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diff --git a/old/51299-0.txt b/old/51299-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 79231bd..0000000 --- a/old/51299-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4764 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Ibrahim Pasha, by Hester Donaldson Jenkins - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Ibrahim Pasha - Grand Vizir of Suleiman the Magnificent - - -Author: Hester Donaldson Jenkins - - - -Release Date: February 25, 2016 [eBook #51299] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IBRAHIM PASHA*** - - -E-text prepared by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by -Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/ibrahimpashagran00jenkuoft - - - - -2 -IBRAHIM PASHA - - -Studies in History, Economics and Public Law - -Edited by the Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University - -Volume XLVI] [Number 2 - -Whole Number 115 - - -IBRAHIM PASHA - -Grand Vizir of Suleiman the Magnificent - -by - -HESTER DONALDSON JENKINS, Ph.D., - -Former Professor of History in the American -College for Girls, Constantinople - - - - - - - -[Illustration] - -New York -Columbia University -Longmans, Green & Co., Agents, -London: P. S. King & Son -1911 - -Copyright, 1911 -BY -Hester Donaldson Jenkins - - - - -PREFACE - - -The teaching of history in Constantinople naturally leads to an -interest in the history of Turkey, and also to the recognition that -little has been written on that subject except on the side of political -relations with Europe. One who desires to present to western readers a -brief study of Turkish civilization might reasonably turn to the reign -of Suleiman the Magnificent, as being typical of the course of Turkish -history, and also as exhibiting Turkey at the height of her powers. For -the purpose of this dissertation, the study has been confined to the -career of Ibrahim Pasha, grand vizir between 1522 and 1536. - -The writer’s acknowledgments are due to Professors Sloane and Gottheil -for valuable criticism, and for their aid in the obtaining of rare -books, and to Professor and Mrs. Robinson for the careful reading of -proof. - - HESTER DONALDSON JENKINS. - -NOVEMBER 23, 1911. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - INTRODUCTION - - PAGE - - Origin of the Turks—their advance from Central Asia to Europe 11 - - Dominating qualities of the Turk 12 - - Early political ideals 12 - - Rise and fall of the Seljouk kingdom 14 - - Rise of the Ottoman power 14 - - National characteristics 15 - - - CHAPTER I - - IBRAHIM’S RISE - - Ibrahim’s origin, birth and childhood 18 - - He becomes the property of Prince Suleiman 18 - - His care for his parents and brothers 19 - - His rapid promotion 20 - - His protests against such speedy honors 20 - - The personal servants of the Sultan 21 - - Ibrahim’s education and early training 22 - - Ibrahim a eunuch—some account of the institution and duties of - black and white eunuchs 23 - - This was no bar to advancement or marriage 24 - - Slavery in Turkey different from that in the Occident 25 - - The advice of the Prophet and the laws of the Koran on the - treatment of slaves 26 - - Loyalty and obedience the two great virtues in the eyes of the - Turks 32 - - Ibrahim a slave, which was of advantage in opening a career for - him 33 - - Ibrahim’s love of magnificence 33 - - Ibrahim becomes Grand Vizir—his power and greatness 34 - - The history of the vizirate 35 - - The marriage of Ibrahim Pasha 37 - - Ibrahim’s relations to the Sultan 42 - - - CHAPTER II - - IBRAHIM THE ADMINISTRATOR - - Revolt of Ahmed Pasha 43 - - Ibrahim goes to Egypt 44 - - Revolt is quieted and order restored 45 - - Appointed head of the army 47 - - The Cabyz affair 49 - - Ibrahim zealous in cause of commerce 50 - - Receives envoys in great state 51 - - Characterization of Ibrahim as an administrator 52 - - - CHAPTER III - - IBRAHIM THE DIPLOMAT - - Turkish foreign relations 54 - - Ragusa—Venice—Russia 55 - - The Holy Roman Empire 56 - - France—the Popes 57 - - Embassies to the Porte 59 - - The Hungarian campaign—siege of Vienna 61 - - Contest of Ferdinand and Zapolya 61 - - Commercial treaty with France 64 - - Second Hungarian campaign 65 - - Treaty with Ferdinand 67 - - War with Persia—conquest of the Mediterranean 68 - - The Protectorate of France in the Levant 69 - - Diplomatic relations between the Porte and Europe 70 - - Ibrahim’s preparation as diplomat 71 - - Ibrahim’s reception of ambassadors 72 - - Ibrahim’s importance and influence 82 - - Object and accomplishments of Turkish diplomacy 87 - - First entrance of Turkey into European diplomacy 87 - - Ibrahim’s influence over Suleiman 88 - - Characterization of Ibrahim as diplomat 89 - - - CHAPTER IV - - IBRAHIM THE GENERAL - - Campaign against Belgrad 90 - - Siege of Rhodes 90 - - Ceremonial of preparation for war 90 - - Organization of the Turkish army 91 - - Capture of Peterwardein 95 - - Battle of Mohacz 96 - - Capture of Buda and end of campaign 97 - - Campaign of Vienna 100 - - Suleiman’s first defeat 102 - - Siege of Güns—practical defeat 103 - - War with Persia 105 - - Advance to Bagdad and end of campaign 106 - - Characterization of Ibrahim as general 107 - - - CHAPTER V - - IBRAHIM’S FALL - - Death of Ibrahim 108 - - Charges against Ibrahim 110 - - Said to favor the Christians 110 - - Quarrel with Iskender Chelebi 112 - - Suleiman evades his oath 113 - - Uncertainty of life near the Ottoman throne 114 - - Was Ibrahim a traitor? 115 - - Ibrahim’s importance in Turkish history 118 - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -The life of Ibrahim Pasha, as full of strange events as the most -highly‐colored romance, paradoxical, and to western students of society -almost incomprehensible in its rapid changes, is very difficult to -place soberly before Occidental readers; yet its very strangeness -is typical of the Orient, and if we could understand this romantic -life we might find we held a key to much in Turkish life and thought. -But our only chance of understanding it is to banish from our minds -western conceptions and accept as facts what seem like wild imaginings. -Ibrahim Pasha was not of the Turkish race, a fact which accounts for -some of the paradoxes of his career, but his life was passed in a -Turkish environment, one of whose notable characteristics is that it -has always at once included and modified so many alien elements. In -any consideration of the Turkish people, the most important thing to -hold in mind is that the Turks are neither Aryan nor Semitic, being -unrelated to Persians, Arabs, Greeks, or Hebrews. When ethnologists -dare not speak definitely of race distinctions, the layman cannot -venture to place the Turk in the “Touranian” or other group, but he -can accept the fact that the Turks came into Europe from Central Asia -and are in some way related to the Tatars and Mongols in the East, and -probably to the Magyars and Finns in the West. The Turks of Central -Asia during the period from the eighth to the eleventh centuries seem -to have possessed qualities which characterize Turks of the period we -are studying, and even mark the Turk of the present day. - -Monsieur Léon Cahun, in his monograph on the Turks and the Mongols,[1] -has made a careful study of these early Turks, a portion of which I -will briefly summarize here. - -The dominating quality of the Turks of Central Asia was their love of -war. According to a Persian verse: “They came and pillaged and burned -and killed and charged and vanished.” The one virtue required of them -was obedience, the only crime was treason. Activity to them meant war: -one word expressed the idea contained in our two words _to run_ and _to -kill with the sword_. The ideal death was in war; as their proverb ran, -“Man is born in the house but dies in the field.” In their earliest -cults the worship of steel and the sword are prominent. - -Their second marked characteristic was their hierarchical spirit, and -their strong feeling for discipline. Insubordination and conspiracy -they always punished by death. Their ideal government is illustrated by -the inscription on a funeral stone recently found in Mongolia. It was -erected in 733 A. D. by a Turkish prince to his brother Kul Khan, the -substance being as follows: “I and my brother Kul Khan Tikine together -have agreed that the name and renown acquired by the Turkish people -through our father and uncle shall not be blotted out. For the sake of -the Turkish people I have not slept by night nor rested by day.... I -have given garments to the naked, I have enriched the poor, I have made -the few numerous, I have honored the virtuous.... By the aid of Heaven, -as I have gained much, the Turkish people also have gained much.” - -Another bit of evidence as to their early political ideals is taken -from _The Art of Government_, a didactic poem describing Turkish -society in the eleventh century.[2] It says “Speak to the people with -kindness, but do not let them become familiar. Give them to eat and -drink;” and it urges the ruler to strive for the blessing of the poor -by such actions. - -_The Art of Government_ brings out a third side of the medieval Turk, -his love of learning. The civil mandarins are placed in rank above -the beys.[3] “Honor always keeps company with knowledge.” “Mark well, -there are two kinds of noble persons; the one is the bey, the other the -scholar, in this world below ... the former with his glove or his fist -commands the people, the latter with his knowledge shows the path.” - -Despite the development of the Turkish people from barbarous tribes -into a civilized state, the Ottoman Empire of the sixteenth century -was built on the lines indicated, and Sultan Suleiman showed similar -qualities and ideals to those possessed by Kul Khan and his brother. - -Towards the end of the tenth century, a branch of the Turks, henceforth -known as the Turcomans, accepted Islam at the hands of the conquering -Arabs, and in course of time all of the Turkish peoples became Moslem. -Naturally through their religion the Arabs came to exert a strong -influence on the rude Turks, so strong that Turkish thought has -never since been wholly free from Arabic dominance. The Turks are an -exceedingly loyal people, accepting the religion imposed upon them with -whole‐heartedness. They are not by nature fanatical; on the contrary -they are temperamentally tolerant, fanaticism where it has existed -being an outgrowth of political conditions, or a foreign trait taken -over with Islam.[4] Rather oddly, and perhaps unfortunately, when -the Turks became literate they fell under Persian rather than Arabic -influence, and for centuries, indeed up to our own century, Turkish -literature has been little more than an imitation of the Persian, very -formal and rhetorical. Thus the two great forces engaged in moulding -the Turkish mind were Arabic theology and Persian poetry, the large -Arabic and Persian element in the Turkish language being a good -illustration of this. - -In the twelfth century the Asiatic hordes pressing into Asia Minor came -into contact with the Greeks. But there was no intellectual reaction -between Greek and Turk. - -The Seljouk kingdom rose and fell in Asia Minor; then the chieftain -Othman[5] stepped on its ruins and climbed to power. He and his -descendants gradually conquered the Greeks until Byzantium was theirs. -Ottoman conquests still continued, until a century, after the fall of -Constantinople Suleiman pushed his armies to the gates of Vienna and -marked the farthest point of the Turkish invasion of Europe. During -Suleiman’s reign Turkey not only dominated the Balkan Peninsula from -the Adriatic to the Black Sea and north to the Danube, but it also -greatly influenced the rest of Europe. There was not a court in Europe -that was not forced to reckon with Sultan Suleiman. So the career of -Ibrahim, his distinguished grand vizir, is not a mere romance; it is a -career which intimately affected the hopes and fears of Ferdinand of -Austria, Charles V of Spain, Francis I of France, and even Henry VIII -of England, as well as the Pope and the Venetian Signory. - -At the height of their power the Turks were nevertheless still a simple -people. While western society has moved from complexity to greater -complexity, their society has preserved an unembarrassed simplicity. -They are loyal to state, religion, race, family, habit. Their religion -is rigidly monotheistic; their government (up to July 24, 1908) has -been the simplest possible monarchy, a personal despotism; they are -probably the most unaffectedly democratic people in the world; a man -is what his merit or his fortune has made him, with no regard to his -ancestry; they are unitarian in religion, government and society. In -morals the same simplicity prevails, with no torturing doubts and -few sophistries. Much that seems like a fairy tale to us is simple -unquestioning reality to them. - -In this simplicity, this single‐mindedness, they are totally different -from the Arabs of the Khalifate, with whom they have been so much -associated in Western minds, but with whom they have no relationship -beyond that of a common religion. The Turks, I repeat, are a much -simpler as well as a more warlike people than any other Oriental nation. - -The sources for the life of Ibrahim are classified naturally in three -groups: (1st) The Turkish histories and biographies, first and second -hand; (2nd) the accounts of European travelers and residents in -Constantinople, such as Mouradjia D’Ohsson, Busbequius, and the Venetian -baillies; and (3rd) the diplomatic correspondence and documents of -the time as found in such collections as Charrière’s _Négociations_, -Gévay’s _Urkunden und Actenstücke_, and Noradunghian’s and de Testa’s -_Recueils_. A student would also wish to consult the histories written -by foreigners, such as von Hammer, Zinkheisen and Jorga, whose sources -are found in the three classes of evidence cited above. - -It is impossible to confine ourselves to the Turkish sources, -because of the notable omission of accounts of institutions, and -the total absence of description. Abdurrahman Sheref, the present -historiographer of Turkey, is the first Turkish writer of whom I -know, who devotes some chapters to general subjects such as “The -Provinces”, “Literature”, etc., in imitation of European histories. The -historians of Suleiman’s time were rather chroniclers, the Comines and -Froissarts of their day though with much less of petty and personal -detail. Therefore we must turn to Occidental observers for accounts -of the Turkish manner of life, their warfare and their government, -except where we can learn from Turkish law or poetry. But practically -all that the Ottomans have told us of themselves and of their rulers, -we may trust in a way we cannot trust Western evidence. Every one who -knows the East is aware how a report will pass through the bazaars -and into the interior of the country, or up the Nile for hundreds of -miles, with marvelous rapidity and more marvelous accuracy. Just as -the story‐teller repeats a tale as his remote ancestor first told it, -so do men hand down a tradition unembellished and unchanged. Turkish -tradition is an expression of the sincerity and simplemindedness of -the Turkish character. The Turks are neither sceptics, nor desirous of -deceiving, therefore they transmit an account as they have received it. - -There are of course exceptions to this: Suleiman’s _Letters of Victory_ -are overdrawn at times, and a legendary history of him has been -found,[6] written a century after his reign, in which the events of -his life are hard to discover amidst a mass of legend. But this last -case seems to have been a direct attempt to write an epic piece, and -is quite different from the clear, straight narrative of the ordinary -chronicler. The court chronicler’s embellishments consist mainly in -flowery phrases, such as “Sultan Suleiman Khan, whose glory reaches the -heavens, and who is the Sun of Valor and Heroism, and the Shadow of -God on Earth, may Allah keep his soul.” In other words, the style is -embellished but not the facts, the latter being related as uncritically -and directly as a child relates an event. - -Sometimes the perspective seems to us very odd, since the emphasis -seems to be placed on the unimportant part of the narrative, but in -such cases we must seek in the Turkish mind for an explanation of why -that phase, unimportant to us, is to the Turkish writer and reader, of -importance. As an illustration of this, take the Turkish accounts of -Ibrahim’s Egyptian expedition. The _Sulimannameh_ and later histories -all give more space to the hardships of Ibrahim’s voyage to Egypt, and -to the honor paid him by the Sultan than to the organization of Egypt, -which occupied seven months. This seems, and doubtless is naïve, but we -can see from it what a great effort a sea expedition was to this inland -people, and also how above everything else in importance loomed the -favor of the monarch, by whom all subjects rose to power or fell into -disgrace. It further shows the stress laid on the lives of courtiers -and officials rather than on the ordering of a province, in which, of -course, it resembles all early histories. - -For details in regard to the sources used for this study, the reader is -referred to the Bibliography. - - - - -CHAPTER I - -IBRAHIM’S RISE - - -Ibrahim was a Christian of base extraction, the son of a Greek sailor -of Parga.[7] He was born in 1494.[8] In his childhood he was captured -by Turkish corsairs.[9] It would seem that he was first sold to a -widow of Magnesia, who clothed him well and had him well educated, and -especially trained to perform upon a musical instrument resembling the -violin, which he learned to play beautifully.[10] - -Whether it was on one of his expeditions to Asia Minor that Suleiman, -son of the reigning monarch Selim I, met Ibrahim and was won by -his charm and his musical ability, or whether Ibrahim was taken to -Constantinople and there sold to the prince, cannot be determined from -conflicting reports, but the fact that Ibrahim became Suleiman’s -property is incontestable.[11] - -Ibrahim never forgot his origin or his family. In 1527 his father -came to Constantinople to visit him, and later he had his mother and -his two brothers at the Palace.[12] He was able to help his father -substantially, giving him a _sandjak_ or governorship.[13] Of course -Ibrahim adopted Islam, else there were no story to tell, for a -Christian could have had no career in Turkey in that day. - -Baudier says that the boy Ibrahim was carried to Constantinople by -“them which exact the tribute of Christian Children.” This tribute -of Christian children had been levied since the reign of Orkhan -(1326–1361) and was the material of which the redoubtable army of -janissaries was formed. These children, separated from their own -countries and their families, and practically always converted to -Islam, were for the most part trained in military camps and forbidden -to marry. Therefore they had no interest except in war, and no loyalty -except to the sultan. Thus they developed into the finest military -machine the world had known, the most perfect instrument for a -conqueror’s use, but a dangerous force in time of peace. - -Sometimes the tribute children were bred for civil careers and not -placed in the corps of the janissaries. Prince Cantimir of Moldavia[14] -states that Ibrahim was a simple janissary of the 9th company. I have -been unable to find a source for this statement, but Ibrahim’s later -career as general of the Imperial forces would seem to imply a military -training. Von Hammer,[15] however, ascribes Cantimir’s statement to an -error, and gives Ibrahim a civil training. - -Ibrahim’s first office was page to the heir apparent Suleiman. When -the latter came to the throne in 1520, he made Ibrahim Head Falconer, -and then raised him in rapid succession to the respective posts of -Khass‐oda‐Bashi, or Master of the Household, of Beylerbey of Roumelie, -Vizir, Grand Vizir, and finally Serasker, or general‐in‐chief of the -Imperial forces—a dazzlingly rapid promotion. Baudier tells a story in -this connection which might easily be true, being quite in character, -although it can not be verified. The story runs thus: “Ibrahim’s rapid -rise began to alarm him. The inconstancy of fortune, as exampled by -the fate of many of the great men of the Ottoman court, created in him -an apprehension of the great peril which attached to those favorites -who enjoyed the high dignities of the court, and served as a bridle -to restrain his desires. He besought Suleiman not to advance him so -high that his fall would be his ruin. He showed him that a modest -prosperity was safer than the greatness wherewith he would honor him; -that his services would be rewarded sufficiently if he received enough -to enable him to pass his days in rest and comfort. Suleiman commended -his modesty, but meaning to advance him to the chief dignities of the -empire, he swore that Ibrahim should not be put to death as long as -he reigned, no matter what other changes might be made in the court.” -“But” moralizes Baudier, “the condition of kings, which is human and -subject to change, and that of favorites, who are proud and unthankful, -shall cause Suleiman to fail of his promise and Ibrahim to lose his -faith and loyalty as we shall see”.[16] - -A knowledge of the duties of these offices held by Ibrahim is essential -to an understanding of the Turkish court at which his life was -spent.[17] The personal servants of the sultan were divided into six -classes or “chambers”; the Body guard, the Guard of the treasury, the -Guard of the office, the Guard of the campaign, the Black eunuchs and -the White eunuchs. The Body guard, or personal attendants, included the -Master of the stirrup, the Master of the keys, the Chief water‐pourer, -the Chief coffee‐server, etcetera, to the number of thirty‐nine. The -first of these chambers was well furnished with attendants, mutes, -dwarfs, musicians, and pages; some of these pages were attached to the -personal service of high officials, whose pipes, coffee, or perfumes -they tended; they might also be attached to the service of the sultan. -Ibrahim seems to have been a page in the service of the _shahzadeh_ or -heir, Suleiman. - -The heir to the throne after his thirteenth or fourteenth year had his -own palace separate from his father’s harem, in which he had thus far -been brought up. As soon as he showed sufficient promise he was sent -to some province, that he might have experience in governing. Thus -Suleiman, during the reign of his father Selim, was made governor of -Magnesia in Asia Minor, north of Smyrna, where he probably met Ibrahim, -a youth of his own age. The court of the _shahzadeh_ had the same -officials, with the same titles, as the Imperial court. - -It was then in Suleiman’s court in Magnesia that Ibrahim held his -position as page. The pages in the sultan’s palace at Constantinople -attended schools especially designed to train them, and Ibrahim, -when he became grand vizir, founded one of the best of these schools -in Stamboul. Probably there were no such schools in the provinces, -but either in the palace, or earlier in the household of the widow of -Magnesia, Ibrahim obtained an excellent education. - -He could read Persian as well as Turkish, also Greek (his native -tongue) and Italian. He was a wide reader, delighting in geography and -history, especially the lives of Alexander the Great and Hannibal. Of -his musical training we have already spoken.[18] When their schooling -was completed, the pages were taken into the Serai,[19] passing through -two lower chambers before completing their education in the first -chamber. The pages usually lodged near the sultan’s apartments in -handsome dormitories having their own mosque and baths. But Ibrahim, -as the favorite of Suleiman, used to sleep in the apartments of his -lord and master, and generally took his meals with him.[20] Bragadino -says that when they were not together in the morning they wrote notes -to each other, which they sent by mutes. Pietro Zen records seeing -them together often in a little boat with but one oarsman, and says -they would land at Seraglio Point and wander through the gardens -together.[21] Zen declares that the Grand Signor loved Ibrahim greatly, -and that the two were inseparable from childhood up, continuing so -after Suleiman became sultan. This intimacy, so often noted by the -Venetian Baillies, is never commented on by the Turkish writers. -It scandalized the Ottomans, and seemed to them utterly unsuitable -that the Lord of the Age should show such favor to his slave. The -partiality of Suleiman for Ibrahim is important, for it is the -explanation of Ibrahim’s phenomenal rise. - -From a page, Ibrahim became Head Falconer, a post which requires no -explanation. The last two chambers of the sultan’s personal attendants -were the black and white eunuchs. The black eunuchs, several hundred in -number, guarded the imperial harem, and were thence called aghas of the -harem. Their chief was called _Kizlar agha_, or _agha_ of the maidens, -and his office included some further duties beside those connected -with the “maidens.” There were also in the palace a number of white -eunuchs, whose chief was called _Capon agha_, or captain of the gate. -Next to him the chief officer was the Khass‐oda‐bashi. The Turkish -historians[22] call Ibrahim, at the time of his being called to the -vizirate, “khass‐oda‐bashi.” Cantimir calls him “Captain of the Inner -Palace” which is a very good translation of the Turkish term. This -official, as we have seen, was second in rank among the white eunuchs. -To him was confided one of the three imperial seals set in rings, -used for the precious objects which were kept in the apartment of the -sultan.[23] - -He also garbed in _caftans_[24] in the Imperial presence those whom -the sultan would thus honor. Another curious duty was the following: -whenever the sultan had his head shaved, and the personal attendants -stood in order before him; their hands crossed respectfully over -their girdles, the khass‐oda‐bashi placed himself several steps from -the sofa, on which the sultan sat, his right hand resting on a baton -chased with gold and silver. The white eunuchs lodged behind the third -gate of the palace, the Bab‐el‐saadet, or Gate of Felicity. D’Ohsson -states:[25] “The seraglio is their prison and their tomb; they are -never permitted to absent themselves. The white eunuchs have no other -prospect than the post of Commandant of the school of pages at Galata.” - -It would seem that Ibrahim must have been a eunuch. Daniele Barbarigo -states it flatly[26] and the office of khass‐oda‐bashi, according to -D’Ohsson, was held only by eunuchs. Furthermore Solakzadeh speaks of -Ibrahim’s being called from the Imperial harem to the grand vizirate, -and all the officials of the harem were necessarily eunuchs. But to -Ibrahim the seraglio was neither a prison nor a tomb. He went freely -about the city, and his rise was not at all impeded by what generally -proved a fatal limitation. Other eunuchs have also overcome their -limitations, for D’Ohsson mentions four eunuchs, kizlar aghas, who -became grand vizirs. Another very distinguished eunuch, Ghazanber -Agha, a Hungarian prisoner‐of‐war, in childhood was educated as a page -in the serai, became a Mahommedan and, because Selim II, the son and -successor of Suleiman the Magnificent, wanted him about his person, he -voluntarily submitted to castration, in order to enter the corps of -white eunuchs. His office was capou agha (captain of the gate) which he -held for thirty years, and raised to a very great importance. - -That Ibrahim married need not astonish us, for marriages arranged with -eunuchs by fathers of many daughters were not uncommon. Sometimes a -sultana was married to a eunuch for his fortune, in which case he -generally died soon after his marriage; sometimes no other suitable -husband being found for her, she was given to a eunuch of high rank. -In stories we occasionally read of a father who marries his daughter -to a eunuch as a punishment. Ibrahim probably married a sultana, which -curiously enough would be a more natural marriage than with a woman of -lower rank, for it has never been deemed advisable that the daughters -of sultans should have male children, and if such were born, they were -condemned to immediate death by the omission to knot the umbilical -cord. This measure became a law in the reign of Ahmed I,[27] with the -idea of saving the country from the civil war of rival princes of -the blood, but was probably a custom long before it was legalized. -Therefore Suleiman may have thought that the marriage of his relative -to a man of Ibrahim’s position, fortune, and charm, was a happy fate -for a princess who might not hope to be a mother. - -We have seen that the fact that Ibrahim was a Greek, and a Christian -by birth, was no barrier to his rise, so long as he adopted Islam. -Many of the great officials of Turkey were of Christian extraction; as -for instance, the two men who succeeded Ibrahim Pasha as Grand Vizirs, -Rustem Pasha and Mehmet Sokolli, considered the greatest of Turkish -vizirs and both Croats by birth. Furthermore his humble family was no -obstacle, for in Turkey it has always been possible for a bootblack or -a grocer to rise to the highest position, if good fortune or marked -ability led him thither. - -Ibrahim suffered from still another disability, as we in the Occident -would consider it: he was a slave. How did that affect his advancement? -To understand the position of a slave in Turkey in the fifteenth -century we must recognize at the outset the fact that Turkish slavery -was quite different from that of the Occident, and so approach the -subject free from our natural prejudice. - -The only slavery sanctioned by Islam is that imposed on infidels as a -result of supposed inferiority of race and religion,[28] and has never -in fact included the _rayahs_ (Christian subjects) but only prisoners -of war. The _rayah_ might not be enslaved but neither might he hold -slaves, except in very rare instances before 1759, and not at all after -that date.[29] - -There were two kinds of legal slaves, those made by capture in war, and -those by birth. Slaves by purchase, taken from Africa and the Caucasus, -were not recognized by law, but nevertheless such slavery existed.[30] -Brigands also seized foreigners from time to time and sold them as -slaves. Prisoners of war lost their civil liberty according to Islamic -law. The Prophet repeatedly enjoins their destruction.[31] According -to the Turkish code, the sovereign might perpetuate their captivity, -or free them to pay tribute, or cause them to be slaughtered, if more -expedient. The exceptions to this law were the cases of any orthodox -Moslems who might fall into Turkish power, and the case of the Tatars -of the Crimea, who were Shiites, or heretic Moslems, and who were -enslaved.[32] - -Prisoners of war formed two classes of slaves, prisoners of the -state, and private slaves. To the first class belonged all soldiers -and officers, and a fifth of the rest of the slaves, or their value. -Of these some were exchanged or resold after the peace, others were -employed in the Serai or given away. Some were handed over to public -works, especially to the admiralty, where they were confounded with -criminals and condemned to hard labor. To the second class belonged -all the prisoners not given to the sultan, including those captured by -the soldiers. These were generally sold. Merchants would purchase them -in the camps, and sell them all over the Empire. These slaves taken -in war were far the greater number of slaves in the Empire; many were -enfranchised before they had children, and children of one free and one -slave parent were themselves born free. The adoption of Islam after -captivity did not free the slave. - -The power of the master was absolute over the person, children and -property of his slaves. He might sell, give, or bequeath them, but he -might not kill them without some reason. As a corollary of this power, -the master had full responsibility for his slave; he must support him, -pay his debts, stand behind him in any civil affair, and give consent -to his holding of property. A slave might not act as a witness nor as a -guardian. He was entirely dependent on his master. - -Thus far the theory is not unlike that of the West, but there were two -facts which changed the entire situation. The first was the brevity -of time of enslavement in most cases; the second was the absence of -odium attached to the position of a slave. In regard to the first fact, -it was not considered humane to keep persons long in slavery, and it -was a general rule to enfranchise them either before their marriage -or on their coming of age, or when they had served sufficiently long. -Enfranchisement is a voluntary and private act by which the patron -frees his slave from the bonds of servitude and puts him into the free -class.[33] It is also considered by the Turk to be a noble action, -one especially befitting a dying man, who often frees his slaves in -his testament. The enfranchisement of slaves was regarded by the -Moslem as the highest act of virtue.[34] A less disinterested form -of enfranchisement has a pecuniary inducement, the slave buying his -freedom from his master.[35] - -Thus the slave never thought of himself as by nature servile, nor -always to be a slave, but could look forward to his freedom in a few -years more or less. This fact induced self‐respect and hope. The -slave’s dress did not in any way distinguish him from the free man; he -was in no way branded. - -Sir Henry Bulwer said of white slavery in Turkey in 1850, “It greatly -resembles adoption, and the children often become the first dignitaries -of the Empire.”[36] This statement is confirmed by Fatma Alieh Hannum, -a living Turkish lady, who gives a most attractive picture of the home -care and affection given to slaves,[37] and my own observation of -slavery in Constantinople would bear her out. The condition described -by Bulwer would seem also to have obtained in the sixteenth century. -George Young in his _Corps de Droit Ottoman_[38] speaks of two systems -of slavery in Turkey, the Turkish system and the Circassian system, -which have been fused in our day, but of which only the former existed -in Ibrahim’s day, and in contrasting them he says: “The Turkish system -by its moderation scarcely went beyond the limits of apprenticeship, -and could be classed with the voluntary servitude that for a determined -time was permitted in some of the European colonies. While the -Circassian system fixed the slave forever in the servile class, the -Turkish system has always permitted and in some cases prescribed his -enfranchisement. Furthermore the social situation of a slave under the -Old Regime of the Empire favored his advancement even to the highest -office.... The Turkish system made a career of slavery.... Many slaves -by birth have played leading roles in the history of the Empire.” -The last statement admits of no argument, but the question how far -the Turkish system made a career of slavery, and how far slavery was -beneficent, demands further consideration. - -Let us return to the classes of slaves spoken of above. Some, we saw, -were put into public works; these could have found no career in their -forced labor, although they might have bought or otherwise earned -their freedom, and then have made a career for themselves. Some were -owned by private individuals where they were given no opportunity to -rise, although life in a private house, as in the case of the widow of -Magnesia, might prepare a slave for a career. But the only slaves who -would naturally have an opportunity for a career were those who served -in the royal palace or in the house of some important officer. To them -slavery truly opened a career. We cannot perhaps agree with Mr. Young -that the Turkish system “made a career of slavery”, but it certainly -was no barrier to a career, and it even opened up such opportunities -as could not come otherwise to a Christian youth, nor indeed to most -Moslem youths. - -The mild and even beneficent quality of Oriental slavery has been -maintained by many writers. Busbequius, writing from Constantinople in -Suleiman’s reign, commends Turkish slavery on economic grounds, and -then, moved by the contemplation of this fatherly system, bursts into a -defence of slavery in general.[39] - -Robert Roberts in his monograph says that the condition of slaves in -modern Moslem lands is “not so bad”, and that the slavery he himself -saw in Morocco “is only formally to be distinguished from Christian -service”.[40] The Baron de Tott speaks of seeing Moslem slaves in 1785 -“well fed, well clothed, and well treated,” and adds, “I am inclined -to doubt if those even who are homesick have in general much reason -to be satisfied with their ransom. It is possible in truth that the -slaves sold into the interior parts of the country, or to individuals -who purchase them on speculation, are not as happy as those who fall to -the lot of the sovereign or the grandee. We may presume, however, that -even the avarice of the master militates in their favor, for it must be -confessed that the Europeans are the only people who ill‐treat their -slaves, which arises no doubt from this cause,—that they constitute the -wealth of the Orientals, and that with us they are means of amassing -wealth. In the East they are the delight of the miser; with us they -are only the instrument of avarice.”[41] In interesting support of de -Tott’s idea that Oriental slaves might not care to be ransomed is the -fact that after the treaty of Carlowitz, when the Porte engaged to set -European prisoners at liberty for a ransom, and did attempt to do so, -there were a large number of captives who rejected their liberty and -their fatherland.[42] - -Perhaps the chief explanation of the lack of distinction between -freeman and slave lay in the fact that the Turks had very little -conception of freedom, and the man legally free was practically almost -as bound as the slave. As we have seen in the introduction to this -study, loyalty and obedience were the two great virtues in the eyes of -the Turks, so that in the idea of service there was no degradation. All -who served the Crown were called _Kol_, or slaves of the Sultan, even -the grand vizir receiving this title, which was much more honorable -than that of _subject_, the kol being able to insult the subject with -impunity, while the latter could not injure a royal slave in the -slightest degree without subjecting himself to punishment.[43] Turkey -was a land of slaves with but one master, the sultan, even the brothers -and sons of the monarch being kept in durance for the greater part of -their lives. In the case of women, no practical distinction that we -should recognize existed between slave and free. The mother of the -sultan was always a slave, one of the sultan’s titles being “Son of a -Slave”. Most of the pashas were born of slave mothers, as the Turks had -more children by their slaves than by their wives.[44] Such conditions -rendered obviously impossible the sharp line which is drawn in the -West between the freeman and the despised slave, and placed the slave -potentially with the highest of the land. Slavery was certainly the -Greek Ibrahim’s opportunity. Slavery brought him into the court, placed -him before the sultan, educated him, gave him ambition, and finally -gratified it. When Ibrahim was freed, no one thinks it worth while -to record; certainly before his marriage, perhaps much before. But -evidently the moment when Suleiman said to him: “Thou art enfranchised, -thou art free”[45] was a moment not worth recording, so natural and -inevitable was his enfranchisement the moment that slavery ceased to be -the ladder of his advancement. - -It is evident, then, that Ibrahim’s lowly birth, his Christian origin, -his experience as a slave, and his being a eunuch were none of them -barriers to a great career. What was there, on the other hand, to give -him such a career? His extraordinary ambition, his marked ability, and -above all his immense good‐fortune in falling into the hands of the -sultan and winning his affection, so that Suleiman was dominated by his -love for Ibrahim, and unable to resist any of his caprices;[46] these -were the prime factors in his extraordinary rise. - -While still master of the household (khass‐oda‐bashi) he was often -spoken of as “Ibrahim the Magnificent” by the Venetian baillies. -Barbarigo relates that the serai was never so splendid as in the days -when the magnificent Ibrahim was oda‐bashi of the Grand Seigneur, and -also when he was grand chamberlain. As the title of “the Magnificent” -is that which Europe has accorded to Sultan Suleiman, a love of pomp -and display must have been one of the interests that he and his -ennobled slave had in common. But such showy qualities are hardly -suitable to a mere master of the household. Ibrahim had to be raised to -the rank of pasha. - -A pasha was a sort of military governor, although the title might be -given as a mere title of nobility, and in any case was indefinite, -being determined by the particular office the pasha held. The pashas -were generally very proud and stately persons, with grave, leisurely -manners, and were always surrounded by a large number of pages and -other richly‐garbed domestics when they went abroad mounted on superb -steeds, banners and horse‐tails waving before them, and the people -paying homage. But their power was often very small, and their -income frequently quite inadequate to the state they were obliged to -maintain.[47] - -The famous horse‐tail banner which distinguished a high official -originated in the following way: the banner of one of the old Turkish -princes having been lost in battle and with it the courage of his -soldiers, he severed with one blow a horse’s tail from its body and -fastening it to his lance cried, “Behold my banner! who loves me will -follow me!” The Turks rallied and saved the day.[48] The banner was -called the _Tugh_. Each sandjak bey was entitled to one horse‐tail, -being, as Europeans say “a pasha of one tail”; a beylerbey (literally -prince of princes or colonel of colonels) was entitled to two or three -tails; the grand vizir sported five horse‐tails, and before the Sultan -seven of these banners were carried. - -In 1522 Ibrahim became Ibrahim Pasha, Grand Vizir, and Beylerbey of -Roumelie. Turkey has always been divided into Turkey in Europe, or -Roumelie or Roum,[49] and Turkey in Asia, or Anatolia. These two -divisions of the empire during Suleiman’s reign were each ruled by a -governor, or beylerbey, who had general charge of the sandjakbeys over -each sandjak[50] or province. The beylerbeys of Roumelie generally -resided at Monastir or Sofia, but here again Ibrahim seems to have been -an exception to the general rule and to have resided at Constantinople. - -The office of vizir was a venerable one, its institution being -ascribed by some to the Prophet, who appointed as first vizir Ali, his -son‐in‐law and successor, and by others to the first Abasside, who -bestowed the title on his first minister. The duties of vizir in the -sixteenth century have been defined as follows:[51] “The vizir commands -all the armies, is the only one except the Grand Seigneur who has the -power of life and death throughout the whole extent of the Empire over -criminals, and can nominate, degrade, and execute all ministers and -agents of the sovereign authority. He promulgates all the new laws, and -causes them to be put in effect. He is the supreme head of the justice -that he administers, although with the aid and according to the opinion -of the Ulema, the legal body. In short, he represents his master to the -full extent of his dignity and temporal power, not only in the Empire, -but also with the Foreign States. But to the same degree that this -power is splendid and extensive, it is dangerous and precarious.” - -Mourad I (1359–1389) was the first sultan of Turkey to name a vizir. -Mohammed the Conqueror thought the office concentrated too much power -in one person, and planned to abolish it, but instead left it vacant -for eight months.[52] Selim I, as strong a monarch as the Conqueror, -left vacant for nine months this office which almost rendered a sultan -unnecessary. But his son Suleiman soon after his accession put his -favorite Ibrahim into the highest office in a sultan’s gift, and kept -him there thirteen years. Probably with the idea of dividing the -immense power of this office, he increased the number of vizirs to -three and later to four. Of these one was known as the grand vizir -(Vizir Azam) and to him alone applies the description given above. -Ibrahim Pasha was at first the third vizir, the other two being Piri -Mustafa Pasha and Ahmed Pasha. There was always great jealousy among -the vizirs. Ahmed Pasha, anxious to rise to the first rank, accused -Piri Pasha of sedition and procured the latter’s downfall; but to his -inexpressible chagrin was himself passed over in favor of Ibrahim, who -was “told the good news of his appointment as grand vizir and brought -gladness and brilliance into the divan.”[53] Ahmed’s feeling was so -great and the consequent dissensions in the divan were so considerable, -that Suleiman sent Ahmed to Egypt as governor, leaving the field clear -for Ibrahim, who in his palace received at the hands of a noble of the -sultan’s service the imperial ring as a symbol of his new power. - -The grand vizir lived in a palace modeled after the Sultan’s, having -under him the same class of officials and servants even to ministers of -state, and his household was conducted with great ceremony. Ibrahim’s -salary was increased over that of the preceding grand vizir from 16,000 -to 25,000 piastres[54] but he obtained much more from the disposal of -public offices, and he also received enormous presents from those under -him, although this was balanced by the large gifts he had to make to -others. The property of a grand vizir was always confiscated at his -death, which was doubtless one reason why a sultan could afford to -lavish so much on a favorite minister, knowing that eventually it would -all return to the imperial coffers. Dress and style were very carefully -regulated in Turkey in the XVI century. The turban of the grand vizir, -his barge with twelve pairs of oars and a green awning, the five -horse‐tails that might be carried before him, all distinguished him -from lower officials. He had eight guards of honor, and twelve led -horses. When he appeared in public his hussars would cry aloud, “Peace -unto you and divine clemence”, while the other soldiers responded -in chorus, “May your fortunes be propitious; may Allah be your aid; -may the Almighty protect the days of our sovereign and the pasha, -our master; may they live long and happily.”[55] All of the public -officials except the sheik‐ul‐Islam received their offices from the -grand vizir, and were garbed in his presence with a caftan, or robe of -state. The grand vizir and the sheik‐ul‐Islam were the only officials -invested by the sultan himself and appointed for life. - -The divan was the imperial council, consisting of the vizirs, the -defterdar, or secretary of finance, the nishanji who made out royal -firmans and berats, and the sheik‐ul‐Islam or head of Islam. It was a -council for discussion and wholly without power. - -On the 22d day of May, 1524, the Sultan celebrated with great pomp the -marriage of Ibrahim Pasha. Who the bride was we cannot be certain, but -this is in accord with Turkish etiquette which strictly forbids all -mention of the harem,[56] and considers any public knowledge of woman -as an insult to her, thus depriving historians of desirable information -concerning such important political figures as Roxelana, who greatly -influenced Suleiman the Magnificent, Baffa the Venetian sultana, and -others. Von Hammer says that Ibrahim married a sister of Suleiman, but -I can find no proof of it.[57] A wedding in Turkey always includes -two distinct feasts, the one for the bride and her women friends, the -other for the groom and his men friends. Now‐a‐days the woman’s part -is ordinarily more important, but in Ibrahim’s time a wedding or a -circumcision was the occasion of a great public feast for the men. -Ibrahim Pasha, as we have seen, was always spoken of by the Venetians -as “Il Magnifico Ibrahim.” Perhaps since so much stress has been laid -by historians on the splendor of the court and the grand vizir, a -description of this great public marriage will not be out of order.[58] - -The feast or series of feasts was held in the Hippodrome, a great -piazza being erected near Agia Sophia from which the sultan might view -all the proceedings. Here was set up the Blessed Throne of Felicity, -adorned with precious gold embroidery and rich velvets, while in the -Hippodrome below, artistic, vari‐colored tents were set up, and carpets -of gold thread were spread over the ground. Terraces and canopies and -pavilions for the nobles were raised above the ground, but below the -sultan’s terrace. Hangings of velvet and satin covered the grey walls -of the buildings surrounding the Hippodrome.[59] The second vizir, Ayas -Pasha, and the agha of the janissaries went to the palace to invite -the sultan to honor the feast by his presence. Suleiman received them -graciously, delivered a pompous eulogy upon Ibrahim, and made them rich -presents. - -To the first banquet “all the world” was invited;[60] the seven that -followed were given to various branches of the army, there being very -splendid feasts to the janissaries, vizirs, beylerbeys and sandjakbeys. -To the first feast came Ayas Pasha and the agha of the janissaries, -escorted by a troop of slaves. When they reached Bab‐el‐Saadet, that -gate of the city leading from the Seraglio grounds to the space before -the Agia Sophia, they met the glorious sultan “whose throne is in the -heavens.” His escort bore scarlet banners and carried robes of honor -with which they garbed those who had come to meet them, and they led -also richly caparisoned steeds to present to Ayas Pasha and his two -followers, for which, says Solakzadeh, “there was limitless thanks.” - -On the ninth day, the eve of that on which the bride would be brought -from the palace, Ayas Pasha and the other vizirs, and the defterdar, -and the agha of the janissaries sought the bridegroom and led him -through the streets of Stamboul in gorgeous procession. From the -Bab‐i‐Humayoun (The Sublime Porte) to the Hippodrome the streets “were -full of pleasure from end to end,” all hung with silks of Broussa and -velvets of Damascus, through which passed the ranks of the janissaries -and the vizir who thus honored Ibrahim Pasha. - -Ibrahim was a lean, dark man, slight in stature and bearing himself -gracefully in his cloth‐of‐gold robes.[61] He was escorted by brilliant -officers on prancing steeds. There is no finer setting for a procession -than the grey streets of Stamboul under the vivid Southern sky. When -the procession approached the sultan’s throne, the dignitaries of the -state and the nobles of the Empire, approaching on foot over the richly -carpeted street, fell on their faces before his Majesty. - -“This day they enjoyed riches and booty and sumptuousness without -end”. “Especially were the people charmed with the sounds of rejoicing -flutes and trumpets, whose music rose from earth to the first heaven”. -The wise ulema and sheiks were present on this occasion, the sultan -seating on his right the venerated Mufti Ali Djemali and on his left -the great hodja (teacher) of the princes, while other learned doctors -were arranged confronting the Imperial Majesty. The sultan presided -over a learned discussion of the verse from the Koran, “O David, I -will make thee Caliph in the world”, a sufficiently courtly text. The -meaning was discussed and questions were propounded and answered. After -this literary episode, knights‐at‐arms, wrestlers and other athletes -displayed their skill. Then a rich feast was served and Mehmet Chelebi -had the honor of presenting to the sultan sherbet in a priceless cup -cut from a single turquoise, a souvenir of Persian victories, and the -pride of the nation. Others drank their sherbet from goblets of china, -then a rare and valuable ware. Food was served to the sultan and the -ulema on silver trays,[62] and each of the guests took away with him a -tray of sweetmeats. From evening to morning fireworks and illuminations -lit up the city, and were reflected in the Bosphorus and Marmora. On -his return to the palace Suleiman was informed of the birth of a son, -who afterwards became Selim II. - -The wedding was followed by several days of dancing, races, contests -of wrestlers and archers, as well as poetic contests in honor of the -newly‐wedded couple. Such was a public festival in the city of the -sultan in the days of the magnificent Suleiman. It reminds us of the -Field of the Cloth of Gold, whose splendor delighted the French and -the English in this same quarter century, the most striking difference -being the literary side which the Turkish festival possessed and the -European lacked. - -Solakzadeh tells an interesting anecdote in connection with another -great feast, that of the circumcision of Suleiman’s three sons.[63] -This was also a very splendid function and Suleiman is said to have -asked Ibrahim in pride, whose feast had been the finer, Ibrahim’s or -that of his sons. Ibrahim replied: “There has never been a feast equal -to my wedding.” Suleiman, somewhat disconcerted, enquired how that was, -to which Ibrahim gave the following courtly answer: “O my Padisha, my -wedding was honored by the presence of Suleiman, Lord of the Age, firm -Rampart of Islam, Possessor of Mecca and Medina, Lord of Damascus and -Egypt, Caliph of the Lofty Threshold, and Lord of the Residence of the -Pleiades: but to your festival, who was there of equally exalted rank -who might come?” The padisha, greatly delighted, said, “A thousand -bravas to thee, Ibrahim, who hast explained it so satisfactorily.” - -Of Ibrahim’s relations to the sultan a good deal has been said. He -was brought up in close contact with his master, eating and sleeping -with him. They often changed garments and Ibrahim told an Austrian -ambassador that the sultan never ordered garments for himself without -ordering the same for his favorite. The Venetians spoke of seeing the -two friends taking pleasure rides together in a cäique, and visiting -what shores they pleased. - -Ibrahim was said to exert such an influence on the sultan that the -latter could deny him nothing, and from the time that he became grand -vizir, he almost took over the sovereignty of the land: as von Hammer -says, “from this time he divided the absolute power with Suleiman”. In -becoming grand vizir and presiding over the divan, Ibrahim occupied the -highest position open to any except a member of the imperial Ottoman -family. Here the romantic story of his rise merges into the account of -his public career, and this in its turn is a part of Turkish and South -European history. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -IBRAHIM THE ADMINISTRATOR - - -After 1522 Ibrahim Pasha combined in his person the highest -administrative, diplomatic and military functions. Although these -naturally interact, it is our plan to consider them separately, first -taking up Ibrahim’s administrative work. - -We have seen that Ahmed Pasha, second vizir, was sent to Egypt when -Ibrahim climbed over him to the grand vizerate. Ahmed’s indignation -at the treatment accorded him by Suleiman led him into treachery; he -attempted to usurp the sovereignty of Egypt. Intrigues failing of -success he openly threw off his allegiance to the sultan, and attacked -Cairo, capturing the fortress. This threw Alexandria and the coast into -his power, and he proclaimed himself sultan.[64] - -This revolt of Ahmed Pasha has all the features of the typical -revolt against Turkish authority: the sudden disgrace of an official -high in power, his banishment under the name of change of office, a -tampering with the loyalty of the troops of the province (in this -case the Mamelukes), a conflict with the loyal janissaries, sudden -success, betrayal, a rapid fall and a sudden punishment, ending in the -triumph of absolutism. The same story with change of names is told a -hundred times in Turkish chronicles. The only way in which Suleiman -differed from most of the sultans under such circumstances was that he -recognized the need of a reorganization of the revolted province and -sent the grand vizir to effect it. - -Four months after his marriage Ibrahim Pasha was sent to Egypt with -a fleet and an army to settle the new governor in Cairo and to -reëstablish the former legislation of the country.[65] The Turkish -historians[66] give much space to the splendid state in which Ibrahim -left the Porte and the unparalleled honor paid him by the company -of Sultan Suleiman as far as the Princes Isles, and also to the -difficulties of the voyage, interrupted several times by storms. The -last part of the journey was made overland, Ibrahim visiting Aleppo and -Damascus, where he put the terror of the sultan into the beylerbeys, -who had been forgetting all but their own interests. Throughout the -journey, the grand vizir received complaints and rendered justice, -earning the blessings of the people whom he visited.[67] - -The arrival of the imperial mission in Cairo was marked by great -ceremony, the Mamelukes showing themselves as splendid in all their -appointments as were the Ottomans. “All the people of Egypt came to -meet Ibrahim Pasha,” declares Solakzadeh, “each one according to his -rank being garbed in a robe of honor, and from the forts guns sounded, -and fêtes and rejoicings were held.” - -Ibrahim Pasha spent three months in Egypt, actively engaged in -improving the condition of that province, which he found “ailing, -but amenable to the skill and zeal of a clever doctor.”[68] The -first move was to punish those who had assisted Ahmed Pasha in his -treachery, several Arab chiefs being publicly hanged, so that the -Arab people “began to weep for fear.”[69] Ibrahim next relieved -many individuals who suffered under injustice, receiving in person -crowds of petitioners, and relieving as many as possible. Among these -acts of mercy were the release of 300 debtors from prison and the -satisfaction of their creditors.[70] He improved the appearance of -Cairo by restoring several buildings that had fallen into disrepair, -particularly mosques and schools, and also built some new ones at -his own expense. To erect such buildings has always been considered -an act of piety, so that sultans, vizirs, and even the favorites of -sultans have acquired merit in this fashion, as the numerous mosques -and religious foundations of Turkey testify. Ibrahim was thus following -the usual custom. He further drew up some rules for education, and for -the care of orphans.[71] But the two main accomplishments of Ibrahim’s -sojourn in Egypt were the reëstablishment of the law and the placing of -the treasury on a better basis. Ahmed Pasha, and probably several of -his predecessors, had ignored and weakened the law of the land, which -Ibrahim undertook to restore. He enforced the local laws and also some -of the general Koranic laws which had been neglected; but he seems to -have moderated and lightened them to suit the needs and desires of -the people, “for” says Solakzadeh, uttering a sentiment so un‐Turkish -that one is inclined to attribute it to the Greek vizir rather than -to the Ottoman chronicler, “the best things are the golden mean.” He -further states that the ideal striven for was uniform rule for all the -inhabitants of Egypt.[72] - -The province was a rich one even before the days of great dams, and one -of the most important of the grand vizir’s duties was to see that the -taxes were properly gathered and placed in the treasury at Cairo, and -that a suitable tribute was sent annually to the Porte. Ibrahim built -two great towers to contain the treasure. With Ibrahim Pasha on this -expedition was the Imperial defterdar or treasurer, Iskender Chelebi, -who calculated that Egypt could pay annually 80,000 ducats to the -Porte, after deducting the cost of administration.[73] Ibrahim’s final -act in Egypt was to appoint Suleiman Pasha, the Beylerbey of Damascus -to the office of governor of Egypt. He seems to have chosen this man -for his economical disposition, for Solakzadeh says “he watched, and -shut his eyes to those who desired to spend money, and then appointed -Suleiman Pasha.” - -Called back to the Porte by a _Hatt‐i‐humayoún_, he left Egypt with -her revolt quieted, her mutineers punished, her oppressed temporarily -relieved, her city improved, her law reëstablished, and her finances -arranged quite satisfactorily to the Porte, if not to herself. Ibrahim -showed himself clear, forceful, just and merciful, if not a great -constructive statesman. He took back to Stamboul a large sum in gold -for the Imperial treasury, and was received by Suleiman with great -honor.[74] - -The recall of Ibrahim Pasha was induced by an insurrection of the -janissaries who were tired of inactivity, and showed their restlessness -by pillaging the houses of the absent grand vizir and defterdar, and -several rich institutions. Suleiman promptly executed several of the -most audacious leaders, then sent for Ibrahim Pasha to come and deal -with the situation. Clothing himself in mourning garments, Ibrahim -hastened back to the capital. On the way he executed a number of -Persian prisoners in Gallipoli, for the Sultan had determined to quiet -the janissaries by the only effective means, namely to offer them a -chance for fighting and loot by making war against the most convenient -enemy, which in this case was Persia. - -Of the war we speak elsewhere. Suffice it to say that from this -time on, Ibrahim was so occupied in war and diplomacy that his -administrative functions must have been delegated largely to lower -officials. His power, notwithstanding, was very great, as will be seen -from the _berat_ of investiture bestowed on him by the Sultan before -the campaign of Vienna, which is substantially as follows: - -“I command Ibrahim Pasha to be from today and forever my grand vizir -and the serasker (chief of the army) named by my Majesty in all my -estates. My vizirs, beylerbeys, judges of the army, legists, judges, -seids, sheiks, my dignitaries of the court and pillars of the empire, -sandjakbeys, generals of cavalry or infantry, ... all my victorious -army, all my slaves, high or low, my functionaries and employees, the -people of my kingdom, my provinces, the citizens and the peasants, the -rich and the poor, in short all shall recognize the above‐mentioned -grand vizir as serasker, and shall esteem and venerate him in this -capacity, regarding all that he says or believes as an order proceeding -from my mouth which rains pearls. Everyone shall listen to his word -with all possible attention, shall receive each of his recommendations -with respect, and shall not neglect any of them. The right of -nomination and degradation for the posts of beylerbeys and all other -dignitaries and functionaries, from highest to lowest, either at my -Blessed Porte or in the provinces, is confined to his sane judgment, -his penetrating intellect. Thus he must fulfil the duties which the -offices of grand vizir and serasker impose on him, assigning to each -man his suitable rank. When my sublime person enters on a campaign, or -when circumstances demand the sending of an army, the serasker remains -sole master and judge of his actions, no one dare refuse him obedience, -and the dispositions which he judges best to make relative to the -collections in the sandjaks, the fiefs and the employments, to the -increase of wages or salaries, to the distribution of presents, except -such as are made to the army in general, are in advance sanctioned and -approved by my Majesty. If against my sublime order and the fundamental -law a member of my army (which Allah forbid!) rebel against the order -of my grand vizir and serasker; if one of my slaves oppress the -people, let my Sublime Porte be immediately informed, and the guilty, -whatever be their number, shall receive the punishment which they shall -merit.”[75] - -This amazing gift of power brings out some characteristics of the -Ottoman state. There is no state, as such, apart from the army. All -the civil offices have military names, and generally include military -duties. It has often been said that the Turkish empire is an army -encamped in Europe, an epigram that conveys much truth. The church, -the state, and the army are one and the sultan is the head of the -trinity.[76] To Ibrahim were delegated full powers as general and -administrator, but he had no sacerdotal power except such as was -involved in the general power of appointment and supervision. It -follows that he did not appoint the sheik‐ul‐Islam, and had no special -dealings with ulema.[77] But curiously enough one of the few events -of his administration of which we have an account is connected with -religious interests. It is the Cabyz affair. - -Cabyz was a member of the body of ulema, or interpreters of the sacred -law, who became convinced of the superiority of Jesus to Mohammad, -hence was a traitor both to Allah and to the sultan. “He fell in to -the valley of error and took the route of destruction and danger, -deviating from the glorious path of truth.”[78] Haled before the judges -of the army, Cabyz was summarily condemned to death, with no attempt -to convince him of his error. The grand vizir reproved them for this -unsuitable treatment of a heretic, saying that the only arms against -heresy should be law and doctrine. The affair being therefore laid -before the divan, the sultan who was present behind his little window -was dissatisfied with the clemency of Ibrahim, perhaps because the -latter was Christian born, although now a zealous Moslem. - -“How is this” he demanded, “an irreligious infidel dares to ascribe -deficiency to the Blessed Prophet, and he goes without being convinced -of his error or punished?” Ibrahim claimed that the judges lacked -the knowledge of the sacred law necessary to deal with the case. So -the judge of Stamboul and the Mufti were called in and after a long -discussion Cabyz’ “tongue was stopped and he lowered his head.” Cabyz -was condemned by the sacred law and executed. - -This case in which a heretic was first brought before the judges of -the army and then before the council of state before he was finally -condemned by the religious law, shows the awkward working of a state -whose functions were so slightly differentiated. Perhaps the easiest -way to think of the grand vizir is as the _alter ego_ of the sultan, as -he has been called.[79] - -For details of Ibrahim’s official work we have a bit here and a bit -there, but no general account. He seems to have been zealous in the -cause of commerce, out of which he made a considerable profit. He -established a monopoly of Syrian commerce afterwards taken over by the -sultan,[80] and caused all the trade of that country to pass through -Constantinople.[81] He encouraged trade with Venice, freeing that -country from payment of duty on merchandize brought from Syria.[82] He -was always a friend to Venice, helping her trade and keeping the Porte -from war with her as long as he lived.[83] - -From the Venetian reports we see how general Ibrahim’s interests -were;[84] now he is looking after the corn trade, now receiving cargoes -of biscuits, now concerning himself in the building of a canal, now -opening new trade routes, now watching the coming of new vessels to the -Porte. The trade of the Dalmatian coast he encouraged. As beylerbey -of Roumelie he would be most interested in the European trade and -other relations. The export and import trade of Turkey was scarcely -born in his day, although the Muscovy and other trading companies were -beginning to ask for concessions in the Ottoman dominions. Ibrahim’s -ideas on this subject were not great nor especially in advance of his -time. - -In his quality as judge, he settled disputes and arranged wills to the -apparent satisfaction of the interested parties. Every envoy to the -Porte, whether on state, commercial, or personal business, was first -presented to the grand vizir, who might take complete charge of his -affair, or he might refer him to the sultan. The grand vizir received -in great state and the Venetian letters are full of advice as to how to -conciliate the great minister. There seems to be little disagreement -among his critics as to Ibrahim’s ability. He is pronounced by all to -be a wise and able man; but he had at least one severe critic among -the Venetians, who felt that his power was too arbitrary. Daniello di -Ludovisi in 1534 wrote thus:[85] - - - Suleiman gave his administration of the empire into the hands - of another. The sultan, with all the pashas and all the court, - would conduct no important deliberation without Ibrahim Pasha, - while Ibrahim would do everything without Suleiman or any - other advisor. So the state lacked good council, and the army - good heads. Suleiman’s affection for Ibrahim should not be - praised, but blamed. - - -And again: - - - Another evil existed in the Turkish army, and was caused, - first, by the negligence of the sultan (who, to tell the - truth, is not of such ability as the greatness of the empire - demands), and secondly, by the actions of Ibrahim Pasha, - who by the same means as those used to raise and maintain - himself—namely, to degrade, and even to kill, all whose - ability aroused his suspicion—deprived the state of men of - good council and the army of good captains. - - For instance, he decapitated Ferad Pasha, a valiant captain, - and was the cause of the rebellion of Ahmed Pasha, who was - beheaded at Cairo, and he caused Piri Pasha to leave office, - an old man and an old councillor, and some even accused him - of causing his death by poison. And it followed, also, that - Rustem, a young fellow, master of the stables of the Grand - Seigneur, became familiar with the latter, and Ibrahim, warned - of this, and being then in Aleppo, sent him to be governor in - Asia Minor, a long distance away. Rustem, feeling very badly, - asked the Grand Seigneur not to let him go, who replied, - “When I see Ibrahim, I will see that he causes you to return - near me.” For this reason the army was without council except - Ibrahim alone, and men of learning and force, from fear and - suspicion, hid their knowledge and ability. So the army was - demoralized and enervated. I feel certain that Ibrahim Pasha - realized this (for he was a man of good parts, but not of - such merit as to find a remedy for such evils), but he loved - himself much more than he did his lord, and wished to be alone - in the dominion of the world in which he was much respected. - - -This criticism of Ibrahim Pasha was later repeated in a more general -form by one Kogabey, who presented to Sultan Mourad IV a memorial on -the decadence of the Ottoman state. The two first reasons that he -assigned for the deterioration were the sultan’s ceasing to preside -over the divan in person, and the placing of favorites in the office of -grand vizir, the latter custom having been started by Suleiman I, who -raised his favorite Ibrahim from the palace to the divan. Such vizirs, -Kogabey explained, had no insight into the circumstances of the whole -nation. They generally were blinded by the splendor of their position -and refused to consult intelligent men on affairs of government, and -so the order of the state was destroyed through their carelessness.[86] - -The custom of appointing favorites to the most important office in -the empire was certainly a bad one, but Ibrahim was a more efficient -administrator than could have been expected from his training, and -ranks among the great vizirs of the Ottoman Empire. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -IBRAHIM THE DIPLOMAT - - -We must now turn from Turkey’s internal affairs to her foreign -relations. Turkish political history during the sixteenth century -was so interwoven with that of the European states, the influence -of Ottoman interference upon the wars and negotiations of Christian -princes was so marked, that a study of Suleiman’s foreign relations -becomes almost a study of contemporary Europe.[87] The two sultans who -succeeded Mohammed the Conqueror had not extended Turkish power in -Europe, Bayazid having failed in his attempts at conquest, and Selim -having turned his attention from Europe to the East. This caused a -period of transition and preparation for the great events of Suleiman’s -reign. - -When Suleiman came to the throne, he found certain relations -established with Ragusa and Venice, the two commercial cities of the -Adriatic, whose large carrying trade made an _entente cordiale_ with -the Porte very desirable.[88] Ragusa was the first foreign state to -reach the new sultan with her congratulations on his accession,[89] and -the sultan renewed with the Ragusan republic the commercial privileges -it had enjoyed in Egypt. - -After Venice had been defeated by Turkey in the battle of Sapienza -in 1499 and had been obliged to sue for peace, she had received the -following answer from the then grand vizir: “You can tell the doge -that he has done wedding the sea, it is our turn now.”[90] This boast -became steadily more completely realized as Turkish conquest in the -Mediterranean continued, and Venice soon saw that her chance of freedom -on the seas lay in keeping on good terms with the Turk, whom she could -not conquer. In vain she sought for help against the Moslems; in vain -she carried on a single‐handed struggle against their encroachments, -earning the title of “Bulwark of Christianity”. Had she not “learned -to kiss the hand that she could not cut off,”[91] she could not have -continued to exist as even the second‐rate power in the Levant to which -she had been reduced. Frequent missions were sent from Venice to the -Porte, and a Venetian baillie was kept at the Porte. These baillies -were very good statesmen, and they not only kept Venice on good terms -with Turkey for thirty‐three years, but they made an invaluable -contribution to recorded history by sending frequent and detailed -reports to the signories. - -Russia also sent an embassy to the Porte, after the conquests of -Belgrad and Rhodes had demonstrated the power of Turkey; and the Tsar, -recognizing the value of an alliance with the Porte, made two attempts -to form one, but without success. Suleiman saw no advantage in such an -alliance, but he never assumed an unfriendly attitude towards Russia, -at that time still an unimportant power. In a letter written later in -his reign he recalls the amicable relations that had existed between -the Porte and Russia, and recommends his Ottoman merchants to buy furs -and merchandise in Moscow.[92] - -As Suleiman’s conquests naturally threw him into antagonism with the -House of Hapsburg, it is desirable to review briefly the political -conditions in the Holy Roman Empire at this time. - -The accession of Charles of Spain to the Imperial throne took place in -October of the same year as Suleiman’s accession, 1520. Handicapped -in every possible way by the German princes, for whose safety and -prosperity the emperor assumed the entire responsibility without -receiving in return any equivalent whatever,[93] Charles V presented a -great contrast to Suleiman, whose slightest word was law throughout his -extensive dominions. With the empire, Charles acquired the enmity of -Francis I of France, his unsuccessful rival, and hereafter his constant -foe. Another rival not outwardly so dangerous, but destined to be a -great source of anxiety and weakness to the empire was Ferdinand, the -emperor’s brother. Concerning him, Charles’ counsellor, de Chièvres, -is reported to have said to Charles,[94] “Do not fear the king of -France nor any other prince except your brother”. Ferdinand’s ambition -had been early recognized. His grandfather, Ferdinand of Aragon, -had attempted to construct an Italian kingdom for him, but failed. -Charles, after his election to the Empire, tried to satisfy Ferdinand’s -craving for power by conferring on him the old Austrian provinces, and -further by marrying him to Anna, heiress of the kingdom of Hungary -and Bohemia, whose child‐king, Lewis, was weak physically and not -destined for a long reign. This opened to Ferdinand a large sphere of -activity in the southeast, and brought him into direct contact with the -steadily encroaching Suleiman; a sphere that effectually absorbed his -energies and made him but a source of weakness to the Empire. - -Thus Charles V, in name the imperial ruler of Central Europe, was -confronted with four rivals who desired to divide with him the -supremacy; Francis I, a relentless foe; his brother Ferdinand, an -ambitious claimant: the conquering Suleiman; and the Protestant Revolt. -The weakness and disunion of Christendom was the strength of Suleiman, -and he was far too shrewd not to trade on it. - -It had in fact been long since Europe had been sufficiently united to -oppose with any vigor the oncoming Turks. The Popes of Rome had been -the most persistent foes of Turkish advance in Europe; notably Calixtus -III, who in 1453 tried in vain to save Europe from Mohammed’s -conquering armies; Pius II, who having for his master—thought the -freeing of Europe from Islam, preached a general crusade, and even -attempted to convert Mohammed by letter; Paul II, who gave lavish aid -to Scanderbeg and the armies in Hungary and Albania in their struggle -against Turkish invasion; Alexander VI, who held Prince Jem, the -mutinous brother of Sultan Bayazid, as hostage for the friendliness -of the sultan whom he attacked after Jem’s death; and Julius II, -who planned a crusade early in the sixteenth century, but failed to -execute it.[95] All this time Turkish conquest continued practically -unhindered. By the close of the fifteenth century the Turks were -accepted as a permanent political factor in Europe. Nevertheless, when -Charles became a candidate for election to the headship of the Holy -Roman Empire, he emphasized his fitness for the high office by alleging -that his vast possessions, united to the Imperial dignity, would enable -him to oppose the Turks successfully.[96] But the sudden rise of -revolt within the Church tended to force the dread of Islam into the -background, even in the face of the loss of Belgrad and Rhodes. At -least such was the case with Charles V and the German princes; it was -of necessity otherwise with little King Lewis, who saw with terror -the preparations of the Turkish conquerors for war to the death with -Hungary. - -As Suleiman’s conquests naturally threw him into antagonism with -Austria, equally naturally he had common interests with Francis I. -Friendly relations between the Porte and France were not unprecedented, -although strongly disapproved by the more religious among the French. -Commercial agreements had existed for some time between the two -states.[97] The accession of Francis I, January 1, 1515, marked an -epoch in the Eastern Question. Francis’ Oriental policy began on the -conventional lines; he made an agreement with Leo X to drive the Turks -from Europe but refused to subsidize Hungary in the interests of this -purpose. The pope called for a truce in Europe and a crusade against -the common enemy, but the death of Maximilian and the outbreak of the -Protestant Revolt put a complete stop to this plan. The only result was -the extension of the circle of European politics to include Eastern -affairs and the Ottoman Empire, and to bring the Eastern Question home -to all the European powers. Those who had been furthest away were now -drawn in; France, Spain, and even England began to step within the -circle of Eastern influence. - -The battle of Pavia marked a crisis in European affairs. The captivity -of the French king, his falling into the hands of his bitterest foe, -Charles of Hapsburg, destroyed any scruples that the French court -had felt against seeking Turkish aid. The first French mission to -Suleiman I did not reach the Porte, the ambassador being assassinated -en route.[98] This first attempt was quickly followed by another. -The Croat Frangipani brought two letters to the Sultan, one written -by Francis from his Madrid prison, the other from his distracted -mother, the queen‐regent. Francis also sent a letter to Ibrahim Pasha, -who later gave an account of this embassy to Cornelius Scepper and -Hieronymus von Zara, envoys of Ferdinand.[99] - -“Post hec tempora, inquit Ibrahim, accedit quod rex Francie captus -fuit. Tunc mater ipsius regis ad ipsum Caesarem Thurcarum scripsit hoc -modo. ‘Filius meus Rex Francie captus est à Carolo, Rege Hispanie. -Speravi quod ipse liberaliter ipsum demitteret. Id quo non fecit, -sed iniuste cum eo agit. Confugimus ad te magnum Caesarem ut tu -liberalitatem tuam ostendas et filium meum redimas’.”[100] - -Frangipani demanded that Suleiman should undertake an expedition by -land and sea to deliver the king of France, who otherwise would make -terms which would leave Charles master of the world. This exactly -fitted into the plans of Suleiman, whose European expeditions were -naturally directed against the possessions of the house of Hapsburg; so -he graciously acceded to all the demands of the French mission. Ibrahim -later stated[101] that this embassy decided the Sultan to prepare his -army immediately for an expedition into Hungary. The knowledge of this -successful embassy was one of the reasons that led Charles to sign the -Treaty of Madrid in January, 1526. By the time of this treaty Francis -promised to send five thousand cavalry and fifteen thousand infantry -against his recent allies, the Turks,—but of course he had no intention -of keeping his word. - -Since the capture of Belgrad by the Turks in 1521, hostilities on -the Hungarian frontier had never ceased, and the Turkish danger had -been constantly before the Reichstag and in the mind of the Pope. In -April, 1526, Suleiman started with a large army for his first regular -Hungarian campaign. The Hungarian nobles, continually at feud with -one another, were utterly unprepared to resist him, and the treasury -was exhausted. The first city to be taken was Peterwardein, which was -stormed by Ibrahim Pasha. Then fell Illok and Esek. But the decisive -victory of the campaign was the battle of Mohacz, August 29, 1526. In -this brief but bloody conflict little King Lewis fell, and the country -was laid open to the sultan. The keys of Buda, the capital of Hungary, -were handed over to him and he entered the city on September 1st. In -spite of the express prohibition of the sultan, his soldiers accustomed -to regard war as an opportunity for rapine, burned two quarters of the -city, including the great church, while the akinji (scouts) burned -neighboring villages and slaughtered the peasants. Other victories -followed until at last the sultan, promising the Hungarians that John -Zapolya should be their king, withdrew his army to Constantinople, -carrying with him an immense amount of booty. - -The death at Mohacz of King Lewis without direct heirs left the thrones -of Hungary and Bohemia vacant. The Archduke Ferdinand, as the husband -of Lewis’ sister, and recognized as Lewis’ successor by official acts -of his brother, the Emperor Charles, passed at the Diets of Worms and -Brussels on April 28, 1521, and March 18, 1522, was the legal heir -to the throne. But the sovereignty was claimed also by John Zapolya, -voivode of Transylvania, a vigorous fighter and an unscrupulous -politician. Both of these claimants had themselves been recognized -in Hungary and crowned with the Iron Crown,[102] and both of them -turned for substantial aid in support of their claims to Suleiman, -regardless of possible loss of independence. Suleiman, as conqueror of -the strongholds of Hungary, and as a court of appeal for the rivals, -considered himself to have in his hand the disposition of the crown. -He did not want it himself. He had expressly declared that he invaded -Hungary to avenge insults, not to take the kingdom from Lewis; but -the death of the latter forced him to choose between the two rival -claimants. His word had been pledged for the support of Zapolya, and -his dislike of the Hapsburgs and his friendship for the French king -inclined him to keep it. - -Ferdinand and Zapolya both hastened to send embassies to the Turks, -Ferdinand taking the first step. He sent envoys to Upper Bosnia and to -Belgrad to ask the governors to refuse aid to Zapolya, offering three -to six thousand ducats for their alliance.[103] One of the governors -died before the embassy reached him, and from neither of them were -there any results from this mission.[104] At the same time Ferdinand -attacked Zapolya, driving him from Ofen and back towards Transylvania. -Zapolya in distress despatched his first mission to the Porte. His -envoy, Hieronymus Laszky, was empowered to effect a defensive and -offensive alliance with the sultan. The mission was successful, -Suleiman accepting Zapolya’s offer of devotion, and promising him the -crown of Hungary and the protection of the Porte against his enemies. - -Although the mission from Zapolya was kept as secret as possible, it -soon became known to Ferdinand, who dispatched the embassy he had long -planned, in the hope of counteracting Zapolya’s move. One embassy -failed to reach Constantinople,[105] and the first ambassadors from -the archduke of Austria to reach the Porte were John Hobordonacz and -Sigmund Weixelberger, in May, 1528. They demanded the Kingship of -Hungary for their master Ferdinand, and the restoration to Hungary -of all the places taken by Suleiman. The sultan refused both of -these demands and in his turn offered to make peace on the payment -of tribute. The embassy accomplished nothing, its sequel being the -campaign in Hungary in 1529. Three days before the final answer to -Ferdinand, Suleiman had in full divan delivered to Ibrahim a commission -making him serasker or general‐in‐chief of the expedition against the -Hapsburgs. The Peace of Cambrai in 1529 left the Austrians free to -fight the Turks. - -In the meanwhile French diplomacy continued actively. Francis I was -disturbed by the result of the invasion of Hungary which he had himself -urged, for the kingdoms of Hungary and Bohemia seemed now to be falling -into the hands of his enemies of Austria. More than ever he had need of -the Ottoman alliance, and he determined on an alliance with Zapolya. He -sent Rincon to the latter to form an offensive and defensive alliance, -claiming as his reward the reversion of the kingdom of Hungary for -his second son, Henry, should Zapolya die without heirs.[106] On the -20th of September, 1528, Sultan Suleiman renewed a former act called -by old French historians “la trêve marchande,”[107] giving commercial -privileges to the Catalonian and French merchants in the Mediterranean, -and placing all French factories, consuls, and pilgrims, under the -protection of the Sublime Porte. The French were thus able to reappear -with confidence in the Levant, and were welcomed by the Christians -in the East. The pilgrimages to Jerusalem recommenced. Even Francis -expressed a desire to go to the Holy Land and to visit en route “his -dear patron and friend, Suleiman.”[108] A question concerning the Holy -Places in Palestine was also brought up by Francis at this time, which -is of very great significance, as it marks the beginning of the train -of developments that resulted in the conception of the protection of -Turkey’s Christian subjects by the European Powers. Francis and Venice -united in asking that a certain church in Jerusalem, long before -converted into a mosque, be restored to the Christians.[109] Ibrahim -replied that had the King of France demanded a province, the Turks -would not have refused him, but in a matter of religion they could -not gratify his desire. Nevertheless the Sultan made the following -general promise which was later used as a basis for further demand by -the Catholics. He wrote to Francis:[110] “The Christians shall live -peaceably under the wing of our protection; they shall be allowed to -repair their doors and windows; they shall preserve in all safety -their oratories and establishments which they actually occupy, without -any one being allowed to oppose or torment them.”[111] - -On the 10th day of May, 1529, Suleiman set out to settle matters by -force with Charles V. Before the end of August the Turks were again -encamped with a vast army on the fatal plain of Mohacz. Here John -Zapolya met his overlord and did him homage. Three days later the Turks -advanced to Buda, and took it from Ferdinand, crowning Zapolya a second -time within the walls of the capital. By September 27, Suleiman was -encamped before Vienna. - -On the 19th day of October, 1529, Ferdinand, in great distress, -wrote to his brother the Emperor; after referring to the horrors -that followed the siege of Vienna, he says: “I do not know what he -(Suleiman) intends to do, whether to betake himself to his own country -or to stay in Hungary and fortify it and the fortresses, with the -intention of returning next spring to invade Christendom, which I -firmly believe he will do. I therefore beg you Sire, to consider my -great need and poverty, and that it may please you not to abandon me -but to assist me with money.”[112] - -The invasion of Austria had convinced Charles that he must support -Ferdinand against Turkey, and the royal brothers agreed on their -Oriental policy, namely, peace at almost any price. To this end another -embassy was fitted out and despatched to treat with Suleiman. On the -17th day of October, 1530, Nicholas Juritschitz and Joseph von Lamberg -arrived in Constantinople. Their instructions were practically the same -as those given Juritschitz the previous year.[113] The mission was -hopeless from the start, for the ambassadors could accept peace only on -the condition of the evacuation of Hungary by the Turks, and to this -the Sultan would not listen. - -Ferdinand however, who had just failed in a military attack on Zapolya -and had accepted a truce, saw no hope but in another embassy to the -Porte. Therefore he sent Graf Leonhard von Nogarola and Joseph von -Lamberg, who were to attempt to buy peace by the payment of annual -pensions to Suleiman and Ibrahim. The sultan, who had already left -Constantinople at the head of a great army for his fifth Hungarian -campaign, was intercepted at his camp near Belgrad by the Austrian -envoys. The only result of this embassy was a letter to Ferdinand -from Suleiman saying that the latter was starting for Ofen, where he -would treat with Ferdinand in person, a threat which he followed up -immediately. - -By April, 1531, Suleiman was ready to avenge his failure before Vienna. -At Belgrad he was met by the French ambassador Rincon. France was now -anxious to prevent the Sultan’s expedition against Austria, not in the -interests of the Hapsburgs but against them, for he was afraid that -the Turkish danger would unite Catholic and Protestant Germany against -the common foe of Christianity. Suleiman received Rincon hospitably -but assured him he had come too late, for while on account of his -friendship with the King of France he would like to oblige the latter, -he could not give up the expedition without giving the world occasion -to think that he was afraid of the “King of Spain”, as he always called -Charles V.[114] - -The Ottoman army entered Hungary. Fourteen fortresses sent the Sultan -their keys as he approached.[115] But the forces did not advance to -Vienna as their enemies expected, but turned into Styria and besieged -the little town of Güns. For three weeks seven hundred brave defenders -held the little fort against the might of Turkish arms, and finally -made a highly honorable capitulation. After a general devastation of -the country and much looting, the great army of Suleiman returned to -Constantinople. Suleiman was incited to this course by the active -preparations which were being made by Charles and Ferdinand to receive -him at Vienna, and by the naval successes in the Mediterranean of -Andrea Doria, admiral of the Italian fleet. Thus what promised to be a -great duel between the two “Masters of the World” was allowed by both -of them to degenerate into a plundering expedition. - -Affairs in Persia were in great need of Suleiman’s presence, and the -capture of Koron and Patras by Doria made the Sultan more ready to -listen to overtures of peace. Charles and Ferdinand took advantage of -this fact to send Hieronymus von Zara and Cornelius Duplicius Schepper -to the Porte in 1533. The ambassadors, after weeks of patience and -adroitness succeeded in winning from the Sultan a treaty of peace, -to last as long as Ferdinand should remain peaceful. Ferdinand was -to retain the forts he had taken in Hungary and Zapolya to keep the -others; the Emperor Charles might make peace by sending his own -embassy to the Porte. As soon as Ferdinand received the news of this -humiliating success, he sent word all over the kingdom, to Carniola, -Croatia, Dalmatia and Slavonia that any violation of the truce would be -severely punished; “denn daran ... mug der Turghisch Kaeser erkhennen -dass wir den Frieden angenommen derselben zu halten gaentzlich -entschlossen und so dawider gehandelt wurf, dass mit ernst zu shafen -willen haben.”[116] Such were the humiliating terms of the first peace -concluded by the House of Austria with the Porte (1533). - -Shortly after the embassy of von Zara and Schepper, Suleiman left -Europe to wage war against the Persians. As usual when planning a -campaign in one direction, he made careful arrangements to keep matters -quiet on other frontiers. He treated in secret with Francis I, agreeing -to despatch Barbarosa with a fleet to ravage the coasts of the Empire; -this was a great success for French diplomacy, for the advantage was -all in favor of France. Then, fearing lest the rivals for the Hungarian -throne should come to an agreement in his absence, and thus menace his -suzerainty, Suleiman delegated Luigi Gritti to determine the frontiers -between the possessions of the two kings. This was a clever move, for -it prolonged the intrigues between the royal competitors until the -return of the sultan. The successes of Barbarosa, the victories and -defeats of Charles V on the Mediterranean, and the continuation of -French diplomacy are outside the limits of our subject, which ends with -the death of Ibrahim Pasha in 1535. Gévay preserves several letters -written by Ferdinand to Ibrahim in 1535–6, in the interest of peace in -Hungary, the last being dated March 14, 1536, a year after Ibrahim’s -death. The last international act in which Ibrahim Pasha had a part was -the celebrated treaty of commerce made with France in February, 1535. - -Francis I had received a Turkish mission, not from the haughty Sultan, -but from his admiral Barbarosa,[117] and in return the king sent a -clever diplomat named La Forest, to thank Barbarosa for his kind -offers of aid, and then to seek the sultan in Persia and conclude a -definite treaty with him.[118] Suleiman received La Forest in his -military camp, keeping him till his own return to Turkey in 1535. - -The treaty is dated February, 1535; it formed the basis of the economic, -religious, and political protectorate of France in the Levant. The -French might carry on commerce in the Levant by paying the same dues -as did the subjects of the Sultan, and the Turks could do the same in -France. The French were to be judged by their consul at Alexandria or -by their ambassador at Constantinople. This treaty ended the commercial -predominance of Venice in the Mediterranean. After this, all Christians -except the Venetians were forced to put themselves under the protection -of the French flag, which alone guaranteed inviolability.[119] This -commercial freedom and political influence gained by France involved -a sort of economic protection and was supplemented by a religious -protectorate over the Catholics in the Levant and the Holy Places. - -After this sketch of the beginnings of diplomatic relations between -the Porte and the two rival powers of Europe, the House of Hapsburg -and the House of Valois, we are ready to consider the significance of -these relations and to take up some of the details that will serve to -bring out the share of Ibrahim Pasha in Turkish diplomacy, and his -characteristics as a diplomat. - -Diplomatic relations between the Porte and Europe, relations other -than those of conqueror and conquered, relations reciprocal and more -or less friendly, began in the reign of Suleiman I, and the first -French embassy to the Porte in 1526 already described was the beginning -of a complete change in the European attitude towards Turkey. Before -this time, the religious differences between Moslem and Christian had -effectually absorbed attention, but now political interests began -to push aside religious concern. The masses of the people in Europe -still feared a Moslem invasion of the North, but this was no longer a -real danger. A general rising of Christians, such as a crusade, was -no longer necessary to hold back the Turk; the regular means and the -ordinary efforts of a few states combined sufficed, as was proved by -the successful resistance of Güns and Vienna. It was decreed that -the Turk was not to pass Vienna. Francis might therefore seek the -friendship of the Ottoman without betraying the cause of Christianity. -There were, it is true, plenty of Christians who cried out against the -impious alliance of the Crescent and the Lily,[120] but the outcry was -largely political and as we have seen soon even the Austrians were -seeking terms of peace with the Turks. - -When Suleiman came to the throne, he attended closely to the business -of government, but by 1526 he was leaving practically the whole -responsibility on the shoulders of his grand vizir Ibrahim. Ambassadors -to the Porte had their first audience always with Ibrahim, after -which they sometimes had audiences with the other vizirs. Generally -a very formal ceremony of hand‐kissing was permitted by the Sultan, -after which Ibrahim concluded the business. At some audiences with -the grand vizir, Suleiman would be present, concealed behind a little -window,[121] but oftener he was not present at all. - -In his early diplomatic work, Ibrahim, feeling himself unprepared, -turned to Luigi Gritti, natural son by a Greek mother of Andreas -Gritti, who had been ambassador and at one time doge of Venice. Ibrahim -was very well served by Luigi Gritti, who was intelligent as well -as experienced, especially in Christian dealings, clever, able, and -tactful.[122] Zapolya’s ambassador Laszky, knowing this, persuaded -Gritti to take up his affairs, hoping through him to win Ibrahim, -and through Ibrahim, Suleiman. The event justified him.[123] Ibrahim -frankly acknowledged Gritti’s influence, saying to Laszky: “Without the -Doge Gritti and his son we should have destroyed the power of Ferdinand -and of thy master (Zapolya), for the conflict of two enemies who ruin -each other is always favorable to the third who survives.” - -We may get an idea of the manner of conducting embassies at the -Porte, as well as the functions and characteristics of Ibrahim as -diplomat as such by following the report of Hobordanacz to Ferdinand. -Hobordanacz sent an official and detailed report of the embassy to his -master, written in Latin, which is preserved in Gévay’s _Urkunden und -Actenstuecke_.[124] - -The two ambassadors Hobordanacz and Weixelberger were received -with splendor on their entrance into Constantinople by a guard of -four hundred knights, and were immediately conducted to the grand -vizir. This ceremonious reception greatly encouraged the hopes of -Hobordanacz.[125] After greetings to Ibrahim, “Supremum Nomine”, the -Hungarians offered him presents and then retired to quarters assigned -them. On the third day forty horsemen escorted the royal nuncios to the -Imperial palace. Hobordanacz was greatly impressed with the splendid -array of janissaries and guards in gorgeous costumes. They were -received by the three vizirs, Ibrahim, Cassim, and Ayas Pasha, while -from his little window his Majesty watched the audience, himself unseen. - -Amidst profound silence, Ibrahim Pasha addressed the first nuncio, -asking him politely whether they were treated well in their quarters, -to which Hobordanacz answered that they had everything in abundance, as -was fitting in the palace of so great an emperor. Ibrahim then began -to interrogate them concerning the journey and their king, explaining -that he was not asking about the king of Hungary, for Lewis of Hungary -had been killed in battle, but was inquiring about the king of Bohemia -and Germany. The Hungarian nuncios took the opportunity to boast of the -greatness of Ferdinand, provoking a smile from Ibrahim. Hobordanacz -said they had come to admire and to congratulate the emperor of the -Turks that God had made him a nearer neighbor to Ferdinand than -previously. He said that the Emperor Maximilian had given Hungary to -Ferdinand, whereupon Ibrahim broke in: “By what right, when Sultan -Suleiman has subjugated Hungary?” He asked them if they did not know -that the Sultan had been to Buda. The Hungarians responded rudely that -there were signs enough by which they could know of Suleiman’s visit, -as the country lay waste. Ibrahim went on: “The fortress of Buda, how -does it stand?” “Whole and undamaged,” they replied. When he asked why, -they suggested that it was because it was the king’s castle. Ibrahim -denied this and said it was because the sultan had saved the citadel -for himself, and intended to keep it with divine aid. Ibrahim here -explained that Suleiman and he had not wished so much harm done in -Hungary, and had ordered the soldiers not to burn Buda and Pesth, but -could not hold them back from devastating. This was naturally a sore -subject with the Hungarians who after expressions of admiration for -the great obedience they saw in Turkey, even when the sultan was not -present, asked pertinently why then he could not have saved Buda and -Pesth. This seems to have been too much for Ibrahim who remarked “Let -us omit these things.” Turning therefore to a more congenial subject, -he uttered a Turkish dictum, “Wherever the hoof of the sultan’s horse -has trod, there the land belongs to him.” Hobordanacz replied somewhat -sarcastically that they knew such was the sultan’s idea, but that even -Alexander the Great had not been able to carry out all his ideas. -Cutting through all these generalities, Ibrahim said sharply, “Then -you say that Buda does not belong to Suleiman!” Hobordanacz replied -stoutly, “I can say no more than that my king holds Buda.” Said -Ibrahim, “Why has he then sent you to ask for peace and friendship -if he holds Buda, which the sultan has conquered?” The nuncio told a -long story of Zapolyta’s usurpation of the throne, and of Ferdinand’s -merits to which Ibrahim sarcastically remarked, “You have talked of the -many virtues of your lord! Very noble if they be true!” He then asked -Hobordanacz if he were a relative of Ferdinand’s and how long he had -served the Archduke. The nuncio replied that he had served him since -the latter became king of Hungary. “Then,” said the pasha triumphantly, -“if you have served him so short a time, how do you know he is so wise -and virtuous and powerful?” A curious contest of wits followed with no -practical object. - - - Ibrahim: “Tell us what wisdom you see in Ferdinand and - how you know that he is wise.” - - Hobor.: “Because when he has won great victories, he - ascribes the glory to God.” - - I.: “What does wisdom seem to you to be like?” - - H.: “In our books and in yours, the beginning of wisdom - is said to be the fear of God.” - - I.: “True, but what other wisdom do you find in - Ferdinand?” - - H.: “He works deliberately and with foresight and taking - of counsel; also he undertakes no affairs that he cannot - finish.” - - I.: “If he does this, he is praiseworthy. Now what - boldness and courage do you find in him?” - - -Ibrahim’s next question as to the victories of Ferdinand received a -long and clever answer. Ibrahim further inquired as to Ferdinand’s -wealth. Hobordanacz claimed endless treasure for his master. Ibrahim -then asked, “What have you to say about the power of your master?” -Hobordanacz claimed many powerful friends and neighbors, the greatest -being his brother Charles. Ibrahim inflicted one of his battle‐axe -strokes; “We know that these so‐called friends and neighbors are -his enemies.” The Hungarian replied sententiously, “Unhappy is the -king without rivals, whom all favor.” Ibrahim at length stopped the -discussion of Ferdinand’s merits by saying, “If this be so, it is -well.” Then he asked whether they came in peace or in war, to which -Hobordanacz replied that Ferdinand wished friendship from all his -neighbors and enmity from none. - -After this sprightly introduction, Ibrahim led the nuncios in -a brilliant procession to the presence of the sultan. Here the -janissaries received gifts for the sultan from the servants of the -ambassadors, and showed them to all in turn; in the next room seven -eunuchs took the gifts and spread them out on tables. The three pashas -first went to salute Suleiman, leaving the nuncios before the door. -Ibrahim Pasha and Cassim Pasha then, holding them by their two arms, -led each of the nuncios in turn to salute the sultan, who sat with his -hands on his knees and looked them over. When they had saluted him, -they returned to their place by the door where stood the interpreter. -Hobordanacz was greatly annoyed because the interpreter, familiar with -the flowery and courtly Oriental speech, embellished the somewhat curt -address of the Hungarian, but Ibrahim told the interpreter to repeat -exactly what the envoy said. After this he asked Hobordanacz to state -his business. After this statement of Ferdinand’s wishes, Suleiman -called Ibrahim to him and whispered in his ear. Ibrahim then resumed -negotiations while Suleiman looked on. - -Taking up his grievance against Ferdinand once again, Ibrahim inquired -how the latter, in addressing the Sultan, dared declare himself so -powerful when other princes were content to commend themselves to -Suleiman’s protection and to offer him their services. To Hobordanacz’ -question who these princes were, Ibrahim named the rulers of France, -Poland, and Transylvania, the Pope and the Doge of Venice, and added -that these princes (except the voivode of Transylvania) were the -greatest in Europe. The Austrian nuncios seemed to be impressed -and indeed the statement was a sufficiently startling one and was -moreover borne out by the facts. After that Hobordanacz spoke with -greater meekness, expressing his master’s desire for the friendship -of the sultan, if the latter were willing to grant it. “If he is not -willing,” said Ibrahim sharply, “what then?” Hobordanacz, recovering -his boldness, said haughtily, “Our master forces no man’s friendship.” -Ibrahim then dismissed them with the parting fling that the sultan -was occupied with much more important business. They never saw the -sultan again. Ibrahim informed them that his master was concerned with -personal affairs, and that he himself would conduct the whole business. -This illustrates the respective shares of Suleiman and Ibrahim in the -business of the state. Doubtless the sultan had a definite policy of -friendship to Zapolya and antagonism to Ferdinand, but it appears -certain that he allowed Ibrahim Pasha to control entirely the details -of diplomacy. - -In later audiences with the grand vizir, Hobordanacz expressed the -hope that Ferdinand and Charles V and Sultan Suleiman might become -good friends and neighbors. Ibrahim inquired scornfully how such a -friendship could come about! Hobordanacz declared that it was his -mission to offer friendship, and it seemed to him that Ibrahim’s -influence should be able to bring about advantages for both sides. -Ibrahim again urged him to indicate the method of procedure, saying, -“Your king has seized upon our kingdom, and yet he asks for friendship; -how can that be?” The nuncio said he knew all things at the Porte were -done by Ibrahim’s will and authority; he believed that he could serve -their cause. Ibrahim then proposed peace on condition that Ferdinand -should abandon Hungary. Hobordanacz on the other hand asked for a -definite truce for a term of years and requested the restitution to -Ferdinand of those portions of Hungary taken by Suleiman, giving a list -of twenty‐seven fortresses. This aroused Ibrahim’s bitter wrath. “It is -strange” said he “that your master does not ask for Constantinople.” He -tried to make the ambassadors acknowledge that Ferdinand would attempt -to take these forts by force if they were not conceded to him. “With -what hope does he ask for these forts,” he further inquired, “when he -knows that the sultan took them with great labor and much bloodshed?” - -The question of compensation for these forts being opened, Ibrahim -exclaimed indignantly that the sultan was not so poor that he -would sell what his arms had won. Dramatically opening a window he -said “Do you see those Seven Towers! they are filled with gold and -treasure.”[126] He then turned to the question of skill in war, and -after praising the prowess of the Germans, he said, “You know the arms -of the Turks, how sharp they are, and how far they have penetrated, -for you have fled before them many times.” Hobordanacz gave a qualified -assent, but praised his master’s warlike skill. Ibrahim finally -broke in, “Then your master wishes to keep those forts?” Hobordanacz -suggested a middle course, but the grand vizir said decisively: “There -is no other way but for your king to abandon Buda and Hungary and then -we will treat with him about Germany.” Upon Hobordanacz’ refusal to -consider such terms Ibrahim stated, “I conquered Lewis and Hungary, and -now I will build the bridges of the Sultan, and prepare a way for his -Majesty into Germany.” He closed the interview by accusing Ferdinand -and Charles of not keeping faith and said he would give the nuncios a -final reply in three or four days. - -The third audience was held in the palace, with Ibrahim presiding, -and Suleiman at his window, and was conducted on similar lines to the -other audiences. Ibrahim informed the Hungarians that their master had -just been defeated by Zapolya with an army of thirty‐six thousand men, -which statement Hobordanacz took the liberty of doubting, saying that -if Zapolya added all the cocks and hens in Transylvania to his army, he -could not make up the number to thirty‐six thousand. The nuncios and -the grand vizir could not agree on terms of alliance; to the Austrian -demands, Ibrahim impatiently exclaimed: “The Emperor Charles and your -master, what do they want more? to rule the whole earth? Do they count -themselves no less than the gods?” Naturally nothing was accomplished -by such recrimination, and finally Suleiman ended the audience, -dismissing the ambassadors with the threat: “Your master has not yet -felt our friendship and neighborliness, but he shall soon feel it. You -can tell your master frankly that I myself with all my forces will come -to him to give Hungary in our person the fortresses he demands. Inform -him that he must be ready to treat me well.” - -So ended the mission of Ferdinand for peace. There had been no -possibility of success from the beginning. Suleiman and Ibrahim were -not to be won to friendship for Ferdinand, and had they been, the rude, -independent Hobordanacz was not the man to gain Oriental favor. One -feels that Ibrahim enjoyed the opportunity to sharpen his claws on an -enemy, and to show Europeans his own power and that of his master. The -envoys must have been very uncomfortable, and their discomforts were -not yet at an end, for a Venetian enemy of Ferdinand’s told Ibrahim -that they were not ambassadors but spies, and urged their detention at -the Porte. For five months they were kept in close confinement, after -which a long journey lay between them and the anxious Archduke who had -hoped so much from the embassy. - -This treatment of royal ambassadors as though they were spies was not -uncommon at the Porte. The King of Poland had been forced to complain -of the rough handling of his envoys by Sultan Bayazid (Suleiman’s -grandfather), saying they were not only detained for months before -they were given audience, but were thrown into prison, and instead -of being lodged like the envoys of a king, who would naturally feel -that it accorded with his honor to send only the sons of the noblest -families to represent him, were treated as criminals, and that promises -made to such envoys were often broken.[127] Busbequius, himself an -ambassador, who was detained for months and sharply watched, recounted -another instance, that of Malvezzi, whom the Sultan held responsible -for the broken faith of his master Ferdinand, and threw into prison -when Ferdinand took Transylvania in 1551.[128] It was a Turkish maxim -that ambassadors were responsible for the word given by their masters, -and that in their capacity as hostages they must expiate its violation; -moreover power was often conceived to reside in an ambassador, who -therefore was kept in durance in the hope that he could be brought -to terms. Such treatment, however naïve and unjust, is nevertheless -an improvement on the reception by Hungary of the ambassador sent to -announce the accession of Suleiman, whose nose and ears were slit. -Further illustrations of the way ambassadors were liable to be treated -in Europe were the assassination of Rincon, envoy of France, connived -at by Charles V, and the murder of Martinez, a Spanish ambassador to -the Porte, instigated by Ferdinand. - -Ibrahim’s usual way of opening an audience was to brow‐beat the -ambassador, and he indulged in frequent sarcasm and scornful laughter. -To the envoys of Ferdinand in 1532 he railed at Ferdinand and “his -tricks” and gibed at his faithlessness. “How is a man a king” he said -“unless he keeps his word?”[129] To Lamberg and Juritschitz (1530)[130] -he spoke of the quarrels among Christian rulers, twitting his auditors -with Charles’s treatment of the Pope and of Francis I, declaring that -the Turks would never do “so inhuman a thing,” and following this by a -long talk “full of scorn and irony.”[131] - -Ibrahim was enormously inquisitive, seeming to look upon a foreign -embassy as an opportunity for gaining all sorts of general information. -Sometimes he asked about such practical matters as the fortification -of certain forts; at other times he asked such trivial questions as -how old the rulers were, and how they pronounced their names. He -once remarked that a man who did not try to learn all things is an -incompetent man. Several times he boasted that in Turkey they knew all -that was taking place in Europe. - -His manner, as we have seen, was usually sharp and rude, but he could -be elaborately courteous when he wished to please, as when he received -an embassy from “our good friend” Francis I, and the Hungarian embassy -of 1534. He was invariably boastful; during the earlier years he -bragged of the sultan, his power and treasure; in the later embassies -he boasted of himself. - -One of the most important documents about Ibrahim that we possess is -the account of the peace embassy sent by Ferdinand in 1533, the report -being written by Hieronymus von Zara in Latin in September, 1533. This -shows Ibrahim in a sharper light than we have had elsewhere, and brings -out some traits in his character that have been growing steadily since -his rise to such great power: his ambition and his towering pride.[132] - -Ibrahim, splendidly clad, received the ambassadors for their first -audience, without rising. He accepted the rich jewels they offered -him, and appointed a later day for the business of the treaty. On the -appointed day the envoys were permitted to kiss the garments of the -grand vizir, and they saluted him as brother of their sovereigns, -Ferdinand and Queen Marie of Hungary. Ibrahim had never acknowledged -the sovereignty of Ferdinand, and had always spoken of him without any -kingly title, to the amaze of the ambassadors.[133] In this interview -and throughout the whole conference Ibrahim spoke of Ferdinand as his -brother, and as son to Suleiman. This was not mere personal vanity; -under the pretext of the community of good which should exist between -father and son he cloaked the Sultan’s usurpation of Hungary, and the -fraternity of Ferdinand and Ibrahim served to disguise the humiliation -of the former, who was placed in the same rank as a vizir.[134] But in -the long speech that Ibrahim Pasha made to the ambassadors, he revealed -his personal pride. We quote from the speech: “It is I who govern this -vast empire. What I do is done; I have all the power, all offices, -all the rule. What I wish to give is given and cannot be taken away; -what I do not give is not confirmed by any one. If ever the great -Sultan wishes to give, or has given anything, if I do not please it -is not carried out. All is in my hands, peace, war, treasure. I do -not say these things for no reason, but to give you courage to speak -freely.”[135] - -When the letters of Emperor Charles were shown him, he examined the -seals, remarking as he did so: “My master has two seals, of which one -remains in his hands and the other is confided to me, for he wishes no -difference between him and me; and if he has garments made for himself, -he orders the same for me; he refuses to let me expend anything in -building; this hall was built by him.” - -Ibrahim seems to have lost his head during this, his last embassy, -and to have uttered things that were not safe for any subject of an -Oriental despot, however doting, to utter. Whether he spoke out of the -sheer madness that the gods send upon those whom they would destroy, -or whether he seriously aspired to assume literally and explicitly the -power he held actually is impossible to say. Even as grand vizir of -Turkey he seems never to have forgotten that he was a Greek. For years -he ignored it, and behaved like a Turk and a loyal Moslem, but as he -came to feel more secure in his high position, he became more careless, -and spoke to these Christian ambassadors of the pride and generosity -with which the Greeks are filled. It is a question whether any Greek, -from the fall of Byzantium to our time, has not in his inmost heart -felt his race superior to his Moslem conquerors, and the fitting ruler -of the Eastern Empire. To that feeling are due some of the knottiest -complexities in the Young Turk situation of 1911. Naturally this -attitude has always been profoundly resented by the Turks; therefore -Ibrahim was seriously jeopardizing his standing with the Ottoman Sultan -when he remembered that he was both Greek and Christian by birth. - -There were plenty at the court to take immediate advantage of any -such slip. The courtiers had already been scandalized at the freedom -the Pasha took with the Sultan, and thought that he had bewitched -Suleiman.[136] In the same interview he further expresses his relations -to his imperial master in a parable: - - - The fiercest of animals, the lion, must be conquered not by - force, but by cleverness; by the food which his master gives - it and by the influence of habit. Its guardian should carry - a stick to intimidate it, and should be the only one to feed - it. The lion is the prince. The Emperor Charles is a lion. I, - Ibrahim Pasha, control my master, the Sultan of the Turks, - with the stick of truth and justice. Charles’ ambassador - should also control him in the same way. - - -From this he went on to expatiate on his own power: - - - The mighty Sultan of the Turks has given to me, Ibrahim, all - power and authority. It is I alone who do everything. I am - above all the pashas. I can elevate a groom to a pasha. I give - kingdoms and provinces to whom I will, without inquiry even - from my master. If he orders a thing and I disapprove, it - is not executed; but if I order a thing and he disapproves, - it is done nevertheless. To make war or conclude peace is - in my hands, and I can distribute all treasure. My master’s - kingdoms, lands, treasure, are confided to me. - - -He also boasted of his past accomplishments, speaking of himself as -having conquered Hungary, received ambassadors, and made peace. If -Suleiman knew of these vauntings, he made no sign of resentment, but -continued to repose the same confidence in Ibrahim as hitherto, but the -courtiers held them in their hearts to use when the time should come. - -Ibrahim’s importance and influence are taken for granted by foreign -rulers and envoys. In all his instructions to his ambassadors Ferdinand -tells them to see Ibrahim first, and the queen regent of France wrote -to him, when she wrote to the sultan. The collections of Gévay and -Charrière contain a number of letters from Ferdinand and Francis to -Ibrahim. The Venetian baillies transacted all their business with -Ibrahim and sent many reports to the Signoria of his power in the -state and his influence over the sultan. The envoys brought him -valuable presents which he did not hesitate to accept.[137] He loved -to receive jewels and there was a famous ruby once on the finger of -Francis I which was sent by the first French envoy to the Porte, (the -envoy who was killed in Bosnia) and which somehow came into Ibrahim’s -possession when the Pasha of Bosnia was called to Constantinople to -account for the murder.[138] - -But although Ibrahim took presents, and even resented it if they were -not offered him, he refused bribes again and again. Ferdinand empowered -his envoys in three missions to offer an annual pension to Suleiman -(a tribute under a name less offensive to Ferdinand) and at the same -time an annual pension to the grand vizir. When Juritschitz and Lamberg -offered Ibrahim five to six thousand Hungarian ducats[139] annually -for his aid in bringing about peace, he rejected it so indignantly -that they apologized and withdrew their offer. He said that the -previous ambassadors Hobordanacz and Weixelberger had offered him one -hundred thousand florins to buy his protection, but that he said then -and would now repeat that no sort of present could make him desert -the interests of his master, and that he would prefer to aid in the -conquest of the whole world than advise the Sultan to restore conquered -territory.[140] - -The passage just quoted would seem sufficient to disprove the assertion -made by contemporary European historians that Ibrahim Pasha had lifted -the siege of Vienna because he had been bought by the gold of the -ambassadors. Suleiman gave him everything that he could have asked and -much more than lay in the power of any European monarch to bestow. -Ibrahim acquired vast wealth, but there is no evidence that his loyalty -to Suleiman could be purchased, and while the Turkish historians -speak often of the avarice of his successor Rustem Pasha, they never -ascribe that quality to Ibrahim. If he had a price, it was too high for -Ferdinand to pay. - -It is apparent from what has been said that Ibrahim’s diplomatic -methods were not subtle; they had no need to be. As the diplomacy of -the Porte was usually either the introduction to, or the conclusion of -a military campaign, small wonder that it usually attained its object. -As the favor of the Porte was eagerly sought by France, Venice, Poland, -Russia, Hungary and Austria, it required no finesse of diplomatic -handling to deal with their ambassadors. Ibrahim, holding all the -trumps, needed no great skill to play his cards well. He might be as -rude and boastful as he would, and still the ambassadors would beg -for his influence in making peace. Both Suleiman and Ibrahim treated -Charles V and Ferdinand with great haughtiness, nevertheless pursuing -an entirely successful policy; France, on the other hand, playing a -subtle game, won considerable from the Porte. It would seem that the -test of Turkish diplomacy was not its method but its general plan and -large lines. The question then before us is, what were the objects and -accomplishments of Turkish diplomacy between 1525 and 1540. - -Suleiman had two objects, first to extend his conquering power further -into Europe, and second to assist Francis I against the House of -Hapsburg. In these two objects he was successful. His empire was -greatly extended during his reign, both in territory and in influence, -while the power of the rival House of Hapsburg was steadily diminished -and limited. But that which makes of this period an epoch in European -political history is not the territorial aggrandizement of Turkey, -nor the recognition of its power by Europe, but the first entrance -of Turkey into the European concert, if we may anticipate a later -term, and the change from the consideration of the Turks as merely -unbelievers and foes of Christianity to regarding them as political -allies or foes, and as possible factors in the European question. At -the close of the reign of Selim the Grim, Turkey, although it was a -conquering nation, was still an excrescence in Europe. But the time -had come when it must enter into the affairs of the Northern nations, -and for that time Suleiman, unusually tolerant towards the West, with -a great idea of the destiny of Turkey, and aided by his Christian -grand vizir, was ready, and by the end of his reign he had made -himself felt in every court on the continent, and had to be reckoned -with in every European cabinet. But as a natural corollary to this -fact, Turkey was never, after this time, wholly free from European -influence. The fine wedge of French intervention was introduced by La -Forest in the treaty of 1535, and conservative Turks of today look on -Suleiman’s “capitulations” as the beginning of endless troubles for -Turkey, while the French still rejoice over the triumphs of astute and -far‐sighted Francis I. “Suleiman en sortant de son farouche isolement,” -says Zeller, “François I^{_er_} en bravant les préventions de ses -contemporains, accomplirent une véritable revolution dans la politique -de l’Europe.”[141] For four centuries France remained the most weighty -foreign influence at the Porte. A fuller significance lay in what -Lord Stratford de Redcliffe called the “extra‐koranic” character of -the concessions made in this reign, the introduction of extra‐koranic -legislation in both foreign and internal affairs, by the side of the -maxims and rules of the Sheri or Holy Law. Turkey began to discover the -inadequacy of Koran legislation for a modern state.[142] - -How much did Ibrahim Pasha influence Suleiman in this policy? He -undoubtedly had the details in his own hands, but did he inspire the -plan? Probably not. Suleiman knew pretty clearly what he wanted, and -he pursued the same policy with the same success after the death of -Ibrahim. His contemporaries ascribed to Ibrahim the brain and the -force of Turkish diplomacy, and later historians have given to him the -exclusive credit of this political evolution. But Zeller’s view[143] -that too much importance may be given to the rôle of Ibrahim Pasha -seems better substantiated. Zeller, nevertheless, in his introduction -to _La Diplomatie Française_, accords to Ibrahim just that credit -that peculiarly belongs to him, if we have rightly understood the work -of the grand vizir, when he says: “Suleiman was not less enlightened -than Francis; he had, as well as the latter, the knowledge of his -own interests, and like him he was partially enfranchised from the -prejudices of his nation.... At the same time we cannot doubt but that -the grand vizir, whose ability and enlightenment are attested by all -the ambassadors, contributed to open the mind of his master to the -ideas outside his realm, to initiate him into a European Policy, to -make him see the menace of the increasing power of Charles V, and the -interest which he had to support France”. In the unusual liberality of -thought and freedom from prejudice that Suleiman showed in his relation -to Europe, we may see the influence of his intelligent favorite. - -Thus the two together, Suleiman and Ibrahim, or Ibrahim and Suleiman, -as Ferdinand often spoke of them, started the Ottoman Empire from the -lonely path of independence and semibarbarism to the labyrinthine and -noisy streets of European politics. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -IBRAHIM THE GENERAL - - -Suleiman’s reign was one of continuous war, and for the most part, -conquest. His two most redoubtable enemies were the infidel Hungarians -and the heretic Persians. His first great campaign was directed -against Belgrad, which important city he took in 1521. This conquest -he followed quickly by the victorious siege of Rhodes in 1522. In -these two campaigns, Ibrahim seems to have taken no part, although he -accompanied Suleiman to Rhodes in his capacity of favorite.[144] But in -the first Hungarian campaign the grand vizir Ibrahim was placed second -in command, the sultan himself leading the expedition. - -D’Ohsson gives an account of the ceremonial that used to precede war -in Turkey.[145] He says that the Porte never failed to legitimize a -war by a _fetva_ from the Sheik‐ul‐Islam given in grand council, after -which the sheiks of the imperial mosques met in the Hall of the Divan -and listened to the intoning of a chapter from the Koran, consecrated -to military expeditions. The first war measure was the arrest of the -ambassador of the country to be attacked, who was taken to the Seven -Towers. The next day a manifesto was published and sent to each foreign -legation; then followed a _Hat‐i‐Shereef_ conferring command on the -grand vizir. With the order he received a richly caparisoned steed -and a jeweled sabre, at a most brilliant ceremonial. Generally war was -declared in the autumn, the winter was occupied in preparation, and the -campaign was undertaken in the spring. At the day and hour appointed by -the court astrologer, the imperial standard was planted in the court -of the grand vizir or the Sultan, while imams[146] filled the air with -blessings and chants. Forty days later the first encampment was set up -with further ceremonies. - -The splendor of the Turkish tents, arms and dress were admired by all -observers. A Turkish camp was a lively place, crowded by priests, -dervishes, adventurers and volunteers, irregular soldiers, servants, -tents, and baggage; and, on the homeward way, laden with slaves and -booty. - -The Turkish army was at that time the finest in Europe, both in extent -and discipline. The Turks were a fighting people, whose arms had -steadily won them place and power from the time when their colonel -Othman interfered in a Seljuk quarrel to the time when Suleiman’s -armies were the terror of Europe, and the few hundred tents of Othman -had become the extensive and powerful Ottoman Empire. The army grew -and developed with the demands of the state, for as we have seen -above, the army _was_ the state. As Mr. Urquhart puts it:[147] “The -military branch includes the whole state. The army was the estates of -the kingdom. The Army had its Courts of Law, and its operations on the -field have never been abandoned to the caprice of a court or a cabinet.” - -Mr. Urquhart classifies the Turkish army under three main heads:[148] - -I. Permanent troops: janissaries, hired cavalry and regimental spahis -of the grand artillery, etc. - -II. Feudal troops. - -III. Provincial troops (_Ayalet Askeri_). - -He reckoned the number of troops at the close of the sixteenth century -as follows: - - -PERMANENT. - - Janissaries 50,000 - Spahis 250,000 - Artillery, armourers, etc. 50,000 - -Guards besides those drafted from Janissaries and Spahis—war levies: - - Akinji 40,000 - Ayab 100,000 - Ayalet Askeri (cavalry) 40,000 - Miri Askeri (infantry) 100,000 - - -Some explanation of these names will be desirable. The feudal and -provincial troops were those whose military service was demanded by -the feudal tenure of the _timars_ or fiefs. Of the permanent troops, -the celebrated body of the Spahis was recruited from the fiefs, sons -of the Spahis being preferred, and were required to follow the banner -of the Sultan himself. The Akinji were the light horse, the terror -of the Germans and the Hungarians. The Ayab were infantry, a sort of -Cossack on foot, as the Akinjis were Cossacks on horseback—without -either the pay of the janissaries or the fiefs of the spahis. The -famous corps of the janissaries was the heart of the army,—the most -privileged, the most terrible, the most efficient of the soldiery. -They were recruited from the children, taken in tribute from the -conquered Christian states, a thousand a year, and generally became -Moslems. The janissaries, the artillery and the guards were the only -soldiery paid from the treasury. The Turkish conquerors made war pay -for itself, living on the conquered country and carrying home immense -loot. At the close of his careful pamphlet, Mr. Urquhart makes an -interesting distinction between Janissary and Turkish principles. He -claims that the former are “violence, corruption, and prostration of -military strength, exhaustion of the treasury, resistance to all, and -therefore to beneficial, change.” The Turkish principles, he claims, -are altogether different and finer.[149] - -The Turkish artillery was very formidable. It was by means of this and -the setting of mines that Belgrad and Rhodes had been taken. There was -no navy. There were a number of pirates, freebooters who put themselves -at the service of the Sultan and won some considerable naval victories, -but they were not a part of the regular Turkish force. - -One constant order of battle was observed. The provincial troops -of Asia formed the right wing, and those of Europe the left, the -center being composed of regular bodies of cavalry and infantry, the -janissaries forming the front line. In Europe the home contingents -occupied the right wing. Thus were combined permanent and disciplined -infantry and cavalry with irregular foot and horse; a feudal -establishment with provincial armaments, and forces raised by -conscription, by enlistment, and by tribute. By this arrangement the -sultan could bring three enormous armies into the field simultaneously -in the heart of Europe and Asia.[150] - -A quaint description of the discipline of the Turkish army in 1585 -was given by one William Watreman in his book entitled “The Fardle of -Facions”, who thought that the speed, the courage and the obedience of -the Turkish soldiers accounted easily for their great success in war -for two hundred years,[151] and said that they were little given to -mutinies and “stirs”. - -Watreman was evidently not speaking of the privileged janissaries -here, for they were greatly given to mutinies and “stirs.” They -realized the immense power that the army possessed, and how definitely -the sultan was in their hands. That part of the army stationed at -Constantinople as guard to His Imperial Majesty had it in their power -to demand the degradation and the head of any hated official, and -usually these demands were granted. Authorized by the laws of their -predecessors and their own as well, they might furthermore imprison -the sultan himself, put him to death, and place on the throne one of -his relatives as his successor. When all the corps of this militia -of Constantinople unite under the orders of the Ulema, who give the -weight of law to the undertaking, the despotic sultan passes from the -throne to a prison cell, where a mysterious and illegal death soon -removes him.[152] The long list of deposed sultans witnesses to this -power. Little wonder then that Suleiman, after punishing the rebellious -janissaries in 1525, planned to employ them immediately in a campaign. - -On Monday, April 23rd, Suleiman left Constantinople with 100,000 men -and 300 cannon.[153] His grand vizir had started a week in advance, -commanding the vanguard of the army, largely cavalry. At Sophia both -armies encamped, and the grand vizir is said to have “dressed his tent -like a tulip in purple veilings.”[154] From this point the two armies -separated. Ibrahim Pasha threw a bridge across the Save, and advanced -to Peterwardein, a natural fort on the foot‐hills of the Fruska‐Gora -mountains, which was manned by a thousand poorly equipped soldiers. -Suleiman ordered Ibrahim Pasha to take Peterwardein, assuring him it -would be but a bite to last him till breakfast in Vienna.[155] The -sultan then proceeded to Belgrad. The grand vizir began preparations -for the siege, storming ladders were laid, and on July 15th the first -attack was made and repulsed with loss. The next night Ibrahim sent a -division of the army to the other side of the Danube, and the fight -continued all the following day until late evening, both by river -and land, a flotilla of small boats being on the Danube. In a second -assault the Turks pressed into the lower city, but they were again -repulsed. Ibrahim, convinced that storming was less easy then he had -thought, now prepared for a regular siege. After several day’s fighting -a great building in the fort fell, and the walls were broached in -several places. Nevertheless the besieged withstood two more assaults, -and made a sally by which the Turks sustained great loss. At length -Ibrahim laid mines under the walls of the fort, and on the 23rd day of -July, twelve days from the first attack, an explosion, followed by a -great assault and hard fighting, resulted in the taking of the place. -Only ninety men were left to lay down their arms. The Turkish loss also -had been heavy.[156] - -The successful siege, and doubtless also the rich reward of his -padisha, decided Ibrahim Pasha to besiege Illok on the Danube, which he -took in seven days. The sultan now announced that the objective point -of the expedition was Buda. The Turkish army advanced along the Danube, -devastating as it went, to the marshy plain of Mohacz. Here there was -a battle of the first importance in its political results, as we have -seen above, for it routed the Hungarian army, killed King Lewis, and -gave Hungary into Suleiman’s hands. It was a brief and bloody battle, -lasting but two hours. Petchevi gives picturesque scenes before the -battle, and tells of the vast enthusiasm that seized “the holy army”, -while Kemalpashazadeh gloats particularly on “the bloody festival.” -The plan of the battle was made by the sultan in conjunction with his -grand vizir, who visited the former several times during the evening -preceding the battle. At dawn on August 29th, 1526, the Turkish army -emerged from a wood and appeared before the Hungarians. First came -the army of Roumelie, a part of the janissaries, and the artillery -under Ibrahim Pasha. Then came 10,000 janissaries and the artillery of -Anatolia under Behram Pasha; behind him was the Sultan and his body -guards, janissaries and cavalry. - -Towards noon the Sultan occupied the height commanding the town and -saw his enemies ranged before him. The first attack was made by the -Hungarians and was successful in producing confusion in the Turkish -ranks. But the Turks rallied, and the Akinjis drew off the attack. -Ibrahim was always in the forefront, animating his men and “fighting -like a lion.” “By acts of intrepidity he snatched from the hearts -of his heroes the arrow of the fear of death. He restored their -failing spirits. Before the most fearful weapons he never moved -an eyelash.”[157] King Lewis, with thirty brave followers, pushed -towards the Sultan in a desperate attempt to take his life, but it was -the young king himself who fell instead in the terrible fight. The -artillery, discharging its first volley, caused frightful confusion -especially in the left wing. The Hungarian right wing, surrounded on -all sides, broke and fled, being cut down by the Turks, or drowned in -the marsh. The slaughter was fearful, as no prisoners were taken.[158] -The battle was so tragic to the Hungarians that to this day, when -disaster overtakes one of them, the proverb is quoted: “No matter, more -was lost on Mohacz field.”[159] - -The artillery of the grand vizir seems to have turned the day and -rendered the victory decisive for the Turks. The following day -Suleiman, seated under a scarlet pavillion, on a golden throne brought -from Constantinople, received the congratulations of his vizirs and -beylerbeys and with his own hand placed an aigrette of diamonds on the -head of his grand vizir. In gruesome contrast to this splendor was a -pyramid of one thousand heads of noble Hungarians piled before the -imperial tent. Mohacz was burned, and the Akinjis harried the country -in horrid fashion,[160] while the main army marched on to Buda. Here -the keys of the city were offered to Suleiman, and the campaign was -ended, except for the march back to Constantinople, with its details of -massacre and spoliation.[161] - -The credit for this successful Hungarian campaign is ascribed to -the grand vizir by three very good authorities. Ibrahim himself, -in a speech to the ambassador von Zara, claims to have conquered -Hungary:[162] the sultan, in a letter of victory to his provinces, -gives honor to Ibrahim; and the sheik‐ul‐Islam Kemalpashazadeh, in his -epic history of the battle of Mohacz, lavishes praise on the grand -vizir as commander of the armies on that field. “Heaven has never -seen,” he rhapsodizes, “and never will see a combat equal to that by -the prince of the champions of the faith, of this Asaf of Wisdom, -this experienced general, this lion‐hearted Ardeshir, I mean Ibrahim -Pasha.[163] The enemy of the enemies of the Holy War, in an instant he -repulsed the shock of the enemies of the faith.”[164] - -Suleiman in his letter gives Ibrahim credit for the taking of -Peterwardein and Illok. As to Mohacz he says:[165] - - - “The accursed king (Lewis) accompanied by the soldiers - of perdition fell before the army of Roumelie, which was - commanded by the Beylerbey of Roumelie, my grand vizir, - Ibrahim Pasha (May Allah glorify him eternally!). It was then - that the hero displayed all his innate valor.” - - -The first mention of Ibrahim in this letter is in the following terms: - - - “The leopard of strength and valor, the tiger of the forest - of courage, the hero filled with a holy zeal, the Rustem of - the arena of victory, the lion of the restoration of dominion, - the precious pearl of the ocean of all power, the champion of - the faith, the Grand Vizir, Beylerbey of Roumelie, Ibrahim - Pasha.”[166] - - -The flowers of the Sultan’s rhetoric may be accepted as a matter of -course, but the fact that he mentions Ibrahim as deserving of any share -in the glory of the imperial conquests is noteworthy, as in his letters -of victory he usually reserves all the honor for Allah and himself.[167] - -The campaign of Vienna was the next military event for Ibrahim. It was -on the eve of this expedition that Suleiman invested the grand vizir -with the office of Serasker.[168] - -Says Petchevi: - - - One day, going from the Divan to the Vizir Khaneh, the great - Lord and Conqueror calling the slaves before his presence - addressed them with eloquent and pearl‐scattering words - and with divine proceedings, saying: “Nothing prevents our - extending our arms at once to all parts of our land, but in - every case we cannot personally conduct affairs. Therefore we - formulate a _berat‐i‐shereef_ that Ibrahim Pasha, in the name - of Serasker may receive obedience and respect.” - - -Here Petchevi quotes the berat that was given in Chapter III, and then -continues with an account of the splendid presents sent to Ibrahim with -the berat, and the congratulations of all the ulema and vizirs.[169] -According to D’Ohsson, the investiture of Ibrahim was unusually -splendid and solemn. He tells of processions in the streets and visits -to the palace and continued cermonial after the army had started. When -the ambassadors had visited him with congratulations and hopes of his -success, he always replied: - -“Marching under the divine protection, under influence of the sacred -banner, under the auspices of the grandest, most powerful of monarchs, -I hope to gain brilliant victories over the enemies of the empire, and -soon return triumphant.”[170] - -It is not possible to go into all the details of the famous first siege -of Vienna, to which entire books have been devoted.[171] Our account of -it must be brief. On September 28th, 1529, Ibrahim Pasha stood before -Vienna with the Roumelian troops, and by the 28th the main body of the -army headed by the sultan was encamped before the city. The defenses of -Vienna were in bad repair, with only 16,000 men and 72 guns, against -a Turkish army of 300,000. The garrison was commanded by Philip of -Bavaria, Ferdinand remaining in Linz, in hopes of aid from the German -princes. The defenders of the city made desperate efforts to strengthen -it, tearing down houses that stood too close to the walls, leveling -suburbs that might protect the enemy, and erecting earthen defences and -new walls where necessary. To save some of the horrors of the siege, -the old men, the women and children, and the priests were forced to -leave the city.[172] Suleiman thought the taking of this stronghold -would be easy, and summoned the garrison to surrender, saying that if -they refused he would breakfast in Vienna on the third day, and would -spare no one. But the third day passed and many others and the Turks -were still digging under the towers and walls and laying mines. They -had been compelled by heavy rains to leave their siege guns behind -them, and had only field pieces and musketry. The besieged replied to -mine by countermine and effectually circumvented the Turkish plans. -Storming parties of the Turks were met by sallies from the beleaguered, -and Suleiman’s breakfast, as the Viennese scornfully told him, was -getting cold. Breaches made in the walls on October 9th and 11th were -repaired and defended by the undaunted Austrians, and after a splendid -effort made on October 14th to storm the city, and an equally splendid -and more successful resistance, the sultan was obliged to give up the -siege. It was Suleiman’s first defeat, and he found it hard to accept -it, but winter was coming on, provisions were inadequate for so long a -campaign, the army was discouraged, and furthermore, outside help was -known to be on the way to the beleaguered city from all quarters. On -October 14th the signal for retreat was given. The loss to the Turkish -army was great, and that of the Viennese slight.[173] - -Ibrahim Pasha had charge of the operations during the siege, and went -often to reconnoiter the fortifications, disguised in a colored turban -instead of the usual one of white and gold.[174] Count Christopher von -Zedlitz, a prisoner in the Turkish camp, said: “In this expedition -there was Ibrahim Pasha, who in this war counselled and directed -everything.”[175] There were at this siege, as in all campaigns, -frequent largesses to keep up the courage of the soldiers. The grand -vizir was surrounded by sacks of gold, of which he gave by the handful -when an enemy’s head was brought in, or an important capture made. -When the lure of gold was insufficient to arouse the ebbing courage -of the soldiers in the prolonged siege, the officers with the grand -vizir at their head urged them forward with blows of sticks and whips -and sabres. On October 12th Ibrahim assembled the beys of Roumelie, -spoke frankly of the discontent and hunger of the army, and urged -one more assault, promising whether it were successful or not, to -sound the retreat thereafter.[176] As we have seen, the assault was -made and failed, and the siege was raised and the retreat commenced. -When Suleiman left Vienna the grand vizir remained for some time with -cavalry in the neighborhood of the city, partly to cover the retreat, -and partly to rally the akinji scattered on plundering expeditions. -He also received proposals for an exchange of prisoners, to which he -replied as follows: - - - Ibrahim Pasha, by the grace of God First Vizir, Secretary - and Chief Councillor of the glorious, great and invincible - Emperor, Sultan Suleiman, head and minister of his whole - dominion, of his slaves and sandjaks, Generalissimo of his - armies: - - High‐born, magnanimous officers and commanders; having - received your writing sent by your messenger, we have digested - its contents. Know that we are not come to take your city into - our possession, but only to seek out your Archduke Ferdinand, - whom however we have not found, and hence have waited here so - many days, without his appearing. Yesterday moreover we set - free three of your prisoners, for which measure you should - fain to do likewise of those in your possession, as we have - desired your messenger to explain to you by word of mouth. You - may therefore send hither one of your own people to seek out - your countrymen, and without anxiety for our good faith, for - what happened to those of Pesth was not our fault but their - own. - - -In this letter Ibrahim makes the statement which Suleiman sent forth -officially, namely,—that the Turks did not wish to take Vienna, but -only to meet Ferdinand. A mile away from the camp the sultan halted and -received congratulations as for a victory, and dispensed rewards, the -grand vizir receiving four costly pellisses and five purses.[177] - -The next fortress to be besieged by Ibrahim Pasha was Güns, in 1532. -This was the critical point of Suleiman’s fifth Hungarian campaign. -After the sultan alone had reduced some thirteen minor forts, he -associated the grand vizir with him in this great siege. The little -fortress of Güns was brilliantly defended by Nicholas Juritschitz, who -had met Ibrahim in former days when ambassador at the Porte. - -On August 9th the grand vizir encamped before Güns, and three days -later Suleiman arrived. Many small cannon were used in this siege, -the largest sending a ball the size of a goose egg, which was, -nevertheless, very effective in destroying the battlements. Besides -continual assaults, mines were laid, but it was twelve days before -Ibrahim summoned the sturdy Juritschitz to surrender. Even then another -assault was necessary, which was at first unsuccessful owing to a very -curious event. The old men, women and children within the city, seeing -the banners of the janissaries planted on the walls, uttered such -piercing cries of fear and horror that the assailants were seized with -a panic as at something supernatural, and fled from the spot. But their -return was so fierce that a breach was made, and the brave Juritschitz, -wounded and helpless, was obliged to accept Ibrahim‘s terms.[178] -Using his knowledge of the grand vizir’s nature obtained during his -embassy to the Porte, he played on his vanity and obtained very good -conditions.[179] Güns was not pillaged, and only formally capitulated, -ten janissaries being allowed to remain an hour in the place in order -to erect a Turkish standard. So Juritschitz, writing to Ferdinand -exclaims: “God Almighty delivered me and this people from the hand of -tyranny, which honor all my life has not deserved.” - -The delay and practical defeat sustained at Güns, together with the -defeat of another Turkish army which was to enter Austria by the -Semmering Pass proved the saving of Vienna. Suleiman had announced -that he did not intend to attack Vienna on this campaign; nevertheless -his vast preparation and the counter‐preparations of Charles V and of -Germany suggested a more ambitious campaign than that which he carried -out. In any case Suleiman decided to withdraw, and immediately after -investing Gratz, which was well defended, he abandoned the enterprise -and returned to the Porte. - -When the Sultan made peace with Ferdinand in 1533, and temporarily -ceased operations on his northern frontier, he turned his attention -to conquests in two other directions, namely to the extension of his -sea power, and to the reduction of Persia. The romantic story of the -exploits of his great admiral Khaireddin Barbarosa does not come into -our field, but the Persian campaign is the next object of our attention. - -Ever since Suleiman’s accession to the throne the relations of the -Porte with the Shah of Persia had been strained. The only reason that -this had not resulted in open war was because Suleiman was more deeply -concerned in Hungarian affairs. There was continual fighting on the -frontier. When Shah Tahmasp succeeded his father Ismail, he was little -inclined to humble himself before the Turkish monarch, so he resented -an overbearing and threatening letter from Suleiman. Now seemed a -favorable moment to execute the threat of war. The excuse was the -betrayal of the Ottomans by the khan of Bitlis, who had gone over to -the shah of Persia, while the Persians were irate because the Persian -governor of Aserbaijan and Baghdad had joined the Turks and had taken -with him the keys of Baghdad. The governor having been assassinated and -Baghdad retaken by the Persians, Suleiman determined on immediate war. - -Ibrahim, again invested with the office of serasker, was sent to Persia -to retake Bitlis and Baghdad. He and his army marched as far as Konia, -where he received the head of Sherefbey, after which he advanced to -Aleppo to take up his winter quarters.[180] He occupied his leisure -during the winter by taking several neighboring fortresses. His next -plan was to move on Baghdad, but the defterdar Iskender Chelebi who -accompanied the expedition urged an immediate advance to Tebriz, -recently abandoned by the shah, arguing that the fall of Tebriz would -mean the taking of Baghdad. Ibrahim followed Iskender’s suggestion, and -arrived before Tebriz the 13th of July, 1534. Receiving the submission -of many fortresses en route, he triumphantly entered the Persian -capital. To avert the evils generally incident to a Turkish occupation, -he set up a judge at Tebriz, and a strong guard. This was unusual -self‐restraint in a Turkish conqueror. At this time he suffered the -loss of one of his armies in the defile of Kiseljedagh, but otherwise -he met only with victory and submission. - -On the 27th of September Suleiman joined the grand vizir at Aoudjan and -immediately rewarded him and the other beylerbeys for their successes. -The united armies continued their march towards Hamadan. The lateness -of the season made the crossing of the mountains very difficult. Many -pack animals died and the artillery was mired in the bad roads. In that -perilous situation the army was attacked by the enemy and suffered -considerable loss in men and supplies. - -At last the army reached Baghdad. The governor sent a letter of -submission, and then to secure his own safety, fled. The grand vizir -immediately took possession of the city, shut the gates to prevent -pillage, and sent the keys of the city to Suleiman who had not yet -come up. Baghdad was the bulwark of the Persian empire and of great -military importance. The army remained there four months while the -sultan organized his new conquests. April 2nd, 1535, the Turkish army -commenced its return to its capital, making a march of three months to -Tebriz and thence of six months to Stambul. - -In this campaign Ibrahim had little actual fighting, and slight use for -the artillery and mines in which he was so well versed. The success of -the campaign was due to the terror excited by the reputation of the -Turkish army, and the endurance with which it made terrible marches, -equalling the celebrated marches of the generals of antiquity.[181] -Ferdinand of Hungary wrote Ibrahim congratulating him on this -successful campaign. - -This was Ibrahim’s last campaign. His career was cut short at this -point. In this Persian expedition the grand vizir had some personal -experiences which do not properly belong to an account of his -generalship, but rather to the next chapter dealing with his fall. - -In these varied campaigns Ibrahim Pasha showed himself an able and -generally successful general. In all of his battles and sieges he was -defeated only at Vienna, and practically, although not nominally, at -Güns. He was brilliant in his attacks, especially with artillery, the -battle of Mohacz being the best illustration of this. He was excellent -in mines and sieges, regardless of the fact that he did not succeed -in reducing Vienna. He was strong in marching, as the great march -across Persia witnesses. He generally had good control over his men, -although at Vienna he failed to incite them to greater efforts. He was -personally brave and fearless, leading his troops and betaking himself -to the point of greatest danger. He seems to have been less cruel than -was usual among Turkish conquerors, although his army committed some -horrid atrocities. He followed the usual custom of looting, which made -war so attractive to the Turkish soldier.[182] He appreciated valor -even in his enemies, as the story of his treatment of the prisoner -Zedlitz and his freeing of him illustrates.[183] The credit for the -conquests of this period must be divided between Sultan Suleiman and -his grand vizir, who was able to push all plans of Suleiman, whether -military or diplomatic, to a fortunate conclusion. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -IBRAHIM’S FALL - - -On March 5th, 1536[184] Ibrahim Pasha betook himself to the imperial -palace in Stamboul to dine with the sultan and spend the night with his -Majesty, according to a long established custom. In the morning his -body was found with marks on it, showing that he had been strangled -after a fierce struggle.[185] A horse with black trappings carried the -dishonored body home,[186] and it was immediately buried in a dervish -monastery in Galata, with no monument to mark its resting place.[187] -His immense property fell to the crown,[188] and Ibrahim Pasha, the -mighty grand vizir, was dropped out of mind and conversation as though -he had not practically ruled the empire for thirteen years. - -What caused this abrupt extinction of Suleiman’s love for his former -favorite? Ibrahim naturally had many enemies, among them the most -influential ones being the defterdar Iskender Chelebi, and Roxelana, -the favorite wife of Suleiman. These appear to have worked for years -to poison Suleiman’s mind against the grand vizir, but for a long time -without success.[189] What charges could they bring against him? - -Ibrahim, we recall, was born a Christian, and probably accepted Islam -only formally and not from conviction. Now and then in his career -his Christian predilections appear and always injure his reputation. -One instance of this was the case of the infidel Cabyz, towards whom -Ibrahim was accused of being overlenient. Another illustration of -lack of consideration for Moslem prejudices was when he brought home -from Buda three statues taken from the royal palace and set them up -in the Hippodrome. This was in defiance of the Moslem rule, observed -literally, to permit the display of “no images of anything in the -heaven above, the earth beneath, or the water under the earth.” -Although Ibrahim was supported in this act by the tolerant sultan, it -brought down on his head a clamor of horror. He was spoken of as an -idolator, and the poet Fighani Chelebi composed a satire against him -which was never forgotten. It ran: - - - “Two Abrahams came into the world; - The one destroyed idols, the other set them up.” - - -The audacious poet paid for his wit with his life, but the satire -remained popular. Ibrahim became less and less careful in religious -matters as his power became more assured. A contemporary wrote: - - - The opinionated pasha at the beginning of his power was very - docile in every respect to the Holy Law, besides which it was - his custom to consult wise men in every affair of his desire; - and his faith in Islam was so strong that if some one brought - a Koran to him, he would gracefully rise to his feet and kiss - it and lay it on his forehead and hold it level with his - breast, not one inch below. But later when he went to Baghdad - as serasker and mixed with infamous or foolish people, his - character changed to such a degree that he did not regard the - lives of innocent men more highly than fine dust, and if some - one brought him as a gift a Koran or a beautifully‐written - manuscript, as he saw him approaching he would become angry - and refuse it, saying, “Why do you bring them to me? There is - no end to the good books that I possess,” and sometimes he - would revile the men.[190] - - -The Venetians seem to have regarded Ibrahim as favorable to them, and -needy Christians in the empire turned to him for help and sometimes -were freed by him from captivity and death.[191] His parents remained -Christians. It is doubtful whether these last facts would arouse -any feeling against the grand vizir; but the disregard of Moslem -sensibilities noted above was very unwise and would give his enemies a -point of attack although it was rather unlikely by itself to influence -greatly the confidence of the sultan, a monarch noted for his unusual -tolerance towards beliefs outside of Islam. But Ibrahim permitted -himself another imprudence that was far more dangerous. - -As we have studied Ibrahim’s career, we have seen the vast power that -he gradually gathered into his hands, and we have noted the amazement -with which European legates listened to his own accounts of his -standing in the state. He was practically the ruler of the Ottoman -empire, but there was one fact that he forgot; he was absolutely at -the disposal of the sultan and could be disgraced or executed at the -latter’s caprice—he was but the shadow of the “Shadow of God” on -earth.[192] - -On the Persian expedition he made the grave mistake of assuming the -title of _Serasker‐Sultan_. Although as von Hammer points out[193] the -title of _sultan_ was commonly borne by small Kurdish rulers in the -country in which Ibrahim then was, yet at Constantinople there was but -_one_ sultan, and to usurp his title was to lay one’s self open to the -charge of unlawful ambition.[194] Moreover as Ahmed Pasha had assumed -the title upon his revolt in Egypt, the association with disloyalty -must have been very strong to Suleiman. There were plenty of courtiers -ready to interpret his action thus in reporting to the sultan. Here -was a charge that Suleiman could hardly ignore even though he might -disbelieve it for a while. - -The immediate cause of Ibrahim’s fall was his quarrel with Iskender -Chelebi.[195] A relationship between the two men had long existed and -for years had been unfriendly. When Ibrahim was sent to Egypt Iskender -was in his train. Ibrahim’s wealth and power were a source of envy to -the defterdar, while the latter’s personality seems to have become -disagreeable to the grand vizir. On the expedition to Persia the -smouldering hatred between the two men broke into flame. When Ibrahim -proposed to take the title of Serasker‐Sultan, the defterdar attempted -to dissuade him and thus aroused Ibrahim’s resentment. There was also -an ostentatious display of wealth, the defterdar and the grand vizir -each attempting to send to the army a larger number of more richly -equipped soldiers, and each considering the other’s contribution mean. -Insults were exchanged. At length Ibrahim accused the defterdar of -taking money from the royal treasury, and brought witnesses against -him who were probably in Ibrahim’s pay. It became a war to the death -between the two enemies. Ibrahim doubtless knew that if Iskender -lived he himself would be sacrificed. So he accomplished the disgrace -and execution of the treasurer but he did not thereby secure his own -safety. Iskender Chelebi, accused of intrigues against his master, as -well as mismanagement of the public funds, was hanged at Baghdad. As he -went to the gallows he sent a Parthian shot at his murderer. Calling -for pen and paper, he made a written statement that not only was he -guilty of conspiring with the Persians but that Ibrahim was equally -guilty, and that the latter had plotted to attempt Suleiman’s life, -lured by Persian gold.[196] However we may doubt Iskender’s honesty in -making a statement that would draw down on his enemy his own fate, the -Turkish sultan would be unlikely to question it, for among the Turks -the testimony of a dying man or one led to execution is of very great -weight. In law it outweighs that of forty ordinary witnesses.[197] - -Suleiman’s conviction of his vizir’s guilt was further strengthened, -as the Turkish chronicles relate, by a vision in which the murdered -defterdar appeared surrounded by a celestial halo. He reproached -Suleiman for submitting to the usurpation of his grand vizir, and -finally threw himself on the sultan as though to strangle him.[198] -Suleiman, once convinced of Ibrahim’s guilt or of the menace he -was to his power, acted secretly and silently. He did not confront -his favorite with accusations nor give him a chance to exculpate -himself,[199] but disposed of him swiftly. As Lamartine says,[200] -“Ibrahim’s life ended without reverses and perhaps without other crimes -than greatness.” A brilliant career for thirteen years, even though -followed by sudden disgrace and death, is a fate that might be envied -by many. The abruptness of Ibrahim’s fall is paralleled many times -in Turkish history, which is full of sensational rises and falls. In -the history of his life alone, we have seen Ahmed Pasha of Egypt and -Iskender Chelebi rise to great heights and quickly descend to disgrace -and death. It was the almost limitless possibility of rising, and the -ever present danger of falling that constituted the fascination of -Turkish public life. One could hardly start with a handicap too severe -to prevent him from attaining greatness. On the other hand one was -never sure of retaining for twenty‐four hours the power, wealth and -rank that he had attained, for a momentary caprice of the monarch -might end it abruptly. Even the sultan himself might suddenly be -overthrown and fill a dungeon cell or a grave, while his successor -taken from a harem or a prison ascended the mighty throne. Nowhere have -life and its possibilities been more uncertain than on or near the -Ottoman throne. - -Let us consider in conclusion the question of Ibrahim’s relations -to Suleiman. Was he a traitor or not? Baudier says that Suleiman -confronted Ibrahim with his own letters to Charles V and Ferdinand -and that he had secret intelligence with the Austrians. In the papers -collected by Gévay which seem complete as to the correspondence between -Ibrahim and the Austrian ruler, there are no such letters, nor are -they found in any other collection nor mentioned by the Austrians -themselves. On the contrary, we have despatches from Ferdinand to -Ibrahim written July 5th, 1535, March 23, 1535, and March 14, 1536, -after his death, urging Ibrahim’s continued offices and expressing -gratitude for his efforts to keep peace between the two countries.[201] - -The charge of collusion with the Austrians which we have examined and -discussed in connection with the siege of Vienna we here dismiss as -being supported by very insufficient data. What had Ibrahim to gain by -accepting money or position from Charles? Could the latter give him -the half of what Suleiman lavished on him? The similar charge made by -Iskender Chelebi when at the gallows, that Ibrahim had been induced -by Persian gold to plan the assassination of the sultan falls to the -ground for the following reasons; lack of any other witness than -Iskender[202] and the discredit that attaches to a witness who was the -vizir’s fiercest and most desperate enemy, together with the fact that -the Persians could offer Ibrahim nothing commensurate with his wealth -and power as grand vizir. - -I think then we may definitely put aside the charges of his being -bought with either Persian or Austrian gold. But the most serious -charge remains. Did he aspire to overthrow his master, and himself -become sultan? Again our sources are silent or ambiguous. Let us -inquire of the Turkish historians. “He fell into the net of the -imagination of kingship and power,”[203] says Osmanzadeh, which might -mean no more than the megalomania of which he gave so many signs. -Sadullah Saïd Effendi expresses himself with an equal vagueness: -“Perhaps Ibrahim was caught in the net of the thought of partnership of -the empire.”[204] Petchevi makes no charge. Solakzadeh and Abdurrahman -Sheref consider Ibrahim’s death a just punishment for his treatment -of Iskender, but prefer no severe charge.[205] The Venetians make no -accusation beyond the very vague one that “he loved himself better than -he did his lord, and wished to be alone in the dominion of the world in -which he was much respected.”[206] - -Guillaume Postel takes up some of the accusations against Ibrahim and -treats them as follows: The accusations were: 1st. Complicity with -the defterdar in looting. This Postel accepts, telling how Ibrahim -had looted wherever he had marched. 2nd. His being a Christian, which -we need not consider further here. 3rd. An understanding with the -Emperor. 4th. An understanding with the Shah of Persia. 5th. A desire -to be sultan. 6th. A desire to raise Mustafa, Suleiman’s son, to the -throne. Postel says that Ibrahim certainly had no understanding with -the emperor, as is proved by the fact that the latter did not use -the unexampled opportunity of the Persian war to invade Turkey, an -argument which seems to us strong. To this he adds the weak argument -that Ibrahim could not bear to hear the emperor spoken of. The charge -of an understanding with the shah was based on the early losses in the -Persian campaign which Postel disposes of as not being the fault of -Ibrahim. The charge of wishing Mustafa on the throne is baseless and -unreasonable, as the grand vizir could certainly not gain by a change -of masters. As to the charge of wishing to be sultan, Postel dismisses -that with the single argument that it was a much too dangerous to -attempt. - -In the absence of any data inculpating Ibrahim of desiring the throne, -we are confined to probabilities. That he loved power and became very -ambitious must be recognized. Whether he were mad enough to think he -could replace Suleiman on the throne which until this day has never -been held by any other than a member of the family of Othman, and -that he could hold such a position in the face of an enraged public, -Mohammedan to the core as to its army and priesthood; whether he could -have so far lost his judgment as to conceive that, Christian slave as -he was, he could possibly be in a more advantageous position than the -one he already held by the grace of Suleiman, we cannot answer except -by the fact that in public affairs his brain was still cool and clear. -How far, if at all, he was unfaithful to his master and friend is -buried with him in the convent at Galata. - -Ibrahim Pasha’s brilliant career was closed. What were the achievements -of his thirteen years of power? He had carried the Turkish arms to -the gates of Vienna in the west and to Bagdad and Tebriz in the east, -and his almost uniformly successful generalship had added to the -great renown in which the Ottoman army was held. Sometimes alone, and -sometimes under the sultan, he had shown himself an able strategist, -and fearless soldier. He had established diplomatic relations with -Europe, one of his last acts being the first treaty with the French, -and in diplomacy he had shown himself intelligent, true to Suleiman’s -interests, and strong if not subtle. As an administrator, his brief -power in Egypt was used wisely, and his governorship of Roumelie was -able and strong, if not rising in a marked degree above the standards -of his day. He was possessed of dignity, impressiveness of manner, and -a magnificence in which he vied with his imperial master. He certainly -had cared for his own interests, obtaining enormous wealth and power, -but that he had ever neglected his master’s interests is unproved, and -many times he showed himself loyal rather than venal. - -Ibrahim’s importance in Turkish history lies partly in the great -diplomatic changes and the conquests which he achieved together with -Suleiman, and partly in the fact that he was the first grand vizir -taken from the people who exercised much power, and that with him began -the rule of vizirs and favorites which became a very important fact in -later Turkish history. While we recognize the danger of such rule, yet -we also feel that Turkey had a better chance under such men of ability -as Mehmet Sokolli Pasha and the Kiuprelli vizirs than under the chance -sultans of the Ottoman family, which has produced few great rulers -since Suleiman the Magnificent. - -To western students the interest in Ibrahim’s history lies not only -in his bringing Turkey into friendly contact with Europe, but perhaps -more in the very perfect and highly developed illustration he affords -of the curious anomalies, the romantic possibilities, the strangeness -of Turkish rule, as well as in the light that his career throws on -European rulers and armies of the same century. - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHY - -I. OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE, TREATIES AND OTHER DOCUMENTS - - - Albèri. _Relatione degli Ambasciatori Veneti._ 3 series, 9 - vols. Venice, 1839–63. - - Ameer Ali, Syed. _Mohammedan Law._ Compiled from authorities - in original Arabic. Calcutta, 1893–4. 3 vols. 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Noldecke. - - Zeitschrift der Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. xiv. _Das - Sklavenwesen in der Türkei._ Leipzig, 1860. - - _Original Narrative of the Adventures of the Count Christopher - von Zedlitz in the Turkish camp._ Ed. by Ellesmere. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Léon Cahun. _L’Introduction de l’Histoire de l’Asie Centrale, Les -Turcs et les Mongols_ (Paris, 1896), chap. i. - -[2] _Koudakou Bilik_, 1068. Trans. by Vambéry, quoted by Cahun. - -[3] _Bey_ is a military title, corresponding approximately to colonel -or perhaps to a higher title in the eleventh century. - -[4] This judgment is the result of personal observation, supported by -statements of M. Cahun and others. - -[5] Othman or Osman, who gave his name to the Ottoman State. - -[6] Th. Noldecke, “Geschichte Suleimans des Ersten,” in _Zeitschrift -der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, vol. xii, 1858, p. 220. - -[7] _I Diarii di Marini Sanuto_, vol. xxxv, p. 258 (published Venice, -1879). - -_Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti_, _ed._ by Albèri, Series III, -vol. iii. Report of Pietro Zen, 1524, p. 95. - -Solakzadeh, _Tarih Osmanieh_ (Constantinople, 1297, A. H.). - -M. Baudier, _The History of the Imperial Estate of the Grand Seigneurs_ -(1635, _trans._ by Grimeston), p. 171. - -Parga, a village on the coast of Greece, opposite Corfu, under Venetian -domination in the sixteenth century. - -[8] He himself told the embassador Zara in 1532 that he was born the -same week as Suleiman. _Cf._ _Urkunden und Actenstücke zur Geschichte -der Verhältnisse zwischen Oesterreich, Ungarn, und der Pforte im XVI -und XVII Jahrhunderte_. Aus Archiven und Bibliotheken, Anton von Gévay -(Wien, 1840). - -[9] _Ibid._, also Pietro Zen, _op. cit._ - -[10] “Suonava a perfezione il violino.” Albèri, III, 3, p. 95, Pietro -Zen. - -[11] Baudier tells the latter story, Pietro Zen the former. Guillaume -Postel (Poitiers, 1560) gives a slightly different version. He says -that Ibrahim was captured for a soldier in Selim’s reign and sold to -Iskender Chelebi, the treasurer of Anatolia. This is interesting in -view of his later relations with Iskender, but is not sustained by -other witnesses. - -[12] Albèri, _op. cit._, p. 116, Marco Minio. - -[13] _Ibid._, p. 97. Also Sanuto, vol. xli, p. 527, Piero Bragadino. - -[14] S. A. S. Demetrius Cantimir, Prince de Moldavie, _Histoire de -l’Empire Othoman_ (1743, tr. by de Joncquières), vol. ii, p. 289. - -[15] Von Hammer, _Histoire de l’Empire Ottomane_, tr. by J. J. Hellert -(Paris, 1836), vol. v, note 23, p. 45. - -[16] Baudier, _op. cit._, p. 172. - -[17] _Cf._ M. de Mourajea D’Ohsson, _Tableau Général de l’Empire -Ottomane_ (1787), vol. iii, _passim_. - -[18] Sanuto, _op. cit._, vol. xli, Pietro Bragadino. - -[19] The word _Serai_ will be used in these pages in the Turkish sense -of palace and will refer to a royal palace. - -[20] Sanuto, _op. cit._, vol. xli, p. 527, Pietro Bragadino. - -[21] Albèri, III, I, p. 28. - -[22] Petchevi, Chelebizadeh, Solakzadeh, Abdurrahman Sheref, etc. - -[23] For instance, the vials of water blessed by the immersion of one -end of the mantle of the Prophet, which the sultan ordered distributed -to the nobles of the state on the 15th of the month of Ramazan. - -[24] _Caftan_, a long, loose‐sleeved cloak or robe. - -[25] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 303 - -[26] Albèri, III, ii, p. 31. - -[27] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 315. - -[28] George Young, _Corps de Droit Ottoman_ (1905), vol. ii, p. 166; -also D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 133. - -[29] “Nach muslimischem Gesetz ist Sklave derjenige welche im Kriege -gefangen genommen oder mit Gewalt aus feindlichem Lande fortgeführt -worden ist, wenn er zur Zeit seiner Gefangennahme ein Ungläubiger war.” -Robert Roberts, _Familien, Sklaven, und Erbenrecht im Koran_, p. 42. -(Leipzig, 1908.) - -[30] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 35. - -[31] “And when ye meet those who misbelieve, then strike off their -heads until ye have massacred them, and bind fast the bonds.” “Then -either a free agent (liberty) or a ransom until the war shall have laid -down its burdens.” _Koran_ (Palmer’s translation, vol. ix, of _Sacred -Books of the East_), Surah, XLVII, vs. 4–5. - -“The reward of those who make war against God and His Apostle, and -strive after violence in the earth, is only that they shall be -slaughtered and crucified, or their hands cut off, or their feet on -alternate sides, or that they shall be banished from the land, a -disgrace for them in this world, and for them in the next a mighty woe, -save for those who repent before ye have them in your power.” _Ibid._, -Surah V, vs. 37. - -“The spoils are God’s and the Apostles’; fear God and settle it among -yourselves.... Fight them then, that there should be no sedition, -and that the religion should be wholly God’s; but if they desist (to -disbelieve) then God on what they do doth look. But if they turn their -backs, then know that God is your Lord ... and know that whenever ye -seize anything as a spoil, to God belongs a fifth thereof, and to his -Apostle and to kindred and orphans and the poor the wayfarer.” _Ibid._, -Surah VIII, vs. 1, 40–42. - -[32] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 35. - -[33] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 142. - -[34] Ameer Ali, _op. cit._, p. 256. - -[35] “And unto such of your slaves as desire a written instrument -allowing them to redeem themselves, or paying a certain sum, write one, -if ye know good in them, and give them of the riches of God which he -hath given you.” _Koran_ (Sale’s Trans.), Surah XXIV. - -Mohammed accepted the institution of slavery, but urged gentleness in -dealing with the slave. Muir thus quotes a speech made by Mohammed in -his last year at Mina: “And your slaves! See that ye feed them with -such food as ye yourselves eat, and clothe them with the stuffs ye -wear. And if they commit a fault which ye are not inclined to forgive, -then sell them, for they are the servants of the Lord, and not to be -tormented.” Muir, _Life of Mahomet_, p. 458. - -_Cf._ also Syed Ameer Ali, _A Critical Examination of the Life and -Teaching of Mohammed_ (London, 1873), chap, xv, p. 257. “The masters -were forbidden to exact more work than was just and proper. They were -ordered never to address their male and female slaves by that degrading -appellation, but by the more affectionate name of ‘my young man’ or ‘my -young maid’.” - -[36] _Parliamentary Papers, Slave Trade_, 1860, B. P., 130. Quoted by -Young, _op. cit._, vol. ii, note, p. 167. - -[37] Fatma Alieh Hanum, _Les Musulmanes Contemporaines_ (1894, Paris). - -[38] Young, _op. cit._, vol. i, note, p. 167. - -[39] “There are few Turkish beggars, for they which beg among -Christians are set to do servile offices among the Turks. If a slave -become lame, his master is bound to support him, yet the veriest -cripple among them brings his master some profit.” - -We may omit Busbequius’ advocacy of slavery. He continues later: -“The Turks in their way do make a huge advantage of slaves; for if -an ordinary Turk bring home one or two slaves, whom he has taken as -prisoners of war, he accounts he hath made a good campaign of it, and -his prize is worth his labor. An ordinary slave is sold among them for -40 to 50 crowns, but if he be young and beautiful and have some skill -in some trade also, then they rate him as twice as much. By this you -may know how advantageous the Turkish depredations are to them, when -many times from one expedition they bring home five or six thousand -prisoners.” Ogier Ghiselin de Busbequius, _Travels in Turkey_, trans. -into English, 1774. - -[40] Snouck Hurgronje makes practically the same statement in his -_Mekka_, vol. ii, p. 19 (Haag, 1889). “Alles in Allem ist der -Zustand des muslimischen Sklaven nur formell verschieden von dem der -europäischen Diener und Arbeiter.” - -[41] Memoirs of the Baron de Tott on _The Turk and the Tartars_, -(trans. from the French, London, 1785), vol. ii, pp. 379–380. - -[42] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 38. - -[43] M. le Chevalier Ricaut, _Tableau de l’empire Ottomane_ (1709), vol. -ii, chap. ii, p. 5. - -[44] Albèri, III, 3, p. 95, note, Pietro Zen. - -[45] The formula of enfranchisement. D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. -143. - -[46] Albèri, III, 3, p. 95, note, Pietro Zen. - -[47] Marsigli, _Stato Militare dell’ Imperio Ottomano_ (1732), vol. i. - -[48] Albèri III, i, p. 11. Danielo di Ludovisi. - -[49] _Roum_ means Roman, from the Roman or Byzantine empire whose -territory had largely passed to Turkey. - -[50] _Sandjak_ is literally _banner_. - -[51] Juchereau de Saint Denis, quoted by Ludovisi. - -[52] Albrecht, _Grundriss des osmanischen Staatsrechts_, p. 68. Also -von Hammer, p. 166. - -[53] Petchevi, _Tarih Osmanieh_, vol. i, p. 79. - -[54] A piastre was about 89 cents in that century. - -[55] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 337. - -[56] _Harem_ means _set apart_, _sacred_, or _accursed‐taboo_, and is a -term applied to the women of a Moslem household. - -[57] _Cf._ also Cantimir, “Suleiman gave Ibrahim his sister in -marriage.” Jorga on the other hand says that Ibrahim married a daughter -of Iskender Chelebi, but I have seen no such statement elsewhere, -except the following ambiguous statement in Solakzadeh: “Between -Iskender and Ibrahim Pasha the relation of father and son existed.” -P. 478. Abdurrahman Sheref writes in his _Tarih Osmanieh_, “Some -historians say that Ibrahim was brother‐in‐law to the Sultan.” Petchevi -and the Venetian Baillies Bragadino and Pietro Zen, while giving -detailed accounts of the wedding feast say nothing of the bride. - -[58] For accounts see Petchevi, _op. cit._, vol. i, pp. 79 _et seq._; -Solakzadeh, _op. cit._; Marini Sanuto, _op. cit._, vol. 36, pp. 505 _et -seq._, with references _passim_. Also von Hammer, _op. cit._, vol. v, -pp. 52 _et seq._, and Cantimir, _op. cit._ - -[59] “Ed in quella ne sono distesi molti pavioni, tra li qual quello -del Gran signor, uno che fo de Uson Cassan, che fu quello quando l’ebbe -la rotta da sultan Machmet, l’altro del signor Sophi, che fu aquistado -da sultan Selim, l’altro del sultan Elgauri, conquistado pur per el -ditto sultan Selim. Quanto siano di richezza e di magnificentia et -bellezza bisogneria con el penello in longo tempo farla, et si haveria -fatica per la gran superbia et valuta è in quelli.” Marini Sanuto, _op. -cit._, vol. xxxvi, p. 505. - -[60] _Tutta la terra._ Marino Sanuto, _op. cit._, vol. xxxvi, p. 505. - -[61] Marino Sanuto, vol. xli, p. 526. - -[62] Until the introduction of tables from the West, and to this day -in certain houses, Turkish meals are served on large trays placed on -stools. - -[63] Von Hammer says that Ali also tells this story, but that the other -Turkish historians omit it. _Op. cit._, vol. v, note, p. 145. - -[64] Petchevi, _Tarih Osmanieh_, p. 93. - -[65] Souheila, in his _History of Egypt (Misr)_, says that Suleiman -originally planned to go himself to Egypt, but that the grand vizir -said, “If it be the glorious command of the just king, we are -sufficient for the service,” whereupon he was appointed chief of the -expedition. - -[66] Petchevi, Sadullah Säid, and Solakzadeh who was present on the -expedition, and following them, Djelalzadeh and Abdurrahman Sheref. As -I have been unable to obtain a copy of Djelalzadeh, I am obliged to -depend on Von Hammer’s quotations from his history. - -[67] “In Aleppo and Damascus, with justice and equity he destroyed the -standards of revolt raised by villains.” Soleyman Nameh, by Sadullah -Säid Effendi. - -“In the province of Aleppo were some who wished redress, from whom he -removed oppression and tyranny.” Solakzadeh, _op. cit._ _Cf._ also von -Hammer, _op. cit._, vol. v, p. 57. - -[68] Sadullah Säid, _op. cit._ - -[69] Sadullah Säid. - -[70] Sadullah Säid, Solakzadeh. - -[71] Solakzadeh. - -[72] Solakzadeh. - -[73] Solakzadeh, Petchevi. - -[74] “By letters from Constantinople we are informed that within a -fortnight the Magnifico Ibrahim Pasha was expected from Cairo with -a large sum of gold. The Grand Turk has ordered him an honorable -reception in a new and unusual form.” The Doge and College to Lorenzo -Orio in England, Sept. 18, 1525. Brown’s _Calendar of State Papers in -Venice, 1520–1526_, 1114. - -[75] Djelalzadeh, translated and quoted by von Hammer. - -[76] Of course, since July, 1908, the whole idea of the Ottoman state -has changed, although the military titles remain; indeed since the -reforms of 1836 the above description has only in part held true. These -general statements may be understood to refer to Turkey from 1453 to -1836. - -[77] The ulema were the doctors of sacred law and jurisprudence. - -[78] This account taken from Solakzadeh, _op. cit._ - -[79] Albrecht, _W. Grundriss des Osmanischen Staatsrechts_ (Berlin, -1905), p. 68. - -[80] Guillaume Postel, _La République des Turcs_, p. 49. - -[81] Daru, _Histoire de Venise_, quoted by Zeller, _op. cit._, note p. -204. - -[82] Charrière, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 486. - -[83] Pietro Zen said Ibrahim had been a Venetian subject. Albèri, III, -also Bragadino, Marini Sanuto, vol. 41, p. 527, wrote: “Questo bassa è -molto amico di la Signoria nostra, homo iusto et savio; ha cassà zoie -portade dal Cayro oltra il bel presente fece al Signore, come scrisse.” - -[84] Marini Sanuto, _op. cit. passim_. - -[85] Albèri, III, i, p. 28. - -[86] Kogabey, “_Abhandlung über den Verfall des osmanischen -Staatsgebäudes seit Sultan Suleiman dem Grossen_.” Trans, by Behrman, -_Zeitschrift der Morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, vol. 15, p. 319. - -[87] On a peine à representer devant un état descendu à un rang -inférieur et devenu le jouet de la politique des autres puissances -cette action illimitée qu’il exerçait dans les affaires de l’Europe, -et qui, à chaque mouvement de cet empire semblait mettre en question -l’existence de Christianisme et celle de la société européene tout -entière.” E. Charrière, _Négociations de la France dans le Levant_ -(Paris, 1848), vol. iii, Introduction. - -[88] Noradunghian (_Actes Internationaux de l’Empire Ottoman_), in -his _Repertoire Chronologique_, records treaties with Ragusa before -Suleiman’s accession, and two in 1520, all offering Turkish protection -in exchange for tribute. - -[89] Von Hammer, _op. cit._, vol. v, p. 20. - -[90] Quoted by Horatio Brown, _Venice_, 1893. - -[91] Turkish proverb. - -[92] Karamsin, _Histoire de Russie_, _tr._ by St. Thomas and Jauffret, -1819–1826, vol. vii, p. 142. - -[93] D. J. Hill, _Hist. of European Diplomacy_, ii, p. 346. - -[94] Hill, _op. cit._, quotes Contarini to this effect. - -[95] _Cf._ Pastor’s _Hist. of the Popes_, vol. iii, _passim_. - -[96] In a circular to his electors, quoted by J. Janssen, _History of -Germany_, vol. ii, p. 276. - -[97] Noradunghian, _op. cit._, records two commercial treaties -in 1508–1517. _Cf._ also Marini Sanuto, vol. iii, pp. 79, 117, 132, -180, 286, 453. - -[98] Gévay, _op. cit._, _Gesandschaft Königs Ferdinand I am Sultan -Suleiman_, i, p. 21. - -[99] _Cf._ Zinkheisen, _op. cit._, p. 640; also von Hammer, _Mémoire -sur les premières relations diplomatiques entre la France et la Porte_, -in _Journal Asiatique_, vol. x, series i, p. 19 _et seq._ - -[100] _Cf._ Report of Lambert and Juritschitz to Ferdinand, 1531, Gévay -_op. cit._, iii, p. 144. - -[101] In the report of Lambert and von Zara (Gévay, vol. iii, p. 44), -Ibrahim said: “Darauf sein Kaiser (Suleiman) bewegt worden in Francis -nit zu verlassen, und hat alsomit im und den Venedigern ean verstand -und puntnus (Bündniss) gemacht, also das sy ein treffleche ermada -auf dem mer aufgericht damit sy gegen yspania arbeiten habenwellen -und Erder kaiser solte mit einem trefflichen hoer (Heer) durch E. M. -(Ferdinand) Lande in fryaul und forter auf Mayland zogen sein.” - -_Cf._ Solakzadeh, _op. cit._, trans. by H. D. J. “The king of France -had fallen into the desire for possessions and planned to strike the -crown of Hungary from the hands of the king of Hungary, and finally -there was much fighting among them. After this, with the aid of the -king of Spain, Francis was conquered and several forts being captured, -he fled. Being reduced to an extremity, he was shut up in a solid -fortress. Wishing to have revenge on his enemy, he found no other means -than to betake himself to the Padisha of Islam. He sent an ambassador -to the most blessed Porte with a most humble letter in which was thus -written: ‘If the king of Hungary receives punishment from the blessed -Sultan, we will oppose ourselves to the King of Spain to take revenge. -We beg and pray that the Sultan of the world will repulse that proud -one. After that day we shall be obliged slaves of his Excellency the -Padisha, who is master of time and place and mighty emperor.’ To -this humble prayer and supplication the Sultan, pitying them, in his -merciful glory resolved to make war on this king filled with cruel -dispositions, as we shall see.” - -[102] Zapolya was crowned November, 1526, and Ferdinand was crowned -November 3, 1527. - -[103] Confirmed by a letter from Ferdinand to Cyriacus Freiheer von -Polheim and Markus Trautsauerwein, Kanzler of Lower Austria, Prag, Feb. -14, 1527. “Instructio ad Bassam Balibeg,” Gévay, _op. cit._, vol. i, -pp. 36–7. - -[104] Gévay, vol. i, p. 14. _Bericht Hobordanacz an Koenig Ferdinand -I_, Inspruch, 19 Feb’y, 1529. - -[105] Letters of safe conduct for such envoys by Suleiman and Ibrahim -are found in Gévay, vol. i, pp. 62–64. - -[106] Charrière, _op. cit._, vol. i, pp. 155–171. - -[107] _Cf._ De Testa, _Recueil des Traités de la Porte Ottomane avec les -Puissances Etrangères de 1526 et jusqu’à nos jours_ (Paris, 1864), vol. -i, _France_, pp. 23–26; for the text of the treaty of Hatti‐Sherif, -1528. - -[108] “Wolte er (Francis) noch so pald sein sach pesser wurd Zu -Jerusalem alda er das hailig grab besuchen wollte Zur Ime khomen mit -merem anzeigen.” Thus the envoy of Ferdinand in 1531 reports Ibrahim as -saying. Gévay, _op. cit._, iii, p. 44. - -[109] Francis’ letter is lost, so we do not know to which church he -referred. Suleiman’s answer is found in Charrière, _op. cit._, iii, pp. -129–131. _Cf._ also Marini Sanuto, vol. xlviii, p. 50. - -[110] Charrière, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 129. Ursu, _op. cit._, pp. -51–2. - -[111] It is in these letters that may be found the reference that Mr. -Duggan, in his _Eastern Question_, says he failed to discover in the -Capitulations of 1535 and 1528, and which he concludes did not exist, -hence ascribing an error to D’Ohsson. _Cf._ the _Eastern Question_, -note p. 25. - -[112] Gévay, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 49. “Je vous supplie nous tres -humblement considere la grande necessité et pauvreté ou je suis quil -vous plaise ne me habandonner dargent ain men assister comme ien ay -entière confidence.” - -[113] “Instruction auff unseres getrieuen lieben Joseph von Lamberg und -Nichola Juritschitz,” etc. Gévay, iii, 3 _et seq._ - -[114] Charrière, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 207. _Cf._ Von Hammer, -_Mémoire, etc._ - -[115] Menzies, _Turkey New and Old_, p. 136. - -[116] _Bekanntmachung des Friedens in Krain._ Gévay, _op. cit._, vol. -iii. - -[117] Ursu, _op. cit._, p. 86. _Relations des Ambassadeurs Venetiens sur -les affaires de France au XVI siècle_. Recueillies et traduites par M. -N. Tomasseo (Paris, 1836), Marino Giustiniano, vol. i, p. 55. - -[118] For text, see de Testa, _op. cit._, p. 15, _et seq._; also -Noradunghian, _op. cit._, vol. i, pp. 83–87; also Charrière, _op. -cit._, vol. i, pp. 283–294. - -[119] Ursu, _op. cit._, p. 97. - -[120] “Tous les princes chretians qui sustenoit le parti de l’Empereur -fasoient grand cas de ce que le Roy, notre maistre, avoit employe le -Turc a son secours; mais contre son ennemy on peult de toute fois -fere fleches. Quant a moi, si je pouvois appeler tous les esprits des -enfers pour rompre le teste a mon ennemy qui me veult rompre la mienne, -je le ferois de bon coeur, dieu me pardoint.” Quoted by Zeller, _La -Diplomatie Française vers le milieu du XVI siècle_ (1880), _Introd._, -p. 20 (Monluc. edit., _de la Société de l’histoire de France_). - -[121] “Sopra bassa fenestrella quedam cancellata conspiciebatur in qua -Imperator occulte adens audiebat. Legatorum petita, putans se neutiquam -videri.” _Berichte Hobordanacz_, Gévay. - -[122] Daniello de’ Ludovisi. Albèri, III, i, p. 30, 1435. Ludovisi -further explains that the hold Gritti obtained over Ibrahim was due -to the latter’s inexperience of diplomacy. He says that Ibrahim went -directly from the serai to the offices of Pasha and Beylerbey of -Roumelie without experience of the world or of the government of a -state, and being unwilling to learn from the Turk, he turned to an -outsider to show him the modes of procedure. - -[123] Quoted by von Hammer, _op. cit._, v, p. 106, and Zinkheisen, _op. -cit._, p. 662. - -[124] _Bericht Johann Hobordanacz an Koenig Ferdinand I_, Innspruch, -19th February, 1529, Gévay, i, pp. 1–28. - -[125] In a letter to Ferdinand of April 9, 1528, Hobordanacz wrote: -“Hodierna die intravi in Turciam, ubi adhuc in porte Zawe obviam -venerunt mihi Turci plus quam trecenti optimo cum appareru, et maximo -cum honare susceperunt me, spero autem in Deum omnipotentem quod omnia -negocia bonum finem hebebunt.” Gévay, i, p. 36. - -[126] “In the palmy days of the Ottoman Empire,” says Menzies, writing -of this period, “each of these seven towers of the ancient Byzantium -castle had its appropriate use; one contained the gold, another the -silver money, a third the gold and silver plate and jewels; valuable -remains of antiquity were deposited in the fourth; in the fifth were -preserved ancient coins and other objects, chiefly collected by Selim -I during his expeditions into Persia and Egypt; the sixth was a sort -of arsenal; and the seventh was appropriated to the archives. After -the time of Selim II, the Seven Towers were used as a prison for -distinguished persons and as an arsenal.” Menzies, _op. cit._, p. 191. - -[127] Zinkheisen, ii, p. 54. - -[128] Busbequius, _op. cit._, p. 175. - -[129] Gévay, _Bericht Josephs von Lamberg und Nicholaus Juritschitz an -Koenig Ferdinand I, Linz, 23 Feb. 1531_. - -[130] _Bericht Lamberg_, Gévay, i, p. 27. - -[131] “Ein lange Red mitt vil schpotlichen worten volpracht.” _Ibid._ - -[132] Gévay, ii, p. 348. - -[133] “Er durchaus in allen Reden K. M. nit anders dan Ferdinandum und -dye Khay M^t Khunig zu Yspanie ganent.” _Bericht_, p. 27. Ferdinand -in his letters usually addressed Ibrahim as “Magnifice et praesterne -Vir,” and closed “Ita est gratitudinis nostre effectum digne quandoque -sentire valeatis.” _Cf._ Gévay. - -Ibrahim, in a letter to Ferdinand, calls himself: “Cuius ego sum -Gubernator supremus regnorum omnium et Imperiorum Exercitum que sue -felicissime ac potentessime Caesare Maiestatis magnus consiliatius -super omnes dominos Ibraim bassa.” July 4, 1533. Gévay, ii, p. 139. - -[134] To the ambassador von Zara he said: “My master has many -sandjakbeys who are far more powerful than Ferdinand and have more land -and power and subjects than he.” Gévay, _op. cit._ - -[135] “Se istud magnum Imperium regere. Quicquid ipse fecerit id factum -est, omnem enim se potestatem habere. Omnia officia, omnia regna -hebere. Quod ego inquit do hac est datum et manet datum. Quod ego -nondo, id non est datum,” _etc._ Gévay, iii. - -[136] Von Zara reports concerning a visit that Suleiman and Ibrahim -made to Gritti: “Tuo insius adventu postea plurima mala Thurci -dicebant, appelantur Caesarem insensatum stultum maleficiatum ab -Ibrahim et Gryti.” Gévay, _op. cit._, iii, p. 26. - -[137] Presents to men in power were usual. In connection with the -payment to Mehmet Sokolli, a later vizir, of ten thousand sequins and -the promise of thirty thousand more if he succeeded in making peace -for Venice, Moritz Brosch writes: “Solche Geschenke waren eine uralte -orientalische Sitte, und denzeit auch an den Hoefen des Abendlandes -etwas Gewoehnliches ja Unausweichliches. Waehrend des 16 Jahrhunderts -bildeten sie eine stehende Rubrik in Soll und Haben der Diplomatie; in -London war bei Wolsey, in Spanien der Reihe nach bei Chièvres, Covas, -dem jungeren Granvella und Lerma, in Frankreich bei den Hoeflingen und -Staatsmaennern Ludwig XII und Franzens und der zwei Heinriche, nichts -ohne Geld zu richten. Foermlich beneidet wurde die Pforte weil sie es -nicht noetig hatte fur die Korruption Christlicher Regierung Summen -auszusetzen.” Brosch, _Aus dem Leben Dreier Grossvisere_ (Gotha, 1899), -p. 48. - -[138] _Bericht de Schepper 1533._ Gévay, _op. cit._, i, p. 27. - -[139] A Hungarian ducat was worth about $2.34, with doubtless much -greater purchasing power in the sixteenth century. - -[140] Die forigen potschaften hattenime von E. M. auch hunderttausend -Gulden verheissen er solle helfen das sein Keiser E. M. die Flecken -gab: ich hab innen gesagt aber gesagt und sage e eus solches auch das -wir nit gedenkhen sollen dass er von Gelz wegen seines herrn Nachtheil -raten wolle Er sey in obgemelten seines Herrn Schatz zu greifen -gewellig wann er will er welt lieber seinem Keyser helfen alle Welt -unterzusprinen, nit das er land und leut welchgeben soll. Er sey auch -pey innen nit der Gebrauch das man Gelt und Miet neme und dem hern -sein Nachtheil rate, oder seinem Schaden verhelfe, wie wir begert -darum schweigt diesen Reden stil.” Gévay, i, _Bericht Lamberg und -Juritschitz_. - -[141] Zeller, _op. cit._, _Introd._, p. 23. - -[142] Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe, _The Eastern Question_ (London, -1881), p. 99. - -[143] Zeller, _op. cit._, _Introd._, p. 23. - -[144] Von Hammer quotes from Suleiman’s Journal a remark of Suleiman’s -to Ibrahim on the occasion of the appearance of the grand vizir before -the sultan, _op. cit._, vol. v, p. 41. - -[145] _Op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 418 _et seq._ - -[146] Imams are Moslem priests, combining with their religious -functions those of notary publics. - -[147] David Urquhart, _The Military Strength of Turkey_, London, 1869, -p. 76. - -[148] _Op. cit._, p. 87. - -[149] _Op. cit._, p. 93. - -[150] Urquhart, _op. cit._, p. 88. - -[151] William Watreman, _The Fardle of Facions, containing the Anciente -Manners Customs and Laws of the Peoples Enhabiting the two Partes of -the Earth called Africa and Asia_. London, 1555. Hakluyt’s Voyages, -vol. v, p. 126. - -[152] _Stato Militaire dell’ Imperio Ottomano_, Marsigli, 1732. - -[153] Petchevi and Kemalpashazadeh are the contemporary Turkish -narrators of the campaign. Petchevi takes his account from his -grandfather, who was an eye witness of Mohacz. Kemalpashazadeh was -sheik‐ul‐Islam under Suleiman and writes an account that is at once -that of poet and courtier, but should be fairly accurate as to the -movements of the army. The _Monumenta Hungariae Historica_ (Pest, -1857), vol. i, gives some Hungarian comment on the events. Solakzadeh -and Abdurrahman Sheref give second‐hand reports, while Leopold von -Kupelwieser has excellent volumes on the subject entitled “_Die Kämpfe -Oesterreichs mit den Osmanen_.” (Wien and Leipzig, 1899). - -[154] Kemalpashazadeh, _Histoire de la Campagne de Mohacz_. Trans. by -Pavet de Courteille, Paris, 1869. - -[155] Kupelwieser, _op. cit._, p. 227. - -[156] Letter from Ferdinand of Austria to his sister. “Comme les -turcz ayans donne plusieurs assaulx au chasteau de Peterwardein quils -tienquient assiege y ont perdus beaucop de leuers gens comme de X ou -XII in hommes.” _Monumenta Hungariae Historica_, vol. i, p. 37. - -[157] Kemalpashazadeh, _op. cit._, p. 95. - -[158] Kemalpashazadeh, _op. cit._, p. 104. - -[159] Ferdinand of Austria naturally did not feel so strongly. _Cf._ -letter to Margaret in 1526. _Mon. Hung. Hist._, vol. i, p. 41. - -[160] Even the Sheik‐ul‐Islam acknowledges this, gloating over the fall -of the enemies of God. Kemalpashazadeh, _op. cit._, p. 107. - -[161] “The spoils are Gods of the Apostles: fear God and settle it -among yourselves.” _Koran_, Surah VIII. - -[162] “Ego inquit vici Hungaros. Magnus Caesar non interfuit prelio sad -tantum audito clamore, conscendit equum et volebat succurere. Sed ego -confestim misi nuncium, victoriam iam partam este.” Gévay, _op. cit._, -vol. ii, p. 22. - -[163] Asaf was Solomon’s traditional vizir. Ardeshir was a famous -Sassanian king. - -[164] Kemalpashazadeh, _op. cit._ - -[165] The letter is given at the end of the translation of -Kemalpashazadeh, p. 145 _et seq._ - -[166] Cf. Sadullah Saïd in Solymannameh, who speaks of Ibrahim Pasha as -conqueror of Roumelie, p. 81. - -[167] _Mejmoua Menshaat el Selatin_, ed. by Feridoun Bey, Stambul. - -[168] _Ser_ means head, and _asker_ army in Turkish. - -[169] Petchevi, _op. cit._, p. 128. - -[170] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 422. - -[171] _Cf._ Von Hammer, _Wiens erste aufgehobene türkische Belagerung_ -(Pesth, 1829): also Schimmer, and after him Ellesmere, _The Sieges of -Vienna by the Turks_, (London, 1879). - -[172] Schimmer, _op. cit._, p. 16. - -[173] “Le dict turc a perdu grand nombre de gens sans toutefois grande -perte de ceulx estans au dicte Vienne.” _Letter of Ferdinand to Charles -V_, Gévay, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 49. Kupelwieser gives the following -figures: 1700 Viennese killed and 100 inhabitants of the suburbs, 4000 -Turks killed, _op. cit._, chap. ii. - -[174] Gévay, ii, 28; also Ellesmere, _op. cit._, chap. 2. - -[175] For the original narrative of the Count von Zedlitz in the -Turkish camp, see Ellesmere’s book where it is quoted in full. - -[176] Kupelwieser, _op. cit._, p. 145. - -[177] A purse contained 500 piastres. - -[178] Juritschitz wrote a report of this siege to his master Ferdinand, -a French translation which is found in Charrière, vol. i, p. 215 _etc._ -Also in _Monumenta Hungariae Historica_, vol. i, p. 169, _cf._ also -Petchevi. - -[179] “Jay bien apercu quil prenoit de bonne parte que je fasoie -difficulte d’aller devers le Turc (Suleiman) et que je le tenoie en -telle estimacion.” Charrière, vol. i, p. 219. - -[180] An account of the splendid entrance into Aleppo is given by -Master Anthony Jenkinson in Hakluyt’s _Voyages_, vol. ii, pp. 225 _et -seq._ - -[181] Abdurrahman Sheref says that the difficulties of this march make -this campaign rank highest among Suleiman’s expeditions, p. 239. - -[182] Postel, _op. cit._, speaks of Ibrahim’s looting of Hungary, and -also says: “Arabistan, Serestan and Anatolia condemned him for the -great pillage and exactions which he made, so much that the people were -left (even the richest of them) with no carpet to sleep on, and the -trees were taxed impossibly,” p. 49. - -[183] Original narrative of the _Adventures of Count Christopher -von Zedlitz in the Turkish Camps_. From the collection of Baron von -Errenkel in the State Archives at Vienna. Tr. by Ellesmere, p. 47. - -[184] 21 Ramazan, 942, A. H. - -[185] Domenico Trevisano, Albèri, III, vol. i, p. 115. - -[186] Jorga, p. 349. - -[187] Solakzadeh, Osmanzadeh. - -[188] At the death of the grand vizir, his property was always -confiscated. D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 369. - -[189] Baudier, p. 172, Djelalzadek quoted by Solakzadeh, Abdurrahman -Sheref, _etc._ Also Trevisano, “Rossane gelos a forre della potenza del -gran‐vizir,” _etc._ - -[190] Mustafa Chelebi, quoted by Abdurrahman Sheref and Petchevi, P. -195. - -[191] Postel however, in his volume published in 1569, _De la -république des Turcs_, claims that Ibrahim did not favor Christians but -was a despot over them, accusing him of taking large amount of Venetian -and other Christian property. “It is true” he acknowledges “that to -deliver one or another Christian from prison or calumny, he saved him -when the Christian could pay well,” p. 61. - -[192] A common title applied to the sultan. - -[193] Von Hammer quotes the use of this title by Ibrahim, from -_Suleiman’s Journal_, vol. v, p. 231. _Cf._ also Petchevi, p. 65. - -[194] _Cf._ Osmanzadeh, Solakzadeh, and Abdurrahman Sheref. - -[195] This story is told by all the Turkish historians, generally with -sympathy for Iskender. _Cf._ Abdurrahman, Petchevi, Solakzadeh. - -[196] Cantimir, vol. ii, p. 313. Also Trevisano, _op. cit._ - -[197] The testimony of the Venetian bailli here seems to us to outweigh -the probably legendary tale told by Baudier, which however I will -give. “The Sultanas (Suleiman’s mother and his wife Roxelana) observe -the murmuring of the people against the favorite, and what the great -men speak of him, and tell Suleiman. Moreover as they were busy to -destroy his greatness, they discover that the pasha favored the house -of Austria, and had secret intelligence with the Emperor Charles V. -This treachery being told to Suleiman, he decided upon Ibrahim’s death, -but required a dispensation from his oath never to disgrace Ibrahim -while he lived. One of his learned men gave him a pleasant Expedit -to free himself of the pasha and yet keep his word. ‘You have sworn, -Sire, not to put him to death while you are living; cause him to be -strangled while you are asleep. Life consists in vigilant action, and -he that sleeps doth not truly live; so you may punish his disloyalty -and not violate your oath.’ Suleiman sends for Ibrahim, and after they -have supped he shows him his crimes by his own letters to Charles V and -Ferdinand, reproaches him for his ingratitude, and commands his mutes -to strangle him while he himself is asleep. He then goes to bed.” - -The story of the evasion of the oath through the ingenuity of a “wise -man” is plausible, being in entire keeping with Turkish custom, but -Baudier gives no sources, and I have found none of the facts above -stated, in any other record. - -[198] Solakzadeh, Petchevi. - -[199] Trevisano, III, i, p. 115. - -[200] _Histoire de l’Empire Ottomane_, vol. ii, p. 338. - -[201] One private note was as follows, and surely was not written -to a traitor: “Pro ea tamen confidentia et existimatione in qua vos -apud Dominum vestrum merito esse scimus, omittere non potuimus qum -vobis tamquam rerum omnium directori secreto et optimo atque etiam -scientissimo ea super literis vestris significaremus que pro nunc -requiruntur.” Gévay II, 23. - -[202] Iskender’s testimony is reported by Cantimir and Trevisano. - -[203] Hadikatul Vuzera, p. 26. - -[204] Soleymannameh, p. 123.– - -[205] Solakzadeh. “Ibrahim caused the death of a dear old man -(Iskender) who was innocent and unjustly treated. So his own end -was according to the verse: ‘Verily all‐glorious Allah is master of -revenge’”. - -[206] Albèri, III, vol. i, p. 12. - - - - -ERRATA - - - Page 12, line 1: for “Leon” read “Léon.” - - ” ” note 1, line 1: for “Leon” read “Léon.” - - ” ” note 2: for “Vambêry” read “Vambéry.” - - ” 15, line 22: for “Busbeq” read “Busbequius.” - - ” ” line 24: for “Charrier’s” read “Charrière’s.” - - ” ” line 25: for “Négocêations” read “Négociations.” - - ” ” line 25: for “Actenstücken” read “Actenstücke.” - - ” ” three lines from bottom: for “Abdurrahman” read - “Abdurrahman.” - - ” 16, note 1, line 2: for “Morgenländichen” read - “Morgenländischen.” - - ” 18, note 2, line 2: for “Actenstücken” read “Actenstücke.” - - ” 19, note 4, line 1: for “Moldavi” read “Moldavie.” - - ” 23, note 1: for “Abdurrahman” read “Abdurrahman.” - - ” 25, line 4: for “the sister of Suleiman” read “a sultana.” - - ” ” line 14: for “sister” read “relative.” - - ” 29, note 2, line 1: for “Muselmanes” read “Musulmanes.” - - ” 31, note 1, line 3: for “Muslimisches” read “muslimischen.” - - ” 34, note 1: for “dell” read “dell’.” - - ” 38, note 1, line 6: for “Abdurrahman” read “Abdurrahman.” - - ” 39, line 18: omit comma at end of line. - - ” 54, note 1, line 2: for “la jouet” read “le jouet.” - - ” ” note 1, line 4: for “cette” read “cet.” - - ” 55, line 19: for “was” read “had been.” - - ” ” line 20: omit the words “after the Peace of Cambrai.” - - ” 57, line 8: for “steadily‐encroaching” read without hyphen. - - ” ” line 21: for “Europe,” read “Europe;” - - ” ” line 22: for “the West” read “Europe.” - - ” ” line 20: for “Bayezid” read “Bayazid.” - - ” 58, line 2: after “fifteenth century” omit the rest of the sentence - up to “the Turks.” - - ” ” line 9: omit the words “heresy and.” - - ” ” line 14: for “King Louis” read “King Lewis.” - - ” ” line 2 from bottom: for “Reformation” read “Protestant - Revolt.” - - ” ” note 2, line 1: for “gives notice of” read “records.” - - ” 59, note 2, line 1: for “Memoire” read “Mémoire.” - - ” 60, note 1, line 4: for “(Buntniss)” read “(Bündniss).” - - ” 62, line 23: for “Hieronymous” read “Hieronymus.” - - ” ” line 5 from bottom: for “Siebenbergen” read “Transylvania.” - - ” ” note 3, line 1: for “Hoberdanacz” read “Hobordanacz.” - - ” 64, note 1: for “Ottoman” read “Ottomane.” - - ” ” note 4: for “Charrières” read “Charrière.” - - ” 68, line 2: for “Krain” read “Carniola.” - - ” ” line 15: for “Barbarosa” read “Barbarosa.” - - ” ” line 24: for ” ” ” - - ” 69, line 2: for “Barbarosa” read “Barbarosa.” - - ” ” line 4: for ” ” ” - - ” ” line 8: for “forms” read “formed.” - - ” ” note 1: for “Ambassadors” read “Ambassadeurs.” - - ” ” note 1: for “Memoire” read “Mémoire.” - - ” ” note 2: for “Charrières” read “Charrière.” - - ” 72, line 6: for “Urkunde” read “Urkunden.” - - ” 85, note 1, line 2: for “zechinen” read “sequins.” - - ” ” note 1, line 9: after “Covas” insert a comma. - - ” ” note 1, line 10: for “Hoefflingen” read “Hoeflingen,” - and for “Ludwig” read “Ludwigs.” - - ” ” note 1, line 13: for “auszuselzen” read “auszusetzen.” - - ” ” note 1, line 14: for “Grossvizere” read “Grossviziere.” - - ” ” note 1, last line from bottom: for “den” read “dem.” - - ” 88, line 9: for “Francois” read “François.” - - ” ” line 10: for “preventions” read “préventions,” and for - “contemporaries” read “contemporains.” - - ” ” line 11: for “veritable” read “véritable.” - - ” 94, note 2, line 9: for “Kupelwieser” read “von Kupelwieser.” - - ” ” note 2, line 10: for “Oesterreichen” read “Oesterreichs.” - - ” 98, line 6: for “shiek” read “sheik.” - - ” 104, lines 4 and 10: for “Jurischitz” read “Juritschitz.” - - ” ” note 1, line 1: for “Jurischitz” read “Juritschitz.” - - ” 105, line 3: for “Barbarosa” read “Barbarosa.” - - ” 109, note 6, line 1: omit “Grimeston,” and before “quoted” insert - “Djelalzadek.” - - ” 110, line 5: for “over‐lenient” read same words without hyphen. - - ” 111, note 1: for “Abdurrahman” read “Abdurrahman.” - - ” ” note 2: for “Republique” read “république.” - - ” 112, note 3, line 2: for “Abdurrahman” read “Abdurrahman.” - - ” 116, line 16: for “Abdurrahman” read “Abdurrahman.” - - ” 118, fifth line from bottom: for “Sokolly” read “Sokolli.” - - ” 120, line 3: for “Ambasciatore” read “Ambasciatori.” - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Aristarchi”: for “Legislation” read - “Législation.” - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Gévay”: for “Actenstücken” read - “Actenstücke.” - - ” ” line 8: for “reglements” read “règlements.” - - ” ” line 14: for “Correspondence” read “Correspondance,” - and for “Memoires” read “Mémoires.” - - ” ” line 16: for “Ambasadeurs” read “Ambassadeurs.” - - ” ” line 28: for “Venétiens” read “Vénétiens.” - - ” 121, _sub verbo_ “Busbecq” read “Busbequius.” - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Hakluyt”: omit the whole line. - - ” ” line 17: for “Sclaven” read “Sklaven.” - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Vambery” read “Vambéry.” - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Abdurrahman” read “Abdurrahman.” - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Abdurrahman”: insert a new title as follows: - Armstrong, Edward, _The Emperor Charles V_. London, - 1892. - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Cahun”: for “Leon” read “Léon.” - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Cantimir”: insert a new title as follows: Coxe, - William, _History of the House of Austria_. London, 1899. - - ” 122, line 17, and line 31: for “Leipsig” read “Leipzig.” - - ” 123, _sub verbo_ “Hakluyt’s Voyages”: insert “Edition of 1812.” - - ” ” line 21: for “Memoires” read “Mémoires.” - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber’s note: - -Errors in ERRATA pages have been corrected and the pages moved to the -end of the book. - -At least two instances of unpaired double quotation marks could not -be corrected with confidence and were transcribed without change. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IBRAHIM PASHA*** - - -******* This file should be named 51299-0.txt or 51299-0.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/1/2/9/51299 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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