented to -entertain the idea, when he had become a fugitive from his dominions, -and when Maximilian had promised not to make inroads upon his Imperial -power. Frederick's manifest dislike of the scheme was a recommendation -with most of the Electors. Maximilian was welcomed by Albert Achilles -and the old Imperial party, who wished a strong ruler at the head of -the Empire; and his favourable attitude towards Reform won favour with -the party of Berthold of Henneberg, the great Elector of Mainz. The -opposition of France and Hungary was met by the secrecy of the -Electors; and their choice was announced almost before the suspicions -of Uladislas had been aroused (February 16, 1486). Frederick {18} is -said to have wept feebly at the news, but elsewhere the announcement -gave rise to the most sanguine anticipations; and the gorgeous -ceremonial of his coronation at Aachen made a sensible impression upon -the popular mind. The proclamation of a ten years' Landfriede -throughout the Empire, which was the new King's first act, was perhaps -better calculated to please the Reforming party than the rank of the -knights, whose brightest ornament Maximilian was held to be; yet it -seemed to augur well for a new era of peace and order. - -In 1488[23] a new instrument was devised for the enforcement of the -Landfriede. The private feuds, so frequent and so ruinous in mediaeval -times, were now falling into disuse, but only because the general -unrest took larger forms. Leagues and Unions superseded the looser -ties of warlike neighbours, and whole districts became involved in the -settlement of some contemptible quarrel. The Swiss Confederacy was in -reality a development of this system of Leagues, its primary object -being protection against the House of Hapsburg. Every access of -strength on the part of the Swiss, and especially the prestige which -their triumph over Charles the Bold had won them, tended to weaken the -Hapsburg influence in Swabia, the cradle of their race, and their -mainstay in the Empire. Thus, when in 1486 the Bavarian Dukes directly -infringed the Landfriede by their seizure of Regensburg,[24] the moment -seemed favourable for some fresh organization, which should preserve -the peace of the Empire and at the same time restore the {19} waning -Hapsburg power in Swabia. In July 1487 an invitation was issued in the -name of Frederick and Maximilian to all the nobles, knights, prelates -and cities of Swabia, to a meeting at Esslingen. This step resulted in -the formation of the famous Swabian League. Though really a -development of the League of St. George's Shield, whose captain, Count -Hugo von Werdenberg, was the chief originator of the scheme, it -differed from it by extending its membership from the ranks of the -nobles of all orders and classes of the Empire. A confederate Council -and Court of Justice were instituted, and expenses were allotted for -the raising of an army of 12,000 foot and 1,200 horse. A decisive -influence was preserved to the Emperor, and the League was further -strengthened by the adhesion of such princes as Sigismund of Tyrol, -Eberhard of Würtemberg, and the Electors of Mainz and Trier. The -Swabian League remained for many years a leading factor in German -affairs. Though it widened the gulf between the Swiss and the members -of the Empire (and thus no doubt was partly responsible for the Swiss -war of ten years later), it also checked the gradual drifting of single -towns from the Imperial to the Swiss system. And still more, it gave -the Hapsburgs a strong weapon of defence against the House of -Wittelsbach, whose aggressive policy might, without it, have proved -entirely successful. - -Meanwhile, so far from Maximilian realizing the hopes of the Electors -by bringing the forces of the Netherlands to the aid of the Empire, it -was not very long ere Imperial troops were needed to rescue him from -the hands of his turbulent subjects. He was rapidly becoming unpopular -among the Netherlands, {20} whose constitutional traditions were -vitally opposed to his dynastic plans; and the French Government, -strong in Flemish sympathy, renewed the war with greater vigour and -success. Maximilian's first organized body of landsknechts was -completely defeated at Bethune, and afterwards roughly handled by their -nominal allies. The final outbreak was largely due to a commercial -treaty between Maximilian and Henry VII., which closed the Flemish -harbours to English products. As a result, a lively commercial -intercourse in English cloth sprang up in the coast towns of Brabant, -and the economic rivals of Flanders reaped a rich harvest. The French -Government fanned the flame of Flemish disaffection. It declared -Maximilian to have forfeited the French fief of Flanders, and formally -absolved this country from all allegiance to him. His refusal to -account for the expenditure of the public money was an additional -grievance; and when a rash visit to Bruges, with but a slender escort -of troops, placed him in their power, the burghers used their advantage -to the full. The morning after his entry a sudden insurrection took -place (February 10, 1488). The whole town was soon up in arms, the -gates were seized, and the Ducal palace was stormed by an excited mob. -Maximilian himself was removed to the Kranenburg, and closely guarded; -his councillors were racked in the public square, some of his chief -adherents were beheaded, and the citizens of Ghent and Bruges united in -depriving him of the Regency, and forming a new government wholly -subservient to France. For three months he remained in this perilous -condition, in continual fear of death or betrayal to Charles VIII. -Kunz von der Rosen, his {21} faithful jester, who shared his captivity, -begged Maximilian to exchange clothes with him and thus escape from the -city in disguise; but the latter refused to expose him to almost -certain death at the hands of the infuriated mob. Maximilian's letter -to his father and the Electors shows the imminent danger in which he -lay. "They will give me poison to eat, and so kill me ... they are -taking all my people from me; this is my last letter for good and all -... I beseech you, in the name of God and Justice, for counsel and -aid."[24a] For once Frederick's sluggish nature was fully roused, and, -relinquishing all other objects, he moved heaven and earth to obtain -his son's release. Over 20,000 men answered to the Imperial summons to -Koln, and by the middle of May this army was advancing on Liège. The -news of its approach brought the rebels to reason, and led them to -hasten on negotiations with Maximilian. Without awaiting the -liberating army, he gave his consent to the most humiliating terms, and -solemnly pledged himself not to repudiate the agreement. By it he was -to win the consent of the Emperor and Electors, and to withdraw all -foreign troops from the Netherlands within eight days. He renounced, -for Flanders, the guardianship of Philip, and acceded to the formation -of a Council of Regency and to a peace with France (May 16). On the -strength of these promises he was liberated, and joined his father's -army at Liège. Frederick and the Princes refused to recognize any such -agreement; it was declared invalid and contrary to his coronation oath, -on the ground that the Flemings were subjects {22} of the Empire;[25] -and Maximilian, weakly yielding to their pressure, contented himself -with returning the 55,000 groschen which had been granted him to lessen -the bitterness of the pill. The march was resumed, and Ghent was -closely invested. But as usual the old Emperor effected little or -nothing, the town made a vigorous defence, and Maximilian was glad to -avail himself of events in Germany, which claimed his attention. It is -useless to attempt to justify his repudiation of his oath, for he had -carefully precluded himself from all lawful methods of evasion. It -leaves a deep stain upon his honour, and the most that can be said for -him is that it is the one indefensible action of his life. - -After an absence of twelve years[26] Maximilian returned to the Empire -in December 1488, leaving Duke Albert of Saxony as his representative -in the Netherlands. The latter showed his zeal by his promise "so to -serve his master that men should write of it for 1,000 years," and -displayed great ability both as a commander and an organizer. The -cause of peace was furthered by the Treaty of Frankfort (July 7, 1489), -in accordance with which Charles VIII. was to use his influence with -the Flemings, and an interview was to be arranged between him and -Maximilian for the settlement of the Burgundian question. As a result -of this treaty, Flanders again recognized Maximilian as lawful Regent -and guardian of his son, and granted him the sum of 300,000 gold -thalers in token of their submission. - -The readiness with which Charles VIII. concluded {23} peace was due to -the recent turn of affairs in Brittany, to which country his rivalry -with Maximilian was now transferred. During the aggressive war waged -by France in the Netherlands the King of the Romans had found a natural -ally in the Duke of Brittany, who dreaded the expansive policy of the -French King. The death of Francis II. (September, 1488) left the -Breton throne to his young daughter Anne; and Ferdinand V. and Henry -VII. united to protect her against her dangerous neighbour. But this -protection was on the whole rather sympathetic than practical; and the -insecurity of her position led the young Duchess to search the -political horizon for some efficient defender. She turned to -Maximilian as the sovereign most interested in resistance to France and -most likely to afford her practical aid. It seemed as though the -romantic episode of his first marriage was to be re-enacted in a new -quarter. On March 20, 1490, Anne and Maximilian were betrothed, and -towards the end of the year the marriage was formally celebrated by -proxy.[27] Anne openly assumed the title of Queen of the Romans, and -Maximilian's diplomacy was for the time triumphant. But the -acquisition of Brittany was a matter of supreme importance to the -French Crown; and Charles VIII. strained every nerve to secure the -discomfiture of his rival. Brittany was overrun by French troops, -Nantes surrendered after a feeble resistance, and Anne found herself -closely besieged in Rennes, with little prospect of timely relief, and -with a strong French faction within the walls. Maximilian's hands were -tied down by the necessities {24} of the Hungarian war, and, confident -in the validity of his union with Anne, and relying on the promised aid -of Henry VII., he stirred not a muscle in her defence. At last Anne -found herself forced to come to terms. Brittany was to remain in the -hands of the French, and free passage was granted to her through French -territory, on her way to join Maximilian. But her feeling as a -Princess overcame her feeling as a woman. She was naturally reluctant -to leave her ancestral dominions in hostile hands for the sake of a man -whom she had never seen and who was her senior by seventeen years; and -her offended pride at Maximilian's inexcusable absence at her time of -need led her footsteps to Chateau Langeais rather than to the German -frontier. The cunning Charles had all prepared, and was able to -produce the double dispensation of Innocent VIII.[28] On December 6, -1491, the marriage of Charles VIII. and Anne of Brittany was duly -solemnized at Langeais, and Brittany was finally incorporated with -France. - -[Illustration: ANNE OF BRITTANY] - -Maximilian, mainly owing to his dilatory conduct, thus found himself -exposed to the most unpardonable of insults at the hands of a mere -stripling. Not merely had Charles VIII. deprived him of his lawful -wife and her inheritance, but in so doing he repudiated Maximilian's -daughter Margaret, who, since 1482, had been educated at the Court of -Charles as the future Queen of France. To aggravate matters, Charles -{25} showed no inclination to restore Margaret's magnificent dowry, -which consisted of Artois, Picardy and Franche Comté. Nothing could -exceed Maximilian's indignation, and, full of threats of vengeance, he -entered into an offensive alliance against France with the Kings of -England and Spain. - -But the acquisition of Brittany had set a seal to the internal -consolidation of France, and Charles, having deprived his enemies of an -excellent base for hostile operations, was now free to indulge in his -golden dreams of foreign conquest. No concession was thought too great -to secure the neutrality of his neighbours. Henry VII. was bought off -by hard cash and by the promise of a yearly pension; Ferdinand was -appeased by the cession of the coveted provinces of Roussillon and -Cerdagne. Maximilian, whose troops were meeting with some success in -Franche Comté,[29] saw himself deserted by his allies, and consented to -pocket his outraged dignity in return for the substantial concessions -of the Peace of Senlis (May 23, 1493). His daughter Margaret was -restored, and the French evacuated Franche Comté, Artois and Nevers, in -favour of the young Archduke Philip. - - - -[1] Saints Bonosus and Maximilian, martyrs A.D. 360 (day, August 21). - -[2] Library, Siena Cathedral. - -[3] Janssen, _Gesch. des deutschen Volkes_, i. page 593. - -[4] Quoted by Le Glay, _Correspondance de Maximilian et de Marguerite_, -vol. ii. page 345. - -[5] Janssen, i. 593. - -[6] Austriae Est Imperare Orb; Universo. - -[7] _See_ Rausch, _Die Burgundische Heirat Maximilians I_. - -[8] Chmel, _Mon. Hapsb._ I. i. 33, p. 136 (quoted Rausch). - -[9] On January 24, Maximilian had not yet heard of Charles' death. -Lichnowsky Reg. vii. 2004 (quoted Rausch). - -[10] Letter dated March 26. - -[11] They freed Duke Adolf of Gueldres, in hope of forcing him on Mary. -_See_ Rausch. - -[12] Pontus Heuterus, _Rerum Belgie_, lib. ii. 69. - -[13] Letter of Wilhelm v. Hoverde, August 23, 1477, quoted Janssen, i. -592. - -[14] A former sweetheart of Maximilian, from whom he seems to have had -a most tearful parting.--V. von Kraus, _Maximilians I. vertraulicker -Briefwechsel init Sigmund Prüschenk_, p. 30. - -[15] Maximilian to S. P. (December 8, 1477).--v. Kraus, p. 27. - -[16] "Mein gemahl ist ein gantze waidtmännin mit valckhen und hundten. -Sie hat ein weis windtspil daz laufft vast bald."--_Ibid._ - -[17] "Ich bin aber der armist Mensch daz ich nicht essen schlaffn -spatziren stechen (tilt) mag von ubrigen geschefften." - -[18] For whom he seems to have had a profound hatred--"Kein grosser -verzagter Bösswicht ist in aller Welt nit als er ist."--v. Kraus, p. 27. - -[19] "Per omnem exinde vitam, cum de ea M. mentionem inferret, aut -fieri audiret, a lachrymis aut suspirio abstinere non poterat." - -[20] Comines: "Le dit seigneur me compta ces nouvelles, et en eust -grande joye; et aussi que les deux enfans estoyent demourés en la -gardes des Gandois, lesquels il cognoissoit enclins à noise et division -contre ceste maison de Bourgonge et lui sembloit avoir trouvé l'heure, -pour ce que le duc d'Austriche estoit jeune, et pour ce qu'il avoit -encores père, et guerre partout, et estoit estranger, et mal -accompaigné." - -[21] Auxerrois, Maconnais and Charolais were added by "nos seigneurs de -Grand" (as Louis XI. called them), who wished to conduct the affair -majestically. - -[22] When Maximilian had defeated the forces of the rebels. - -[23] The decree founding the League was dated March 10, 1488, but it -was actually formed in the previous year. - -[24] A free Imperial city. - -[24a] _Vertr. Briefwechsel_, p. 68. - -[25] As a matter of fact, Flanders was a fief of the French Crown. - -[26] If we except his coronation. - -[27] Maximilian was represented by Wilhelm v. Polheim, his confidential -agent in Brittany. - -[28] To be more exact, the Pope had _promised_ the dispensation: it was -not actually published till December 16, 1491. - -Anne's matrimonial experiences form one of the most disgraceful -incidents in all history. The shameless manner in which the Papacy -issued this dispensation is only surpassed by the later bull which -released Louis XII. from his virtuous though childless wife Jeanne, -that he might marry Anne of Brittany. - -[29] Battle of Dournon, January 23, 1493, in which 4-5,000 French horse -were defeated by Kappeller and his Germans, inferior in number, but -possessed of cannon. They held a hollow way and withstood the repeated -charges of the French cavalry.--Ulmann, _Kaiser Maximilian I._, i. 169. - - - - -{26} - -III - - Das liebe heil'ge Röm'sche Reich, - Wie hält's nur noch zusammen?--Faust. - - -With the Breton incident we reach the close of Maximilian's Western -career, and are free to examine the events which engaged his attention -while Charles VIII. was robbing him of his bride. The exigencies of -Hapsburg policy and of his imperial office now draw him into all the -various currents of European diplomacy, and it is hardly to be wondered -at, if his personality is sometimes lost sight of in an attempt to -connect the intricate threads of contemporary politics. Maximilian the -man and the chevalier must be our subject, rather than Maximilian the -politician. The kaleidoscope of political combinations must be left to -a Sismondi or a Creighton. For it is from the description of his -earlier years and of his later relations to Humanism and Art that we -gain the truest insight into the charm and fascination of his -character--the romantic incidents which made the nation mourn him as -the Last of the Knights, and the versatility which dazzled the eyes of -so many brilliant contemporaries. - -On his return to the Empire, Maximilian found that his presence was -urgently needed in Tyrol, where Duke Sigismund, after a long reign of -folly and mismanagement, could hardly restrain the general discontent -in his dominions from open expression. The incapable old Duke had in -later life fallen {27} completely under the power of his mistresses, -who played upon his superstitions by incantations and witch-processes, -and who squandered the revenues on their own worthless ends.[30] His -life-long hatred of Frederick III., which even the cession of -Vorder-Austria (1463) could not remove, filled him with the idea that -his cousins wished to deprive him during his lifetime, and inclined him -towards the Bavarian Court, which eagerly furthered the -misunderstanding. The sale of Burgau (1486) to Duke George the Rich -called attention to the possibility of Sigismund leaving his -possessions outside the Hapsburg family. Bavaria was again responsible -for Sigismund's war with Venice; and when defeat came and money failed, -the Duke was obliged to sell all the Vorder-Austria lands to Dukes -Albert and George on terms which made recovery doubtful. The Austrian -party in Tyrol now insisted upon the summons of a Diet, and the Estates -subjected Sigismund to an "Ordnung," by which, in return for the -payment of his debts, he was restricted to a limited expenditure every -year. In the event of his violation of this Ordnung, the Estates were -at liberty to choose another Prince from the House of Austria. The -Dukes of Bavaria had been brought to reason by the formation of the -Swabian League, and raised no serious opposition to this blighting of -their hopes. As was to be expected, six months had not elapsed ere -Sigismund had broken through the Ordnung; while Albert of Bavaria put -in a demand for 100,000 florins, in recompense for the sinking of his -claims. This development brought the old Emperor to Innsbruck, whither -he was {28} followed in April 1489 by Maximilian. The latter, who -entertained more friendly feelings than his father towards Bavaria, -maintained a mediatory position. At last, on March 16, 1490, the -long-desired step was taken. Sigismund made a formal renunciation of -Tyrol, and all his other dominions in favour of Maximilian, contenting -himself with a fixed income and free rights of hunting and fishing. -Almost at the same time Maximilian was recognized heir by Count Bernard -of Görz. - -But by that irony of fate which pursued him throughout life, Maximilian -was never permitted to finish any one thing thoroughly. Time and again -we see him ruined by an excess of alternatives, and by his inability to -devote himself exclusively to one out of many objects. - -Less than a month after Sigismund's abdication, the death of Matthias -Corvinus diverted Maximilian's attention to those ancestral dominions -from which his father had been so ignominiously expelled, and justified -him in the hope of restoring the old Hapsburg influence over Hungary. -Frederick's claim to the latter kingdom was based on the agreement of -1463, ratified by Matthias and the leading Magyar nobles, by which -Frederick or his son was to succeed, if Matthias should die childless. -Though this condition was now fulfilled, the Hungarians were by no -means disposed to act upon it; and Uladislas, King of Bohemia, was a -dangerous rival to the Hapsburgs, both by reason of the nearness of his -dominions and the strength of his hereditary claims.[31] Several -causes {29} combined to handicap Maximilian. His father, with his -usual jealousy, refused to waive his rights in favour of Maximilian, -who alone was capable of carrying the enterprise to a successful issue. -Want of money, his curse throughout life, told heavily against him; nor -was any assistance to be obtained from the German Princes without -concessions on the Emperor's part, and these Frederick stubbornly -declined to make. Finally, Austria claimed first attention, and till -it had been recovered, Uladislas was left unassailed in Hungary. - -Whatever might be the feeling in the latter country, there was no doubt -as to the popularity of Maximilian's cause in Austria. Great -enthusiasm prevailed, and his advance was as rapid and bloodless as it -was triumphant. Vienna University declared unanimously in his favour, -and, by the end of June, 12,000 men had enlisted in his service. In -July Maximilian entered Graz, and on August 19, made his triumphal -entry into Vienna, which had been hastily abandoned by the Hungarian -forces.[32] The oath of allegiance was taken to Maximilian only: the -citizens remembered Frederick too well to entrust themselves a second -time to his mismanagement. Meanwhile Uladislas had been proclaimed -King of Hungary on July 15, 1490,[33] and in September was crowned at -Stuhlweissenburg. Maximilian on this occasion displayed great -activity, and, aided by a liberal grant of money from the Tyrolese -Estates, invaded Hungary at the head of an army of about 17,000 men. -Crossing the Raab late in October, he met with but slight opposition; -Uladislas was unprepared, and by nature averse to energetic measures; -and the invader was joined by a number {30} of Hungarian magnates. But -this phenomenal success was fatal to the invaders; and by the time that -it reached Stuhlweissenburg, the army was virtually out of hand. In -spite of a firm resistance, the city was cannonaded (Maximilian -personally directing the artillery) and taken by storm; but a -disgraceful scene of plunder and slaughter ensued. Maximilian and his -captains were quite unable to restrain the soldiers, and on the next -day an open mutiny broke out. Their refusal to advance upon Buda, and -the consequent delay, proved fatal to the whole enterprise. When -summoned to surrender, the capital indignantly declined, and Uladislas -found time to bring up his Bohemians and to threaten Vienna. Frederick -III., true to his ultra-Fabian motto--"Mit der Zeit lohnt oder rächt -sich alles"[34]--sent no assistance, and Maximilian, seeing his base -endangered, and hampered by want of money and discipline, found it -necessary to withdraw westwards. His overtures to Poland met with no -response, and he was quite unable to continue the struggle alone. By -July 1491 Stuhlweissenburg fell into the hands of Uladislas, and all -Maximilian's recent conquests were lost. The urgent appeals of -Reichenburg to Maximilian for reinforcements and of Maximilian to his -father for money were all in vain. His position was absolutely -desperate from sheer want of funds,[35] while the turn which Breton -affairs were taking seemed to render peace necessary, at whatever -price. Frederick, who {31} throughout the war had thwarted his aims -and damped his ardour,[36] now offered his mediation, and negotiations -were opened in August. By the Treaty of Pressburg (November 7, 1491), -Uladislas was formally recognized as King of Hungary, but, failing his -lawful issue, the crown was to fall to Maximilian or his son. This -promise was to be solemnly ratified by the Hungarian Estates in -presence of the Imperial envoys. Moreover, Uladislas renounced all -claims upon Austria, and undertook to refund Maximilian for the -expenses of the war.[37] - -The old Emperor's attitude during the late war had not improved his -relations with Maximilian; and the friction was rendered the more -acute, when Frederick refused to see his son, and shut off various -sources of income from him, thus seriously injuring his chances of -success against France. Moreover, Frederick's hostility to the -Bavarian Dukes formed a marked contrast to Maximilian's conciliatory -position, which was mainly due to the influence of his sister -Cunigunda, wife of Albert IV.[38] Duke Albert's high-handed conduct in -imposing a general tax on his subjects, in spite of the refusal of the -Estates, had led to the formation of a League of discontented nobles, -known as the Löwlerbund, which united with the Swabian League and was -openly encouraged by the Emperor. By the end of 1491 the movement had -ended in hostilities, and on January 23, 1492, Frederick {32} III. -published the ban of the Empire against Duke Albert of Bavaria. The -Swabian League began to arm. The French were ready to invade the -Empire, if the League should attack Bavaria. An outbreak which would -involve the whole of South-West Germany seemed wellnigh inevitable, and -the entire credit of the preservation of peace, must rest with -Maximilian. At the last moment, when the armies were actually encamped -and facing each other in the field, his influence secured an adjustment -of the quarrel. He had appeased his father's anger by freeing the -Austrian dominions from the oath which they had taken to himself, and -by referring them to the Emperor as their ruler. Frederick was now -satisfied with the restoration of Regensburg to the Empire[39] and the -cancelling of Bavarian claims on Tyrol; while a full pardon was granted -by Albert to all members of the Löwlerbund. (May 1492.) - -Maximilian, notwithstanding this triumph of his diplomacy, met with the -utmost difficulty in raising money for his operations against the -French; while a new enemy had arisen in the young Charles of Egmont, -who had recently recovered the Duchy of Gueldres, and who was destined -to be a thorn in Maximilian's side for the rest of the reign. Though -his position in West Germany was strengthened by a League with the -"Lower Union,"[40] the sole result of his efforts at the Diet of -Coblenz was a prospective grant of 94,000 gulden, of which only 16,000 -actually came in. His campaign against the French has already been -sketched (p. 25). Scarcely were his {33} hands freed by the Peace of -Senlis, when an incursion of the Turks into Styria (August 1493) made a -fresh demand upon his attention. Then, as usual, the necessary aid -arrived too late, and the marauders returned home almost unchallenged. -In the midst of this danger Frederick III., whose health had been -failing for some time, and whose foot it had been found necessary to -amputate,[41] died at Linz, in the seventy-eighth year of his age -(August 19, 1493). - -The old Emperor had lived to see his dreams of Hapsburg revival and -consolidation to a great extent realized; but his irritable nature had -led him to thwart the family aspirations on Hungary. In his dread lest -the acquisition of a throne should make his son more powerful than -himself, he afforded him no assistance, nay rather, threw every -hindrance in his way. Frederick's death was an undoubted gain to -Maximilian, for it left him Emperor elect and unquestioned ruler of the -Hapsburg dominions. Family divisions were no longer possible, since no -relative capable of resistance survived.[42] - -But while his position was rendered more definite and imposing, there -seems to have been at this period a general cooling of Maximilian's -popularity, at least among the ruling classes. A powerful party in the -Empire, led by Berthold of Mainz, now claimed the fulfilment of those -promises of reform which he had made at the Diet of 1489,[43] and his -reluctance to devote {34} his time to its discussion produced a -distinctly bad impression among the Princes. Moreover, the part which -he now began to play in Italian politics, exposing, as it did, the -Imperial person to indignity and failure, roused all the old prejudices -of the caste of nobles, and acted as a damper to their enthusiasm. -Gladly as we should avoid threading the intricate maze of Italian -politics--a task which is after all more apposite to a general -history--some treatment of Maximilian's attitude during these momentous -years is inevitable, even in so slight a sketch as the present. A -general idea of Maximilian's ambitions in Italy will best be conveyed -by his own words. "Italy has for centuries experienced what it means -for the people, if no Emperor is there to restrain unruly passions, and -hence the friends of the people have ever looked with favour on the -Imperial power, and longed for the return of the Emperor."[44] - -[Illustration: BIANCA MARIA SFORZA Painting by A. de Predis] - -The fortunes of Milan were at this moment in the hands of Ludovico il -Moro, who, at first merely Regent for Gian Galeazzo, had retained the -whole powers of government in his own hands, even after his nephew had -come of age. The young Duke's wife, Isabella of Naples, deeply -resented her husband's sudordinate position, and Ludovico lived in -terror of intervention on the part of Ferrante and his Florentine -allies. Hoping to veil the injustice of his cause under Imperial -recognition, he turned to Maximilian, and offered, in return for his -own investiture as Duke of Milan, the hand of his niece, Bianca Maria -Sforza, and a substantial dowry of 300,000 ducats.[45] So much hard -cash seemed to promise to the needy Maximilian the fulfilment of many a -golden {35} dream; and the bride's want of pedigree was atoned for by -the practical possession of her uncle's money bags. The marriage was -duly celebrated on March 9, 1494, at Halle in Tyrol, when the heir of -all the Caesars linked himself with the granddaughter of a Romagnol -peasant.[46] Thus his first entry into Italian politics rightly -exposed him with justice to the nickname afterwards bestowed upon -him--Massimiliano Pochi Danari. "On the altar of politics the heart is -often the lamb of sacrifice." Maximilian's second marriage is not the -most creditable episode in his life. The luckless Bianca Maria never -filled the place of Mary in her husband's affections, and remained till -her death[47] a mere cipher, with next to no influence over him, and, -though never ill-treated, entirely neglected and overlooked. The -unpopularity of his marriage in Germany induced Maximilian to postpone -the investiture of Ludovico with the Milanese, and Gian Galeazzo dying -in the interval, the Emperor was able, with less offence to his -conscience, to fulfil his promise in May 1495.[48] - -Maximilian's first intention was to employ his wife's dowry in a -Crusade against the Turks; and he plunged eagerly into projects of -forming active alliances abroad and of raising permanent forces at home -to stem the tide of infidel invasion.[49] But disturbing {36} rumours -of the doings of Charles VIII. diverted his attention to the Italian -Peninsula. - -By the death of Lorenzo de' Medici in 1492, the balance of power, which -his skill had so long preserved in Italy, was seriously endangered. -The incapable Piero inclined towards Naples, whose attitude was now -little short of openly hostile to the Milanese usurper. Ludovico, in -dire need of some influential ally, made advances to the new Pope and -to Venice. But his alliance with these powers was shortlived: Spanish -diplomacy effected a reconciliation between Naples and Alexander VI., -and Ludovico found himself more isolated than ever. The death of the -old King of Naples, in January 1494, hastened events. The universal -hatred with which his successor, Alfonso II., was regarded, while it -drove the exiled Barons to extreme measures, was favourable to the -cause of Ludovico. He turned naturally to Charles VIII., who had -recently acquired the Angevin claims to the throne of Naples, and whose -feeble mind was filled with all the clap-trap of mediaeval chivalry. -The appeal met with an enthusiastic response: every other trend of -policy was sacrificed that this might succeed. By the end of August -1494, all was prepared for the invasion of Italy, and, with a -magnificently appointed army of 60,000 men, Charles crossed the Alps -and was welcomed by the traitor Ludovico. Florence opened her gates to -the deliverer: the Pope abandoned Rome at his approach, and looked on -in sullen anxiety from Sant' Angelo; and Naples itself was occupied -amid general rejoicings, almost before a single blow had been struck. - -Dazzled by such unprecedented success, Charles VIII. lost all restraint -and began to indulge in the {37} wildest dreams. He was to recover -Jerusalem, to eject the infidel from Europe, and to restore in his own -person the fallen Empire of Constantinople. Rightly or wrongly, he was -credited with the intention of forcing the Pope to crown him Emperor of -the West, or of driving him from the Papal throne and instituting a -thorough reform of the Church. Such rumours could not but fill -Maximilian with an uneasiness which Borgia's letters did not fail to -augment.[50] It was only owing to the skilful diplomacy of Charles' -envoys and his own strained relations with Venice, that he preserved -neutrality for so long as he did.[51] Had not others taken alarm at -the turn of affairs, he might have prevaricated till the time for -action had passed. Ludovico, who was before all others responsible for -the French expedition, was the first to be disillusioned. Alarmed at -the open designs of the Duke of Orleans on Milan, he soon became as -anxious for Charles' ruin as he had been eager for his success, and -looked for assistance to his more powerful neighbours. But it was -Ferdinand of Spain who really brought about Maximilian's change of -policy, by holding out the tempting bait of a double marriage alliance -with his House. The Emperor's[52] suspicions of Venice were overcome, -and the Signoria became {38} the centre of opposition to France. The -various intrigues were conducted with such skill and secrecy, that even -Comines, who then held the post of French Ambassador in Venice, was -completely outwitted. But their details do not leave us with a -favourable impression of the confederates' straightforwardness. The -itch of the Republic's patriotic palm was allayed by a promise of the -Apulian ports; while the Pope displayed to the full his talent for -shifty intrigue and prevarication, and Maximilian kept up a stream of -friendly assurances which effectively duped his young and incapable -rival. - -Thus the proclamation of the Holy League, between the Pope, Maximilian, -Ferdinand, Ludovico and the Venetians, (March 31, 1495) came upon the -French as a bolt from the blue. Its ostensible objects were to defend -the Papacy, and to secure peace in Italy and mutual protection against -the attacks of other Princes. But from the very first its members made -little attempt to conceal their genuine aim--the expulsion of the -French from the Peninsula. The massing of troops by each of the allies -removed all doubts upon the subject; and Charles VIII. saw himself -compelled to abandon Naples. On July 6, 1495, ne encountered the -forces of the League at the battle of Fornovo, and after a running -engagement made good his retreat westwards. Even then the German and -Venetian troops might have inflicted serious losses on his armies ere -they recrossed the Alps; but the treachery of Ludovico, who concluded a -treaty with Charles without consulting any of his allies, forced them -to retire and leave the French unmolested. - -Meanwhile Maximilian was engaged at the famous {39} Diet of Worms (26 -March-August, 1495). Burning to strike a blow which might tend to the -humiliation of his rival, he found himself once more, so to speak, the -prisoner of his pocket. The Electors and the other Estates were -determined that redress should precede supply, and stubbornly refused -to grant a single florin, until the question of reform had been placed -on a satisfactory basis. Nor can they be accused of any want of -patriotism; for the interests of the Empire were by no means coincident -with those of Austria. Indeed, had not Maximilian's territorial -instincts triumphed so completely over his feelings as Emperor, he -might have been the first to recognize the deep and sterling patriotism -which inspired the Elector Berthold. As it was, his first intention -had been to remain fourteen days at Worms, and, after obtaining the -Diet's sanction for the Imperial levies, to conduct a vigorous campaign -against the French. But here he was met by the practical impossibility -of inducing a body mainly constituted for peace, to undertake a long -and tedious war at a distance. The feudal system had fallen into -decay, and the old military power of the Empire was no more. New -circumstances demanded new measures; and the triumph achieved by a -standing army in France pointed the direction which military reform -should take. The proposal, then, which Maximilian laid before the -Diet, was for a continuous money aid for ten or twelve years; with this -he might form an army of landsknechts. But the Diet was wholly -unsympathetic, and rigidly confined itself to schemes of reform. -Meetings were sometimes held without any reference to the Emperor, and, -as he indignantly exclaimed, he found himself treated with {40} less -consideration than some petty burgomaster. The struggle of parties -lasted throughout the summer, Maximilian adopting a highly undignified -attitude of sulking. On three occasions he was particularly pressing, -especially in August, when Novara was threatened by the Swiss, and a -mutiny of the lands-knechts might be expected, if their pay was not -forthcoming. At last nothing was left for Maximilian but submission, -and he accepted the Elector Berthold's proposals for reform. But -Charles VIII. had already recrossed the Alps, and the time for action -was past. - -Yet, notwithstanding his enforced inactivity, Maximilian's presence at -Worms had not been in vain. The brilliancy of the Court and the -gallant ceremonies of the lists hid from the casual observer the true -meaning of this great assembly of princes and nobles. Yet the two -important results of Maximilian's policy form a striking contrast to -his humiliation at the hands of the Electors. In return for the -services of Count Eberhard, he erected Würtemberg into a Duchy, at the -same time limiting the succession to heirs-male. Since the hopes of -the new ducal family rested upon one delicate youth,[53] this -arrangement held out to Maximilian or his successors the prospect of -acquiring the fair valley of the upper Neckar. But the other -achievement of his policy was destined to have far more momentous -consequences. This was the fulfilment of his agreement with Ferdinand -the Catholic, in accordance with which the Prince of Asturias was -betrothed to Margaret of Austria, and the Archduke Philip to Joanna of -Spain. By an extraordinary fatality, the latter marriage, which at the -time had {41} seemed the less important of the two, came to exercise a -vast influence on the history of Europe. The Spanish heir died within -a year of his marriage (1497), and Margaret's child lived but a few -days. Isabella Queen of Portugal was now heiress of Castile and -Arragon; but the fates fought against the unity of the Peninsula. In -1498 Isabella died, and in 1500 her only child, Prince Miguel, followed -her to the grave. Philip's wife, Joanna, became heiress of Spain and -all its splendid dependencies in the New World. - -Though Maximilian had been thwarted in the hope of meeting his rival on -the open field, the next year brought a prospect of intervention in -Italian affairs. Charles VIII., on his return to France, had set on -foot preparations for a fresh invasion. The success of his overtures -to the Swiss Cantons, and the servile attitude of Florence, filled the -Venetians and Ludovico with alarm; and the two powers invited -Maximilian to make an expedition to Italy in person. His eagerness to -restore Imperial influence in that country, coupled with his knightly -thirst for renown, led him, with curious inconsistency, to submit to -the indignity of becoming the pensioner of States whose feudal superior -he claimed to be. Each promised 30,000 ducats for three months towards -the payment of his troops and engaged a number of Swiss mercenaries in -addition. The Emperor's sanguine nature already saw the French party -in Italy crushed, and frontier provinces wrested from the grasp of -Charles. But the Estates of the Empire, which had been summoned to -meet at Lindau, proved more unmanageable than ever. Even had his -condottiere-contract not filled them with disgust, they were wholly -disinclined to {42} repay his grudging and half-cancelled concessions -by grants of money for an object which the Empire viewed with -indifference. His penury may be judged by a letter which he received -from his councillors at Worms, containing an urgent request for more -money, as the maintenance of the courtiers has been stopped, and the -Queen and her ladies will be provided for "only three or four days -more; and if within that time no money comes, even their food-supplies -will come to an end."[54] - -[Illustration: LUDOVICO SFORZA (Duke of Milan)] - -Charles VIII.'s financial straits soon compelled him to abandon his -schemes of active interference in Italy; and the Signoria, no longer -needing Maximilian's presence, now came to regard him as a positive -hindrance to their aggrandizing policy. But nothing could divert him -from his project. When the Venetians boggled over their promised -subsidy, he secured the necessary sum by loans from the Fuggers. The -remonstrances of his advisers were of none avail. At Augsburg and Linz -he divided his time between wild dreams of conquest with the Archduke -Philip, and the festive entertainments of the citizens. On St. John's -Eve he led the fairest maiden of the town to the dance, and gallantly -assisted her to kindle the bonfire, to the sound of drums and cornets -and the merry music of the dance.[55] In July he had an interview with -Ludovico at Munster,[56] receiving him in hunting dress, surrounded by -his companions of the chase; and in the last days of August entered -Italy {43} by the Valtelline. Even then his compact was not strictly -fulfilled. Instead of the stipulated 7,000 men, his army never -amounted to more than 4,000. His first scheme, of driving the French -from Asti and forcing Savoy to join the League, was sacrificed to the -jealousy of Venice, which opposed any increase of the power of Milan. -Nor were his own relations with Ludovico distinguished by their -cordiality. The latter declined to subsidize him unless the Pope and -Venice granted equal amounts, and sought to employ him in garrisoning -the Milanese against French attacks.[57] Finally, Maximilian decided -upon an attack on Florence, and as a preliminary laid siege to Livorno, -curtly informing Ludovico that if he would not provide money for his -troops he had better dismiss them to their homes.[58] But the numbers -of the besiegers were insufficient for the task, the Venetians held -aloof, and the French garrison never lost entire command of the sea. -The arrival of a fleet from Marseilles removed Maximilian's last hopes -of reducing the city; his resources were by now exhausted, and, -declaring that "against the will of God and men he would not wage this -war," he hurriedly retired northwards. He turned a deaf ear to the -entreaties of the Papal Legate,[59] and before Christmas was again in -Tyrol. According to the Italian wits, not even hunting invitations -could detain the disappointed monarch. In short his conduct presents a -favourable opportunity for introducing the cricitisms of Quirini, one -of the first {44} of that line of brilliant ambassadors, whose -diplomacy prolonged the existence of Venice till modern times. "He is -of excellent parts, and more fertile in expedients than any of his -advisers, yet he does not know how to avail himself of any single -remedy at the right moment; while he is as full of ideas and plans as -he is powerless to execute them. And though two or three methods lie -open to his intellect, and though he chooses one of them as the best, -yet he does not pursue this, because before its fulfilment another -design which he considers better has suddenly presented itself. And -thus he flits from better to better, till both time and opportunity for -execution are past"![60] Yet with all his indecision and want of -perseverance, he was resigned and cheerful in adversity, and it was -perhaps at this period that he consoled himself with the assurance -"Gott sorgt schon: es könnte noch schlimmer gehen."[61] - -Maximilian's failure left the French influence all-powerful in Italy; -but Charles VIII. made no further movement, and his premature death in -April 1498 materially changed the situation. The first act of Louis -XII.--his infamous divorce from Jeanne of France, followed by his -marriage to Anne of Brittany--can hardly have been gratifying news to -Maximilian. Still, the latter hoped to obtain the restoration of -Burgundy from the new King, in return for acquiescence in the French -policy in Italy. But when his representations met with no response, he -sought aid {45} from the Diet for a war against France. In spite of -its refusal, and though he might have seen that the League had no -intention of pulling his chestnuts out of the fire, he threw an army -into Burgundy. But the Swiss mercenaries, who formed its strength, -either were bribed by Louis or mutinied for want of pay; while Philip -concluded a separate peace with France (July 2, 1499), actually -renouncing the claims which his father brought forward in his name, and -receiving from Louis XII. the investiture of Artois and Flanders. The -French King was led to conclude this treaty by his designs upon the -Duchy of Milan, which he claimed as the lawful heir of the Visconti -dynasty. His wise policy of treating the various members of the League -as though it were non-existent was crowned with success. Ere long all -were pacified but Maximilian, and he was rendered harmless by -systematic intriguing with the Swiss Confederates--a policy which had a -perceptible influence in producing the memorable Swiss war of 1499. -The immediate causes of the outbreak were incidents of petty friction -on the Tyrolese border; but the real question at issue was the relation -of the Confederates to the Empire. - -No sooner had the Swiss in earlier days attained their object of -holding directly from the Emperor, than they made it sufficiently -obvious that this dependence was for the future to be mainly nominal. -During the long reign of Frederick III. they had enjoyed just such a -state of internal peace and order as the perpetual Landfriede and the -Kammergericht aimed at securing for the rest of the Empire; and now, -when Maximilian demanded their submission to the decrees of the Diet of -Worms, by contributing men and money for his schemes of foreign policy, -war was practically {46} inevitable. Their close relations with -successive Kings of France had long shown the slight regard in which -they held their nominal ruler. Their connexion with the Empire brought -them no advantage, submission to the Common Penny (das Gemeine Pfennig) -naturally appeared a hardship to them, and the decisions of the -Kammergericht they regarded as assaults upon their treasured freedom. -Their refusal of Maximilian's demands was coupled with general steps -for union with the sister Leagues of the Graubünden and the Valais. -The war began with marauding and skirmishing, growing fiercer and -assuming larger proportions when the Swabian League armed itself at the -Imperial summons. But the Swiss everywhere held their own: their -superiority was admitted even by the Count of Fürstenberg, general of -the League, who branded his own troops as "ein flüchtig, schnöd und -ehrlos Volk." Maximilian himself had been engaged in unprofitable -operations against the Duke of Gueldres, and only arrived upon the -scene in July, to find matters going against him. Even his presence -did not turn the balance, and at Schwaderloch the Swiss, though -somewhat outnumbered, more than held their own. Only four days later -(July 24), the army of Henry of Fürstenberg, 15,000 to 16,000 strong, -suffered a severe defeat at Dornach at the hands of 6,000 Confederates. -The Austrian leader, with many distinguished nobles and about 4,000 -men, perished on the field. This disaster dealt the final blow to -Maximilian's hopes. At first he shut himself up in the Castle of -Lindau, and refused to see any of his nobles.[62] But he soon -reconciled himself to the necessity of coming to terms. The {47} -Treaty of Basel (September 22, 1499), though less remarkable for its -provisions than for its omissions, is one of the landmarks of Swiss -history. By it mutual conquests were restored, and Maximilian -recovered the Prättigau, while various small disputes were referred to -arbitration. But, while Swiss independence was not formally recognized -by the Empire till a century and a half later, it was tacitly secured -by this treaty; and henceforward the Confederates enjoyed entire -immunity from Imperial jurisdiction and from Imperial taxation. Nor -was this the only result of the struggle. The Swiss had won for -themselves a position which inspired their neighbours with a genuine -admiration and a very wholesome fear. Respected and courted by the -outer world, they strengthened their position internally by a close -union of the Confederates and the Graubünden. The Empire was deprived -for ever of a number of its most valuable subjects,[63] and the House -of Hapsburg was finally excluded from the cradle of its greatness. - -No one reaped fuller advantage from the Swiss war than Louis XII. -While all the energies of Maximilian were devoted to coping with the -Confederates, he found himself free to carry into execution his -projected invasion of the Milanese. Had the Emperor proved successful, -Ludovico might perhaps have saved himself (or at least prolonged the -struggle) by entering the Swabian League; but with the defeat of -Dornach the usurper's fate was sealed. Louis XII., who had already -allied himself with the Pope and Venice, winning the support of the -latter by the promise of Cremona, crossed the Alps at the end of July -with an army {48} of 22,000 men, and entered Milan almost unopposed. -Ludovico, deserted and betrayed by his people, sought refuge in Tyrol, -and was among the first to bring the tidings of his own misfortunes to -his Imperial nephew. But though received with the utmost sympathy and -respect by Maximilian, he soon perceived that the latter was as usual -at the end of his resources, and that no assistance need be looked for -from him. He purchased the services of 8,000 Swiss mercenaries and of -the celebrated Burgundian guard, and with their aid recovered his -capital and most of its territory. But the army which Louis XII. -despatched to the assistance of Bayard consisted largely of Swiss -troops; and Ludovico's mercenaries, refusing to fight against their -countrymen in the French service, renounced his cause and betrayed him -to the enemy. (April 10, 1500). In this undignified way one of the -chief disturbers of the peace of Italy bids a last farewell to the -field of politics; he remained in the most rigorous confinement at -Loches for the next five years, after which the earnest intercession of -Maximilian secured some relaxation in his treatment. He was allowed a -space of several leagues around his prison for hunting and other -amusements, and died in captivity in 1510. - -On the very day when Ludovico fell into the hands of the French, -Maximilian opened the Imperial Diet at Augsburg. His main object was -to obtain aid against France; but the complete failure of his recent -military enterprises--alike in Burgundy, Gueldres, Switzerland and -Milan--compelled him to acquiesce in the formation of a Council of -Regency, (Reichsregiment), which was to discuss all military and -financial affairs, and even questions of foreign policy, which at that -period were considered the special department {49} of the Monarch. -This Council consisted of twenty-one members, of whom sixteen were -appointed by the Electors and Princes, two by the Imperial towns; while -Maximilian nominated two for Austria and Burgundy, and only one, the -President, in his capacity of Emperor. The promoters of the scheme -aimed at little short of his abdication; while he, on his part, -cheerfully assumed that they would defer to his wishes on matters of -foreign politics. The bait held out to him by Berthold was a permanent -war administration, possessing power both to levy troops and to impose -taxes; from this he promised himself an army of 30,000 men, and money -to maintain it. But the project remained upon paper, and Maximilian's -disgust was turned to fury when the first step of the new Council was -to conclude a truce with France, and virtually to commit him to -investing Louis XII. with Milan. Finding himself helpless in view of -the Diet's opposition, and determined not to submit to the ruling of -the Council, he began to make separate overtures to the French King. -In this he was readily encouraged by the Archduke Philip and by -Ferdinand, who was already hatching his iniquitous plot for the -partition of Naples, and who found Maximilian's hostile attitude to -France a drag upon Louis' action. In October 1501 the visit of -Cardinal d'Amboise, the trusted adviser of Louis XII., to the Court of -Innsbruck, brought matters to a final issue. A treaty, whose -friendliness was only rivalled by its hypocrisy, was concluded between -the two Monarchs. The infant Archduke Charles was betrothed to Louis' -daughter Claude; Louis himself was to receive the investiture of Milan, -in return for the sum of 80,000 crowns, and promised to assist the {50} -Emperor in his journey to Rome and in his projects against the Turks. -But the actual terms of the agreement were of little importance, as -they were obviously intended only for momentary ends. The conquest of -Naples, which was effected in the years 1501-1505, soon led to quarrels -between the two conquerors. Louis XII.'s continual intrigues with the -German Princes induced Maximilian to support the Spanish cause by the -despatch of 2,500 landsknechts; and by the end of 1504 the brilliant -tactics of the great Captain resulted in the final expulsion of the -French from the kingdom of Naples. At the same time the Emperor found -means to check Louis' intrigues, which the outbreak of the Bavarian war -had rendered dangerous. By the Treaty of Blois (September 22), Milan -was ensured to Louis XII., and, failing heirs-male, to Claude and her -youthful bridegroom Charles.[64] But this agreement, like its -predecessor, was not made to be observed. No sooner had d'Amboise -obtained Louis' formal investiture from the Emperor (April 1505), than -the betrothal of Claude to the Archduke was secretly annulled, and -Francis of Angoulême took his place as her prospective husband. The -death of Isabella the Catholic, and the struggle of Ferdinand and -Philip for the Castilian Regency, removed all danger of any united -effort between Spain and the Hapsburgs against France; and early in -1506 Louis' breach of faith was formally proclaimed and ratified by the -States-General of Tours.[65] - -{51} - -Notwithstanding this rebuff, Maximilian had gained a very distinct -advantage from peace with France. So long as the question of -investiture was pending, Louis could not interfere in the affairs of -the Empire, and Maximilian was free to profit by the turn of events. - -The death of George the Rich, Duke of Bavaria-Landshut (December 1, -1503), resulted in a disputed succession. In spite of a family -agreement (Erbvertrag) which expressly nominated as his heirs Duke -Albert IV. of Munich and his brother Wolfgang, the old Duke left his -lands to his daughter Elizabeth, wife of Rupert, a younger son of the -Elector Palatine. Both parties prepared to assert their rights, and -Rupert, careless of the consequences, threw himself into Landshut, thus -opening the war, and putting himself under the ban of the Empire.[66] -The Estates refused allegiance to Albert, and called in Maximilian as -mediator in the quarrel. The Emperor preferred to renounce his -position of _tertius gaudens_, and to throw the whole weight of his -support on Albert's side. Even had he not already, in 1497, recognized -Albert's title, both justice and his own interests urged him to the -Bavarian side. The Palatine House had ever been the foe of the -Hapsburgs, and Duke Albert, as the Emperor's brother-in-law, would -naturally seem the less dangerous of the two claimants. Maximilian at -first offered Rupert a third of George's possessions, in the hope of -averting hostilities; but, meeting with a curt refusal, he roused the -forces of the Swabian League, and, assisted by Würtemberg, Brunswick -and Hesse, took the field in person at the head of a considerable army. -The sudden death of {52} Rupert (August 20, 1504), closely followed by -that of his masculine wife Elizabeth, did not put an end to the war, -the Elector continuing the struggle in the name of his grandsons. A -fierce encounter took place near Regensburg between the Imperialists -and a large body of Bohemian mercenaries in the Elector's service. -Maximilian himself led the right wing to the charge, and drove the -enemy back to their laager, which, after the example of Zizka, they had -constructed from their baggage waggons. A desperate sally for the -moment broke the Imperialist ranks, and he was surrounded and dragged -from his horse by the long grappling hooks attached to the Bohemians' -lances. He owed his life to the distinguished gallantry of Eric of -Brunswick, who scattered his assailants when all hope seemed lost. -Rallying his troops, he led them on to victory, and defeated the enemy -with heavy loss. This affray was followed up by the siege of Kufstein, -in which the Emperor's artillery played an important part--especially -two heavy pieces, which he had christened "Purlepaus" and "Weckauf von -Oesterreich." The hesitation of the garrison, which at first made -promises of surrender, and then decided upon resistance, so deeply -incensed Maximilian, that when the inevitable capitulation came, he -refused to show any mercy. It was only when half the scanty garrison -had been executed that the intercession of the Princes prevailed to -secure pardon for such as remained (October 17, 1504). The capture of -Kufstein was the last serious incident of the war. A truce was -concluded in February, 1505, and in August, when Maximilian appeared at -the Diet of Köln, he was able to dictate his own terms to the -discomfited Elector. With the exception of Neuburg, {53} and some -territory north of the Danube, which were formed into an appanage for -Rupert's children, all the lands of George were made over to Bavaria. -But the Emperor had not conducted the war solely from the kindness of -his heart, and both claimed and secured a substantial reward for his -services. From the Palatinate he acquired Hagenau and the Ortenau; -from Bavaria, Kufstein, Rattenberg, and a number of petty -lordships,[67] and, most important of all, the Zillerthal, which gave -Tyrol a strong frontier to the north-east, and rounded off the -territories to which he had succeeded in 1500 on the death of Leonard -of Görz. - -Maximilian's reputation in the Empire was now perhaps higher than it -had ever been before; the more so, that in the winter of 1504 death had -removed his old opponent, Berthold of Mainz, and that the new Elector -was a near relative of his own.[68] But when the future was all bright -with hope, and when his coronation at Rome and an union of Spain and -the Empire against the French and the Turks seemed at last on the point -of realization, his golden dreams met with a rude awakening. The -sudden and premature death of Philip, who had assumed in person the -government of Castile, and was successfully defending himself against -the spiteful intrigues of Ferdinand, put an end to the Emperor's -projects of Hapsburg combination (Sep. 25, 1506). The Catholic King -recovered the Regency, and was soon more powerful than ever in the -Spanish Peninsula. Maximilian at first met with no better success in -his attempt to {54} secure the government of the Low Countries. The -Estates of the seventeen Provinces refused to recognize his claims to -the Regency during the minority of his grandson Charles, and were -encouraged by Louis XII. in the formation of a Council of Regency. But -internal troubles, and the activity of Charles of Gueldres, pled his -cause more eloquently than any measures of his own. On their voluntary -submission to his rule, he appointed William de Croy, Lord of Chièvres, -and Adrian of Utrecht[69] as Charles' tutors, and entrusted the -administration to his daughter Margaret, the widowed Duchess of Savoy, -who made her public entry into Mechlin in July 1507, and who throughout -her rule justified his choice by her scrupulous integrity and brilliant -statesmanship. - -In the same year, 1507, Maximilian made a fiery appeal to the Diet -assembled at Constance, for assistance in his schemes of a journey to -Rome and the expulsion of the French from Milan. After considerable -delay he obtained a grant of 3,000 horse and 9,000 foot for six months, -and received a further promise of 6,000 men from the Swiss envoys. But -his sanguine expectations were once more doomed to disappointment. The -majority of the promised troops never made their appearance; French -gold won over his Swiss allies;[70] and the Estates of his own -dominions outdid all previous occasions in their parsimony. Meanwhile -his ardent preparations had roused the distrust of Venice, which -refused him passage through {55} her dominions, unless he restricted -himself to a trifling escort. His army was too weak to force its way -either through Milanese or through Venetian territory; and hence he was -driven to an expedient which involved a break with the old mediaeval -traditions of the Empire. On February 4, 1508, he had himself -proclaimed with great pomp and solemnity, in the Cathedral of Trent, as -Holy Roman Emperor. It was declared that for the future in all -official documents he should be known by the title of "erwählte -römischer Kaiser," but that for convenience sake he should commonly be -called "Emperor." Julius II. raised no objection, partly because -Maximilian fully acknowledged the Papal right to crown him, and still -more because his arrival in Rome with an army would have been a most -unwelcome event. Maximilian's step was the first departure from the -immemorial custom of his predecessors; but with the exception of his -grandson, Charles V., not one of his successors in the Empire received -his crown at the hands of the Pope. - -The refusal of Venice to grant a passage to the Imperial army -accentuated the ill-feeling which had long existed between Maximilian -and the Republic. Now that his ambitions could find no outlet to the -South, he turned his gaze Eastwards, and rashly embroiled himself with -his powerful neighbour. Within a month of his assumption of the -Imperial dignity, his troops were advancing into Venetian territory -from three different directions, threatening Vicenza, the valley of the -Adige, and Friuli. Maximilian gives expression to his rosy dreams of -victory in a letter to the Elector of Saxony: "The Venetians paint -their lion with two feet in the sea, the third on {56} the plains, the -fourth on the mountains. We have almost won the foot on the mountains, -only one claw is wanting, which with God's help we shall have in eight -days; then we mean to conquer the foot on the plains too."[71] But the -very day after this confident epistle was penned, Trautson, one of his -best captains, was routed and killed by the Venetians, with a total -loss of over 2,000. The Venetians now took the offensive in earnest, -and, superior both in numbers and discipline, completely turned the -tables on the Imperialists. Town after town fell before their advance, -and by the end of June, Görz, Pordenone, Adelsberg, Trieste were in -their hands; while the fleet seized Fiume and overawed the whole of -Istria. As soon as the tide began to turn, Maximilian had hastened -back to Germany, to rouse the Electors and the Swabian League, but from -neither could he obtain any real assistance. The whole brunt of the -defence fell upon the Tyrolese, who responded manfully to the call, and -checked the Venetian advance at Pietra, on the way to Trent. But any -prolonged resistance was hopeless; and Maximilian saw himself obliged -to conclude a three years' truce with the Republic, by which the latter -retained all her conquests except Adelsberg. - -The Emperor's humiliation at the hands of Venice only served to augment -the suspicion and dislike with which she was regarded by her other -neighbours. The Pope felt an especial grudge against her, as the -possessor of Ravenna and Rimini, which lawfully belonged to the Holy -See. Already in the summer of 1507 he had been feeling his way towards -a coalition, by an attempt to restore friendly relations between {57} -Louis and Maximilian; but the latter was then still too full of schemes -for the recovery of Milan to entertain the proposal. When however he -engaged in war with Venice, he sent agents of his own accord to Louis -XII. The latter at first refused all accommodation unless Venice were -included; but when the Republic neglected to include Gueldres in the -truce, he availed himself of this flimsy excuse to negotiate with the -Emperor. An active exchange of views followed between Margaret and her -father, both as to an agreement with France, with regard to which he -trusted largely to her judgment,[72] and the proposed marriage of -Charles with Mary of England, to which he would only consent in return -for a substantial loan.[73] Maximilian himself arrived in the -Netherlands in August, but does not seem to have visited his daughter. -When the crisis of the negotiations was reached he still remained in -the background, and deputed Margaret and his councillor, Matthew -Lang,[74] to receive the French envoys at Cambrai. D'Amboise raised so -many difficulties that at length Margaret threatened to return home, -declaring that they were merely wasting time.[75] This firm attitude -brought the French envoys to reason, and on December 10, 1508, the -memorable League of Cambrai was duly ratified. Ostensibly it was a -renewal of the treaties of 1501 and 1504, with the exception of the -betrothal of Claude and Charles. But its genuine aim was the complete -partition of the Venetian land-Empire between the four {58} -arch-conspirators. The Pope was to receive the towns of the Romagna, -Ferdinand the Apulian seaports. Maximilian was to recover all his lost -territories and to supplement them by Verona, Padua, Vicenza, Treviso -and Friuli; while Louis XII. should occupy Brescia, Bergamo and -Cremona. The Imperial conscience, which felt some scruples at so -prompt an infringement of the truce, was salved by the commands of -Julius II., who bade him, as protector of the Church, take part in the -recovery of her lands. Further, to veil the iniquity of the agreement, -the Pope excommunicated Venice and all its subject lands. - -Though Maximilian thus isolated Venice, and made it possible to recover -his lost territory, yet his adhesion to the League was an undoubted -political error. Not only did his action assist the destruction of the -only power in North Italy capable of resisting the foreigner, and thus -directly lead to the establishment of French predominance in Lombardy; -but it also implanted in the minds of the Signoria that irremovable -distrust of his intentions which was responsible for many of his later -misfortunes, and which the pursuance of a straightforward policy might -have averted. Had he exercised but a moderate amount of foresight, he -would have realized that Louis, with his vast superiority in power and -resources, would sooner or later discard his needy ally and reserve the -lion's share for himself. It is probable that the false glamour and -vanity of the Imperial tradition obscured his eyes to the fact of his -own weakness; and what from one point of view is his strength--his -unquenchable hopefulness and buoyancy of spirit--here proved his -weakness and egged him on to defeat and humiliation. - -{59} - -Leaving the Netherlands after a year's residence, Maximilian repaired -to the Diet of Worms (April, 1509). Never before had the Estates been -so unanimous in refusing all support and loading him with complaints. -The cities were enraged at the practical supersession of the Council of -Regency, the Princes at his negotiating without their consent. After -mutual recriminations, they separated without effecting anything; and -their dispersal marks the end of all genuine attempts at Reform. Even -Maximilian's hereditary Estates voted far fewer men than he had -expected, and qualified even this grant by making the troops liable to -service only when he was personally in command. He thus found himself -involved in a serious war, without having sufficient resources to -execute his far-reaching designs, and was reduced to pledge tolls, -mines, and other sources of revenue in order to raise money. - -The first great incident of the war was the Battle of Agnadello (May -14, 1509), in which the Venetians suffered defeat at the hands of the -French. The Papal troops occupied Ravenna and the rest of the Romagna, -while Ferdinand added the Apulian ports to his new dominions. For the -first and last time Venice made Maximilian a really advantageous offer: -all his lands should be restored, the Imperial suzerainty should be -recognized, and a handsome yearly subsidy paid down. But the envoys of -the Republic were not even allowed to approach him, and about midsummer -the Emperor opened the campaign in person with 15,000 men. The -Venetians had drawn off the mass of their troops to meet the French -advance, and he was virtually unopposed. By the middle of July he had -recovered all that he {60} had lost, and occupied in addition Verona, -Vicenza, Padua, Bassano and Feltre. He had already fetched some heavy -artillery over the Brenner to reduce Treviso, when the complexion of -affairs was suddenly and completely reversed. The inhabitants of the -invaded districts remained loyal to the Venetians, and so many of the -Imperial troops were required to check their harassing movements that -the towns were insufficiently garrisoned. The Pope and Ferdinand, -their own objects once attained, grew indifferent to the progress of -the League, and the Venetians bravely rallied and by a sudden movement -regained possession of Padua. The Emperor, leaving Treviso, laid siege -to Padua with some 22,000 men, and employed his heavy ordnance with -considerable effect. But the numbers of the garrison prevented him -from maintaining a complete blockade; and when two brilliant and -determined assaults had failed to reduce the town, he raised the siege -and returned to Tyrol (October). He himself explains his action by the -great number of troops and artillery inside, by the wonderful strength -of the defences, and by the lukewarm spirit of his own troops.[76] But -the main reasons are to be found in the short period for which the -troops were voted, and the entire lack of money to win them for further -services. Even in August the Emperor was pawning "deux couliers d'or -garniz de beaucop de bonnes et riches pierres," and a number of other -valuable jewels.[77] The Venetians quickly recovered all places of any -importance, with the solitary exception of Verona, which was defended -by a mixed garrison of Germans, French and {61} Spaniards. Maximilian, -at the end of his resources, threw himself unreservedly into the hands -of Louis XII. The Diet of Augsburg, which met in January, 1510, would -have acted wisely in strengthening his hands; for, now that there was a -danger of both Italy and the Papacy becoming dependent upon France, it -was more than ever to the interests of Germany to hold a strong -position south of the Alps. In spite of his rash onsets without -adequate preparation, Maximilian had a strong sense of the greatness of -the Empire, and was pre-eminently fitted to rouse the patriotism of -Germany in a struggle against the foreigner. The Diet did, it is true, -vote 1,800 horse and 6,000 foot for six months, but it had taken four -months to make up its mind to the sacrifice, and even then the troops -never arrived. Meanwhile the League had broken up. Julius II., once -in possession of the Romagnan cities, devoted himself to the problem of -"the expulsion of the barbarian." With this end in view, he removed -the ban from the Republic (February, 1510) and concluded a five years' -league with the Swiss, who were to send 6,000 mercenaries to his aid. -In July the Papal and Venetian armies assumed the offensive, and the -latter were able to reoccupy Friuli. But Julius met with disaster on -all sides; Maximilian and Louis won over the Swiss to inactivity, and -Henry VIII., on whose aid the Pope had reckoned, made peace with -France. Maximilian's attitude towards Venice was fiercer and more -hostile than ever, and led him to encourage the Pasha of Bosnia to -attack her Adriatic possessions. He himself declares that he hopes -soon "to carry out some fine exploit and execution against our enemy; -for it is not enough to put them to death by the {62} hundred: we must -dispose of them by the thousand."[78] Julius was driven to modify or -conceal his contemptuous opinion of the Emperor, whom he had treated to -the nick-name of "a naked baby."[79] For it was mainly through the -latter's influence that the Congress of Mantua was arranged, and -attended by the envoys of France, Spain, England and the Pope (March -1511), the primary object being the restoration of the League against -Venice. Earnest negotiations were also conducted at Bologna between -the Pope and Matthew Lang, who loyally resisted the bribes of a -cardinal's hat from Julius and of large subsidies from Venice. The -disproportion between the demands of the Emperor and the Republic was -too great to be overcome, and the Pope's hopes of winning Maximilian to -his League were frustrated. Still powerless by himself, Maximilian was -more than ever dependent on the French, and played a somewhat -subordinate part in the operations of Louis against the Venetians. A -despatch which he received from Trivulzio shows us in what scanty -consideration he was held by the French commander. Referring to the -capture of Mirandola by a German captain, he declares that "it has -thrown me into a worse humour than I have been in during my life," and -denounces the Imperialists in the most outspoken fashion.[80] - -The sudden illness of Julius II. (August 1511), from which a fatal -issue was generally expected, led to an episode, which, though trivial -in itself and void of result, gives us a vivid impression of -Maximilian's {63} visionary nature. He actually entertained the -preposterous idea of himself succeeding Julius and uniting Empire and -Papacy in one person. Lang, Bishop of Gurk, was to proceed at once to -Rome, to persuade the Pope "to take us as coadjutor, so that on his -death we may be assured of having the Papacy, and of becoming a priest, -and afterwards a saint, so that after my death you will be constrained -to adore me, whence I shall gain much glory."[81] If necessary, Lang -was to spend 300,000 ducats in bribing the various Cardinals, and -Maximilian counted upon the assistance of Ferdinand and the people of -Rome. His confidential letter to Margaret bears the signature--"vostre -bon père Maximilian, futur pape." - -But these extravagant dreams were dissipated by the unexpected recovery -of Julius II., who plunged more eagerly than ever into political life. -On October 5, 1511, the Holy League was openly published in Rome. Its -members--the Pope, Ferdinand and Venice--veiled their real design, the -expulsion of the French, under the sanctimonious pretence of -maintaining the integrity of the Papal States. Throughout the early -stages of the war Maximilian remained virtually inactive, but steadily -declined to desert his French allies. But none the less he permitted -Ferdinand and the Pope to conclude in his name a ten months' truce with -Venice. He was thus in the happy position of being in request with -both sides, while himself free from all immediate danger. When the -death of Gaston de Foix at Ravenna (April 11, {64} 1512) deprived the -French of their most capable leader, and the tide began to turn against -them, Maximilian inclined towards the side of the Pope. In allowing -18,000 Swiss to pass through Tyrol on their way to join the Venetians, -and in issuing strict orders that all Germans serving with Louis should -return home, he was certainly guilty of unfriendly conduct towards his -ally. In the actual expulsion of the French from the Milanese he took -no direct part, but from want of funds rather than disinclination,--the -Diet of Trier turning a deaf ear to his most urgent entreaties. At -length in November he took the decisive step. Though he had hoped to -see Milan under his grandson Charles rather than Massimiliano Sforza, -he consented to a league with Julius II., to whom the Imperial -recognition of the Lateran Council was of vital importance. In return -for this the Pope promised his support against Venice, with temporal as -well as spiritual arms. - -[Illustration: ARMOUR OF MAXIMILIAN] - -In February 1513, however, the situation was again changed by the death -of Julius II., and by the reconciliation of France and Venice. The new -Pope, Leo X., was vacillating and untrustworthy, though nominally -well-disposed to the Emperor; and the latter began to turn elsewhere -for an ally. On April 5, 1513, a treaty of alliance was concluded -between Maximilian and Henry VIII., mainly through the efforts of -Margaret, who had long urged on her father a break with France and a -close union with Spain and England. At first we find him complaining -that Henry "gives us only to understand what he wishes from us, while -of what he ought to do for us there is no mention."[82] But the -promise of 100,000 gold {65} crowns was magical in its effect; all his -opposition ceased, and he indulged in the usual sanguine anticipations. -Ferdinand, Henry and Maximilian would unite until France was completely -crushed, and by a joint invasion would win back all the territories -which had been wrested from their ancestors. The alliance was to be -cemented at the earliest possible date by the marriage of Charles to -Mary of England. - -Notwithstanding such threatening signs, the French king pushed on his -preparations for a new invasion of Italy. The rapid success of the -expedition was suddenly effaced on the field of Novara (June 6, 1513), -where the French sustained a severe defeat at the hands of the Swiss -and were driven back across the Alps. Their return to France virtually -coincided with the expedition of Henry VIII. At the end of June the -English army landed at Calais, and marching in three divisions, -appeared before Thérouenne on August 1. Eleven days later he was -joined by Maximilian, who had already announced his intention of -serving as the English king's chief captain. "His experienced eye at -once detected a capital blunder in Henry's strategic position," but the -lethargy and exhaustion of the French had saved the latter from any -awkward consequences. The French armies had suffered terribly at -Novara, and Louis XII. himself was too broken in health to infuse -vigour into the operations. On August 16, Maximilian, at the head of -the allied forces, won a brilliant little victory at Guinegate, the -scene of his earlier triumph over the French in 1479. The enemy's -headlong retreat won for the engagement the familiar name of the Battle -of Spurs. This resulted in the surrender of Thérouenne, whose example -was followed on {66} September 24 by the important town of Tournai. -But, in spite of Maximilian's eager encouragement, Henry VIII. refused -to make full use of his advantage. The lateness of the season, the -difficulties of obtaining sufficient supplies, and still more the -position of affairs in Scotland, made him anxious to return to England; -and in November he re-embarked his army, leaving vague promises of a -renewal of the campaign in the following spring. Maximilian's -disappointment had been seriously augmented by the course of events on -the Burgundian frontier. Towards the end of August an army of 30,000 -Swiss and Germans, led by Ulric of Würtemberg, had penetrated into -Burgundy, and on September 7 laid siege to Dijon. A determined assault -upon the town came within an ace of success, and made it clear to La -Trémouille, the commander of the garrison, that any prolonged -resistance was impossible. Substantial bribes to the Swiss leaders won -over the invaders to a treaty, by which Louis XII. was to make peace -with the Pope, to evacuate Milan, Cremona and Asti in favour of the -young Sforza, and to pay 400,000 crowns to the Swiss. On the strength -of this agreement Burgundy was evacuated; but no sooner was all danger -from that quarter at an end than Louis XII. repudiated the treaty, on -the ground that La Trémouille had greatly exceeded his powers. - -In spite of the failure of Maximilian's hopes, he and Henry seem to -have parted on friendly terms. Indeed, the last event of the campaign -had been the treaty of Lille (October 17, 1513), between the two -sovereigns and Ferdinand, which stipulated for a triple attack on -France in the summer. Maximilian was to maintain 10,000 troops on the -French frontier in {67} return for a substantial subsidy from Henry -VIII., and Charles's betrothal to Mary of England was formally renewed. -But the unscrupulous Ferdinand only signed this treaty to infringe it. -Ere six weeks had elapsed, he had formed a close alliance with Louis -XII., which was to be cemented by the marriage of the Princess Renée to -one of Ferdinand's grandsons. Milan and Genoa were to form her dowry, -and were to be jointly occupied by the two sovereigns until the -marriage was actually accomplished. Although the execution of this -treaty could not but thwart one at least of Maximilian's projects--the -marriage of Charles and Mary, and that of young Ferdinand and Anne of -Bohemia---the Emperor was none the less won over by the wiles of the -Catholic king to listen to French proposals of peace. The earnest -dissuasions and sagacious advice of Margaret fell upon deaf ears. "It -seems to me," she wrote, "that this is done only to amuse you ... in -order to gain time, just as happened last year by reason of the -truce.... Small wonder if Ferdinand is the most readily disposed of -you three towards peace; for he has what he wants."[83] And again, -"you know the great inveterate hatred which the French bear towards our -House,"[84] and, "it is clear that now is the hour or never, when you -will be able, with the aid of your allies, to get the mastery over our -common enemies." Even her warnings that peace means that the Duchy of -Burgundy will remain French[85] and that Henry VIII., "if he sees -himself deserted by you, will win for himself better terms than you -will know how to secure," seem to have been entirely {68} disregarded -by the obstinate Maximilian. On March 13, 1514, the Emperor signed the -treaty of Orleans with France, and so confident was he of Ferdinand's -influence with his son-in-law Henry VIII., that he actually guaranteed -the English king's adhesion. The natural result of such presumption -was that Henry and Maximilian fell apart, and early in August the -former made his own terms with Louis XII., fully justifying Margaret's -prophecy that the French King would set more value upon a settlement -with England than upon the less solid advantages to be gained from her -father's goodwill. - -Peace was followed in October by the marriage of the enfeebled Louis -XII. and the vivacious Mary of England, the rupture of whose betrothal -to Charles completed the estrangement of Henry and Maximilian. But the -gaieties and entertainments which heralded the new Queen's arrival -proved fatal to the bridegroom. The death of Louis XII. on New Year's -Day 1515, and the accession of his cousin, the young and fiery Francis -of Angoulême, produced a complete change in the political situation. -The typical product of his age, the new sovereign personified only too -well the France of the Renaissance and of the later Valois kings, -combining all their exaggerated license and treachery with those -debased ideals of chivalry which had replaced the ancient code of -honour. His mind was fired by wild dreams of foreign conquest, and his -accession was promptly followed by preparations for a fresh invasion of -Italy. The treaties with England and Venice were renewed, and by the -end of March the young Archduke Charles, who had assumed the Government -in January, signed, at the instance of his tutor Chièvres, a treaty of -peace and amity {69} with France. But the French monarch was not to -remain unopposed. A new league was speedily formed against him between -the Pope, the Emperor, Ferdinand, Milan and the Swiss, the latter -resolutely rejecting all Francis's overtures for peace. Undeterred by -the threatening attitude of the League, Francis led a magnificent army -of 60,000 men across the Alps, and in the desperate battle of Marignano -(September 13 and 14, 1515) drove back the Swiss army by sheer hard -fighting. Full 20,000 men were left dead upon the field, and the -Swiss, exhausted by so crushing a defeat, were compelled to abandon the -Milanese to yet another conqueror. Leo X. promptly sued for peace, and -the Spanish and Papal forces in North Italy were practically disbanded. - -The strange inactivity and want of interest, which Maximilian would at -first sight seem to have displayed, while such grave issues were at -stake, must be attributed to an event of great importance in the -history of his own dominions. This was no less than his reception, at -Vienna, of the Kings of Hungary and Poland, which set a seal to the -negotiations and labours of many years by a final understanding between -the two dynasties.[86] Under the terms of the Treaty of Vienna (July -22), Prince Louis of Hungary was definitely betrothed to Mary of -Austria, while his sister Anne was delivered over to the Emperor to be -educated, in view of her marriage with the young Archduke Ferdinand. -The flattery and congratulations which surrounded these proceedings -included the adoption of Louis by Maximilian as his successor in the -Empire. But this was merely a formal move in the diplomatic game, -calculated to {70} win the support of the young Prince. The Emperor -well knew that the Electors cared little for any wishes which he might -express; otherwise we may be sure that Charles, not Louis, would have -been designated.[87] - -The completeness of Francis's success, and his efforts to rouse the -Scots against England drove Henry VIII. into the arms of Ferdinand. -(October 19.) English gold was liberally expended among the -Confederates; and in February, 1516, 17,000 Swiss mercenaries moved on -Verona, to join the Imperialists. Maximilian, whose forces were -further swelled by levies of Tyrol and the Swabian League, was thus -enabled to take the offensive in North Italy, with better prospects of -success than on any previous occasion. In March he led a -well-appointed army of 30,000 men across the Mincio, and forced the -French and Venetians to raise the siege of Brescia and fall back upon -their respective bases. Maximilian continued to advance rapidly beyond -the Oglio and the Adda, until he was within nine miles of Milan itself. -But now, when Bourbon was well-nigh incapable of any prolonged -resistance, and when fortune, after so many rebuffs, seemed at length -about to crown the Imperial arms with victory, Maximilian, for some -inexplicable reason, hesitated to strike home, and withdrew his army -once more behind the Adda. His motives for so extraordinary a step -have never been discovered; and today we are as completely in the dark -as were his own allies at the time. Pace, who, as English envoy in -Maximilian's camp, had peculiar opportunities for clearing up the -mystery, writes in {71} his report to Wolsey, "that no man could, ne -can, conject what thing moved him to be so slack at that time, when -every man did see the victory in his hands, and the expulsion of the -Frenchmen out of Italy."[88] Maximilian's own version--that the -difficulties of foraging, the enemy's superiority in cavalry, and the -stoppage of English money necessitated a retreat--is, in the face of -incontestable facts, most improbable; and the only plausible -suggestion--that the Emperor's change of policy was produced by a -liberal outlay of French gold--is pure conjecture, unsupported by -proofs. If we may believe the testimony of Pace in a matter which -concerned his own person (and there is no reason to suspect his -honesty), the Emperor, in his straits for money, actually profited by -the English envoy's helpless condition, to extort a large sum of money -from him, declaring that in case of a refusal he would make terms with -France and would inform Henry that Pace had been responsible for his -defection.[89] - -The universal indignation which Maximilian's withdrawal aroused among -the troops is shown by the nicknames of "Strohkönig" and "Apfelkönig" -which were levelled at him.[90] The army rapidly melted away, and, -after struggling through the Val Camonica in deep snow, he reached -Innsbruck with but a few hundred Tyrolese troops. On May 26 Brescia -surrendered to the French and Venetians, and of all the Emperor's -conquests Verona alone continued its resistance. - -The sorry outcome of Maximilian's last Italian expedition seriously -impaired his credit, alike within the {72} Empire and abroad. He now -found it advisable to give heed to the counsellors of his grandson -Charles, whose position had been materially altered by recent events. -On January 23, 1516, the arch-intriguer Ferdinand had passed from the -scene of his questionable triumphs; and the young Archduke was left -master of the entire Spanish dominions, with all their boundless -possibilities. In spite of Francis' intrigues in Gueldres and Navarre, -and his scarcely veiled designs upon the throne of Naples, Charles -persisted in a policy of friendship towards France. On August 13 he -concluded the Treaty of Noyon, by which Francis was unquestionably the -greater gainer. Charles' betrothal to the French king's infant -daughter not only put in question his rights to Naples, but also -condemned him to remain a bachelor for many years, until the bride -should attain a marriageable age. He further undertook to win -Maximilian's consent to the restoration of Verona to the Republic, for -a sum of 200,000 ducats. - -The Emperor at first repudiated an agreement which implied such a -lowering of self-esteem, and again sought subsidies from Henry VIII. -But the conclusion of the Perpetual Peace between Francis I. and the -Swiss (November 29, 1516) left him entirely unsupported, and revealed -to him the hopelessness of further resistance. By a treaty at -Brussels, Maximilian agreed to surrender Verona and to conclude a six -months' truce with the enemy. But wounded pride still kept him from -consenting to a permanent peace with Venice, and it was not till July -1518 that he finally acknowledged his discomfiture. A five years' -truce was concluded, under the terms of which Maximilian retained -Roveredo and the district {73} known as "the four Vicariates."[91] But -these small acquisitions were completely outbalanced by the extensive -pledging of domains, tolls and other sources of revenues, which the -long-drawn-out war had rendered necessary, and by the further -accumulation of an enormous debt. The dream of restoring Imperial -influence in Italy was thus finally and completely dissolved.[92] -While the French ruled supreme in the North of Italy and the Spaniards -in the South, Germany alone saw herself excluded from the scenes of her -former predominance. The blame of this failure must rest largely with -the Imperial Diet, which hardly once throughout Maximilian's reign -allowed itself to be moved by considerations of patriotism, and which -by a studied neglect of the demands of foreign policy clearly thwarted -the true interests of Germany. Yet, while there were several occasions -on which the effective assistance of the Estates would have crowned the -Imperial arms with success, it cannot be denied that on the whole -Maximilian displayed an incapacity and want of decision which forms a -striking contrast to his earlier record. The plain truth is that -Maximilian lacked the distinguishing features of a great general, -combining, if we may use a modern comparison, the qualities of a -drill-sergeant and a cavalry-colonel. Brave as a lion himself,[93] he -was apt to forget the duties of a commander in the fierce {74} delights -of the melée; and the dashing successes of his tactics were often -neutralized by the want of a connected plan for the whole campaign. -But we cannot review his military failings without bestowing the -highest praise on his organizing and disciplinary talents. The -landsknechts, who spread the fame of the German arms throughout Europe, -were mainly his creation. His eager care for their welfare, and his -readiness to share their fatigues and privations, won him the entire -devotion, nay adoration of his soldiers; and a personal bond of union -was thus established between them, which accounts for their willingness -to submit to a continual discipline, such as was still contrary to the -practice of the age. Among his many other accomplishments he possessed -a practical knowledge of the founder's trade, which enabled him to -invent several kinds of siege- and field-pieces, and to introduce -various minor improvements in the art of war. - -In the summer of 1518, while the settlement with Venice was still -pending, Maximilian met the Estates of the Empire for the last time, at -the Diet of Augsburg. His two main objects--the election of Charles as -his successor, and a permanent military organization with a view to a -crusade against the Turks,--met with little encouragement from the -Estates, whose minds were filled with religious grievances and dreams -of a national German Church. Hence they were scarcely likely to assist -the Emperor, when they realized that his present policy involved entire -dependence upon the Pope.[94] The endless {75} complaints and -proposals which characterized the Diet, "showed clearly that the -highest power in the Empire no longer fulfilled its office, but also -that the possibility of doing so had been removed from its hands." But -Maximilian's comparative lifelessness at this time admits of another -explanation, apart from his pre-occupation with the Venetian Treaty. -Throughout the year he had been in failing health, and the pathetic -words in which he bade farewell to his beloved Augsburg suggest that he -was conscious of his approaching end. "God's blessing rest with thee, -dear Augsburg, and with all upright citizens of thine! Many a happy -mood have we enjoyed within thy walls; now we shall never see thee -more!" Possibly at the prompting of Cajetan, the Papal Legate, -Maximilian gave a most pointed proof of his lack of sympathy with -Luther, by leaving the city only two days before the monk arrived. - -The closing months of his life were troubled by the uncertainty of the -succession to the Empire. His efforts to secure Charles' election as -King of the Romans had almost been crowned with success. The day -before he left Augsburg, he induced four of the Electors to meet him -and to give their consent to the scheme. But his hopes were dashed to -the ground by the opposition of Frederick of Saxony and Richard von -Greifenklau, Elector of Trier, who contended that no election for the -crown of the Romans was possible, while Maximilian himself still -remained uncrowned as Emperor, and that Charles, as King of Naples, was -expressly debarred from the Imperial dignity. The cup of his -disappointment was full, and the Emperor retired wearily to Innsbruck, -hoping to end his days in peace beneath the shadow of his {76} beloved -Alps. But one final indignity awaited him. The burghers of Innsbruck, -who had suffered severely on former occasions from the Emperor's -insolvency, resolutely closed their gates upon him; and he was obliged -to retire to Lower Austria. On January 12, 1519, Maximilian's -adventurous career closed at the little town of Wels, not far from -Linz. The body was interred without pomp in the Church of St. George -at Wiener Neustadt; but his heart was removed to Bruges and buried -beside the remains of the consort, whose early loss had robbed him of -life's brightest joy. Thus, amid disillusionment and humiliation, ends -the career which had opened so full of rich promise. With Maximilian -passed away the last Holy Roman Emperor, in the true mediaeval sense. -The dominion of Charles V. was doubtless more universal than any which -Europe had seen since the days of Charles the Great, but its -universality was essentially modern rather than mediaeval--dynastic and -personal, not founded on the old dreams of an united Christian -commonwealth. "Henceforth the Holy Roman Empire is lost in the German, -and after a few faint attempts to resuscitate old-fashioned claims -nothing remains to indicate its origin save a sounding title and a -precedence among the States of Europe."[95] - -[Illustration: MAXIMILIAN IN 1518 From a Chalk Drawing by Dürer] - - - -[30] _Maximilians I. Beziehungen zu Sigmund von Tyrol._--Victor v. -Kraus. - -[31] His mother was the daughter of Albert II., Emperor and King of -Hungary and Bohemia (died 1439). Though Hungary was strictly an -elective monarchy, the next heir was almost invariably elected. - -[32] A small garrison held out in the citadel till the end of August. - -[33] Huber, _Gesch. Oesterreichs_, iii. 298. - -[34] "Time ever brings its reward or its revenge." - -[35] Maximilian to S. P. (September 21). Debts growing ever larger: -"darumb pit helfft und rath ains für als." He adds, "Der König v. -Behaimb ... ist auch nicht viel erberer dann der ander gewest" (i.e. -Matthias).--_Vertraulicher Briefwechsel_, p. 80. - -[36] This attitude was due to jealousy. Frederick disliked the idea of -Maximilian as King of Hungary, fearing that he would then usurp all his -remaining power in the Empire. - -[37] To the amount of 100,000 gulden. - -[38] This marriage of his only daughter against his will (1487) was a -very sore point with Frederick III., and the fact that Maximilian -acquiesced in it increased his irritation against him. - -[39] It had been seized by Albert in 1486. _See_ above. - -[40] Which included the free towns of Strassburg and Basel and their -bishops. - -[41] V. Polheim and W. v. Waldenstein to Maximilian. Even if Frederick -recovers, "werde er doch die fuesse nit mer mugen brauchen"; ... "hab -in den zehen kain empfintlichait."--_Vertraulicher Briefwecksel_, p. 83. - -[42] Sigismund was now a nonentity, living obscurely in his former -dominions. - -[43] For Maximilian's relations to internal reform, _see_ Appendix. - -[44] Janssen, i. 586. - -[45] Huber, iii. p. 338. - -[46] Creighton's _Papacy_, i. p. 277. - -[47] December 31, 1510. For a most beautiful and touching letter of -condolence from Margaret to Maximilian, _see_ Le Glay, -_Correspondance_, i. p. 481. - -[48] Few people seem to have troubled themselves about Gian Galeazzo's -infant son, who was now the lawful heir of the Sforza. - -[49] For Maximilian's efforts towards war against the Turks, _see_ -Ulmann, i. pp. 203-218. - -[50] Cp. Chmel, _Urkunden_, _Briefen_, etc., page 56. Marquard -Breisacher to Maximilian, about Charles VIII., in Rome--"Darauss ich -sorge, der Kung v. Frankreich werd auff das mindest die Kirchen -reformieren und damit jm selbs in aller cristenheyt lob eer und -auffsechen machen, das doch E. Ko. Mt. von götlichem und weltlichem -rechtem me zu gepürett denn jm." - -[51] Ulmann, i. 272-6. - -[52] The more correct name of Emperor elect has been sunk for -convenience sake. - -[53] Afterwards the famous, or notorious, Ulric. - -[54] "Und wo in der Zeit kein Gelt herkumbt, wirdet die Speisung an dem -end auch still sten"! Dated May 27, 1496.--_Vertr. Briefwecksel_, page -109. - -[55] Ranke, _Latin and Teutonic Nations_, page 109. - -[56] In South Germany. - -[57] Chmel, _Urkunden_, _Briefen_, etc.--Letter 126, Stangha to -Maximilian (Sept. 30, 1496). - -[58] Chmel, _ibid_.--Letter 127, Maximilian to Stangha (Genoa Oct. 1, -1496). - -[59] Chmel, _ibid_.--Letter 146, Bishop of Concordia to Maximilian -(Lindau, Dec. 26). - -[60] This was written in 1507.--_Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti al -Senato_, ed. Alberi, Serie I. vol. vi. page 26 sqq. - -[61] Janssen, i. 593. Cp. Trithemius' view of the Hapsburg -characteristic;--"Seelenruhe und Gottvertrauen beim Missgeschick; viel -Noth, viel Ehr." - -[62] Pirkheimer, quoted by Ranke, _Latin and Teut. Nations_, p. 149. - -[63] The more so, as the Confederacy was joined by the Imperial cities -of Schaffhausen and Basel. - -[64] If Louis XII. died without male issue, Brittany and Burgundy were -likewise to fall to Charles. - -[65] "Il y a longtemps que François ont tousiours fait le piz qu'ilz -ont peu a ceste maison, et n'ay espoir qu'ilz doyent changier," writes -Chièvres to Maximilian 1506. - -[66] By violating the perpetual Landfriede. - -[67] Kirchberg, Weissenhorn, Marstetten, Neuburg-am-Inn, etc. - -[68] Catherine, paternal aunt of Maximilian, married Charles, M. of -Baden, whose son James was. - -[69] Afterwards Adrian VI. - -[70] Yet the people, Maximilian is convinced, are always on his side, -and a few of the Cantons; "mes en sumarum il sount meschans, villains, -prest pour traïre France on Almaingnes" (dated August 18, Lindau).--Le -Glay, _Correspondance_, vol. i., letter 3. - -[71] March 1, 1508, quoted Huber, iii. pp. 369, 370. - -[72] Le Glay, i. p. 68 (dated July 4). - -[73] Le Glay, i. p. 77 (dated July 23). - -[74] Bishop of Gurk. - -[75] Le Glay, i. letter 90 (dated Cambrai, December). - -[76] Le Glay, i.--letter 143 (dated October 7). - -[77] Le Glay, i.--letter 134 (Bassano, August 7). - -[78] Le Glay, i.--letter 192 (Augsburg, April 6, 1510). - -[79] Sanuto, x. 79, quoted by Huber, iii. 387. - -[80] Chmel's _Urkunden_, etc., p. 470 (May 31, 1511). - -[81] Le Glay, ii. p. 38--autograph letter, dated September 18, no year -or place given. But A. Jäger, in _Kaiser Maximilians I. Verhältniss -zum Papstthum_, p. 75, shows that 1511 was almost certainly the year. - -[82] Le Glay, ii. p. 84 (dated January 21, 1513). - -[83] Le Glay, Correspondance, vol. ii.--letter 554, page 221. - -[84] Le Glay, ii.--letter 555. - -[85] Le Glay, ii.--letter 556. - -[86] Kings of Hungary and Poland were brothers. - -[87] It is possible, however, that he was actuated by pique against his -grandson, who had recently asserted his independence of control. -(January 1515.) - -[88] Quoted in Brewer, _Reign of Henry VIII._, page 125. - -[89] Brewer, i. page 133. - -[90] Huber, iii. page 407. - -[91] Ala, Avio, Mori, and Brentonica. - -[92] The early years of Charles V.'s reign do not disprove this -assertion. For, though it was an Imperialist army which was -responsible for the Sack of Rome in 1527, this was entirely composed of -mercenaries, and Charles's predominance in Italy was due to his -position as King of Spain and the Sicilies, and was won by the pikes of -his Spanish infantry. - -[93] He was called "Coeur d'Acier," by Olivier de la Marche. - -[94] He hoped to obtain from Leo X. full recognition of himself as -crowned Emperor, and, further, the grant of a tithe on church property -in Germany for his projected Crusade. - -[95] Bryce, _Holy Roman Empire_, page 126 (1st edition). - - - - -{77} - -IV - -"The essence of Humanism is the belief ... that nothing which has ever -interested living men and women can wholly lose its vitality."--_Walter -Pater_. - - -It is with a certain sense of relief that we pass from the tragi-comedy -of Maximilian's political life to those realms where lies his real -claim to fame and gratitude. Great ambitions thwarted by the sordid -details of poverty are never a pleasant subject of contemplation; and -there have been few monarchs in whose lives they have played a more -prominent part. But it may fairly be argued that all the more credit -is due to one who, under such unfavourable circumstances, ever remained -buoyant and full of the joy of living, and whose frequent -disappointments never soured his enthusiasms nor turned him from the -path of knowledge. The first of his race to welcome the new culture, -and possessed of that joyous temperament which seems to offer immortal -youth, Maximilian was acclaimed by the scholars of his day as the ideal -Emperor of Dante's or Petrarch's dreams. His predecessors had shown -little interest in intellectual pursuits. Sigismund had indeed crowned -several poets, but was always too needy himself to spare much money for -their salaries; Frederick III. was devoid of literary tastes, and, in -spite of his connexion with Æneas Sylvius, gave {78} but slight -encouragement to art or learning. But Maximilian surrendered himself, -with all his habitual energy and enthusiasm, to the new spirit of the -age. In spite of his many political failures he remains to all time -the darling of the scholar and the poet. This almost universal favour -he did not win by liberal donations or the grant of lucrative posts, -for he was seldom free from money embarrassments--nor by the -maintenance of a gorgeous court and imposing ceremonial--for his -endless projects and expeditions made any fixed residence impossible; -but by his restless activity, his manly self-reliance, his wide and -human sympathy with all ranks and classes of the people. Above all, he -identified himself with the struggling ideals of a new German national -feeling, and with the growing opposition to France, to Italy, and to -Rome; and, as a national hero, inspired the devotion alike of the -scholar, the knight, and the peasant. "Mein Ehr ist deutsch Ehr, und -deutsch Ehr ist mein Ehr" is the ruling motive of his life; and the -praise which is continually on all lips is, before all, the result of -his passionate loyalty to that larger Germany of which the poet sings-- - - So weit die deutsche Zunge klingt - Und Gott im Himmel Lieder singt - Das soll es sein! - Das, wackrer Deutscher, nenne dein! - -Nowhere is the general admiration more evident than in the Volkslieder -and the popular poetry of the time. And even when death overtook him -in the midst of complete failure and humiliation, no scornful voice is -heard, and all is regret and loving appreciation. - -{79} - - First among earthly monarchs, - A fount of honour clear, - Sprung of a noble lineage, - Where shall we find his peer? ... - He stands a bright ensample - For other Princes' eyes, - The lieges all appraise him - The Noble and the Wise. - His justice is apportioned - To poor and rich the same. - Just before God Eternal - Shall ever be his name. - And God the Lord hath willed it, - Our pure, immortal King, - And welcomed him in glory, - Where ceaseless praises ring. - Our hero hath departed, - Time's sceptre laying down, - Since God hath, of His goodness, - Prepared a deathless crown.[96] - - -A vital distinction is at once apparent between the Italian and the -German Renaissance. In Italy the movement was essentially aristocratic -and largely dependent upon the various Courts--the Medici, the Popes, -the Dukes of Urbino. In Germany such open-handed patrons were few and -far between. Albert of Mainz, Frederick of Saxony, and Eberhard of -Würtemberg stand alone among the princes as patrons of learning; while -Ulrich von Hutten is the sole representative of the Knightly order in -the ranks of the Humanists.[96a] The political and intellectual -development of the German towns is of great importance during this -transition period, and it is in {80} them that the leaders of the -German Renaissance are to be found. The movement remained throughout -municipal rather than aristocratic, making itself first felt where -there was closest commercial intercourse with Italy--notably in the -cities of Swabia and the Rhine valley. But for this very reason -Humanism took deep root in the soul of the German people. Not merely -aesthetic or sensuous, like the Italian movement, it had a profound -ethical and national basis, on which the powerful art of Dürer, the -sonorous language of Luther, the sweet singing of Hans Sachs, might -safely rest. Almost from the very beginning it pursued a moral aim. -It was inspired by no mere sordid quest of pleasure, but by a noble -dream of purer manners and loftier ideals. It realized the decadence -into which society, both lay and ecclesiastical, had fallen, and -earnestly strove to arrest it in the only possible way--by the -introduction of a new spirit at once into the details of daily life, -and into the broad principles of national existence. But as the -Humanist movement gathered strength and influence, it remained isolated -from politics and from those who ruled the destinies of the Empire, -and, developing in various places and under separate leaders, tended to -waste its energies through lack of systematic or united effort. Under -such circumstances its unspoken appeal for assistance in high places -met with an eager response from Maximilian. For the last twenty-five -years of his life he forms the central figure of the new -movement--possibly not its most glorious or most brilliant -representative, but yet giving life and uniformity to the whole. If -for nought else, he would deserve to be remembered as the connecting -link between the {81} Humanists of Strasburg, Augsburg and Nuremberg. -In order to interpret this feature of the Emperor's character, we must -present a slight sketch of the German Renaissance in its three main -channels, with especial regard to Maximilian and his connexion with the -leading Humanists, and must then proceed to examine Maximilian's own -literary achievements, and his relations to Science and Art in its -various branches. - -In a quaint old comedy written at the close of the fifteenth century, -Cicero and Caesar are brought to life and taken round the cities of -Germany. They are made to describe Strasburg as "the most beautiful of -the German towns, a treasure and ornament of the Fatherland"; of -Augsburg they exclaim, "Rome with its Quirites has wandered here"; -while Nuremberg is pictured as "the Corinth of Germany, if one looks at -the wonderful works of the artist; yet if you look at its walls and -bastions, no Mummius would conquer it so easily."[97] Such are the -three great centres of the German Renaissance. - -In Strasburg, education was the most crying need of the time; for -though there were excellent schools in the Franciscan and Dominican -convents, these were reserved for novices, the laity being wholly -excluded. Jacob Wimpheling, under whom Humanism first took deep root -in the city, was himself a pupil of the Deventer School,[98] and, like -them, {82} devoted his energies to educational reform. His hopes of -founding a University were not realized, and he had to content himself -with forming the centre of a literary society, such as was formed both -at Mainz and Vienna by Conrad Celtes. Wimpheling and his friends -differ largely from their contemporaries in other parts of Germany. -They were characterized by a theological bias which led them into -violent and unprofitable controversies. Though himself a cleric, and -thus a supporter of the spiritual order and of orthodox belief, he -indulged in fierce attacks upon the monks for their immorality, and in -spite of his admiration for heathen authors, he pushed his defence of -theology so far as to condemn the Art of Poetry as useless and unworthy -to be called a science, and only to exempt from utter damnation the -sacred poets of Christianity.[99] He was equally limited in his -patriotic polemics. His praise of everything German is only surpassed -by his hatred for the French and Italians, his profound contempt for -the Swiss. His best-known work, entitled _Germania_, was written with -the double object of proving the exclusively German origin of Alsace -and of "defending the King of the Romans against the monks and secular -preachers who attack him."[100] Even the ingenuous arguments in which -the book abounds, and the quaint array of authorities, from Caesar and -Tacitus to Aeneas Sylvius and Sabellico cannot blind us to the genuine -patriotism, which is latent in every page. "We are Germans, not -French," he exclaims, "and our land must be called Germany, not France, -because Germans live in it. {83} This fact has been acknowledged by -the Romans. For when they had conquered us, the Alemanni on the Rhine, -and, crossing the river, saw that the dwellers on the further bank were -like us in courage, stature, and fair hair, as well as in customs and -way of life, they called us Germans, that is, brothers. But it is -certain that we, these Germans, are like the real Gauls neither in -speech and appearance, nor in character and institutions. Hence our -city and all Alsace is right in preserving the freedom of the Roman -Empire, and will maintain it also in the future, in spite of all French -attempts to win over or conquer us."[101] Such fervent expressions of -German feeling must have called Maximilian's attention to Wimpheling, -even without his vigorous defence of the Imperial dignity. In 1510, -when Maximilian was opposed to Julius II., and hoped to intimidate him -by recounting the wrongs of the German nation, he could think of none -more versed in them than Wimpheling, and therefore requested him to -draw up a summary of the French Pragmatic Sanction, such as would suit -the needs of Germany. In March, 1511, he wrote to Wimpheling that he -was about to hold an assembly at Koln, to deliberate with the French -envoys as to summoning a general Council; and he begged him to think -out means of redressing the various abuses, "without touching -religion." As a result of this request, Wimpheling drew up his -_Gravamina Germanicae Nationis_ and added the desired _Remedia_.[102] -But {84} the Emperor's policy had already changed, and Wimpheling was -informed through the Imperial Councillors that the moment was -unfavourable for publication. Indeed, his labours only received the -attention which they deserved, when they were employed as the basis of -"The Hundred Grievances of the German Nation" (1522).[103] - -[Illustration: SEBASTIAN BRANT] - -Side by side with Wimpheling stands Sebastian Brant, whose literary -worth has probably obtained wider recognition than that of any German -Humanist, with the sole exception of Erasmus. His _Narrenschiff_ ("The -Ship of Fools") is penetrated by a deep religious spirit, and -fearlessly attacks all the corruptions and abuses of the day, "branding -as fools all those who are willing, for things transitory, to barter -things eternal."[104] Brant is in no sense a great poet; his verses -are often stiff and ill-proportioned, and his matter frequently sinks -to the level of the common-place. But the appearance of "The Ship of -Fools" caused an unparalleled stir, not merely in the republic of -letters, but throughout the whole German people; and it owes its -extraordinary popularity to its skilful intermixture of problems which -were in all men's minds. He was the first to give full expression to -the ideas of the middle classes (anticipating the manly independence of -the Scottish poet,[105]) when he sang-- - -{85} - - Aber wer hätt' kein Tugend nit, - Kein Zucht, Scham, Ehr, noch gute Sitt, - Den halt' ich alles Adels leer, - Wenn auch ein Fürst sein Vater wär'. - -But the ruling motives which inspire his muse are the maintenance of -the Church in her pristine purity, and the defence of Christendom -against the onslaught of the infidel. While he preaches earnestly the -Headship of Christ, and exhorts all men to put their trust in God -rather than in mortal men, he is also never tired of enjoining -reverence for the Emperor, and urging them to unite in loyal obedience -to his wishes and aspirations. Apparently unconscious of his -inconsequence, he upheld the principle of absolute Papal domination, -and yet early associated himself with that august dream of the Middle -Ages--the universal monarchy of the Emperor. For him he claimed the -same power in the temporal, as the Pope exercised in the spiritual -world. As the Pope was the organ of religion, so was the Emperor the -source of Law; and the revival of his power as temporal head of -Christendom was to coincide with the re-establishment of that order and -discipline whose absence Brant so frequently laments. The whole fabric -of these vast aspirations Brant rested upon Maximilian. He could not -foresee that this prince, so brilliant, so chivalrous, so sympathetic, -would disappoint the rich promise of his youth and fail to restore the -fallen grandeur of the Empire owing to his schemes of {86} family -aggrandisement. He greeted his election with adulatory verses, -protesting that under such a prince the Golden Age could not fail to -return. The news of Maximilian's imprisonment at Bruges rouses a very -whirlwind of indignant phrases, contrary to the whole spirit of his -later teaching. "Destroy the Flemings," he cries, "extirpate the very -race of this crime, hang and behead the miscreants, overturn their -walls, and make the plough pass over this accursed soil. Such is the -demand of justice."[106] His belief in omens and portents is -unlimited, and they are generally connected with Maximilian in some -quaint and high-sounding verses. Thus the killing of an enormous deer -on some hunting expedition inspires Brant with an absurd and laboured -comparison. "No animal is nobler than the stag: thou, Maximilian, art -the most noble of Princes. He stops astonished before things which -seem new; thou also dost admire things new and great. At the approach -of danger he pricks up his ear and places his young in safety; thou -hearest the menacing noises of thine enemies, and dost protect thy -people."[107] A number of falcons which were seen to assemble and fly -southwards is acclaimed as a symbol of Maximilian, aided by the Princes -in his Italian expedition. "Destiny calls you, O Germans; go and -restore the Empire in Italy." Even when it became evident that -Maximilian was not destined to realize the poet's high ideals, such -extravagances did not cease. Moreover, he was sustained by a personal -attachment for the Emperor, which was deepened by his various visits to -the Court and closer acquaintance {87} with his early hero, and -doubtless strengthened by the Imperial favours bestowed upon him. And -thus it is with unfeigned grief that Brant celebrates his death. "O -magnanimous Caesar, that hope is vanished which we had founded on thee -while thou didst hold the sceptre. How should I restrain my tears? -Thou wert worthy to live, thou the sole anchor of safety for the German -nation. One swift hour hath removed thee: thou art no more, and -misfortune assails the Empire."[108] Our subject is Maximilian, not -Brant, and we may not linger. But the epitaph on the Strasburg poet's -tomb should not be omitted, even in the translation; for it gives us a -sure clue to a character which was sweet and winning in spite of all -its extravagances. "Toi qui regardes ce marbre, souhaite à Brant le -ciel!" - -[Illustration: CONRAD PEUTINGER] - -If in Strasburg the movement assumed a theological and educational -character, in Augsburg it was rather directed towards politics and the -study of history. Alike from its geographical position[109] and from -its industrial and commercial importance,[110] Augsburg was thrown into -close relations with Italy and Italian thought; and enthusiasm for -classical studies was early introduced by Sigismund Gossembrot, one of -the leading merchants of the city. The direction of the movement was -further influenced by the Diets which were held within the city,[111] -and by the frequent visits of the Emperor Maximilian.[112] The place -of {88} Gossembrot was worthily filled by Conrad Peutinger,[113] who -returned from Italy in 1485, as a doctor of law, embued with all the -ardour of a scholar. He became a prominent official of his native -city, and retained his position for many years from inclination rather -than from necessity, betraying throughout his writings the sharp eye -and critical knowledge of the practitioner. His first meeting with -Maximilian probably took place at Augsburg in 1491, and from this time -onwards he was continually employed by the Emperor in various positions -of trust. As ambassador, secretary or orator, he visited many -countries in Europe, and, besides ordering affairs of politics, was -entrusted with the truly humanist task of presenting and answering -formal addresses and greetings. While in his foreign relations he was -eager to maintain the honour of the German name, he skilfully used his -double position as Imperial Councillor and Town-official to smooth over -differences between Maximilian and Augsburg, to the advantage of both -parties. The Emperor's love of Augsburg led him to purchase various -houses within the walls, and the castle of Wellenburg in the -neighbourhood. His action was far from welcome to the burghers, who -did not wish this powerful citizen to acquire too much property in -their midst; and they were only pacified by the assurances of Peutinger -that Maximilian would raise no fortifications round the castle. On the -other hand, during his honourable mission to Hungary (1506), he -obtained from the {89} Emperor a substantial grant of privileges for -his native city--notably the right "de non appellando." But Peutinger -was Maximilian's confidant not merely in political affairs. Indeed, -his employment in Imperial diplomacy directly arose from his -intellectual and artistic relations with Maximilian, who sought the -support of every scholar in his attempt to place the Fatherland in the -forefront of Art and Science. In Italy Peutinger had learned the value -of old Roman inscriptions, and in 1505 he was encouraged by Maximilian -to publish a collection of the inscriptions of German antiquity.[114] -The Emperor and the scholar kept up a correspondence on the subject of -ancient coins, large consignments of which were sent to Augsburg, by -order of the former, from every part of the Empire. During Peutinger's -visit to Vienna in 1506 he was monopolized for three whole days for -learned conversation, and received a new and more important commission -from Maximilian. He was to examine the letters and documents of -members of the House of Hapsburg, and to prepare a selection of them -for publication; and with this object he was assigned a special -apartment in the castle of Vienna, to which chronicles and histories -were brought for his use from all quarters. Here he remained for -almost three months, and the fruit of his labours was the _Kaiserbuch_, -or Book of the Emperors, which was unfortunately never published and -which is now extant only in a few fragments. During his labours for -Maximilian he seems to have acquired a great number of valuable -manuscripts; and had his literary projects been fully realized, we -should have gained {90} an astonishing contribution to the -historiography of the sixteenth century. But apart from his own -unfinished writings, he edited and published, with Maximilian's -approval, various early historical works,--the chronicles of Paul the -Deacon and of Ursperg being of especial value.[115] Moreover, he was -charged by the Emperor with a species of censorship, by virtue of which -he prevented the appearance at Augsburg of a Swiss Chronicle, -containing statements derogatory to the House of Hapsburg. In short, -in almost every phase of the struggle of culture and civilization, -which Maximilian so gallantly led, we find Peutinger intimately engaged -as his friend and fellow-labourer; and with Beatus Rhenanus we may -truly exclaim, "Our Conrad Peutinger is the immortal ornament, not -merely of the town of Augsburg, but also of all Swabia!" - -The activity of Augsburg was not confined to historical studies. The -rising art of Germany had found here a worthy representative in Hans -Holbein, who, though not strictly a Humanist himself, took the deepest -interest in the movement. His attitude is clearly visible from his -portraiture of Erasmus, More, and other leaders of the Renaissance, and -from his illustrations to the _Praise of Folly_ and the _Dance of -Death_. But Holbein, though the greatest of the Augsburg School, was -too much of a wanderer to be {91} thrown into close contact with -Maximilian. The latter none the less found capable artists to give -expression to his own literary projects. Hans Burgkmair, the most -distinguished of their number, produced over one hundred illustrations -of _Weisskunig_, seventy-seven for the _Genealogy_, which consists of -portraits of Maximilian's ancestors, and close upon seventy for the -_Triumphal Procession_, the main idea of which belongs to Dürer. -Leonhard Beck illustrated a book of _Austrian Saints_, and the greater -part of the famous _Teuerdank_; whilst Freydal represented in his -_Mummereien_ the various tournays and festivities of which Maximilian -was the central figure. All these woodcuts and engravings were -executed under the supervision of Peutinger, who also directed the -casting of figures for Maximilian's tomb at Innsbruck, and the making -of armour and warlike equipments for the Emperor's own person. Indeed, -Maximilian put his Humanist friend to very strange uses; for among the -manifold commissions of Peutinger we find the selection of tapestries -from the Netherlands, inquiries after the inventor of a special kind of -siege-ladder, the building of hatching-houses for the Imperial falcons, -and the establishment of an important cannon foundry. The climax is -reached when Maximilian employs Peutinger's historical knowledge to -obtain the names of a hundred women famous in history, after whom he -may christen the latest additions to his artillery! - -[Illustration: WILIBALD PIRKHEIMER] - -Of the three centres of German Humanism, Nuremberg is the greatest and -the most fascinating. The home of invention as well as of industry, it -made no mere empty boast in the proverb, "Nürnberg Tand geht durch alle -Land." Its churches and {92} public buildings were the glory of the -age, its craftsmen and designers perhaps then unequalled in the world. -Its literary circle contains a larger number of distinguished names -than any of its rivals. Meisterlin, the author of the famous Nuremberg -chronicle, Cochläus, the bitter satirist of Luther; Osiander, the -celebrated Hebrew scholar and Reformed preacher; Jäger the -mathematician; above all Hans Sachs, the cobbler-poet, "the sweet -singer of Nuremberg"--all these fill an honourable place in the annals -of the city. But the central figures of its life are, beyond any -doubt, Wilibald Pirkheimer and Albrecht Dürer; in any case they would -monopolise our attention on account of their intimate connexion with -Maximilian. When still King of the Romans, he had resided at -Nuremberg, and the joyous animation with which he entered into the life -of the city won for him wide popularity. "When about to depart, we are -told he invited twenty great ladies to dinner; after dinner, when they -were all in a good humour, the Markgrave Frederick asked Maximilian in -the name of the ladies to stay a little longer and to dance with them. -They had taken away his boots and spurs, so that he had no choice. -Then the whole company adjourned to the Council House, several other -young ladies were invited, and Maximilian stayed dancing all through -the afternoon and night, and arrived a day late at Neumarkt, where the -Count Palatine had been expecting him all the preceding day."[116] As -Emperor, Maximilian paid many visits to Nuremberg, and his first Diet -was enlivened by a succession of brilliant masques, dances and -tournaments, such as roused the enthusiasm of the local {93} -chroniclers. He remained on terms of great intimacy with Pirkheimer, -who in many ways is the most typical figure of the German Renaissance. -After an excellent education, at Padua and Pavia, in jurisprudence, -literature and arts, Pirkheimer became councillor in Nuremberg, and won -the special confidence of the Emperor both by his skilful diplomacy and -by his patriotic assistance in the Swiss War. His great riches he -employed not merely for the adornment of his own house, but also in -generous support of less-favoured followers of the Muse. While he -resembled Peutinger as diplomat, as historian, and as theologian, he -had less of the temperament of a pedagogue, and more of the joyous -nature of a true poet. As the representative of a great movement of -the intellect, he was open to all its various methods and aspirations, -and yet understood the lesson of self-restraint and concentration too -well to exhaust his powers in a labyrinth of alternatives. With the -true cheerfulness and humour of the man who knows the world, yet -remains unsullied by contact with it, he and his friends devoted -themselves to what is after all the highest philosophy, the study of -mankind--hiding under a smiling face, nay, often a mocking mien, their -confidence in the great destinies of the race. And yet a deep pathos -attaches to Pirkheimer's closing days. Disappointed in his dreams of -moral and spiritual regeneration for the people, he turned wearily back -from the paths of the new doctrine to the bosom of Mother Church. His -violent attack upon Johann Eck, his noble defence of Reuchlin, had -seemed to foreshadow him as a leader of the Reformation.[117] But his -ideals were in reality of {94} the past rather than of the future; and, -brooding over his shattered hopes, he lingered out a solitary old age, -whose sadness is but deepened by his swan-like lament for Dürer. - -[Illustration: ALBRECHT DURER] - -Dürer was indeed well worthy of all the praise which has been lavished -upon him; for from all his works there shines forth the noble modesty -of a pure good man. Though scarcely a scholar himself, his deep -sympathy with the great movement is manifest not only in the manner in -which his art interprets it, but also in his own written words.[118] -His letters to Pirkheimer from Venice form delightful reading and show -the keenness of his sympathy and observation. The years which followed -his return to Nuremberg, 1507-1514, were the most productive period of -his life, as well as the period of his most intimate connexion with -Maximilian. From them date the ambitious designs of the "Ehrenpforte" -(Triumphal Arch), which, though executed under Maximilian's direct -supervision, were entirely the idea of Dürer. No less than ninety-two -large woodcuts, the production of which occupied Dürer for two years, -go to {95} make up this imposing metaphorical picture. A structure in -itself impossible is overburdened by portraits of all the ancestors of -Maximilian, mythical as well as real, and by the many exploits and -adventures of the Emperor's own life. But the work must be estimated -less by the quaintness of its composition than by its sterling artistic -qualities and by the important place which it holds in the development -of German Art. The idea was further developed in the "Triumphzug" and -the "Triumphwagen," which was completed in 1516. The Imperial and -other triumphal cars were drawn by Dürer in sixty-three woodcuts, while -the remaining seventy-four were prepared in Augsburg by Hans Burgkmair -and L. Beck.[119] The procession, whose magnificence was to idealize -Maximilian as the greatest of Princes, includes sketches of almost -everything that ever roused the Emperor's interest. Landsknechts, -cannon, huntsmen, mummers, dancers of every rank and variety, the noble -ladies of the Court, are mingled with allegories of every Imperial and -human virtue, elaborately grouped upon triumphal cars. The keen -personal interest of Maximilian in the progress of the work is well -attested. Indeed, he showed his impatience, while the various blocks -were in progress, by frequently visiting not merely Dürer himself, but -also the "formschneider" or block-cutter, who lived in a street -approached by the Frauengasslein. Hence the old Nuremberg proverb, -"The Emperor still often drives to Petticoat Lane."[120] Dürer was -appointed painter to Maximilian, with a grant of arms and a salary of -100 florins a year; and {96} a letter of the Emperor to the Town -Council of Nuremberg is still extant, in which he demands Dürer's -exemption from "communal imposts, and all other contributions in money, -in testimony of our friendship for him, and for the sake of the -marvellous art of which it is but just that he should freely benefit. -We trust that you will not refuse the demand we now make of you, -because it is proper, as far as possible, to encourage the arts he -cultivates and so largely develops among you."[121] These earnest -words of Maximilian reveal to us very clearly his attitude towards the -great movement of his day. Yet, sad as it is to relate, Dürer never -received payment for the ninety-two sheets of the "Triumphal Arch," -which had cost him so much time and labour, and after Maximilian's -death they were sold separately. But the Emperor may fairly be -absolved from the charge of mean treatment of Dürer, for his own needs -were great and many, and it is strictly true that he spent very little -upon himself. The great artist was always treated with distinction as -a personal friend of the Emperor, who, besides granting him a fixed -salary, gave him material assistance in checking the forging and -pirating of his engravings. He sometimes resided at Court, when -Maximilian held it at Augsburg, and often employed his time in making -sketches in chalk of the illustrious persons whom he met. On one -occasion Maximilian was attempting to draw a design for Dürer, but kept -breaking the charcoal in doing so. When the artist took the pencil -and, without once breaking it, easily completed the sketch, the Emperor -expressed his surprise and probably showed his annoyance. But {97} -Dürer was ready with his compliment. "I should not like your Majesty," -he said, "to be able to draw as well as I. It is my province to draw -and yours to rule."[122] Not the least interesting and important of -Dürer's commissions was to paint that portrait of the Emperor which now -hangs in the Imperial Gallery at Vienna. The prominent nose, the -hanging eyelid, the half-contemptuous, half-mournful turn of the lips, -the wrinkled cheeks and neck, the long hair falling over the ears, the -pointed bonnet with its clasp, the sombre flowing robes, form a -striking picture and suggest a speaking likeness. Disappointment, but -also that peculiar attribute of the Hapsburgs, resignation, are clearly -marked upon Maximilian's face. In the other two portraits by Dürer--a -chalk drawing executed at the Diet of Augsburg (1518) and a woodcut -completed shortly before his death--the features are less rugged, and -reveal somewhat more of the sanguine spirit of Maximilian's early days. -With the exception of these sketches,[123] Dürer's last commission for -Maximilian was the exquisite decoration for the latter's private -Gebetbuch (Book of Prayer), of which only ten copies were printed,[124] -and which will ever remain one of the gems of artistic and devotional -literature. With Dürer's career after 1519 we are not concerned; but -it is worthy of notice that his most brilliant work dates from the -reign of Maximilian, and that his sympathy with "the nightingale of -Wittenberg" seems to have partially diverted his attention from his -art. {98} - -It must not be supposed that Maximilian's humanistic enthusiasms were -confined to the three great centres which have just been described, or -that he only helped on such movements as were already animated by a -vigorous existence and a fair prospect of success. His own hereditary -dominions were even more directly indebted to his efforts than were -other parts of the Empire. - -[Illustration: DAS ROSENKRANZFEST. Painting by Dürer, with Kneeling -Figure of Maximilian] - -During the first century of its existence, Vienna University[125] was -an autonomous ecclesiastical corporation, over which the methods of the -mediaeval Schoolmen held complete sway. But during the long reign of -Frederick III., several circumstances combined to cast a blight upon -its hitherto flourishing condition. During the Council of Basel it -assumed a hostile attitude to the Pope, and its surrender of that -position only emphasised its folly; while in the struggle of Frederick -and his brother Albert the professors were unwise enough to dabble in -politics and thus to throw off the immunity which guarded their proper -sphere. Their open sympathy with Albert was fatal to a good -understanding with Frederick, who never showed any favour to their -body. Vienna further suffered from a six months' siege by Matthias of -Hungary (1477) and from a violent outbreak of the plague (1481); and -this had scarce abated, when war was renewed and Matthias overran the -whole of Lower Austria. During the ensuing siege (December 1484 to -June 1485) all lectures were inevitably suspended, and the whole work -of the University was at a standstill. The refusal of the University -authorities to take the oath of {99} allegiance to Matthias--on the -ground that, as a clerical corporation, they were independent of the -temporal power--induced the conqueror to stop all the revenues which -they derived from the government; and though he at length granted[126] -a sum sufficient for the payment of the Professors and other -necessities, yet he never extended to Vienna the same liberality -towards Art and Science which had distinguished his relations with -Buda-Pest. By the time of his death (1490) Vienna University was in a -state of almost complete decay. - -Under such circumstances the recovery of Austria by Maximilian was -greeted with joy on the part of the authorities, and immediate steps -were taken to restore the tottering fabric of the University. -Maximilian set himself definitely to transform it from a clerical -corporation to a home of the new Humanism, and was aided in this -difficult task by the Superintendent Perger, the intention of whose -office was not only to control the Government grants, but also to -decide upon their expenditure, and to refer to the Emperor all -questions of professorial appointments. In spite of much internal -opposition, the Humanists ere long acquired predominance in the -philosophical Faculty, the medicals threw off the monstrous -requirements of Scholasticism, and the jurists began to study Roman as -well as ecclesiastical law. The revival of Vienna soon roused the -interest of that peculiar product of the Renaissance period, the -wandering scholar. The first to visit the University was Johann -Spiesshaimer--more celebrated as Cuspinian--who rapidly won favour with -the Hapsburgs by a poem in praise of St. Leopold, Markgrave of Austria, -and {100} who was crowned poet by Maximilian shortly after his father's -death, in presence of a brilliant and representative assembly. Soon -afterwards he began to hold regular lectures on poetry and rhetoric, -discussing such writers as Cicero, Sallust, Horace, Virgil and Lucan. -But Perger's preference lay decidedly with the Humanists of Italy, many -of whom he had known personally during his residence at Padua and -Bologna. At his recommendation, Maximilian in 1493 summoned Hieronymus -Balbus from Venice to Vienna, and appointed him lecturer on the Roman -Poets. But the Italian's fiery temper soon led him into disputes with -the University authorities, and after an unsatisfactory career of two -years he found a fresh outbreak of plague in the city a convenient -pretext for returning to Italy. Krachenberger and Fuchsmagen, the two -councillors whom Maximilian had appointed to assist Perger, doubtless -influenced by the unseemly brawling of Balbus, were loud in their -complaints of Perger's favouritism, and urged their Imperial master to -encourage German rather than Italian scholars. But Maximilian was, -after all, only following his own judgment, when in 1497 he sent a -cordial invitation to Stabius and Celtes to fill professorships at -Vienna. - -Conrad Celtes is the most famous of the earlier German Humanists, and -is in a sense the forerunner of Peutinger and Pirkheimer. But while -his influence penetrated into every part of the Empire as a stimulating -force, Vienna was the scene of his longest and most definite labours, -and hence all mention of him has been postponed till now. Born in -1459, in humble circumstances, Celtes devoted himself from youth to the -pursuit of learning, studying the {101} Roman classics in the leading -universities of Germany. Without any settled abode, he wandered from -one university to another, associating with scholars and supporting -himself by lectures on the philosophy of Plato, the rhetoric of Cicero, -or the poetry of Horace. In 1486 he visited Italy and made the -acquaintance of all the famous Humanists of the age. On his return, -the publication of his first treatise, the _Ars Versificandi_, brought -him to the notice of Frederick III., by whom he was crowned as poet at -the Diet of Nuremberg (1487). During the next four years he visited -Cracow, Prague, Buda, Heidelberg and Mainz, and again settled down at -Nuremberg in 1491. Here he published a life of St. Sebald, patron of -the city, in sapphics, and a treatise upon the origin and customs of -Nuremberg itself. But within a year he was summoned to Ingolstadt as -Professor of Poetry and Rhetoric, and here he was residing when -Maximilian's letter reached him. The Emperor's appeal was not in vain, -and Celtes took up his permanent abode in Vienna University in 1497, as -professor of the same subjects as at Ingolstadt. His opening lectures, -which treated the philosophy of Plato in connexion with the -Neo-Platonism of the Italian scholars, were regarded with suspicion and -dislike by many members of the University; but his position was -strengthened by the hearty support of Maximilian, who in 1501 appointed -Cuspinian, the intimate friend of Celtes, to the post of -Superintendent. Celtes, and with him the Emperor, was convinced that -new methods of instruction were necessary, if Humanism was to triumph -over Scholasticism. "A new institute was required, which should serve -for the preparation and {102} training of Humanism, a sort of seminary -of Humanist scholars, not outside, but _inside_, the University."[127] -These views led, in October 1501, to the foundation of the "Collegium -Poetarum et Mathematicorum" by Maximilian. Planned by Celtes with the -active approval of Cuspinian, the College in no way formed a fifth -Faculty, though it was directly connected with the Faculty of Arts. Of -its two divisions, the first was devoted to the study of mathematics, -physics and astronomy, the second to that of poetry and rhetoric. The -right of the coronation of poets, which had hitherto lain with the -Emperor alone, was now vested by Maximilian in Celtes, as director of -his own creation. The most distinguished scholars were to receive the -crown of laurel, as a mark of high distinction and as an incentive to -further efforts. But this privilege was exercised by Celtes for the -first and last time, when in 1502 he crowned Stabius, his former -colleague at Ingolstadt, and now Professor of Mathematics and Astronomy -at Vienna. All subsequent coronations of poets were by Maximilian -himself;[128] and the College of Poets fell into disuse after the death -of Celtes in 1508. Even had worthy successors to Celtes and Stabius -been found, it is doubtful whether the College would have had a -permanent existence. Its hybrid position, as an independent -institution and yet an integral part of the University, was a source of -endless bickerings and quarrels, which can scarcely have been a -recommendation to foreign scholars. Celtes' other peculiar -institution, {103} the "Literary Society of the Danube," which he had -originally founded at Buda, and which transplanted itself to Vienna -when he settled there, was a kind of academy or free union of scholars -for the spread of Humanism. Its members were recruited from almost -every nation, and were only held together by the personal influence of -Celtes; on his death it shared the same fate as the College of Poets. - -[Illustration: CONRAD CELTES.] - -An interesting development of such Humanist unions formed itself in the -mind of Aldus Manutius, the famous Venetian printer. He longed for the -establishment of an academy which should devote itself to the -perfecting of printing and to the spread of the Greek language, and he -entertained the further hope of converting it into an educational -institute, which should form a point of scientific intercourse between -Germany and Italy, under the direct initiative of the Emperor. But -though he approached Maximilian on the subject, he obtained nothing but -vague promises of assistance, whose fulfilment was thwarted by the -Emperor's lack of resources. - -Besides his general services to Humanism, Celtes earned the gratitude -of Maximilian by his attention to historical studies. His sketch of -Nuremberg contains a valuable description of its buildings and its -trades, its climate and its inhabitants. His eager investigations -resulted in the discovery of the comedies of the Saxon nun Hroswith, -whose lax morality has been adduced as a proof of their fictitious -character, and the works of Ligurinus, upon which he and his friends -lectured at Vienna.[129] At the moment of his death he {104} was -engaged upon important work for Maximilian. His projected history of -the origin of the House of Hapsburg still remained very much in embryo; -but his great work, _Germania Illustrata_, had assumed very real -dimensions and would, if completed, have eclipsed even the famous -_Nuremberg Chronicle_. - -The place of Celtes was filled in Maximilian's estimation by Stabius -and Cuspinian. The former, who had been crowned poet in 1502, was -appointed Historiographer by the Emperor in 1508, and was virtually -monopolized for historical research. Even during Maximilian's last -illness Stabius was employed to read aloud volumes of Austrian -history.[130] But his achievements in the field of history are of -trifling value, and are not to be compared to his works on geographical -and mathematical subjects. Cuspinian is much more worthy of -consideration, especially as his relations with Maximilian drew him in -the same direction as Peutinger. Already Rector of Vienna University -in 1500, he was incessantly employed by the Emperor on embassies and in -affairs of politics. In the course of five years he was engaged in no -fewer than twenty-four missions to Hungary, and he took the leading -part in the negotiations of 1507 and 1515, which resulted in the double -marriage between Austria and Bohemia-Hungary, and the close union of -Maximilian with Uladislas (1515). Nothwithstanding his political -activity, he found time for medical and historical pursuits, lectures -and public addresses on Philosophy and Rhetoric, and elaborate -discussions {105} with his Humanist friends. Besides editing several -of the later classical authors,[131] he brought out the _Weltchronik_ -of Bishop Otto of Freisingen, and the same writer's _Warlike Deeds of -Frederick Barbarossa_. His own productions include an account of the -Congress of Princes at Vienna in 1515, and a sketch of _The Origin, -Religion and Tyranny of the Turks_, which naturally roused Imperial -interest. All his most important works exhibit traces of his connexion -with Maximilian. His _Commentarii de Romanorum Consulibus_ are -probably the most profound and critical; but his history _De Caesaribus -et Imperatoribus Romanorum_,[132] which employed him between the years -1512 and 1522, undoubtedly possesses the most practical interest, since -it furnishes us with many valuable details of Maximilian's life and -character. His other work, _Austria_, contains a complete history of -the country up till 1519, as well as a geographical and topographical -description of its several provinces. Unhappily it was not published -till 1553, and by that time the maps which were to have been included -had disappeared. - -Under Maximilian's auspices, the medical faculty of the University was -improved to an equal extent with the others, and an ordinance was -issued imposing the severest penalties, at the hands of the -magistrates, on all foreign physicians whose incompetence was -discovered. Again, the Emperor's passionate love of music led to a -distinct revival in that noble science. A famous choirmaster of the -day, Heinrich Isaak, who had spent twelve years in the service of -Lorenzo {106} the Magnificent, was induced to settle at Maximilian's -Court, where his labours raised the Imperial Chapel to a high level of -musical excellence. Amongst other really valuable compositions, his -setting to the poem attributed to Maximilian, "Innsbruck, ich muss dich -lassen," is well known at the present day. The Court organist, Paul -Hofheimer, was likewise esteemed the glory of his profession, and was -the forerunner of a school of brilliant organists scattered throughout -Germany.[133] - -Though Maximilian knew well how to employ the activity of the scholar -and the artist, and to stimulate the most varied aspirations of his -time, there is one necessary limitation to our praise of his attitude. -The buoyancy of his nature was to some extent due to a trait of -vaingloriousness, which gave a rosy colouring to his own achievements, -and prevented him from seeing himself as others saw him. Moreover, -this airy self-conceit led him to lay by material, which should win -from posterity a more comprehensive admission of his greatness than was -accorded either by the bare facts of his political life or by the -estimate of contemporaries; and thus he naturally emphasized the common -idea of that period--that history was a relation of the warlike and -peaceful exploits of the monarchs of the world. And yet he often rose -above his own limitations. At one time he eagerly entertained the idea -of a great Monumenten-Sammlung, or collection of authorities for -mediaeval German history; while his encouragement of critical inquiry -atoned for the incompleteness of his own conceptions. Still his -literary productions are crowded with passages of fulsome adulation, -which, {107} by reason of over-statement and extravagant diction, -rarely produce the effect intended. - -Among these works two stand out prominently; yet even their execution -was entrusted to others, partly no doubt on account of the many -political demands upon Maximilian's time, but also because he did not -himself possess sufficient patience or poetical talent. -_Weisskunig_[134] is a prose romance, much of the material of which was -taken down from Maximilian's dictation by his secretaries, and -re-arranged and compiled by Marx Treitzsauerwein of Innsbruck. It is -divided into three parts, of which the latter is too obvious a mixture -of "Wahrheit und Dichtung" to be of any great value. The earlier -portion describes the life of the old White King (Frederick III.), his -journey to win his bride, his marriage and his coronation, while the -second deals with the youth and education of the young White King, -Maximilian. The description of his endless accomplishments exhibits to -the full the Emperor's love of minute information, as well as the happy -conviction of his own excellence in almost every art and science. His -quaint conversation with his father on the art of Government has -already been referred to (p. 7). Undoubtedly the chief interest and -value of the book, which was only given to the world in 1775, lies in -its illustrations, which show Maximilian engaged in the most varied -pursuits. The charming picture of Mary and Maximilian teaching each -other Flemish and German, the deathbed of Frederick III. with its -simple pathos, the humorous contrast of the young prince and his -instructors in cannon-founding, his serious {108} deportment over his -correspondence--these are but four scenes chosen somewhat at random -from a most fascinating collection. - -_Teuerdank_, the other great prose-epic of Maximilian, is rather a -fairy tale than a history, describing, under a highly allegorical form, -the difficulties which opposed themselves to the Burgundian marriage. -A fabulously wealthy King has an only daughter, a miracle of virtue and -beauty, who is to belong to the most gallant and distinguished of her -many suitors. King Romreich dies before a decision has been come to, -but Princess Ehrenreich sees from his will that only Ritter Teuerdank -is worthy of her hand. She summons him and he promptly sets forth to -join her, accompanied by his trusty comrade Erenhold. But he is -continually detained and led astray by the Evil One, who urges him to -follow his natural instincts, and throws every kind of adventure in his -way. Moreover, the envious magnates of Ehrenreich's Court enlist -against him three captains, who endeavour to lure him to destruction. -Fürwittig represents the vain ambition of youth, to give proof of its -strength and skill and glory, merely for its own gratification; Unfalo, -the fascination for the noble youth, which lies in travel and adventure -by sea and land; while Neidelhard personifies the deadliest of unseen -enemies, Jealousy, that foe who leads the young Prince into the most -difficult entanglements. But the gallant Teuerdank comes scathless -through every ordeal, thanks to his innate virtue and to the powerful -genius of Love. But even then his trial is not at an end. At the -request of Ehrenreich, and the exhortation of a heavenly messenger, he -conducts a campaign against the infidels, who consent to become his -{109} vassals. At length he is free to return, covered with glory and -honour, to the Court of Ehrenreich, when the marriage is duly -celebrated. This extravagant romance, which, with all its sentiment, -is inclined to be wooden and tedious, was actually composed by Melchior -Pfinzing, Provost of St. Sebald's, Nuremberg, though Maximilian -directed its whole tone and substance. It also was elaborately -illustrated by Beck, Burgkmair, and others, but its woodcuts are much -inferior in interest and in execution to those of _Weisskunig_. In -1517 the whole work was privately printed upon parchment, but in 1535 -it was published to the world in an edition which is famous for its -sumptuous style. The _Ehrenpforte_ and _Triumphzug_, the _Genealogie_ -and _Wappenbuch_ lend additional force to the argument that -Maximilian's enthusiasm owed part of its vigour to motives of -self-glorification. The most important of these works have already -been referred to in connexion with the Augsburg artists and with -Dürer.[135] But some mention must here be made of the recently -discovered _Gejaid Buch_, which was written for Maximilian during -1499-1500, by his Master of the Game, Carl von Spaur, and adorned with -rich illuminations, dealing with the Emperor's sport on the mountains -of North Tyrol. This book contains such minute information, that he -could at a glance "ascertain the head of {110} chamois and red deer in -any of the 200 and odd localities described therein," and is full of -hints and suggestions as to the posting of the sportsmen and as to -possible quarters for the night. Often when there was no castle in the -neighbourhood, the Emperor had to content himself with a primitive -log-hut high up on the mountain-slopes. Sometimes, to avoid such rough -lodging for the night, he covered tremendous distances on horseback, to -get back to more frequented valleys; and it was doubtless on such an -occasion as this that he found a beggar dying by the roadside, and, -dismounting, gave him his own flask to drink from, wrapped his own -mantle round him, and then rode hotly to the next town to summon a -priest.[136] Fatigue was well-nigh unknown to him, and he must -sometimes "have started from his headquarters in the middle of the -night, getting back only after some thirty-six hours in the saddle.... -Only those acquainted with the very voluminous correspondence of this -keen sportsman can form any idea of the close attention paid by him to -every detail connected with the chase.... In the thick of a bloody war -in the Netherlands we find him writing letters about a young ibex buck -some peasant women in a remote Tyrolese valley were keeping for him, or -promising in an autograph letter a silk dress to each of certain -peasants' wives in an isolated glen, as a reward for preventing their -husbands from poaching this rare game, or giving minute instructions -where a particular couple of hunting hounds were to be kept, and what -was to be done with their puppies."[137] Our {111} astonishment is not -lessened when we learn that Maximilian possessed as many as 1,500 -hounds. This brief digression, to which the Emperor's literary works -have inevitably tempted us, is far from inappropriate to any -description of one whose passion for the chase led him to sign himself -"sportsman and Emperor." - -Thus, in all their manifold branches, Literature, Art and Science owe -Maximilian a deep debt of gratitude. He worthily led the great onward -movement of his day, devoting himself to its cause with whole-hearted -service. He guided and controlled it up to the very threshold of that -mighty Revolution, in which "a solitary monk" was destined to shake the -world; and on the threshold it was but fitting that he should leave its -direction to others. His little foibles and conceits vanish, in view -of the great fact that he had nobly performed his duty in the march of -time; and it would indeed have been a cruel mockery of fate, had he -been left to see his ideals shattered and falsified, the world of his -conception renovated and transformed, while he himself, too old in -years and too passionate in conviction to remain leader of the van, -dropped backward amid the indistinguishable throng. - -Though Maximilian was wholly out of sympathy with the principles which -guided Luther, and would probably have opposed him had he lived, yet it -may {112} be said that indirectly the Reformation owes something to -him. The earlier stages of the German Renaissance were dominated by a -strong theological bias, and it was only gradually that the prevailing -idea was dispelled, that a student or literary man must belong to the -spiritual order. The revival of the study of Greek and Hebrew -strengthened the element of criticism; and with criticism of theology -came criticism of history, and a desire to dispel the mists which had -gathered round the great past of Germany, and to kindle the growing -national spirit by a closer knowledge of the glorious deeds of men's -ancestors. This patriotic movement, which no one did more to foster -and encourage than Maximilian, soon brought the passionate upholders of -Germany into collision with foreign sentiment. The opposition to Italy -and to Rome, which was mainly due to the degradation of the Papacy and -its practice of draining German resources for purely Italian ends, was -regarded with favour by Maximilian, though his policy was possibly -dictated by secular considerations. Wimpheling's attack on Papal -abuses in Germany, written at Maximilian's command, is the most -outspoken defiance of Rome prior to the appearance of Luther. But -while Maximilian possessed that deep national enthusiasm which was one -of the leading inspirations of Luther's career, he had none of the -Reformer's profound criticism and self-depreciation, and was too much a -man of action to take any deep interest in questions of theology. - -We cannot pass to a final estimate of Maximilian's character and policy -without some mention of the wonderful monument in the Hofkirche at -Innsbruck. The Church itself was erected in compliance with the {113} -will of Maximilian, but owing to the loss of the original plans, the -whole work was not completed till the year 1583. In the centre of the -nave stands a massive marble sarcophagus, which supports the kneeling -figure of Maximilian, surrounded by the four cardinal virtues. On the -sides of the sarcophagus are twenty-four exquisite marble reliefs, -representing the principal events of the Emperor's life, all but four -of which were executed by Alexander Colins of Mechlin, the architect of -the famous Otto-Heinrichsbau in Heidelberg Castle. Many of the reliefs -are especially interesting for the careful studies of faces; those of -Maximilian's meetings with his daughter Margaret and with Henry VIII. -contain striking portraits of the Emperor. But the unique feature of -this famous memorial is the long line of bronze figures which extend -round the nave, the silent witnesses of the vanished grandeur of the -Holy Roman Empire. All the great rulers of the House of Hapsburg here -watch over what should have held the mortal remains of their gallant -descendant; while the gentle Mary and her children take their places in -the silent pageant. But amid all the throng two figures stand out -conspicuously. Maximilian had wished that the heroes of his early -dreams should share the long vigil over his grave; and the magic power -of Peter Vischer, the great Nuremberg craftsman, has given the touch of -life and genius to the figures of Theodoric and Arthur. Fitting indeed -it was that the personality of the champion of the Table Round should -be made to rise before us. Arthur, the great type of all that was best -and noblest in mediaeval chivalry, and Maximilian, the last worthy -representative of a worn-out order and a subverted code of honour, are -thus indissolubly linked {114} together in our imaginations; and as we -turn away from the empty tomb and its spellbound watchers, we can -realize something of the glamour and romance of the Imperial dreamer's -life. - - - -[96] Quoted, Geiger, _Renaissance und Humanismus_, page 345. - -[96a] The only two possible exceptions to this assertion, Joachim of -Brandenburg, who founded the University of Frankfurt-on-Oder, and -Eitelwolf von Stein, who introduced Hutten to the Court of Mainz. - -[97] See Geiger, p. 360. - -[98] An educational movement was set in motion at Deventer by the -Brethren of the Common Life, headed by Gerhard Groot, and later by -Radewins. The chief of many brilliant pupils were Cardinal Nicholas of -Cusa, Rudolph Agricola, and Alexander Hegius. Among its offshoots was -the School of Schletstadt in Alsace, whence Wimpheling came. - -[99] _Defensio theologiae contra turpem libellum Philomusi_. - -[100] See letter of Wimpheling to Brant, quoted by Schmidt, _Histoire -Litteraire de l'Alsace_, i., page 31. - -[101] Quoted, Geiger, page 364. - -[102] See Prof. Ulmann, _Studie über Maximilians I Plan einer deutschen -Kirchenreform in_ 1510--in Briegers Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, -vol. iii. - -[103] Creighton, vi., page 13. - -[104] Janssen, i., p. 304. The English translation of Alexander -Barclay, published in 1508, is a favourite with collectors of rare -editions. - -[105] "A prince can mak' a belted knight - A marquis, duke an' a' that; - But an honest man's aboon his might-- - Guid faith, he mauna fa' that."--_Burns_. - - Compare also-- - - "Ferre lo Sole il fango tutto il giorno; - Vile riman, nè il Sol perde calore. - Dice uomo altier, 'Gentil per schiatta torno'; - Lui sembro al fango, al Sol gentil valore."--_Guido Guinicelli_. - -[106] _Elegiaca exhortatio contra perfldos et sacrilegos -Flamingos_--quoted Schmidt, i., p. 283. - -[107] Quoted, Schmidt, i. 261. - -[108] _Varia Carmina_.--Brant. - -[109] One of the trade routes from Venice and the East was through -Innsbruck direct to Augsburg. - -[110] The great houses of Fugger and Welser had connexions throughout -Europe. - -[111] 1500, 1510, 1518. - -[112] The following list of his visits does not profess to be -complete--1491, 1502, 1504, March 1508, February to May and June to -July 1510, March to April, and May 1513, March 1514, January 1515, -January 1516, January and July 1517, July 1518. - -[113] See Theodor Herberger, _Conrad Peutinger in seinem Verhältniss -zum Kaiser Maximilian I_. - -[114] _Romanae vetustatis fragmenta in Augusta Vindelicorum et eius -Diocesi_. - -[115] His chief publications were: (1) _Historia horarum Canonicarum de -S. Hieronymo_ (1512). (2) _Jornandes, De rebus Gothorum_ (1515). (3) -_Paulus Diaconus forojuliensis, de gestis Langobardorum_ (1515). (4) -_Chronicon Abbatis Urspergensis a Nino Rege Assyriorum magno usque ad -Fridericum II. Rom. Imperatorem_ (1515). (5) New edition of Macrobius, -_De Somno Scipionis_. He also wrote himself--_Sermones convivales de -finibus Germaniae contra Gallos_, and _Germania ex variis scriptoribus -perbrevis explicatio_. - -[116] C. Headlam, _Nuremberg_, p. 60. - -[117] It is not, I think, pedantic nor beside the mark, to compare the -words of Pirkheimer and Zola--"Ich werde nie Verschweigenswertes -enthüllen, denn die Wahrheit, die nur zeitweise bedrückt, aber niemals -unterdrückt werden kann, wird sich selbst offenbaren" (from _Der -gehobelte Eck_); and "La vérité est en avance, et rien ne l'arrêtera!" -(open letter on Dreyfus). - -[118] "Alle begehrenden und wirkenden Kräfte des Gemüthes können eines -jeglichen Dinges, wie nützlich und lustbar das immer erscheinen mag, -von täglicher Übung vielem und überflüssigem Gebrauche befriedigt, -erfüllet und zuletzt verdriesslich werden, allein die Begierde viel zu -wissen; die da einem Jeglichen von Natur eingepflanzet ist, die ist -gegen solche Ersättigung gefeiert und aller Verdriesslichkeit ganz und -gar nicht unterworfen"--quoted from Dürer, in Geiger, _Renaissance und -Humanismus_, p. 384. - -[119] Beck only did seven. (Total 137.) - -[120] See _Albert Dürer_, by Wm. Bell Scott, p. 67. - -[121] Quoted, Scott's _Dürer_, p. 69. - -[122] Headlam, _Story of Nuremberg_, p. 73. - -[123] Maximilian also appears in Dürer's beautiful picture, "Das -Rosenkranzfest," now at Prague. The Blessed Virgin enthroned in the -centre gently lays a crown upon the head of Maximilian, who kneels -sideways, with clasped hands, to her left. - -[124] Six more were printed by Lucas Cranach. - -[125] See Joseph von Aschbach, _Geschichte der Wiener Universitat_, 2 -vols. - -[126] At the instance of Innocent VIII. - -[127] Aschbach, xi. 65. - -[128] They were as follows: Velocianus, 1508; Joachim v. Watt -(Vadianus), 1514; Janus Hadelius, 1515; Rudolfus Agricola (the -younger), 1516. - -[129] The former he unearthed in the monastery of St. Emmeran at -Augsburg, and edited in 1501; the latter was found in the Franconian -monastery of Ebrach, and printed in Augsburg in 1507. See Wattenbach, -_Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen_, i. 1-6. On Celtes, see A. Horawitz, -_Zur Geschichte des deutschen Humanismus_, article in _Zeitschrift für -deutsche Kulturgeschichte_, 1875. - -[130] _Script. Univ. Vienn._ ii. 32, quoted Aschbach. - -[131] Ovid, the hymns of Aurelius Prudentius, a Christian poet, and -_Periegesis_ by Dionysius of Alexandria. - -[132] From Julius Caesar up to the death of Maximilian. - -[133] Janssen, i. 256-8. - -[134] See _Jahrbuch det Kunsthistorischen Sammlung des ah. -Kaiserhauses, vol. vi._ containing _Weisskunig_. - -[135] Bibliography of Maximilian--"_Die Bücher die Kaeyser Max selbst -macht--Grab, Ehren, Weise Künig, Teuerdanck, Freydanck, Triumph Wagen, -Stamm Cronick, der Stamm, Artalerey; die sieben Lust-Gezirck, -Wappen-Buch, Stall-Buch, Joegerey, Valcknerey, Kücherey, Kellnerey, -Fischerey, Goertnerey, Baumeisterey, Moralitoet, Andacht St. Jürgen. -Nec ullus eorum hactenus impressus est, praeterquam is qui inscribitur -der Theuerdanck._" Quoted in "Notice sur Max. I."; in Le Glay, -_Correspondence_, vol. ii. - -[136] Janssen, i. 592. - -[137] See a most interesting article in the _Monthly Review_, February -1901, "An Emperor's Sporting Chronicle," by W. Baillie Grohman. -Perhaps even more extraordinary than these instances is the letter to -his daughter Margaret (Dec. 22, 1510). He desires her to make three -requests of Henry VIII.--first, for 2,000 archers for Maximilian's -expedition to Rome; second, for pardon for the Duke of Suffolk; and -_third_, for "deux beaux doghes femelles et ung masle," for the Duke of -Würtemberg--Le Glay, i., letter 269. Earlier in the same year -(February 1510), he expresses his delight at the eager way in which his -young grandson Charles is taking to the chase, and adds, "otherwise one -might deem him a bastard." - - - - -{115} - -V - -The wideness of Maximilian's interests, and the variety of spheres in -which those interests led him to take a part, enhance the difficulty of -estimating or defining his character as a whole, and each different -attitude demands discussion before any general conclusion can be drawn. -His political career, however, despite all its intrigues and -complications, is comparatively easy to estimate; for his persistence -in controlling his own policy and his dislike of associates and -confidants throw the entire responsibility of any given action upon the -Emperor's own shoulders. His retentive memory and tireless energy -aided him in what would otherwise have been a hopeless effort. "He -seldom or never," writes the Venetian ambassador in 1496, "discusses -with any one what he has in hand or does, especially in important -matters."[138] He was in the habit of dictating to his secretaries -late into the night, and often drew up important documents with his own -hands; while even during his meals, and in the midst of his hunting -expeditions, he dictated dispatches or gave instructions to his -councillors. For his credit as a politician this monopolizing spirit -was most unfortunate. His secrecy kept his councillors and ambassadors -ever in the dark, and rendered a firm attitude on their part almost -impossible. His over-confidence, both in his own capacity {116} and in -the honesty of others, received many a rude shock, and often made him -the dupe of his intellectual inferiors. Machiavelli tells us the -opinion of an intimate friend of the Emperor, "that anyone could cheat -him without his knowing it."[139] His condemnation as a bungler by the -Florentine statesman has been used as an argument in Maximilian's -favour; but the only possible inference is that in affairs of state the -Emperor's morals had not suffered so complete an eclipse as those of -his rivals, while his statecraft was based upon a neglect of sound -political principles. But even more prominent than the self-centred -nature of his policy are two fatal weaknesses in his character, which -account for most of his failures and disappointments--his want of -perseverance and his open-handedness. The whole history of his reign -is an illustration of the inconstancy with which he flitted from scheme -to scheme, never allowing the time {117} necessary for a successful -issue; and the disastrous consequences of this habit were only -accentuated by the fact that he remained a law unto himself, -self-deprived of all moderating influences. It was this fickle and -over-sanguine disposition which caused Louis XII. to exclaim, "What -this King says at night, he does not hold to the next morning."[140] -The criticism of Ferdinand V. is perhaps even more apposite--"If -Maximilian thinks of a thing, he also believes that it is already -done."[141] Without duly considering the means at his disposal, he -stormed impetuously towards an end which was obviously unattainable -under the circumstances, and, to make matters worse, he had already -lost all interest in the project before there was even a prospect of -its being crowned with success. In other cases, his inventive -intellect showed him two or three ways towards the same goal, with the -result that he either pursued all at once, or, confining himself to one -only, soon changed his mind and adopted a course which he regarded as -safer. "And so," writes Quirini, "he springs from one decision to -another, till time and opportunity are past ... and thus he wins from -all men a light enough reputation."[142] But perhaps the greatest -weakness of Maximilian's administration was faulty finance. It is true -that the resources at his disposal were wholly inadequate, whether in -the Empire or in his own dominions. Yet his own unpractical and -visionary nature prevented him from making the best of such means as he -possessed, and drew him into quite a needless amount of money -difficulties. He had absolutely no conception {118} of the meaning of -economy, and, deeming it an unkingly trait, gave with both hands to his -servants and his friends, and laid no proper check upon his household -expenses. The fact that he spent but little upon himself, and that his -personal requirements were frugal in the extreme, while it speaks well -for the generosity of his nature, cannot affect our estimate of his -financial incapacity. Indeed, such were his extravagance and his -penury, that the Venetian ambassador was induced to exclaim: "For a -ducat he can be won for anything."[143] And truly, the fact that he -actually served Venice and Milan, and in later years England, for hire, -after the manner of an Italian condottiere, justifies the severe -exaggeration of this remark. His liberal patronage of Art and Science, -and the magnificence of the Court entertainments, must have contributed -in some degree to his popularity among contemporaries; but his ruinous -method of raising supplies in his own dominions really transferred the -burden of his endless undertakings to the shoulders of the next -generation.[144] - -As Emperor, Maximilian has been severely censured for subordinating the -Imperial to the territorial ideal, and for furthering Hapsburg -ambitions at the expense of Germany as a whole. But a survey of his -youth and early training at once helps to explain this policy and -proves it to have been inevitable. Such a path had been mapped out for -him by his father's motto, A.E.I.O.U., and Frederick's own impotence to -achieve its aspirations only served to impress {119} it more firmly -upon the youthful Maximilian. And indeed there is much truth in his -idea, that the building up of a strong hereditary State was the surest -road towards an imposing position in the Empire. While the personal -defects of Maximilian, which have already been discussed, are largely -responsible for the comparative ineffectiveness of his Imperial policy, -yet the chief cause of all was inherent in the constitution of the -Empire. It can hardly be doubted but that an Emperor far more powerful -than Maximilian ever was would have failed to combine the many -conflicting elements into a central Government capable of strong and -united action. "Constitution, Law, order in the State were everywhere -forcing themselves out of the perverted forms of the Middle Ages into -more perfect models." But as yet confusion and impotence held sway, -and the broad principles of reform were obscured from Maximilian's eyes -by a perplexing array of minor questions. Feudalism had long been in -decay, and the efforts of rulers in every State were directed towards -extending their authority and bringing the nobles and the towns into -greater dependence upon the throne. But the permanent taxation and the -standing army which made the attainment of this end possible to the -French kings, and through which France became for a number of years the -first military power of Europe, were denied to Maximilian by the -peculiar circumstances of the Empire. Not even in his hereditary -lands, still less elsewhere, was there any regular system of "aids" for -the sovereign's support; and Maximilian had to wage his wars, either -with militia, who were ever slow to assemble and prompt to disband, -whose discipline was not beyond {120} reproach, and who were not liable -to serve outside their own territory, or with mercenaries, whose -maintenance involved an expense which the absence of regular taxation -made it difficult to meet. Apart from the revenues of Crown lands and -the deeply mortgaged mines and tolls, he could raise no contributions -without the Diet's consent; and as a rule each Estate vied with the -others in resolutely setting aside all considerations of patriotism and -maintaining the tightest hold upon their purse-strings. They showed no -sympathy with Maximilian's aims and interests; while the Emperor lacked -the power to enforce his wishes upon them. Such circumstances would -almost justify his policy of retaliation by obstructing the Diet's -efforts towards reform. But in any case he can hardly be blamed for -falling back upon a strictly Austrian policy and using his Imperial -office to further Hapsburg interests. - -Whenever the Emperor's political action is deserving of praise, the -House of Hapsburg rather than the Empire will be found to have reaped -the benefit. His enthusiastic belief in the future greatness of his -House was the guiding star of his whole life, and encouraged him to -consolidate his dominions internally, and thus, as he hoped, to fit -them to become the central point of a world-wide empire. Besides the -introduction of Roman law, for which he was mainly responsible, he -thoroughly reorganized the administration of the Austrian Duchies. The -revenues had become insufficient for the execution of his princely -duties, especially in time of war; and Maximilian set himself to -introduce into the country the same methods of Government which he -employed in the Netherlands. He replaced the old feudal survivals -{121} in the State by a modern officialdom, which gradually paralyzed -the opposition of the Estates, and from which certain individuals -exercised a permanent control over the government during his own -absence. Meanwhile it was his Hapsburg and territorial ambitions which -prompted him to reassert the Imperial authority in Italy, and which -were partly responsible for his eagerness to recover Croatia and -Southern Hungary from the hands of the Turks. Above all, it was these -ambitions that inspired him in his endless projects of alliances and -marriages--projects which secured for his descendants the glorious -inheritance of Spain, the two Sicilies and the New World, and the -Kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary. - -Passing from his public to his private life, we may reasonably assert -that Maximilian, while far from spotless, compares favourably with the -Princes of his time. The excesses of Charles VIII., the luxurious vice -of Louis XII., the barbaric licentiousness of Francis I., and again the -unrestrained passions of Henry VIII., and Ferdinand V.'s frank -disavowal of morality--all these traits are happily wanting in -Maximilian's life. He seems to have loved the gracious Mary faithfully -and tenderly, and it is said that, to the day of his death, any mention -of her name drew from him a deep sigh of remembrance. But for her -untimely death he might have resisted the fierce temptations of his -royal position. He had at least eight natural children, of whom two -only are known to history--George, Bishop of Brixen, who eventually -became Prince Bishop of Liège, and a daughter, who perished with her -husband, the Count of Helfenstein, in the Peasants' Revolt of 1525. It -cannot be maintained that Maximilian's second {122} marriage was a -love-match; yet there is reason to believe that, though he paid little -attention to the unfortunate Bianca Maria, he at least remained -faithful to her. - -Though his table was always magnificently served, he himself was -extremely temperate, both in food and drink. Indeed, his strong -detestation of drunkenness forms a pleasant contrast to the opinions -and practice of his courtiers and even of the great princes of the -Empire. His moderation and healthy diet gave added strength to a frame -which was naturally robust and untiring. He could endure with ease the -extremes of heat and cold, prolonged journeys and want of sleep, and -even privations in food and drink. His strong constitution was united -to a pleasing countenance, which seldom failed to prepossess in his -favour. A prominent nose and well-defined features, together with the -lightning glances of his eye, imparted to him a searching look, which -seemed to pierce through men and read their very souls. Withal, he was -fully endowed with that genial and gracious manner which veils its -condescension under a mingling of good humour and perfect tactfulness. -In conversation he exercised a fascination which was not without its -effect even upon his sternest opponents; while the whole-hearted and -friendly spirit with which he threw himself into the amusements and -sports of the common people won for him an even wider respect and love -than his passion for the chase and his intimate relations with the -Tyrolese mountaineers. He frequently took his place in a village -dance, or competed with the peasants in their shooting matches; and he -recommended the chase to his descendants not merely for those delights -which none knew better than himself, but also because of the -opportunities which it {123} offered to princes of coming into contact -with their subjects, of learning their wishes and helping them in their -difficulties. His fresh joyous nature showed itself in a thousand -little touches, but perhaps in none more vividly than in his ardent -love of music and in the delight which he took in the presence of -singing-birds in the palace of Innsbruck. Thus whether fraternizing -with the peasants of his beloved Tyrol, clad in a hunting suit of -simple grey, or affably conversing with the burghers and ladies of -Frankfort or Augsburg, he awoke in all hearts an involuntary feeling of -admiration. - -Before all, Maximilian was a German of the Germans. As he was the last -representative of the dying mediaeval chivalry, and the last monarch of -the ancient German stamp, so also he was the first German patriot-king -of modern times; and herein lies the secret of the love and admiration -which his contemporaries poured so fully upon him. The proud and royal -motto to which he gave utterance, "My honour is German honour, and -German honour mine," graphically reminds us that he identified himself -with the joys and sorrows, the glories and the failures of the German -race. It is neglect of this fact, and want of sympathy with German -thought and ideals, that are responsible for the indiscriminating -criticisms of several modern historians--criticisms which would often -be bestowed with greater justice upon the constitution of the Empire -than upon the Emperor himself. And the motto has been realized in a -further sense. For the feeling of Germany, turning from the weaknesses -and failures which mar the fullness of Maximilian's glory, has -reciprocated the loyalty which he expressed towards his people, and -{124} has elevated the chivalrous Emperor into one of the national -heroes, worthy to rank with Hermann and Barbarossa. For Maximilian, in -no uncertain sense, personified the dreams, the aspirations, the -strugglings of the Fatherland. The nation, chastened and revivified by -a new birth of patriotism, sought an object on whom to fix its -affections and its hopes. It turned naturally to the Emperor, the heir -of so many splendid traditions, and it was met on his side by the -ardent devotion of a whole lifetime. In a word, he and his people had -realized--incompletely it may be, yet in a very genuine sense--the true -relations of a monarch and his subjects, and, linked to one another by -ties of mutual sympathy, handed down the happy tradition as an example -to their remote posterity. "Kaiser Max" (as his people fondly called -him) was not a great man, in the strictest sense of the word; yet all -lovers of large-hearted and human characters must ever treasure his -memory in their hearts. - -And here let us take our leave of Maximilian, in the kindly words of a -contemporary-- - - Du hattest wenig ru in dysem leben, - Darumb dir Got yetz ewig freud hat geben. - - Here upon earth small rest to thee was given, - Now God hath granted thee the joy of Heaven. - - - -[138] _Archivio Storico Ital._ vii. 2. 763, quoted Ulmann, i. 196. - -[139] Opere iv. 174. See also dissertation by Rösemeier, -_Machiavelli's Erste Legation zum K. Maximilian I., mid seine drei -Schriften über Deutschland_. In the main, Machiavelli blames -Maximilian, 1st, for his openhandedness; and, as undecided, credulous, -and all the more dependent on others, in that he tries not to be. But -he qualifies his strictures by saying, "the Emperor is a great general; -he bears fatigue like the most hardened soldiers; he is brave in danger -and just in governing. When he grants an audience, he is patient and -gracious, and is a pattern of many princely virtues." Vettori is not -quite so severe--"none can deny," he says, "that he (Max) is wise and -circumspect, skilful and untiring in war, and widely experienced. He -possesses the confidence of the nation more than any of his -predecessors for more than a hundred years; but he is so amiable and -kind-hearted, that it makes him yielding and credulous"--quoted -Janssen, i. 595. Ludovico Ticiano is less critical when he declares, -that "on no general can the soldier rely more implicitly, from none can -he expect more boldness in the courting of perils and more skill in -meeting them; nor can the burgher wish for any juster or milder prince, -or one in whom justness and mildness are so equally poised"--quoted -Geiger, p. 346. - -[140] See Ulmann, i. 200. - -[141] Despatch of Cornero to Venice, 1508--quoted Huber, iii. 328. - -[142] Albèri, _Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti_, Serie I., vi. 27. - -[143] See Prof. E. Heyck, _Maximilian I._, in the wellknown German -series of ideal illustrated monographs. - -[144] For Maximilian's treatment of Finance, see Ulmann, i. 202, -836-845, and Huber, iii., ch. 6. - - - - -{125} - -APPENDIX - - - -APPENDIX I - -Though some reference to Maximilian's relations to the question of -Imperial Reform was unavoidable, a detailed account must be sought for -rather in an authoritative history of Germany than in an essay which -centres round an individual. Hence an appendix seems the most fitting -place for dealing with the subject. - -When Maximilian was elected King of the Romans (1486), it had long been -evident that, if a new or reformed constitution was to be secured, the -initiative must be taken by the Estates. During the years 1486-89 -frequent deliberations took place, with a view to evolving some scheme -for strengthening the institutions of the Empire. The leaders of the -movement sought especially to impart to the Imperial Diets more regular -forms and greater dignity, and to check the resistance to their decrees -which was met with in the towns. At the Diet of 1487, the towns, -renouncing the policy of obstruction and equivocation which had -characterized them throughout the century, were fully represented, and -took an active part in the business of the committee which discussed -the Landfriede. In 1489 a new stage of development was reached by the -Diet, when the three Colleges of Electors, Princes and burghers -separated for the first time and conducted their deliberations apart. -Their proposal to limit the power of the Imperial Tribunal met with -determined opposition from Frederick the Third; and the Estates applied -to Maximilian, and obtained from him a promise of the reform of the -Kammergericht, or Imperial Chamber. The old Emperor's attitude -necessitated a postponement of the question; but on his death in 1493 -it was revived with greater urgency than ever. The leading spirit of -the whole movement was Berthold of Henneberg, Elector of Mainz, whose -patriotism and calm impartiality won the respect of all parties. At -the great Diet of Worms, which opened at the end of March 1495, the -Estates united in pressing on Maximilian a fulfilment of his promises, -and persisted in refusing him all support until he submitted to their -demands. The struggle lasted {126} throughout the summer, Maximilian -throwing every obstacle in the way of reform, but finally, on August 7, -he signed his agreement to the demands of the Diet. The results of the -Diet may be classified under four heads: - -1st. The Landfriede was more closely organized, and was made -perpetual. No difficulty was experienced over this point, as -Maximilian had taken the lead in enforcing the Landfriede at an earlier -date. - -2nd. The Kammergericht, or Imperial Chamber, was founded, to act as a -court of first instance for all direct subjects of the Emperor. Its -jurisdiction was, however, limited to cases of prelates, nobles, -knights and towns among each other; in the event of complaints against -any of the princes or electors, an arbitration was first necessary -before the councillors of the accused Prince. The Chamber consisted of -a judge, nominated by the Emperor, and sixteen other members, appointed -by the Estates, half being of knightly birth, half learned in the law. - -Its distinguishing features were: - -(_a_) That it was to sit continuously in the Empire, not following the -court, but fixed permanently at Frankfurt-on-Main. - -(_b_) That it could receive appeals from the Landgerichte. - -(_c_) That its members were to receive their salaries out of the fees -of the court, though they might be supplemented from the Imperial -revenues if these fees proved insufficient. - -(_d_) That the judge acquired the power of proclaiming the ban of the -Empire in the sovereign's name. - -3rd. A proposal was laid down for yearly meetings of the Estates, with -the object of controlling the Imperial expenditure. To this assembly -the treasurer was to deliver the money which he received from the -taxes, and it was to hold the exclusive power of deciding the -expenditure; while neither the Emperor nor his son might declare war -without its consent. - -"The constitution thus proposed was a mixture of Monarchical and -federal Government, but with an obvious preponderance of the latter -element; a political union, preserving the forms of the ancient -hierarchy of the Empire." But the defective nature of the Diet's -composition, and the virtual impossibility of securing a united effort -for any length of time, prevented the accomplishment of this scheme. - -4th. In return for these concessions on the part of Maximilian, the -Diet instituted "The Common Penny" (Der Gemeine Pfennig). This was an -attempt at systematic taxation, according to which an impost of half a -gulden was levied on every 500 gulden, and among {127} the poorer -classes every twenty-four people above the age of fifteen contributed -one gulden. - -The Common Penny was imperfectly organized and soon became merely -nominal, as the needy Maximilian often found to his cost; and though it -was revived under Charles V., it soon disappeared again after a brief -and fitful existence. - -The only actions of the Diet of Lindau (1496), the next in succession -to that of Worms, were to renew the Common Penny, to transfer the -Imperial Chamber from Frankfurt to Worms, and to impose a tax upon the -Jews of the chief Imperial towns. - -Though Maximilian had at Worms evaded the demand for a Reichs-regiment, -or Council of Regency, as too serious a limitation to his prerogative, -yet at the Diet of Augsburg (1500) he was obliged to give way even at -this point. The Diet gave its sanction to a scheme of military -organization, according to which every 400 inhabitants were to provide -one foot soldier, the cavalry was to be raised by the Princes and -nobles upon a fixed scale, and a tax was imposed on those who could not -themselves take any active share. In return for this concession, -Maximilian consented to the establishment of a Council of Regency, -which, had it preserved the powers which were at first granted to it, -would have deprived the Emperor of whatever power he still possessed. -It was composed of a President, chosen by the Emperor, one delegate -from each of the Electors, six from the Princes conjointly, two from -Austria and the Netherlands, and two from the Imperial cities. Its -powers were most comprehensive, and included the administration of -justice, the maintenance of peace, the defence of the Empire from -attack, and, most astounding of all, the control of foreign affairs. -It is conceivable that Maximilian might have submitted to the Council's -authority, had it displayed becoming moderation. But its first -act--the conclusion of peace with France--was so directly contrary to -the whole trend of Maximilian's policy, that he was naturally driven -into active opposition to its powers. "In 1502 he fell back upon his -Imperial right of holding Courts of Justice (Hofgerichte), and erected -a standing court or Aulic Council (Hofrath), entirely under his own -control." He himself was its president, and its assessors were -arbitrarily appointed. This action led to a congress of Electors at -Gelnhausen in June 1502, at which they arranged to meet four times a -year to deliberate on public affairs, and actually announced the first -meeting for the following November, without consulting the Emperor in -any way upon the matter. Maximilian was too weak to oppose them, and -therefore proclaimed the assembly himself. But the successful issue of -the War of Landshut and the death of {128} Berthold of Mainz greatly -strengthened Maximilian's position in the Empire, and proportionately -weakened the cause of Reform. Hence the Council of Regency was allowed -to die a natural death. - -At the Diet of Constance (1507) some progress was again made. In -return for a grant of troops and money, Maximilian re-established the -Imperial Chamber, which had held no sittings for three years, and a -small tax was instituted to pay the salaries of its officials. The -Diets of Worms (1509) and Augsburg (1510) were occupied by complaints -and abuse, which were wholly without effect. In 1512, however, the -Diet of Koln, to which city it had removed from Trier, secured the -division of the Empire into six Kreise, or Circles, for administrative -and military purposes. The Circles were to be placed under Captains, -who were all controlled by a Captain-general, and the organization was -to be entrusted to a council of eight, "who were to act as a Privy -Council under the Emperor's control." But the jealousy of the Diet -refused him the nomination of these Captains, and of the council, with -the result that the measure fell through for the time, and did not take -effect till 1521, under Charles V. - -This was the last serious attempt at Reform during the reign of -Maximilian; for the later Diets were mere scenes of confusion and of -mutual recrimination. The failure of the reforming movement only -served to emphasize the fact that the constitution of the Empire had -become an unworkable machine, and that the Empire itself could only be -saved from weakness and disorganization by the rise of a strong central -monarchy. But this was not to be. Such a contingency, which -Maximilian's vast dreams of Austrian world-power had seemed to -foreshadow, was rendered impossible by the great spiritual revolution, -which filled all minds throughout the reign of Charles V. Several -centuries were required to permit the growth of a strong German state -out of the chaos of the mediaeval Empire; and it was reserved for the -nineteenth century to see a native dynasty restore to Germany the -long-lost blessings of consolidation and unity. - - - - -[Illustration: The Imperial House of Hapsburg] - - - - -{133} - -INDEX - - The names of battles have their dates in brackets - Tr.=Treaty - - Aachen, 18 - Adelsberg, 56. - Agnadello (1509), 59. - Albert Achilles, 17 - Albert IV., of Bavaria, 31, 32, 51 - Albert VI., of Austria, 6 - Albert, El. of Mainz, 79 - Albert of Saxony, 22 - Aldus Manutius, 103 - Alexander VI., 36 - Amboise Cardinal d', 49, 57 - Anne of Brittany, 23-5, 44 - Apulian Ports, 38, 59 - Arras, Tr. of (1482), 16 - _Ars Versificandi_, 101 - Ausburg, Diet of (1500), 48; (1510) 61; (1518) 74 - ---- Humanists of, 87 - Aulic Council, 127 - Austria, 6, 17, 27, 29, 98 - _Austria_, 105 - - Balbus, Hieronymus, 100 - Basel, Tr. of (1499), 47 - Bavarian War of Succession, 51-3 - Beck, Leonhard, 91, 95 - Berthold, El. of Mainz, 17, 19, 33, 39-40, 49, 53 - Bianca Maria Sforza, 34, 35, 42 - Blois, Tr. of (1504), 50 - Brant, Sebastian, 84-87 - Brittany, 23-5 - Bruges, 21, 76, 86 - Brussels, Tr. of (1516), 72 - Burgau, 27 - Burgkmair, Hans, 92 - Burgundy, Loss of, 12 - Burgundian Marriage, 10-13 - - Cajetan, Cardinal, 75 - Cambrai, League of (1508), 57 - Celtes, 82, 100-4 - Charles, Archduke, 54, 57, 65, 67, 68, 72, 75, 76 - Charles the Bold, 10 - Charles of Egmont, 46, 48, 57 - Charles VIII., 22, 23, 36, 42; death, 44 - Chièvres, 54, 68 - Coblenz, Diet of (1492), 32 - Cochläus, 92 - Colins, Alexander, 113 - Collegium Poetarum, 102 - Comines, 15, 38 - Common Penny, 46 - Constance, Diet of (1507), 54 - Cunigunda, Sister of Max., 31 - Cuspinian, 99-101, 104, 105 - - Deventer, School of, 81 - Dijon, 65 - Dornach (1499), 46 - Dournon (1493), 25 - Dürer, Albrecht, 94-7 - - Eberhard of Würtemberg, 19, 40, 79 - Eck, Johann, 93 - _Ehrenpforte_, 94 - Eleanor of Portugal, 6 - Engelbrecht, Bishop, 7 - Eric of Brunswick, 52 - Esslingen, 19 - - Ferdinand V., 23, 25, 37, 38, 49, 50, 53 _sqq._, 67, 117; death, 72 - Fornovo (1495), 38 - Francis I., 50, 68-9, 72 - Frankfurt, Tr. of (1489), 22 - Frederick III., 6, 11, 17, 21, 27 _sqq._; death, 33; policy, 9 - Frederick, El. of Saxony, 75, 79 - Freydal's _Mummereien_, 91 - Fuchsmagen, 100 - Fugger, 42 - Fürstenberg, C. of, 46 - - Gaston de Foix, 63 - _Gebetbuch_, 97 - _Gejaidbuch_, 109 - George the Rich, D. of Landshut, 27, 51 - _Germania_, 82 - Gian Galeazzo, II., 34 - Görz, 28, 53, 56 - Gossembrot, Sigismund, 87 - Grandson (1476), 10 - "Great Privilege" of Ghent, 12 - Greifenklau, El. of Trier, 75 - _Grievances, the Hundred_, 84 - Guinegate (1478), 9, 15; (1513), 65 - - Henry VII., 23 - Henry VIII., 61, 64 _sqq._, 70 - Hofheimer, Paul, 106 - Holbein, Hans, 90 - Holy League (1495), 38; (1511) 63 - Humanists, in Strasburg, 81-7; in Augsburg, 87-90; in Nuremberg, - 91-7; in Vienna, 98-105 - Hutten, Ulrich von, 79 - - Innocent VIII., 24 - Innsbruck, 27, 71, 75 - ---- tomb of Max. at, 91, 113 - Isaak, Heinrich, 105 - Isabella the Catholic, 50 - Istria, 56 - - Joanna of Spain, 41 - Julius II., 55, 58 _sq._, 62, 64 - - Köln, 11, 21; Diet of (1505), 52 - Krachenberger, 100 - Kufstein, 52 - Kunz von der Rosen, 20 - - Landshut, 51 - Lang, Matthew, Bp. of Gurk, 3, 57, 63 - La Trémouille, 66 - Leo X., 64, 68 - Lille, Tr. of (1513), 66 - Lindau, Diet of (1496), 41, 127 - Linz, 33, 42 - Livorno, 43 - Louis XI., intrigues of, 12-16 - Louis XII., 44, 47 _sqq._, 54, 57, 58, 61, 65, 117; death, 68 - Louis (II.) of Hungary, 69 - Lower Union, 32 - Löwlerbund, 31 - Ludovico Sforza, 34, 36, 38, 41, 48 - - Machiavelli, 116 - Mantua, Congress of (1511), 62 - Margaret of Austria, 16, 24, 25, 40-1, 54, 57, 63, 64, 67 - Marignano (1515), 69 - Mary of Burgundy, 11, 13-15 - Mary of England, 57, 65, 67-8 - Massimiliano Sforza, 64 - Matthias of Hungary, 7, 17; death, 28 - Maximilian I.,--character, 1-4, 121-4; as idealist, 2; - as soldier, 73-4; as sportsman, 109-11; dream of Papacy, 62; - administration, 115-21; portraits, 97; nicknames, 35, 62, 71. - ---- Contemporary descriptions of, 10, 11, 34, 116 and note, 117 - ---- and the German Renaissance, 77-114 - Meisterlin, 92 - Milan, 37, 45, 48, 50, 57, 69, 70 - Moral (1476), 10 - Münster, 42 - - Nancy (1477), 10 - Naples, Conquest of, 50 - _Narrenschiff_, 84 - Neustadt, 6, 7, 76 - Novara, 40; (1513) 65 - Noyon, Tr. of (1516) 72 - Nuremberg, Chronicle, 92, 104; Diet of (1487), 101; Humanists of, 91-7 - - Orléans, Tr. of (1514), 68 - Osiander, 92 - - Pace, Richard, 70-1 - Padua, 60 - Papacy, Max. aspires to, 62 - Perger, 99 - Perpetual Peace (1516), 72 - Peutinger, Conrad, 88-90 - Pfinzing, Melchior, 109 - Philip, Archduke, 14, 16, 21, 40, 45, 49, 53 - Pirkheimer, Wilibald, 92-4 - Pius II. (Aeneas Sylvius), 10, 77 - Prättigau, 47 - Pressburg, Tr. of (1491), 31 - - Quirini, 34, 117 - - Ravenna (1512), 64 - Regensburg, 18, 32; (1504) 52 - Reichsregiment, 48, 59, 125 - Renaissance, German, Maximilian's connexion with, 77-114 - ---- German and Italian, contrasted, 79-80 - Rupert of Palatinate, 51 - - Sachs, Hans, 92 - Schwaderloch (1499), 46 - Senlis, Peace of (1493), 33 - Sigismund, Emperor, 77, 130 - Spanish Marriages, 40-1 - Spaur, Carl von, 109 - Stabius, 102, 104 - Strasburg, Humanists of, 81-7 - Stuhlweissenburg, 29 - Swabian League, 19, 32, 51, 56 - Swiss, 40, 41, 45 - Swiss War, 45-7 - - _Teuerdank_, 108 - Thérouenne, 65 - Ticiano, Ludovico, 116 - Tournai, 65 - Trautson, 56 - Treitzsauerwein, Marx, 107 - Trent, 55, 56 - Trier, Diet of (1512), 64 - _Triumphzug_, 95 - Trivulzio, 62 - Turks, 33, 35 - Tyrol, 27, 43, 60 - - Uladislas IV., 17, 29-31, 69 - Ulrich of Würtemberg, 40, 65 - - Venice, 37, 38, 41, 43, 47, 55-64, 68, 71-3 - Verona, 58, 60, 70, 72 - Vicariates, the Four, 73 - Vienna, Tr. of (1515), 69 - ---- University, 29, 98-105 - - _Wappenbuch_, 109 - _Weisskunig_, 7, 107-8 - Wels, 76 - Werdenberg, Hugo von, 14, 130 - Wimpheling, Jacob, 81-4 - Worms, 8; Diet of (1495), 39-40, 125; (1509) 59 - Würtemburg, 19, 40, 51 - - Zillerthal, 53 - - - -Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London. - - - - - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Maximilian I, by R. 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