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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..070cf6a --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #51299 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/51299) diff --git a/old/51299-0.txt b/old/51299-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 79231bd..0000000 --- a/old/51299-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4764 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Ibrahim Pasha, by Hester Donaldson Jenkins - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Ibrahim Pasha - Grand Vizir of Suleiman the Magnificent - - -Author: Hester Donaldson Jenkins - - - -Release Date: February 25, 2016 [eBook #51299] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IBRAHIM PASHA*** - - -E-text prepared by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by -Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/ibrahimpashagran00jenkuoft - - - - -2 -IBRAHIM PASHA - - -Studies in History, Economics and Public Law - -Edited by the Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University - -Volume XLVI] [Number 2 - -Whole Number 115 - - -IBRAHIM PASHA - -Grand Vizir of Suleiman the Magnificent - -by - -HESTER DONALDSON JENKINS, Ph.D., - -Former Professor of History in the American -College for Girls, Constantinople - - - - - - - -[Illustration] - -New York -Columbia University -Longmans, Green & Co., Agents, -London: P. S. King & Son -1911 - -Copyright, 1911 -BY -Hester Donaldson Jenkins - - - - -PREFACE - - -The teaching of history in Constantinople naturally leads to an -interest in the history of Turkey, and also to the recognition that -little has been written on that subject except on the side of political -relations with Europe. One who desires to present to western readers a -brief study of Turkish civilization might reasonably turn to the reign -of Suleiman the Magnificent, as being typical of the course of Turkish -history, and also as exhibiting Turkey at the height of her powers. For -the purpose of this dissertation, the study has been confined to the -career of Ibrahim Pasha, grand vizir between 1522 and 1536. - -The writer’s acknowledgments are due to Professors Sloane and Gottheil -for valuable criticism, and for their aid in the obtaining of rare -books, and to Professor and Mrs. Robinson for the careful reading of -proof. - - HESTER DONALDSON JENKINS. - -NOVEMBER 23, 1911. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - INTRODUCTION - - PAGE - - Origin of the Turks—their advance from Central Asia to Europe 11 - - Dominating qualities of the Turk 12 - - Early political ideals 12 - - Rise and fall of the Seljouk kingdom 14 - - Rise of the Ottoman power 14 - - National characteristics 15 - - - CHAPTER I - - IBRAHIM’S RISE - - Ibrahim’s origin, birth and childhood 18 - - He becomes the property of Prince Suleiman 18 - - His care for his parents and brothers 19 - - His rapid promotion 20 - - His protests against such speedy honors 20 - - The personal servants of the Sultan 21 - - Ibrahim’s education and early training 22 - - Ibrahim a eunuch—some account of the institution and duties of - black and white eunuchs 23 - - This was no bar to advancement or marriage 24 - - Slavery in Turkey different from that in the Occident 25 - - The advice of the Prophet and the laws of the Koran on the - treatment of slaves 26 - - Loyalty and obedience the two great virtues in the eyes of the - Turks 32 - - Ibrahim a slave, which was of advantage in opening a career for - him 33 - - Ibrahim’s love of magnificence 33 - - Ibrahim becomes Grand Vizir—his power and greatness 34 - - The history of the vizirate 35 - - The marriage of Ibrahim Pasha 37 - - Ibrahim’s relations to the Sultan 42 - - - CHAPTER II - - IBRAHIM THE ADMINISTRATOR - - Revolt of Ahmed Pasha 43 - - Ibrahim goes to Egypt 44 - - Revolt is quieted and order restored 45 - - Appointed head of the army 47 - - The Cabyz affair 49 - - Ibrahim zealous in cause of commerce 50 - - Receives envoys in great state 51 - - Characterization of Ibrahim as an administrator 52 - - - CHAPTER III - - IBRAHIM THE DIPLOMAT - - Turkish foreign relations 54 - - Ragusa—Venice—Russia 55 - - The Holy Roman Empire 56 - - France—the Popes 57 - - Embassies to the Porte 59 - - The Hungarian campaign—siege of Vienna 61 - - Contest of Ferdinand and Zapolya 61 - - Commercial treaty with France 64 - - Second Hungarian campaign 65 - - Treaty with Ferdinand 67 - - War with Persia—conquest of the Mediterranean 68 - - The Protectorate of France in the Levant 69 - - Diplomatic relations between the Porte and Europe 70 - - Ibrahim’s preparation as diplomat 71 - - Ibrahim’s reception of ambassadors 72 - - Ibrahim’s importance and influence 82 - - Object and accomplishments of Turkish diplomacy 87 - - First entrance of Turkey into European diplomacy 87 - - Ibrahim’s influence over Suleiman 88 - - Characterization of Ibrahim as diplomat 89 - - - CHAPTER IV - - IBRAHIM THE GENERAL - - Campaign against Belgrad 90 - - Siege of Rhodes 90 - - Ceremonial of preparation for war 90 - - Organization of the Turkish army 91 - - Capture of Peterwardein 95 - - Battle of Mohacz 96 - - Capture of Buda and end of campaign 97 - - Campaign of Vienna 100 - - Suleiman’s first defeat 102 - - Siege of Güns—practical defeat 103 - - War with Persia 105 - - Advance to Bagdad and end of campaign 106 - - Characterization of Ibrahim as general 107 - - - CHAPTER V - - IBRAHIM’S FALL - - Death of Ibrahim 108 - - Charges against Ibrahim 110 - - Said to favor the Christians 110 - - Quarrel with Iskender Chelebi 112 - - Suleiman evades his oath 113 - - Uncertainty of life near the Ottoman throne 114 - - Was Ibrahim a traitor? 115 - - Ibrahim’s importance in Turkish history 118 - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -The life of Ibrahim Pasha, as full of strange events as the most -highly‐colored romance, paradoxical, and to western students of society -almost incomprehensible in its rapid changes, is very difficult to -place soberly before Occidental readers; yet its very strangeness -is typical of the Orient, and if we could understand this romantic -life we might find we held a key to much in Turkish life and thought. -But our only chance of understanding it is to banish from our minds -western conceptions and accept as facts what seem like wild imaginings. -Ibrahim Pasha was not of the Turkish race, a fact which accounts for -some of the paradoxes of his career, but his life was passed in a -Turkish environment, one of whose notable characteristics is that it -has always at once included and modified so many alien elements. In -any consideration of the Turkish people, the most important thing to -hold in mind is that the Turks are neither Aryan nor Semitic, being -unrelated to Persians, Arabs, Greeks, or Hebrews. When ethnologists -dare not speak definitely of race distinctions, the layman cannot -venture to place the Turk in the “Touranian” or other group, but he -can accept the fact that the Turks came into Europe from Central Asia -and are in some way related to the Tatars and Mongols in the East, and -probably to the Magyars and Finns in the West. The Turks of Central -Asia during the period from the eighth to the eleventh centuries seem -to have possessed qualities which characterize Turks of the period we -are studying, and even mark the Turk of the present day. - -Monsieur Léon Cahun, in his monograph on the Turks and the Mongols,[1] -has made a careful study of these early Turks, a portion of which I -will briefly summarize here. - -The dominating quality of the Turks of Central Asia was their love of -war. According to a Persian verse: “They came and pillaged and burned -and killed and charged and vanished.” The one virtue required of them -was obedience, the only crime was treason. Activity to them meant war: -one word expressed the idea contained in our two words _to run_ and _to -kill with the sword_. The ideal death was in war; as their proverb ran, -“Man is born in the house but dies in the field.” In their earliest -cults the worship of steel and the sword are prominent. - -Their second marked characteristic was their hierarchical spirit, and -their strong feeling for discipline. Insubordination and conspiracy -they always punished by death. Their ideal government is illustrated by -the inscription on a funeral stone recently found in Mongolia. It was -erected in 733 A. D. by a Turkish prince to his brother Kul Khan, the -substance being as follows: “I and my brother Kul Khan Tikine together -have agreed that the name and renown acquired by the Turkish people -through our father and uncle shall not be blotted out. For the sake of -the Turkish people I have not slept by night nor rested by day.... I -have given garments to the naked, I have enriched the poor, I have made -the few numerous, I have honored the virtuous.... By the aid of Heaven, -as I have gained much, the Turkish people also have gained much.” - -Another bit of evidence as to their early political ideals is taken -from _The Art of Government_, a didactic poem describing Turkish -society in the eleventh century.[2] It says “Speak to the people with -kindness, but do not let them become familiar. Give them to eat and -drink;” and it urges the ruler to strive for the blessing of the poor -by such actions. - -_The Art of Government_ brings out a third side of the medieval Turk, -his love of learning. The civil mandarins are placed in rank above -the beys.[3] “Honor always keeps company with knowledge.” “Mark well, -there are two kinds of noble persons; the one is the bey, the other the -scholar, in this world below ... the former with his glove or his fist -commands the people, the latter with his knowledge shows the path.” - -Despite the development of the Turkish people from barbarous tribes -into a civilized state, the Ottoman Empire of the sixteenth century -was built on the lines indicated, and Sultan Suleiman showed similar -qualities and ideals to those possessed by Kul Khan and his brother. - -Towards the end of the tenth century, a branch of the Turks, henceforth -known as the Turcomans, accepted Islam at the hands of the conquering -Arabs, and in course of time all of the Turkish peoples became Moslem. -Naturally through their religion the Arabs came to exert a strong -influence on the rude Turks, so strong that Turkish thought has -never since been wholly free from Arabic dominance. The Turks are an -exceedingly loyal people, accepting the religion imposed upon them with -whole‐heartedness. They are not by nature fanatical; on the contrary -they are temperamentally tolerant, fanaticism where it has existed -being an outgrowth of political conditions, or a foreign trait taken -over with Islam.[4] Rather oddly, and perhaps unfortunately, when -the Turks became literate they fell under Persian rather than Arabic -influence, and for centuries, indeed up to our own century, Turkish -literature has been little more than an imitation of the Persian, very -formal and rhetorical. Thus the two great forces engaged in moulding -the Turkish mind were Arabic theology and Persian poetry, the large -Arabic and Persian element in the Turkish language being a good -illustration of this. - -In the twelfth century the Asiatic hordes pressing into Asia Minor came -into contact with the Greeks. But there was no intellectual reaction -between Greek and Turk. - -The Seljouk kingdom rose and fell in Asia Minor; then the chieftain -Othman[5] stepped on its ruins and climbed to power. He and his -descendants gradually conquered the Greeks until Byzantium was theirs. -Ottoman conquests still continued, until a century, after the fall of -Constantinople Suleiman pushed his armies to the gates of Vienna and -marked the farthest point of the Turkish invasion of Europe. During -Suleiman’s reign Turkey not only dominated the Balkan Peninsula from -the Adriatic to the Black Sea and north to the Danube, but it also -greatly influenced the rest of Europe. There was not a court in Europe -that was not forced to reckon with Sultan Suleiman. So the career of -Ibrahim, his distinguished grand vizir, is not a mere romance; it is a -career which intimately affected the hopes and fears of Ferdinand of -Austria, Charles V of Spain, Francis I of France, and even Henry VIII -of England, as well as the Pope and the Venetian Signory. - -At the height of their power the Turks were nevertheless still a simple -people. While western society has moved from complexity to greater -complexity, their society has preserved an unembarrassed simplicity. -They are loyal to state, religion, race, family, habit. Their religion -is rigidly monotheistic; their government (up to July 24, 1908) has -been the simplest possible monarchy, a personal despotism; they are -probably the most unaffectedly democratic people in the world; a man -is what his merit or his fortune has made him, with no regard to his -ancestry; they are unitarian in religion, government and society. In -morals the same simplicity prevails, with no torturing doubts and -few sophistries. Much that seems like a fairy tale to us is simple -unquestioning reality to them. - -In this simplicity, this single‐mindedness, they are totally different -from the Arabs of the Khalifate, with whom they have been so much -associated in Western minds, but with whom they have no relationship -beyond that of a common religion. The Turks, I repeat, are a much -simpler as well as a more warlike people than any other Oriental nation. - -The sources for the life of Ibrahim are classified naturally in three -groups: (1st) The Turkish histories and biographies, first and second -hand; (2nd) the accounts of European travelers and residents in -Constantinople, such as Mouradjia D’Ohsson, Busbequius, and the Venetian -baillies; and (3rd) the diplomatic correspondence and documents of -the time as found in such collections as Charrière’s _Négociations_, -Gévay’s _Urkunden und Actenstücke_, and Noradunghian’s and de Testa’s -_Recueils_. A student would also wish to consult the histories written -by foreigners, such as von Hammer, Zinkheisen and Jorga, whose sources -are found in the three classes of evidence cited above. - -It is impossible to confine ourselves to the Turkish sources, -because of the notable omission of accounts of institutions, and -the total absence of description. Abdurrahman Sheref, the present -historiographer of Turkey, is the first Turkish writer of whom I -know, who devotes some chapters to general subjects such as “The -Provinces”, “Literature”, etc., in imitation of European histories. The -historians of Suleiman’s time were rather chroniclers, the Comines and -Froissarts of their day though with much less of petty and personal -detail. Therefore we must turn to Occidental observers for accounts -of the Turkish manner of life, their warfare and their government, -except where we can learn from Turkish law or poetry. But practically -all that the Ottomans have told us of themselves and of their rulers, -we may trust in a way we cannot trust Western evidence. Every one who -knows the East is aware how a report will pass through the bazaars -and into the interior of the country, or up the Nile for hundreds of -miles, with marvelous rapidity and more marvelous accuracy. Just as -the story‐teller repeats a tale as his remote ancestor first told it, -so do men hand down a tradition unembellished and unchanged. Turkish -tradition is an expression of the sincerity and simplemindedness of -the Turkish character. The Turks are neither sceptics, nor desirous of -deceiving, therefore they transmit an account as they have received it. - -There are of course exceptions to this: Suleiman’s _Letters of Victory_ -are overdrawn at times, and a legendary history of him has been -found,[6] written a century after his reign, in which the events of -his life are hard to discover amidst a mass of legend. But this last -case seems to have been a direct attempt to write an epic piece, and -is quite different from the clear, straight narrative of the ordinary -chronicler. The court chronicler’s embellishments consist mainly in -flowery phrases, such as “Sultan Suleiman Khan, whose glory reaches the -heavens, and who is the Sun of Valor and Heroism, and the Shadow of -God on Earth, may Allah keep his soul.” In other words, the style is -embellished but not the facts, the latter being related as uncritically -and directly as a child relates an event. - -Sometimes the perspective seems to us very odd, since the emphasis -seems to be placed on the unimportant part of the narrative, but in -such cases we must seek in the Turkish mind for an explanation of why -that phase, unimportant to us, is to the Turkish writer and reader, of -importance. As an illustration of this, take the Turkish accounts of -Ibrahim’s Egyptian expedition. The _Sulimannameh_ and later histories -all give more space to the hardships of Ibrahim’s voyage to Egypt, and -to the honor paid him by the Sultan than to the organization of Egypt, -which occupied seven months. This seems, and doubtless is naïve, but we -can see from it what a great effort a sea expedition was to this inland -people, and also how above everything else in importance loomed the -favor of the monarch, by whom all subjects rose to power or fell into -disgrace. It further shows the stress laid on the lives of courtiers -and officials rather than on the ordering of a province, in which, of -course, it resembles all early histories. - -For details in regard to the sources used for this study, the reader is -referred to the Bibliography. - - - - -CHAPTER I - -IBRAHIM’S RISE - - -Ibrahim was a Christian of base extraction, the son of a Greek sailor -of Parga.[7] He was born in 1494.[8] In his childhood he was captured -by Turkish corsairs.[9] It would seem that he was first sold to a -widow of Magnesia, who clothed him well and had him well educated, and -especially trained to perform upon a musical instrument resembling the -violin, which he learned to play beautifully.[10] - -Whether it was on one of his expeditions to Asia Minor that Suleiman, -son of the reigning monarch Selim I, met Ibrahim and was won by -his charm and his musical ability, or whether Ibrahim was taken to -Constantinople and there sold to the prince, cannot be determined from -conflicting reports, but the fact that Ibrahim became Suleiman’s -property is incontestable.[11] - -Ibrahim never forgot his origin or his family. In 1527 his father -came to Constantinople to visit him, and later he had his mother and -his two brothers at the Palace.[12] He was able to help his father -substantially, giving him a _sandjak_ or governorship.[13] Of course -Ibrahim adopted Islam, else there were no story to tell, for a -Christian could have had no career in Turkey in that day. - -Baudier says that the boy Ibrahim was carried to Constantinople by -“them which exact the tribute of Christian Children.” This tribute -of Christian children had been levied since the reign of Orkhan -(1326–1361) and was the material of which the redoubtable army of -janissaries was formed. These children, separated from their own -countries and their families, and practically always converted to -Islam, were for the most part trained in military camps and forbidden -to marry. Therefore they had no interest except in war, and no loyalty -except to the sultan. Thus they developed into the finest military -machine the world had known, the most perfect instrument for a -conqueror’s use, but a dangerous force in time of peace. - -Sometimes the tribute children were bred for civil careers and not -placed in the corps of the janissaries. Prince Cantimir of Moldavia[14] -states that Ibrahim was a simple janissary of the 9th company. I have -been unable to find a source for this statement, but Ibrahim’s later -career as general of the Imperial forces would seem to imply a military -training. Von Hammer,[15] however, ascribes Cantimir’s statement to an -error, and gives Ibrahim a civil training. - -Ibrahim’s first office was page to the heir apparent Suleiman. When -the latter came to the throne in 1520, he made Ibrahim Head Falconer, -and then raised him in rapid succession to the respective posts of -Khass‐oda‐Bashi, or Master of the Household, of Beylerbey of Roumelie, -Vizir, Grand Vizir, and finally Serasker, or general‐in‐chief of the -Imperial forces—a dazzlingly rapid promotion. Baudier tells a story in -this connection which might easily be true, being quite in character, -although it can not be verified. The story runs thus: “Ibrahim’s rapid -rise began to alarm him. The inconstancy of fortune, as exampled by -the fate of many of the great men of the Ottoman court, created in him -an apprehension of the great peril which attached to those favorites -who enjoyed the high dignities of the court, and served as a bridle -to restrain his desires. He besought Suleiman not to advance him so -high that his fall would be his ruin. He showed him that a modest -prosperity was safer than the greatness wherewith he would honor him; -that his services would be rewarded sufficiently if he received enough -to enable him to pass his days in rest and comfort. Suleiman commended -his modesty, but meaning to advance him to the chief dignities of the -empire, he swore that Ibrahim should not be put to death as long as -he reigned, no matter what other changes might be made in the court.” -“But” moralizes Baudier, “the condition of kings, which is human and -subject to change, and that of favorites, who are proud and unthankful, -shall cause Suleiman to fail of his promise and Ibrahim to lose his -faith and loyalty as we shall see”.[16] - -A knowledge of the duties of these offices held by Ibrahim is essential -to an understanding of the Turkish court at which his life was -spent.[17] The personal servants of the sultan were divided into six -classes or “chambers”; the Body guard, the Guard of the treasury, the -Guard of the office, the Guard of the campaign, the Black eunuchs and -the White eunuchs. The Body guard, or personal attendants, included the -Master of the stirrup, the Master of the keys, the Chief water‐pourer, -the Chief coffee‐server, etcetera, to the number of thirty‐nine. The -first of these chambers was well furnished with attendants, mutes, -dwarfs, musicians, and pages; some of these pages were attached to the -personal service of high officials, whose pipes, coffee, or perfumes -they tended; they might also be attached to the service of the sultan. -Ibrahim seems to have been a page in the service of the _shahzadeh_ or -heir, Suleiman. - -The heir to the throne after his thirteenth or fourteenth year had his -own palace separate from his father’s harem, in which he had thus far -been brought up. As soon as he showed sufficient promise he was sent -to some province, that he might have experience in governing. Thus -Suleiman, during the reign of his father Selim, was made governor of -Magnesia in Asia Minor, north of Smyrna, where he probably met Ibrahim, -a youth of his own age. The court of the _shahzadeh_ had the same -officials, with the same titles, as the Imperial court. - -It was then in Suleiman’s court in Magnesia that Ibrahim held his -position as page. The pages in the sultan’s palace at Constantinople -attended schools especially designed to train them, and Ibrahim, -when he became grand vizir, founded one of the best of these schools -in Stamboul. Probably there were no such schools in the provinces, -but either in the palace, or earlier in the household of the widow of -Magnesia, Ibrahim obtained an excellent education. - -He could read Persian as well as Turkish, also Greek (his native -tongue) and Italian. He was a wide reader, delighting in geography and -history, especially the lives of Alexander the Great and Hannibal. Of -his musical training we have already spoken.[18] When their schooling -was completed, the pages were taken into the Serai,[19] passing through -two lower chambers before completing their education in the first -chamber. The pages usually lodged near the sultan’s apartments in -handsome dormitories having their own mosque and baths. But Ibrahim, -as the favorite of Suleiman, used to sleep in the apartments of his -lord and master, and generally took his meals with him.[20] Bragadino -says that when they were not together in the morning they wrote notes -to each other, which they sent by mutes. Pietro Zen records seeing -them together often in a little boat with but one oarsman, and says -they would land at Seraglio Point and wander through the gardens -together.[21] Zen declares that the Grand Signor loved Ibrahim greatly, -and that the two were inseparable from childhood up, continuing so -after Suleiman became sultan. This intimacy, so often noted by the -Venetian Baillies, is never commented on by the Turkish writers. -It scandalized the Ottomans, and seemed to them utterly unsuitable -that the Lord of the Age should show such favor to his slave. The -partiality of Suleiman for Ibrahim is important, for it is the -explanation of Ibrahim’s phenomenal rise. - -From a page, Ibrahim became Head Falconer, a post which requires no -explanation. The last two chambers of the sultan’s personal attendants -were the black and white eunuchs. The black eunuchs, several hundred in -number, guarded the imperial harem, and were thence called aghas of the -harem. Their chief was called _Kizlar agha_, or _agha_ of the maidens, -and his office included some further duties beside those connected -with the “maidens.” There were also in the palace a number of white -eunuchs, whose chief was called _Capon agha_, or captain of the gate. -Next to him the chief officer was the Khass‐oda‐bashi. The Turkish -historians[22] call Ibrahim, at the time of his being called to the -vizirate, “khass‐oda‐bashi.” Cantimir calls him “Captain of the Inner -Palace” which is a very good translation of the Turkish term. This -official, as we have seen, was second in rank among the white eunuchs. -To him was confided one of the three imperial seals set in rings, -used for the precious objects which were kept in the apartment of the -sultan.[23] - -He also garbed in _caftans_[24] in the Imperial presence those whom -the sultan would thus honor. Another curious duty was the following: -whenever the sultan had his head shaved, and the personal attendants -stood in order before him; their hands crossed respectfully over -their girdles, the khass‐oda‐bashi placed himself several steps from -the sofa, on which the sultan sat, his right hand resting on a baton -chased with gold and silver. The white eunuchs lodged behind the third -gate of the palace, the Bab‐el‐saadet, or Gate of Felicity. D’Ohsson -states:[25] “The seraglio is their prison and their tomb; they are -never permitted to absent themselves. The white eunuchs have no other -prospect than the post of Commandant of the school of pages at Galata.” - -It would seem that Ibrahim must have been a eunuch. Daniele Barbarigo -states it flatly[26] and the office of khass‐oda‐bashi, according to -D’Ohsson, was held only by eunuchs. Furthermore Solakzadeh speaks of -Ibrahim’s being called from the Imperial harem to the grand vizirate, -and all the officials of the harem were necessarily eunuchs. But to -Ibrahim the seraglio was neither a prison nor a tomb. He went freely -about the city, and his rise was not at all impeded by what generally -proved a fatal limitation. Other eunuchs have also overcome their -limitations, for D’Ohsson mentions four eunuchs, kizlar aghas, who -became grand vizirs. Another very distinguished eunuch, Ghazanber -Agha, a Hungarian prisoner‐of‐war, in childhood was educated as a page -in the serai, became a Mahommedan and, because Selim II, the son and -successor of Suleiman the Magnificent, wanted him about his person, he -voluntarily submitted to castration, in order to enter the corps of -white eunuchs. His office was capou agha (captain of the gate) which he -held for thirty years, and raised to a very great importance. - -That Ibrahim married need not astonish us, for marriages arranged with -eunuchs by fathers of many daughters were not uncommon. Sometimes a -sultana was married to a eunuch for his fortune, in which case he -generally died soon after his marriage; sometimes no other suitable -husband being found for her, she was given to a eunuch of high rank. -In stories we occasionally read of a father who marries his daughter -to a eunuch as a punishment. Ibrahim probably married a sultana, which -curiously enough would be a more natural marriage than with a woman of -lower rank, for it has never been deemed advisable that the daughters -of sultans should have male children, and if such were born, they were -condemned to immediate death by the omission to knot the umbilical -cord. This measure became a law in the reign of Ahmed I,[27] with the -idea of saving the country from the civil war of rival princes of -the blood, but was probably a custom long before it was legalized. -Therefore Suleiman may have thought that the marriage of his relative -to a man of Ibrahim’s position, fortune, and charm, was a happy fate -for a princess who might not hope to be a mother. - -We have seen that the fact that Ibrahim was a Greek, and a Christian -by birth, was no barrier to his rise, so long as he adopted Islam. -Many of the great officials of Turkey were of Christian extraction; as -for instance, the two men who succeeded Ibrahim Pasha as Grand Vizirs, -Rustem Pasha and Mehmet Sokolli, considered the greatest of Turkish -vizirs and both Croats by birth. Furthermore his humble family was no -obstacle, for in Turkey it has always been possible for a bootblack or -a grocer to rise to the highest position, if good fortune or marked -ability led him thither. - -Ibrahim suffered from still another disability, as we in the Occident -would consider it: he was a slave. How did that affect his advancement? -To understand the position of a slave in Turkey in the fifteenth -century we must recognize at the outset the fact that Turkish slavery -was quite different from that of the Occident, and so approach the -subject free from our natural prejudice. - -The only slavery sanctioned by Islam is that imposed on infidels as a -result of supposed inferiority of race and religion,[28] and has never -in fact included the _rayahs_ (Christian subjects) but only prisoners -of war. The _rayah_ might not be enslaved but neither might he hold -slaves, except in very rare instances before 1759, and not at all after -that date.[29] - -There were two kinds of legal slaves, those made by capture in war, and -those by birth. Slaves by purchase, taken from Africa and the Caucasus, -were not recognized by law, but nevertheless such slavery existed.[30] -Brigands also seized foreigners from time to time and sold them as -slaves. Prisoners of war lost their civil liberty according to Islamic -law. The Prophet repeatedly enjoins their destruction.[31] According -to the Turkish code, the sovereign might perpetuate their captivity, -or free them to pay tribute, or cause them to be slaughtered, if more -expedient. The exceptions to this law were the cases of any orthodox -Moslems who might fall into Turkish power, and the case of the Tatars -of the Crimea, who were Shiites, or heretic Moslems, and who were -enslaved.[32] - -Prisoners of war formed two classes of slaves, prisoners of the -state, and private slaves. To the first class belonged all soldiers -and officers, and a fifth of the rest of the slaves, or their value. -Of these some were exchanged or resold after the peace, others were -employed in the Serai or given away. Some were handed over to public -works, especially to the admiralty, where they were confounded with -criminals and condemned to hard labor. To the second class belonged -all the prisoners not given to the sultan, including those captured by -the soldiers. These were generally sold. Merchants would purchase them -in the camps, and sell them all over the Empire. These slaves taken -in war were far the greater number of slaves in the Empire; many were -enfranchised before they had children, and children of one free and one -slave parent were themselves born free. The adoption of Islam after -captivity did not free the slave. - -The power of the master was absolute over the person, children and -property of his slaves. He might sell, give, or bequeath them, but he -might not kill them without some reason. As a corollary of this power, -the master had full responsibility for his slave; he must support him, -pay his debts, stand behind him in any civil affair, and give consent -to his holding of property. A slave might not act as a witness nor as a -guardian. He was entirely dependent on his master. - -Thus far the theory is not unlike that of the West, but there were two -facts which changed the entire situation. The first was the brevity -of time of enslavement in most cases; the second was the absence of -odium attached to the position of a slave. In regard to the first fact, -it was not considered humane to keep persons long in slavery, and it -was a general rule to enfranchise them either before their marriage -or on their coming of age, or when they had served sufficiently long. -Enfranchisement is a voluntary and private act by which the patron -frees his slave from the bonds of servitude and puts him into the free -class.[33] It is also considered by the Turk to be a noble action, -one especially befitting a dying man, who often frees his slaves in -his testament. The enfranchisement of slaves was regarded by the -Moslem as the highest act of virtue.[34] A less disinterested form -of enfranchisement has a pecuniary inducement, the slave buying his -freedom from his master.[35] - -Thus the slave never thought of himself as by nature servile, nor -always to be a slave, but could look forward to his freedom in a few -years more or less. This fact induced self‐respect and hope. The -slave’s dress did not in any way distinguish him from the free man; he -was in no way branded. - -Sir Henry Bulwer said of white slavery in Turkey in 1850, “It greatly -resembles adoption, and the children often become the first dignitaries -of the Empire.”[36] This statement is confirmed by Fatma Alieh Hannum, -a living Turkish lady, who gives a most attractive picture of the home -care and affection given to slaves,[37] and my own observation of -slavery in Constantinople would bear her out. The condition described -by Bulwer would seem also to have obtained in the sixteenth century. -George Young in his _Corps de Droit Ottoman_[38] speaks of two systems -of slavery in Turkey, the Turkish system and the Circassian system, -which have been fused in our day, but of which only the former existed -in Ibrahim’s day, and in contrasting them he says: “The Turkish system -by its moderation scarcely went beyond the limits of apprenticeship, -and could be classed with the voluntary servitude that for a determined -time was permitted in some of the European colonies. While the -Circassian system fixed the slave forever in the servile class, the -Turkish system has always permitted and in some cases prescribed his -enfranchisement. Furthermore the social situation of a slave under the -Old Regime of the Empire favored his advancement even to the highest -office.... The Turkish system made a career of slavery.... Many slaves -by birth have played leading roles in the history of the Empire.” -The last statement admits of no argument, but the question how far -the Turkish system made a career of slavery, and how far slavery was -beneficent, demands further consideration. - -Let us return to the classes of slaves spoken of above. Some, we saw, -were put into public works; these could have found no career in their -forced labor, although they might have bought or otherwise earned -their freedom, and then have made a career for themselves. Some were -owned by private individuals where they were given no opportunity to -rise, although life in a private house, as in the case of the widow of -Magnesia, might prepare a slave for a career. But the only slaves who -would naturally have an opportunity for a career were those who served -in the royal palace or in the house of some important officer. To them -slavery truly opened a career. We cannot perhaps agree with Mr. Young -that the Turkish system “made a career of slavery”, but it certainly -was no barrier to a career, and it even opened up such opportunities -as could not come otherwise to a Christian youth, nor indeed to most -Moslem youths. - -The mild and even beneficent quality of Oriental slavery has been -maintained by many writers. Busbequius, writing from Constantinople in -Suleiman’s reign, commends Turkish slavery on economic grounds, and -then, moved by the contemplation of this fatherly system, bursts into a -defence of slavery in general.[39] - -Robert Roberts in his monograph says that the condition of slaves in -modern Moslem lands is “not so bad”, and that the slavery he himself -saw in Morocco “is only formally to be distinguished from Christian -service”.[40] The Baron de Tott speaks of seeing Moslem slaves in 1785 -“well fed, well clothed, and well treated,” and adds, “I am inclined -to doubt if those even who are homesick have in general much reason -to be satisfied with their ransom. It is possible in truth that the -slaves sold into the interior parts of the country, or to individuals -who purchase them on speculation, are not as happy as those who fall to -the lot of the sovereign or the grandee. We may presume, however, that -even the avarice of the master militates in their favor, for it must be -confessed that the Europeans are the only people who ill‐treat their -slaves, which arises no doubt from this cause,—that they constitute the -wealth of the Orientals, and that with us they are means of amassing -wealth. In the East they are the delight of the miser; with us they -are only the instrument of avarice.”[41] In interesting support of de -Tott’s idea that Oriental slaves might not care to be ransomed is the -fact that after the treaty of Carlowitz, when the Porte engaged to set -European prisoners at liberty for a ransom, and did attempt to do so, -there were a large number of captives who rejected their liberty and -their fatherland.[42] - -Perhaps the chief explanation of the lack of distinction between -freeman and slave lay in the fact that the Turks had very little -conception of freedom, and the man legally free was practically almost -as bound as the slave. As we have seen in the introduction to this -study, loyalty and obedience were the two great virtues in the eyes of -the Turks, so that in the idea of service there was no degradation. All -who served the Crown were called _Kol_, or slaves of the Sultan, even -the grand vizir receiving this title, which was much more honorable -than that of _subject_, the kol being able to insult the subject with -impunity, while the latter could not injure a royal slave in the -slightest degree without subjecting himself to punishment.[43] Turkey -was a land of slaves with but one master, the sultan, even the brothers -and sons of the monarch being kept in durance for the greater part of -their lives. In the case of women, no practical distinction that we -should recognize existed between slave and free. The mother of the -sultan was always a slave, one of the sultan’s titles being “Son of a -Slave”. Most of the pashas were born of slave mothers, as the Turks had -more children by their slaves than by their wives.[44] Such conditions -rendered obviously impossible the sharp line which is drawn in the -West between the freeman and the despised slave, and placed the slave -potentially with the highest of the land. Slavery was certainly the -Greek Ibrahim’s opportunity. Slavery brought him into the court, placed -him before the sultan, educated him, gave him ambition, and finally -gratified it. When Ibrahim was freed, no one thinks it worth while -to record; certainly before his marriage, perhaps much before. But -evidently the moment when Suleiman said to him: “Thou art enfranchised, -thou art free”[45] was a moment not worth recording, so natural and -inevitable was his enfranchisement the moment that slavery ceased to be -the ladder of his advancement. - -It is evident, then, that Ibrahim’s lowly birth, his Christian origin, -his experience as a slave, and his being a eunuch were none of them -barriers to a great career. What was there, on the other hand, to give -him such a career? His extraordinary ambition, his marked ability, and -above all his immense good‐fortune in falling into the hands of the -sultan and winning his affection, so that Suleiman was dominated by his -love for Ibrahim, and unable to resist any of his caprices;[46] these -were the prime factors in his extraordinary rise. - -While still master of the household (khass‐oda‐bashi) he was often -spoken of as “Ibrahim the Magnificent” by the Venetian baillies. -Barbarigo relates that the serai was never so splendid as in the days -when the magnificent Ibrahim was oda‐bashi of the Grand Seigneur, and -also when he was grand chamberlain. As the title of “the Magnificent” -is that which Europe has accorded to Sultan Suleiman, a love of pomp -and display must have been one of the interests that he and his -ennobled slave had in common. But such showy qualities are hardly -suitable to a mere master of the household. Ibrahim had to be raised to -the rank of pasha. - -A pasha was a sort of military governor, although the title might be -given as a mere title of nobility, and in any case was indefinite, -being determined by the particular office the pasha held. The pashas -were generally very proud and stately persons, with grave, leisurely -manners, and were always surrounded by a large number of pages and -other richly‐garbed domestics when they went abroad mounted on superb -steeds, banners and horse‐tails waving before them, and the people -paying homage. But their power was often very small, and their -income frequently quite inadequate to the state they were obliged to -maintain.[47] - -The famous horse‐tail banner which distinguished a high official -originated in the following way: the banner of one of the old Turkish -princes having been lost in battle and with it the courage of his -soldiers, he severed with one blow a horse’s tail from its body and -fastening it to his lance cried, “Behold my banner! who loves me will -follow me!” The Turks rallied and saved the day.[48] The banner was -called the _Tugh_. Each sandjak bey was entitled to one horse‐tail, -being, as Europeans say “a pasha of one tail”; a beylerbey (literally -prince of princes or colonel of colonels) was entitled to two or three -tails; the grand vizir sported five horse‐tails, and before the Sultan -seven of these banners were carried. - -In 1522 Ibrahim became Ibrahim Pasha, Grand Vizir, and Beylerbey of -Roumelie. Turkey has always been divided into Turkey in Europe, or -Roumelie or Roum,[49] and Turkey in Asia, or Anatolia. These two -divisions of the empire during Suleiman’s reign were each ruled by a -governor, or beylerbey, who had general charge of the sandjakbeys over -each sandjak[50] or province. The beylerbeys of Roumelie generally -resided at Monastir or Sofia, but here again Ibrahim seems to have been -an exception to the general rule and to have resided at Constantinople. - -The office of vizir was a venerable one, its institution being -ascribed by some to the Prophet, who appointed as first vizir Ali, his -son‐in‐law and successor, and by others to the first Abasside, who -bestowed the title on his first minister. The duties of vizir in the -sixteenth century have been defined as follows:[51] “The vizir commands -all the armies, is the only one except the Grand Seigneur who has the -power of life and death throughout the whole extent of the Empire over -criminals, and can nominate, degrade, and execute all ministers and -agents of the sovereign authority. He promulgates all the new laws, and -causes them to be put in effect. He is the supreme head of the justice -that he administers, although with the aid and according to the opinion -of the Ulema, the legal body. In short, he represents his master to the -full extent of his dignity and temporal power, not only in the Empire, -but also with the Foreign States. But to the same degree that this -power is splendid and extensive, it is dangerous and precarious.” - -Mourad I (1359–1389) was the first sultan of Turkey to name a vizir. -Mohammed the Conqueror thought the office concentrated too much power -in one person, and planned to abolish it, but instead left it vacant -for eight months.[52] Selim I, as strong a monarch as the Conqueror, -left vacant for nine months this office which almost rendered a sultan -unnecessary. But his son Suleiman soon after his accession put his -favorite Ibrahim into the highest office in a sultan’s gift, and kept -him there thirteen years. Probably with the idea of dividing the -immense power of this office, he increased the number of vizirs to -three and later to four. Of these one was known as the grand vizir -(Vizir Azam) and to him alone applies the description given above. -Ibrahim Pasha was at first the third vizir, the other two being Piri -Mustafa Pasha and Ahmed Pasha. There was always great jealousy among -the vizirs. Ahmed Pasha, anxious to rise to the first rank, accused -Piri Pasha of sedition and procured the latter’s downfall; but to his -inexpressible chagrin was himself passed over in favor of Ibrahim, who -was “told the good news of his appointment as grand vizir and brought -gladness and brilliance into the divan.”[53] Ahmed’s feeling was so -great and the consequent dissensions in the divan were so considerable, -that Suleiman sent Ahmed to Egypt as governor, leaving the field clear -for Ibrahim, who in his palace received at the hands of a noble of the -sultan’s service the imperial ring as a symbol of his new power. - -The grand vizir lived in a palace modeled after the Sultan’s, having -under him the same class of officials and servants even to ministers of -state, and his household was conducted with great ceremony. Ibrahim’s -salary was increased over that of the preceding grand vizir from 16,000 -to 25,000 piastres[54] but he obtained much more from the disposal of -public offices, and he also received enormous presents from those under -him, although this was balanced by the large gifts he had to make to -others. The property of a grand vizir was always confiscated at his -death, which was doubtless one reason why a sultan could afford to -lavish so much on a favorite minister, knowing that eventually it would -all return to the imperial coffers. Dress and style were very carefully -regulated in Turkey in the XVI century. The turban of the grand vizir, -his barge with twelve pairs of oars and a green awning, the five -horse‐tails that might be carried before him, all distinguished him -from lower officials. He had eight guards of honor, and twelve led -horses. When he appeared in public his hussars would cry aloud, “Peace -unto you and divine clemence”, while the other soldiers responded -in chorus, “May your fortunes be propitious; may Allah be your aid; -may the Almighty protect the days of our sovereign and the pasha, -our master; may they live long and happily.”[55] All of the public -officials except the sheik‐ul‐Islam received their offices from the -grand vizir, and were garbed in his presence with a caftan, or robe of -state. The grand vizir and the sheik‐ul‐Islam were the only officials -invested by the sultan himself and appointed for life. - -The divan was the imperial council, consisting of the vizirs, the -defterdar, or secretary of finance, the nishanji who made out royal -firmans and berats, and the sheik‐ul‐Islam or head of Islam. It was a -council for discussion and wholly without power. - -On the 22d day of May, 1524, the Sultan celebrated with great pomp the -marriage of Ibrahim Pasha. Who the bride was we cannot be certain, but -this is in accord with Turkish etiquette which strictly forbids all -mention of the harem,[56] and considers any public knowledge of woman -as an insult to her, thus depriving historians of desirable information -concerning such important political figures as Roxelana, who greatly -influenced Suleiman the Magnificent, Baffa the Venetian sultana, and -others. Von Hammer says that Ibrahim married a sister of Suleiman, but -I can find no proof of it.[57] A wedding in Turkey always includes -two distinct feasts, the one for the bride and her women friends, the -other for the groom and his men friends. Now‐a‐days the woman’s part -is ordinarily more important, but in Ibrahim’s time a wedding or a -circumcision was the occasion of a great public feast for the men. -Ibrahim Pasha, as we have seen, was always spoken of by the Venetians -as “Il Magnifico Ibrahim.” Perhaps since so much stress has been laid -by historians on the splendor of the court and the grand vizir, a -description of this great public marriage will not be out of order.[58] - -The feast or series of feasts was held in the Hippodrome, a great -piazza being erected near Agia Sophia from which the sultan might view -all the proceedings. Here was set up the Blessed Throne of Felicity, -adorned with precious gold embroidery and rich velvets, while in the -Hippodrome below, artistic, vari‐colored tents were set up, and carpets -of gold thread were spread over the ground. Terraces and canopies and -pavilions for the nobles were raised above the ground, but below the -sultan’s terrace. Hangings of velvet and satin covered the grey walls -of the buildings surrounding the Hippodrome.[59] The second vizir, Ayas -Pasha, and the agha of the janissaries went to the palace to invite -the sultan to honor the feast by his presence. Suleiman received them -graciously, delivered a pompous eulogy upon Ibrahim, and made them rich -presents. - -To the first banquet “all the world” was invited;[60] the seven that -followed were given to various branches of the army, there being very -splendid feasts to the janissaries, vizirs, beylerbeys and sandjakbeys. -To the first feast came Ayas Pasha and the agha of the janissaries, -escorted by a troop of slaves. When they reached Bab‐el‐Saadet, that -gate of the city leading from the Seraglio grounds to the space before -the Agia Sophia, they met the glorious sultan “whose throne is in the -heavens.” His escort bore scarlet banners and carried robes of honor -with which they garbed those who had come to meet them, and they led -also richly caparisoned steeds to present to Ayas Pasha and his two -followers, for which, says Solakzadeh, “there was limitless thanks.” - -On the ninth day, the eve of that on which the bride would be brought -from the palace, Ayas Pasha and the other vizirs, and the defterdar, -and the agha of the janissaries sought the bridegroom and led him -through the streets of Stamboul in gorgeous procession. From the -Bab‐i‐Humayoun (The Sublime Porte) to the Hippodrome the streets “were -full of pleasure from end to end,” all hung with silks of Broussa and -velvets of Damascus, through which passed the ranks of the janissaries -and the vizir who thus honored Ibrahim Pasha. - -Ibrahim was a lean, dark man, slight in stature and bearing himself -gracefully in his cloth‐of‐gold robes.[61] He was escorted by brilliant -officers on prancing steeds. There is no finer setting for a procession -than the grey streets of Stamboul under the vivid Southern sky. When -the procession approached the sultan’s throne, the dignitaries of the -state and the nobles of the Empire, approaching on foot over the richly -carpeted street, fell on their faces before his Majesty. - -“This day they enjoyed riches and booty and sumptuousness without -end”. “Especially were the people charmed with the sounds of rejoicing -flutes and trumpets, whose music rose from earth to the first heaven”. -The wise ulema and sheiks were present on this occasion, the sultan -seating on his right the venerated Mufti Ali Djemali and on his left -the great hodja (teacher) of the princes, while other learned doctors -were arranged confronting the Imperial Majesty. The sultan presided -over a learned discussion of the verse from the Koran, “O David, I -will make thee Caliph in the world”, a sufficiently courtly text. The -meaning was discussed and questions were propounded and answered. After -this literary episode, knights‐at‐arms, wrestlers and other athletes -displayed their skill. Then a rich feast was served and Mehmet Chelebi -had the honor of presenting to the sultan sherbet in a priceless cup -cut from a single turquoise, a souvenir of Persian victories, and the -pride of the nation. Others drank their sherbet from goblets of china, -then a rare and valuable ware. Food was served to the sultan and the -ulema on silver trays,[62] and each of the guests took away with him a -tray of sweetmeats. From evening to morning fireworks and illuminations -lit up the city, and were reflected in the Bosphorus and Marmora. On -his return to the palace Suleiman was informed of the birth of a son, -who afterwards became Selim II. - -The wedding was followed by several days of dancing, races, contests -of wrestlers and archers, as well as poetic contests in honor of the -newly‐wedded couple. Such was a public festival in the city of the -sultan in the days of the magnificent Suleiman. It reminds us of the -Field of the Cloth of Gold, whose splendor delighted the French and -the English in this same quarter century, the most striking difference -being the literary side which the Turkish festival possessed and the -European lacked. - -Solakzadeh tells an interesting anecdote in connection with another -great feast, that of the circumcision of Suleiman’s three sons.[63] -This was also a very splendid function and Suleiman is said to have -asked Ibrahim in pride, whose feast had been the finer, Ibrahim’s or -that of his sons. Ibrahim replied: “There has never been a feast equal -to my wedding.” Suleiman, somewhat disconcerted, enquired how that was, -to which Ibrahim gave the following courtly answer: “O my Padisha, my -wedding was honored by the presence of Suleiman, Lord of the Age, firm -Rampart of Islam, Possessor of Mecca and Medina, Lord of Damascus and -Egypt, Caliph of the Lofty Threshold, and Lord of the Residence of the -Pleiades: but to your festival, who was there of equally exalted rank -who might come?” The padisha, greatly delighted, said, “A thousand -bravas to thee, Ibrahim, who hast explained it so satisfactorily.” - -Of Ibrahim’s relations to the sultan a good deal has been said. He -was brought up in close contact with his master, eating and sleeping -with him. They often changed garments and Ibrahim told an Austrian -ambassador that the sultan never ordered garments for himself without -ordering the same for his favorite. The Venetians spoke of seeing the -two friends taking pleasure rides together in a cäique, and visiting -what shores they pleased. - -Ibrahim was said to exert such an influence on the sultan that the -latter could deny him nothing, and from the time that he became grand -vizir, he almost took over the sovereignty of the land: as von Hammer -says, “from this time he divided the absolute power with Suleiman”. In -becoming grand vizir and presiding over the divan, Ibrahim occupied the -highest position open to any except a member of the imperial Ottoman -family. Here the romantic story of his rise merges into the account of -his public career, and this in its turn is a part of Turkish and South -European history. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -IBRAHIM THE ADMINISTRATOR - - -After 1522 Ibrahim Pasha combined in his person the highest -administrative, diplomatic and military functions. Although these -naturally interact, it is our plan to consider them separately, first -taking up Ibrahim’s administrative work. - -We have seen that Ahmed Pasha, second vizir, was sent to Egypt when -Ibrahim climbed over him to the grand vizerate. Ahmed’s indignation -at the treatment accorded him by Suleiman led him into treachery; he -attempted to usurp the sovereignty of Egypt. Intrigues failing of -success he openly threw off his allegiance to the sultan, and attacked -Cairo, capturing the fortress. This threw Alexandria and the coast into -his power, and he proclaimed himself sultan.[64] - -This revolt of Ahmed Pasha has all the features of the typical -revolt against Turkish authority: the sudden disgrace of an official -high in power, his banishment under the name of change of office, a -tampering with the loyalty of the troops of the province (in this -case the Mamelukes), a conflict with the loyal janissaries, sudden -success, betrayal, a rapid fall and a sudden punishment, ending in the -triumph of absolutism. The same story with change of names is told a -hundred times in Turkish chronicles. The only way in which Suleiman -differed from most of the sultans under such circumstances was that he -recognized the need of a reorganization of the revolted province and -sent the grand vizir to effect it. - -Four months after his marriage Ibrahim Pasha was sent to Egypt with -a fleet and an army to settle the new governor in Cairo and to -reëstablish the former legislation of the country.[65] The Turkish -historians[66] give much space to the splendid state in which Ibrahim -left the Porte and the unparalleled honor paid him by the company -of Sultan Suleiman as far as the Princes Isles, and also to the -difficulties of the voyage, interrupted several times by storms. The -last part of the journey was made overland, Ibrahim visiting Aleppo and -Damascus, where he put the terror of the sultan into the beylerbeys, -who had been forgetting all but their own interests. Throughout the -journey, the grand vizir received complaints and rendered justice, -earning the blessings of the people whom he visited.[67] - -The arrival of the imperial mission in Cairo was marked by great -ceremony, the Mamelukes showing themselves as splendid in all their -appointments as were the Ottomans. “All the people of Egypt came to -meet Ibrahim Pasha,” declares Solakzadeh, “each one according to his -rank being garbed in a robe of honor, and from the forts guns sounded, -and fêtes and rejoicings were held.” - -Ibrahim Pasha spent three months in Egypt, actively engaged in -improving the condition of that province, which he found “ailing, -but amenable to the skill and zeal of a clever doctor.”[68] The -first move was to punish those who had assisted Ahmed Pasha in his -treachery, several Arab chiefs being publicly hanged, so that the -Arab people “began to weep for fear.”[69] Ibrahim next relieved -many individuals who suffered under injustice, receiving in person -crowds of petitioners, and relieving as many as possible. Among these -acts of mercy were the release of 300 debtors from prison and the -satisfaction of their creditors.[70] He improved the appearance of -Cairo by restoring several buildings that had fallen into disrepair, -particularly mosques and schools, and also built some new ones at -his own expense. To erect such buildings has always been considered -an act of piety, so that sultans, vizirs, and even the favorites of -sultans have acquired merit in this fashion, as the numerous mosques -and religious foundations of Turkey testify. Ibrahim was thus following -the usual custom. He further drew up some rules for education, and for -the care of orphans.[71] But the two main accomplishments of Ibrahim’s -sojourn in Egypt were the reëstablishment of the law and the placing of -the treasury on a better basis. Ahmed Pasha, and probably several of -his predecessors, had ignored and weakened the law of the land, which -Ibrahim undertook to restore. He enforced the local laws and also some -of the general Koranic laws which had been neglected; but he seems to -have moderated and lightened them to suit the needs and desires of -the people, “for” says Solakzadeh, uttering a sentiment so un‐Turkish -that one is inclined to attribute it to the Greek vizir rather than -to the Ottoman chronicler, “the best things are the golden mean.” He -further states that the ideal striven for was uniform rule for all the -inhabitants of Egypt.[72] - -The province was a rich one even before the days of great dams, and one -of the most important of the grand vizir’s duties was to see that the -taxes were properly gathered and placed in the treasury at Cairo, and -that a suitable tribute was sent annually to the Porte. Ibrahim built -two great towers to contain the treasure. With Ibrahim Pasha on this -expedition was the Imperial defterdar or treasurer, Iskender Chelebi, -who calculated that Egypt could pay annually 80,000 ducats to the -Porte, after deducting the cost of administration.[73] Ibrahim’s final -act in Egypt was to appoint Suleiman Pasha, the Beylerbey of Damascus -to the office of governor of Egypt. He seems to have chosen this man -for his economical disposition, for Solakzadeh says “he watched, and -shut his eyes to those who desired to spend money, and then appointed -Suleiman Pasha.” - -Called back to the Porte by a _Hatt‐i‐humayoún_, he left Egypt with -her revolt quieted, her mutineers punished, her oppressed temporarily -relieved, her city improved, her law reëstablished, and her finances -arranged quite satisfactorily to the Porte, if not to herself. Ibrahim -showed himself clear, forceful, just and merciful, if not a great -constructive statesman. He took back to Stamboul a large sum in gold -for the Imperial treasury, and was received by Suleiman with great -honor.[74] - -The recall of Ibrahim Pasha was induced by an insurrection of the -janissaries who were tired of inactivity, and showed their restlessness -by pillaging the houses of the absent grand vizir and defterdar, and -several rich institutions. Suleiman promptly executed several of the -most audacious leaders, then sent for Ibrahim Pasha to come and deal -with the situation. Clothing himself in mourning garments, Ibrahim -hastened back to the capital. On the way he executed a number of -Persian prisoners in Gallipoli, for the Sultan had determined to quiet -the janissaries by the only effective means, namely to offer them a -chance for fighting and loot by making war against the most convenient -enemy, which in this case was Persia. - -Of the war we speak elsewhere. Suffice it to say that from this -time on, Ibrahim was so occupied in war and diplomacy that his -administrative functions must have been delegated largely to lower -officials. His power, notwithstanding, was very great, as will be seen -from the _berat_ of investiture bestowed on him by the Sultan before -the campaign of Vienna, which is substantially as follows: - -“I command Ibrahim Pasha to be from today and forever my grand vizir -and the serasker (chief of the army) named by my Majesty in all my -estates. My vizirs, beylerbeys, judges of the army, legists, judges, -seids, sheiks, my dignitaries of the court and pillars of the empire, -sandjakbeys, generals of cavalry or infantry, ... all my victorious -army, all my slaves, high or low, my functionaries and employees, the -people of my kingdom, my provinces, the citizens and the peasants, the -rich and the poor, in short all shall recognize the above‐mentioned -grand vizir as serasker, and shall esteem and venerate him in this -capacity, regarding all that he says or believes as an order proceeding -from my mouth which rains pearls. Everyone shall listen to his word -with all possible attention, shall receive each of his recommendations -with respect, and shall not neglect any of them. The right of -nomination and degradation for the posts of beylerbeys and all other -dignitaries and functionaries, from highest to lowest, either at my -Blessed Porte or in the provinces, is confined to his sane judgment, -his penetrating intellect. Thus he must fulfil the duties which the -offices of grand vizir and serasker impose on him, assigning to each -man his suitable rank. When my sublime person enters on a campaign, or -when circumstances demand the sending of an army, the serasker remains -sole master and judge of his actions, no one dare refuse him obedience, -and the dispositions which he judges best to make relative to the -collections in the sandjaks, the fiefs and the employments, to the -increase of wages or salaries, to the distribution of presents, except -such as are made to the army in general, are in advance sanctioned and -approved by my Majesty. If against my sublime order and the fundamental -law a member of my army (which Allah forbid!) rebel against the order -of my grand vizir and serasker; if one of my slaves oppress the -people, let my Sublime Porte be immediately informed, and the guilty, -whatever be their number, shall receive the punishment which they shall -merit.”[75] - -This amazing gift of power brings out some characteristics of the -Ottoman state. There is no state, as such, apart from the army. All -the civil offices have military names, and generally include military -duties. It has often been said that the Turkish empire is an army -encamped in Europe, an epigram that conveys much truth. The church, -the state, and the army are one and the sultan is the head of the -trinity.[76] To Ibrahim were delegated full powers as general and -administrator, but he had no sacerdotal power except such as was -involved in the general power of appointment and supervision. It -follows that he did not appoint the sheik‐ul‐Islam, and had no special -dealings with ulema.[77] But curiously enough one of the few events -of his administration of which we have an account is connected with -religious interests. It is the Cabyz affair. - -Cabyz was a member of the body of ulema, or interpreters of the sacred -law, who became convinced of the superiority of Jesus to Mohammad, -hence was a traitor both to Allah and to the sultan. “He fell in to -the valley of error and took the route of destruction and danger, -deviating from the glorious path of truth.”[78] Haled before the judges -of the army, Cabyz was summarily condemned to death, with no attempt -to convince him of his error. The grand vizir reproved them for this -unsuitable treatment of a heretic, saying that the only arms against -heresy should be law and doctrine. The affair being therefore laid -before the divan, the sultan who was present behind his little window -was dissatisfied with the clemency of Ibrahim, perhaps because the -latter was Christian born, although now a zealous Moslem. - -“How is this” he demanded, “an irreligious infidel dares to ascribe -deficiency to the Blessed Prophet, and he goes without being convinced -of his error or punished?” Ibrahim claimed that the judges lacked -the knowledge of the sacred law necessary to deal with the case. So -the judge of Stamboul and the Mufti were called in and after a long -discussion Cabyz’ “tongue was stopped and he lowered his head.” Cabyz -was condemned by the sacred law and executed. - -This case in which a heretic was first brought before the judges of -the army and then before the council of state before he was finally -condemned by the religious law, shows the awkward working of a state -whose functions were so slightly differentiated. Perhaps the easiest -way to think of the grand vizir is as the _alter ego_ of the sultan, as -he has been called.[79] - -For details of Ibrahim’s official work we have a bit here and a bit -there, but no general account. He seems to have been zealous in the -cause of commerce, out of which he made a considerable profit. He -established a monopoly of Syrian commerce afterwards taken over by the -sultan,[80] and caused all the trade of that country to pass through -Constantinople.[81] He encouraged trade with Venice, freeing that -country from payment of duty on merchandize brought from Syria.[82] He -was always a friend to Venice, helping her trade and keeping the Porte -from war with her as long as he lived.[83] - -From the Venetian reports we see how general Ibrahim’s interests -were;[84] now he is looking after the corn trade, now receiving cargoes -of biscuits, now concerning himself in the building of a canal, now -opening new trade routes, now watching the coming of new vessels to the -Porte. The trade of the Dalmatian coast he encouraged. As beylerbey -of Roumelie he would be most interested in the European trade and -other relations. The export and import trade of Turkey was scarcely -born in his day, although the Muscovy and other trading companies were -beginning to ask for concessions in the Ottoman dominions. Ibrahim’s -ideas on this subject were not great nor especially in advance of his -time. - -In his quality as judge, he settled disputes and arranged wills to the -apparent satisfaction of the interested parties. Every envoy to the -Porte, whether on state, commercial, or personal business, was first -presented to the grand vizir, who might take complete charge of his -affair, or he might refer him to the sultan. The grand vizir received -in great state and the Venetian letters are full of advice as to how to -conciliate the great minister. There seems to be little disagreement -among his critics as to Ibrahim’s ability. He is pronounced by all to -be a wise and able man; but he had at least one severe critic among -the Venetians, who felt that his power was too arbitrary. Daniello di -Ludovisi in 1534 wrote thus:[85] - - - Suleiman gave his administration of the empire into the hands - of another. The sultan, with all the pashas and all the court, - would conduct no important deliberation without Ibrahim Pasha, - while Ibrahim would do everything without Suleiman or any - other advisor. So the state lacked good council, and the army - good heads. Suleiman’s affection for Ibrahim should not be - praised, but blamed. - - -And again: - - - Another evil existed in the Turkish army, and was caused, - first, by the negligence of the sultan (who, to tell the - truth, is not of such ability as the greatness of the empire - demands), and secondly, by the actions of Ibrahim Pasha, - who by the same means as those used to raise and maintain - himself—namely, to degrade, and even to kill, all whose - ability aroused his suspicion—deprived the state of men of - good council and the army of good captains. - - For instance, he decapitated Ferad Pasha, a valiant captain, - and was the cause of the rebellion of Ahmed Pasha, who was - beheaded at Cairo, and he caused Piri Pasha to leave office, - an old man and an old councillor, and some even accused him - of causing his death by poison. And it followed, also, that - Rustem, a young fellow, master of the stables of the Grand - Seigneur, became familiar with the latter, and Ibrahim, warned - of this, and being then in Aleppo, sent him to be governor in - Asia Minor, a long distance away. Rustem, feeling very badly, - asked the Grand Seigneur not to let him go, who replied, - “When I see Ibrahim, I will see that he causes you to return - near me.” For this reason the army was without council except - Ibrahim alone, and men of learning and force, from fear and - suspicion, hid their knowledge and ability. So the army was - demoralized and enervated. I feel certain that Ibrahim Pasha - realized this (for he was a man of good parts, but not of - such merit as to find a remedy for such evils), but he loved - himself much more than he did his lord, and wished to be alone - in the dominion of the world in which he was much respected. - - -This criticism of Ibrahim Pasha was later repeated in a more general -form by one Kogabey, who presented to Sultan Mourad IV a memorial on -the decadence of the Ottoman state. The two first reasons that he -assigned for the deterioration were the sultan’s ceasing to preside -over the divan in person, and the placing of favorites in the office of -grand vizir, the latter custom having been started by Suleiman I, who -raised his favorite Ibrahim from the palace to the divan. Such vizirs, -Kogabey explained, had no insight into the circumstances of the whole -nation. They generally were blinded by the splendor of their position -and refused to consult intelligent men on affairs of government, and -so the order of the state was destroyed through their carelessness.[86] - -The custom of appointing favorites to the most important office in -the empire was certainly a bad one, but Ibrahim was a more efficient -administrator than could have been expected from his training, and -ranks among the great vizirs of the Ottoman Empire. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -IBRAHIM THE DIPLOMAT - - -We must now turn from Turkey’s internal affairs to her foreign -relations. Turkish political history during the sixteenth century -was so interwoven with that of the European states, the influence -of Ottoman interference upon the wars and negotiations of Christian -princes was so marked, that a study of Suleiman’s foreign relations -becomes almost a study of contemporary Europe.[87] The two sultans who -succeeded Mohammed the Conqueror had not extended Turkish power in -Europe, Bayazid having failed in his attempts at conquest, and Selim -having turned his attention from Europe to the East. This caused a -period of transition and preparation for the great events of Suleiman’s -reign. - -When Suleiman came to the throne, he found certain relations -established with Ragusa and Venice, the two commercial cities of the -Adriatic, whose large carrying trade made an _entente cordiale_ with -the Porte very desirable.[88] Ragusa was the first foreign state to -reach the new sultan with her congratulations on his accession,[89] and -the sultan renewed with the Ragusan republic the commercial privileges -it had enjoyed in Egypt. - -After Venice had been defeated by Turkey in the battle of Sapienza -in 1499 and had been obliged to sue for peace, she had received the -following answer from the then grand vizir: “You can tell the doge -that he has done wedding the sea, it is our turn now.”[90] This boast -became steadily more completely realized as Turkish conquest in the -Mediterranean continued, and Venice soon saw that her chance of freedom -on the seas lay in keeping on good terms with the Turk, whom she could -not conquer. In vain she sought for help against the Moslems; in vain -she carried on a single‐handed struggle against their encroachments, -earning the title of “Bulwark of Christianity”. Had she not “learned -to kiss the hand that she could not cut off,”[91] she could not have -continued to exist as even the second‐rate power in the Levant to which -she had been reduced. Frequent missions were sent from Venice to the -Porte, and a Venetian baillie was kept at the Porte. These baillies -were very good statesmen, and they not only kept Venice on good terms -with Turkey for thirty‐three years, but they made an invaluable -contribution to recorded history by sending frequent and detailed -reports to the signories. - -Russia also sent an embassy to the Porte, after the conquests of -Belgrad and Rhodes had demonstrated the power of Turkey; and the Tsar, -recognizing the value of an alliance with the Porte, made two attempts -to form one, but without success. Suleiman saw no advantage in such an -alliance, but he never assumed an unfriendly attitude towards Russia, -at that time still an unimportant power. In a letter written later in -his reign he recalls the amicable relations that had existed between -the Porte and Russia, and recommends his Ottoman merchants to buy furs -and merchandise in Moscow.[92] - -As Suleiman’s conquests naturally threw him into antagonism with the -House of Hapsburg, it is desirable to review briefly the political -conditions in the Holy Roman Empire at this time. - -The accession of Charles of Spain to the Imperial throne took place in -October of the same year as Suleiman’s accession, 1520. Handicapped -in every possible way by the German princes, for whose safety and -prosperity the emperor assumed the entire responsibility without -receiving in return any equivalent whatever,[93] Charles V presented a -great contrast to Suleiman, whose slightest word was law throughout his -extensive dominions. With the empire, Charles acquired the enmity of -Francis I of France, his unsuccessful rival, and hereafter his constant -foe. Another rival not outwardly so dangerous, but destined to be a -great source of anxiety and weakness to the empire was Ferdinand, the -emperor’s brother. Concerning him, Charles’ counsellor, de Chièvres, -is reported to have said to Charles,[94] “Do not fear the king of -France nor any other prince except your brother”. Ferdinand’s ambition -had been early recognized. His grandfather, Ferdinand of Aragon, -had attempted to construct an Italian kingdom for him, but failed. -Charles, after his election to the Empire, tried to satisfy Ferdinand’s -craving for power by conferring on him the old Austrian provinces, and -further by marrying him to Anna, heiress of the kingdom of Hungary -and Bohemia, whose child‐king, Lewis, was weak physically and not -destined for a long reign. This opened to Ferdinand a large sphere of -activity in the southeast, and brought him into direct contact with the -steadily encroaching Suleiman; a sphere that effectually absorbed his -energies and made him but a source of weakness to the Empire. - -Thus Charles V, in name the imperial ruler of Central Europe, was -confronted with four rivals who desired to divide with him the -supremacy; Francis I, a relentless foe; his brother Ferdinand, an -ambitious claimant: the conquering Suleiman; and the Protestant Revolt. -The weakness and disunion of Christendom was the strength of Suleiman, -and he was far too shrewd not to trade on it. - -It had in fact been long since Europe had been sufficiently united to -oppose with any vigor the oncoming Turks. The Popes of Rome had been -the most persistent foes of Turkish advance in Europe; notably Calixtus -III, who in 1453 tried in vain to save Europe from Mohammed’s -conquering armies; Pius II, who having for his master—thought the -freeing of Europe from Islam, preached a general crusade, and even -attempted to convert Mohammed by letter; Paul II, who gave lavish aid -to Scanderbeg and the armies in Hungary and Albania in their struggle -against Turkish invasion; Alexander VI, who held Prince Jem, the -mutinous brother of Sultan Bayazid, as hostage for the friendliness -of the sultan whom he attacked after Jem’s death; and Julius II, -who planned a crusade early in the sixteenth century, but failed to -execute it.[95] All this time Turkish conquest continued practically -unhindered. By the close of the fifteenth century the Turks were -accepted as a permanent political factor in Europe. Nevertheless, when -Charles became a candidate for election to the headship of the Holy -Roman Empire, he emphasized his fitness for the high office by alleging -that his vast possessions, united to the Imperial dignity, would enable -him to oppose the Turks successfully.[96] But the sudden rise of -revolt within the Church tended to force the dread of Islam into the -background, even in the face of the loss of Belgrad and Rhodes. At -least such was the case with Charles V and the German princes; it was -of necessity otherwise with little King Lewis, who saw with terror -the preparations of the Turkish conquerors for war to the death with -Hungary. - -As Suleiman’s conquests naturally threw him into antagonism with -Austria, equally naturally he had common interests with Francis I. -Friendly relations between the Porte and France were not unprecedented, -although strongly disapproved by the more religious among the French. -Commercial agreements had existed for some time between the two -states.[97] The accession of Francis I, January 1, 1515, marked an -epoch in the Eastern Question. Francis’ Oriental policy began on the -conventional lines; he made an agreement with Leo X to drive the Turks -from Europe but refused to subsidize Hungary in the interests of this -purpose. The pope called for a truce in Europe and a crusade against -the common enemy, but the death of Maximilian and the outbreak of the -Protestant Revolt put a complete stop to this plan. The only result was -the extension of the circle of European politics to include Eastern -affairs and the Ottoman Empire, and to bring the Eastern Question home -to all the European powers. Those who had been furthest away were now -drawn in; France, Spain, and even England began to step within the -circle of Eastern influence. - -The battle of Pavia marked a crisis in European affairs. The captivity -of the French king, his falling into the hands of his bitterest foe, -Charles of Hapsburg, destroyed any scruples that the French court -had felt against seeking Turkish aid. The first French mission to -Suleiman I did not reach the Porte, the ambassador being assassinated -en route.[98] This first attempt was quickly followed by another. -The Croat Frangipani brought two letters to the Sultan, one written -by Francis from his Madrid prison, the other from his distracted -mother, the queen‐regent. Francis also sent a letter to Ibrahim Pasha, -who later gave an account of this embassy to Cornelius Scepper and -Hieronymus von Zara, envoys of Ferdinand.[99] - -“Post hec tempora, inquit Ibrahim, accedit quod rex Francie captus -fuit. Tunc mater ipsius regis ad ipsum Caesarem Thurcarum scripsit hoc -modo. ‘Filius meus Rex Francie captus est à Carolo, Rege Hispanie. -Speravi quod ipse liberaliter ipsum demitteret. Id quo non fecit, -sed iniuste cum eo agit. Confugimus ad te magnum Caesarem ut tu -liberalitatem tuam ostendas et filium meum redimas’.”[100] - -Frangipani demanded that Suleiman should undertake an expedition by -land and sea to deliver the king of France, who otherwise would make -terms which would leave Charles master of the world. This exactly -fitted into the plans of Suleiman, whose European expeditions were -naturally directed against the possessions of the house of Hapsburg; so -he graciously acceded to all the demands of the French mission. Ibrahim -later stated[101] that this embassy decided the Sultan to prepare his -army immediately for an expedition into Hungary. The knowledge of this -successful embassy was one of the reasons that led Charles to sign the -Treaty of Madrid in January, 1526. By the time of this treaty Francis -promised to send five thousand cavalry and fifteen thousand infantry -against his recent allies, the Turks,—but of course he had no intention -of keeping his word. - -Since the capture of Belgrad by the Turks in 1521, hostilities on -the Hungarian frontier had never ceased, and the Turkish danger had -been constantly before the Reichstag and in the mind of the Pope. In -April, 1526, Suleiman started with a large army for his first regular -Hungarian campaign. The Hungarian nobles, continually at feud with -one another, were utterly unprepared to resist him, and the treasury -was exhausted. The first city to be taken was Peterwardein, which was -stormed by Ibrahim Pasha. Then fell Illok and Esek. But the decisive -victory of the campaign was the battle of Mohacz, August 29, 1526. In -this brief but bloody conflict little King Lewis fell, and the country -was laid open to the sultan. The keys of Buda, the capital of Hungary, -were handed over to him and he entered the city on September 1st. In -spite of the express prohibition of the sultan, his soldiers accustomed -to regard war as an opportunity for rapine, burned two quarters of the -city, including the great church, while the akinji (scouts) burned -neighboring villages and slaughtered the peasants. Other victories -followed until at last the sultan, promising the Hungarians that John -Zapolya should be their king, withdrew his army to Constantinople, -carrying with him an immense amount of booty. - -The death at Mohacz of King Lewis without direct heirs left the thrones -of Hungary and Bohemia vacant. The Archduke Ferdinand, as the husband -of Lewis’ sister, and recognized as Lewis’ successor by official acts -of his brother, the Emperor Charles, passed at the Diets of Worms and -Brussels on April 28, 1521, and March 18, 1522, was the legal heir -to the throne. But the sovereignty was claimed also by John Zapolya, -voivode of Transylvania, a vigorous fighter and an unscrupulous -politician. Both of these claimants had themselves been recognized -in Hungary and crowned with the Iron Crown,[102] and both of them -turned for substantial aid in support of their claims to Suleiman, -regardless of possible loss of independence. Suleiman, as conqueror of -the strongholds of Hungary, and as a court of appeal for the rivals, -considered himself to have in his hand the disposition of the crown. -He did not want it himself. He had expressly declared that he invaded -Hungary to avenge insults, not to take the kingdom from Lewis; but -the death of the latter forced him to choose between the two rival -claimants. His word had been pledged for the support of Zapolya, and -his dislike of the Hapsburgs and his friendship for the French king -inclined him to keep it. - -Ferdinand and Zapolya both hastened to send embassies to the Turks, -Ferdinand taking the first step. He sent envoys to Upper Bosnia and to -Belgrad to ask the governors to refuse aid to Zapolya, offering three -to six thousand ducats for their alliance.[103] One of the governors -died before the embassy reached him, and from neither of them were -there any results from this mission.[104] At the same time Ferdinand -attacked Zapolya, driving him from Ofen and back towards Transylvania. -Zapolya in distress despatched his first mission to the Porte. His -envoy, Hieronymus Laszky, was empowered to effect a defensive and -offensive alliance with the sultan. The mission was successful, -Suleiman accepting Zapolya’s offer of devotion, and promising him the -crown of Hungary and the protection of the Porte against his enemies. - -Although the mission from Zapolya was kept as secret as possible, it -soon became known to Ferdinand, who dispatched the embassy he had long -planned, in the hope of counteracting Zapolya’s move. One embassy -failed to reach Constantinople,[105] and the first ambassadors from -the archduke of Austria to reach the Porte were John Hobordonacz and -Sigmund Weixelberger, in May, 1528. They demanded the Kingship of -Hungary for their master Ferdinand, and the restoration to Hungary -of all the places taken by Suleiman. The sultan refused both of -these demands and in his turn offered to make peace on the payment -of tribute. The embassy accomplished nothing, its sequel being the -campaign in Hungary in 1529. Three days before the final answer to -Ferdinand, Suleiman had in full divan delivered to Ibrahim a commission -making him serasker or general‐in‐chief of the expedition against the -Hapsburgs. The Peace of Cambrai in 1529 left the Austrians free to -fight the Turks. - -In the meanwhile French diplomacy continued actively. Francis I was -disturbed by the result of the invasion of Hungary which he had himself -urged, for the kingdoms of Hungary and Bohemia seemed now to be falling -into the hands of his enemies of Austria. More than ever he had need of -the Ottoman alliance, and he determined on an alliance with Zapolya. He -sent Rincon to the latter to form an offensive and defensive alliance, -claiming as his reward the reversion of the kingdom of Hungary for -his second son, Henry, should Zapolya die without heirs.[106] On the -20th of September, 1528, Sultan Suleiman renewed a former act called -by old French historians “la trêve marchande,”[107] giving commercial -privileges to the Catalonian and French merchants in the Mediterranean, -and placing all French factories, consuls, and pilgrims, under the -protection of the Sublime Porte. The French were thus able to reappear -with confidence in the Levant, and were welcomed by the Christians -in the East. The pilgrimages to Jerusalem recommenced. Even Francis -expressed a desire to go to the Holy Land and to visit en route “his -dear patron and friend, Suleiman.”[108] A question concerning the Holy -Places in Palestine was also brought up by Francis at this time, which -is of very great significance, as it marks the beginning of the train -of developments that resulted in the conception of the protection of -Turkey’s Christian subjects by the European Powers. Francis and Venice -united in asking that a certain church in Jerusalem, long before -converted into a mosque, be restored to the Christians.[109] Ibrahim -replied that had the King of France demanded a province, the Turks -would not have refused him, but in a matter of religion they could -not gratify his desire. Nevertheless the Sultan made the following -general promise which was later used as a basis for further demand by -the Catholics. He wrote to Francis:[110] “The Christians shall live -peaceably under the wing of our protection; they shall be allowed to -repair their doors and windows; they shall preserve in all safety -their oratories and establishments which they actually occupy, without -any one being allowed to oppose or torment them.”[111] - -On the 10th day of May, 1529, Suleiman set out to settle matters by -force with Charles V. Before the end of August the Turks were again -encamped with a vast army on the fatal plain of Mohacz. Here John -Zapolya met his overlord and did him homage. Three days later the Turks -advanced to Buda, and took it from Ferdinand, crowning Zapolya a second -time within the walls of the capital. By September 27, Suleiman was -encamped before Vienna. - -On the 19th day of October, 1529, Ferdinand, in great distress, -wrote to his brother the Emperor; after referring to the horrors -that followed the siege of Vienna, he says: “I do not know what he -(Suleiman) intends to do, whether to betake himself to his own country -or to stay in Hungary and fortify it and the fortresses, with the -intention of returning next spring to invade Christendom, which I -firmly believe he will do. I therefore beg you Sire, to consider my -great need and poverty, and that it may please you not to abandon me -but to assist me with money.”[112] - -The invasion of Austria had convinced Charles that he must support -Ferdinand against Turkey, and the royal brothers agreed on their -Oriental policy, namely, peace at almost any price. To this end another -embassy was fitted out and despatched to treat with Suleiman. On the -17th day of October, 1530, Nicholas Juritschitz and Joseph von Lamberg -arrived in Constantinople. Their instructions were practically the same -as those given Juritschitz the previous year.[113] The mission was -hopeless from the start, for the ambassadors could accept peace only on -the condition of the evacuation of Hungary by the Turks, and to this -the Sultan would not listen. - -Ferdinand however, who had just failed in a military attack on Zapolya -and had accepted a truce, saw no hope but in another embassy to the -Porte. Therefore he sent Graf Leonhard von Nogarola and Joseph von -Lamberg, who were to attempt to buy peace by the payment of annual -pensions to Suleiman and Ibrahim. The sultan, who had already left -Constantinople at the head of a great army for his fifth Hungarian -campaign, was intercepted at his camp near Belgrad by the Austrian -envoys. The only result of this embassy was a letter to Ferdinand -from Suleiman saying that the latter was starting for Ofen, where he -would treat with Ferdinand in person, a threat which he followed up -immediately. - -By April, 1531, Suleiman was ready to avenge his failure before Vienna. -At Belgrad he was met by the French ambassador Rincon. France was now -anxious to prevent the Sultan’s expedition against Austria, not in the -interests of the Hapsburgs but against them, for he was afraid that -the Turkish danger would unite Catholic and Protestant Germany against -the common foe of Christianity. Suleiman received Rincon hospitably -but assured him he had come too late, for while on account of his -friendship with the King of France he would like to oblige the latter, -he could not give up the expedition without giving the world occasion -to think that he was afraid of the “King of Spain”, as he always called -Charles V.[114] - -The Ottoman army entered Hungary. Fourteen fortresses sent the Sultan -their keys as he approached.[115] But the forces did not advance to -Vienna as their enemies expected, but turned into Styria and besieged -the little town of Güns. For three weeks seven hundred brave defenders -held the little fort against the might of Turkish arms, and finally -made a highly honorable capitulation. After a general devastation of -the country and much looting, the great army of Suleiman returned to -Constantinople. Suleiman was incited to this course by the active -preparations which were being made by Charles and Ferdinand to receive -him at Vienna, and by the naval successes in the Mediterranean of -Andrea Doria, admiral of the Italian fleet. Thus what promised to be a -great duel between the two “Masters of the World” was allowed by both -of them to degenerate into a plundering expedition. - -Affairs in Persia were in great need of Suleiman’s presence, and the -capture of Koron and Patras by Doria made the Sultan more ready to -listen to overtures of peace. Charles and Ferdinand took advantage of -this fact to send Hieronymus von Zara and Cornelius Duplicius Schepper -to the Porte in 1533. The ambassadors, after weeks of patience and -adroitness succeeded in winning from the Sultan a treaty of peace, -to last as long as Ferdinand should remain peaceful. Ferdinand was -to retain the forts he had taken in Hungary and Zapolya to keep the -others; the Emperor Charles might make peace by sending his own -embassy to the Porte. As soon as Ferdinand received the news of this -humiliating success, he sent word all over the kingdom, to Carniola, -Croatia, Dalmatia and Slavonia that any violation of the truce would be -severely punished; “denn daran ... mug der Turghisch Kaeser erkhennen -dass wir den Frieden angenommen derselben zu halten gaentzlich -entschlossen und so dawider gehandelt wurf, dass mit ernst zu shafen -willen haben.”[116] Such were the humiliating terms of the first peace -concluded by the House of Austria with the Porte (1533). - -Shortly after the embassy of von Zara and Schepper, Suleiman left -Europe to wage war against the Persians. As usual when planning a -campaign in one direction, he made careful arrangements to keep matters -quiet on other frontiers. He treated in secret with Francis I, agreeing -to despatch Barbarosa with a fleet to ravage the coasts of the Empire; -this was a great success for French diplomacy, for the advantage was -all in favor of France. Then, fearing lest the rivals for the Hungarian -throne should come to an agreement in his absence, and thus menace his -suzerainty, Suleiman delegated Luigi Gritti to determine the frontiers -between the possessions of the two kings. This was a clever move, for -it prolonged the intrigues between the royal competitors until the -return of the sultan. The successes of Barbarosa, the victories and -defeats of Charles V on the Mediterranean, and the continuation of -French diplomacy are outside the limits of our subject, which ends with -the death of Ibrahim Pasha in 1535. Gévay preserves several letters -written by Ferdinand to Ibrahim in 1535–6, in the interest of peace in -Hungary, the last being dated March 14, 1536, a year after Ibrahim’s -death. The last international act in which Ibrahim Pasha had a part was -the celebrated treaty of commerce made with France in February, 1535. - -Francis I had received a Turkish mission, not from the haughty Sultan, -but from his admiral Barbarosa,[117] and in return the king sent a -clever diplomat named La Forest, to thank Barbarosa for his kind -offers of aid, and then to seek the sultan in Persia and conclude a -definite treaty with him.[118] Suleiman received La Forest in his -military camp, keeping him till his own return to Turkey in 1535. - -The treaty is dated February, 1535; it formed the basis of the economic, -religious, and political protectorate of France in the Levant. The -French might carry on commerce in the Levant by paying the same dues -as did the subjects of the Sultan, and the Turks could do the same in -France. The French were to be judged by their consul at Alexandria or -by their ambassador at Constantinople. This treaty ended the commercial -predominance of Venice in the Mediterranean. After this, all Christians -except the Venetians were forced to put themselves under the protection -of the French flag, which alone guaranteed inviolability.[119] This -commercial freedom and political influence gained by France involved -a sort of economic protection and was supplemented by a religious -protectorate over the Catholics in the Levant and the Holy Places. - -After this sketch of the beginnings of diplomatic relations between -the Porte and the two rival powers of Europe, the House of Hapsburg -and the House of Valois, we are ready to consider the significance of -these relations and to take up some of the details that will serve to -bring out the share of Ibrahim Pasha in Turkish diplomacy, and his -characteristics as a diplomat. - -Diplomatic relations between the Porte and Europe, relations other -than those of conqueror and conquered, relations reciprocal and more -or less friendly, began in the reign of Suleiman I, and the first -French embassy to the Porte in 1526 already described was the beginning -of a complete change in the European attitude towards Turkey. Before -this time, the religious differences between Moslem and Christian had -effectually absorbed attention, but now political interests began -to push aside religious concern. The masses of the people in Europe -still feared a Moslem invasion of the North, but this was no longer a -real danger. A general rising of Christians, such as a crusade, was -no longer necessary to hold back the Turk; the regular means and the -ordinary efforts of a few states combined sufficed, as was proved by -the successful resistance of Güns and Vienna. It was decreed that -the Turk was not to pass Vienna. Francis might therefore seek the -friendship of the Ottoman without betraying the cause of Christianity. -There were, it is true, plenty of Christians who cried out against the -impious alliance of the Crescent and the Lily,[120] but the outcry was -largely political and as we have seen soon even the Austrians were -seeking terms of peace with the Turks. - -When Suleiman came to the throne, he attended closely to the business -of government, but by 1526 he was leaving practically the whole -responsibility on the shoulders of his grand vizir Ibrahim. Ambassadors -to the Porte had their first audience always with Ibrahim, after -which they sometimes had audiences with the other vizirs. Generally -a very formal ceremony of hand‐kissing was permitted by the Sultan, -after which Ibrahim concluded the business. At some audiences with -the grand vizir, Suleiman would be present, concealed behind a little -window,[121] but oftener he was not present at all. - -In his early diplomatic work, Ibrahim, feeling himself unprepared, -turned to Luigi Gritti, natural son by a Greek mother of Andreas -Gritti, who had been ambassador and at one time doge of Venice. Ibrahim -was very well served by Luigi Gritti, who was intelligent as well -as experienced, especially in Christian dealings, clever, able, and -tactful.[122] Zapolya’s ambassador Laszky, knowing this, persuaded -Gritti to take up his affairs, hoping through him to win Ibrahim, -and through Ibrahim, Suleiman. The event justified him.[123] Ibrahim -frankly acknowledged Gritti’s influence, saying to Laszky: “Without the -Doge Gritti and his son we should have destroyed the power of Ferdinand -and of thy master (Zapolya), for the conflict of two enemies who ruin -each other is always favorable to the third who survives.” - -We may get an idea of the manner of conducting embassies at the -Porte, as well as the functions and characteristics of Ibrahim as -diplomat as such by following the report of Hobordanacz to Ferdinand. -Hobordanacz sent an official and detailed report of the embassy to his -master, written in Latin, which is preserved in Gévay’s _Urkunden und -Actenstuecke_.[124] - -The two ambassadors Hobordanacz and Weixelberger were received -with splendor on their entrance into Constantinople by a guard of -four hundred knights, and were immediately conducted to the grand -vizir. This ceremonious reception greatly encouraged the hopes of -Hobordanacz.[125] After greetings to Ibrahim, “Supremum Nomine”, the -Hungarians offered him presents and then retired to quarters assigned -them. On the third day forty horsemen escorted the royal nuncios to the -Imperial palace. Hobordanacz was greatly impressed with the splendid -array of janissaries and guards in gorgeous costumes. They were -received by the three vizirs, Ibrahim, Cassim, and Ayas Pasha, while -from his little window his Majesty watched the audience, himself unseen. - -Amidst profound silence, Ibrahim Pasha addressed the first nuncio, -asking him politely whether they were treated well in their quarters, -to which Hobordanacz answered that they had everything in abundance, as -was fitting in the palace of so great an emperor. Ibrahim then began -to interrogate them concerning the journey and their king, explaining -that he was not asking about the king of Hungary, for Lewis of Hungary -had been killed in battle, but was inquiring about the king of Bohemia -and Germany. The Hungarian nuncios took the opportunity to boast of the -greatness of Ferdinand, provoking a smile from Ibrahim. Hobordanacz -said they had come to admire and to congratulate the emperor of the -Turks that God had made him a nearer neighbor to Ferdinand than -previously. He said that the Emperor Maximilian had given Hungary to -Ferdinand, whereupon Ibrahim broke in: “By what right, when Sultan -Suleiman has subjugated Hungary?” He asked them if they did not know -that the Sultan had been to Buda. The Hungarians responded rudely that -there were signs enough by which they could know of Suleiman’s visit, -as the country lay waste. Ibrahim went on: “The fortress of Buda, how -does it stand?” “Whole and undamaged,” they replied. When he asked why, -they suggested that it was because it was the king’s castle. Ibrahim -denied this and said it was because the sultan had saved the citadel -for himself, and intended to keep it with divine aid. Ibrahim here -explained that Suleiman and he had not wished so much harm done in -Hungary, and had ordered the soldiers not to burn Buda and Pesth, but -could not hold them back from devastating. This was naturally a sore -subject with the Hungarians who after expressions of admiration for -the great obedience they saw in Turkey, even when the sultan was not -present, asked pertinently why then he could not have saved Buda and -Pesth. This seems to have been too much for Ibrahim who remarked “Let -us omit these things.” Turning therefore to a more congenial subject, -he uttered a Turkish dictum, “Wherever the hoof of the sultan’s horse -has trod, there the land belongs to him.” Hobordanacz replied somewhat -sarcastically that they knew such was the sultan’s idea, but that even -Alexander the Great had not been able to carry out all his ideas. -Cutting through all these generalities, Ibrahim said sharply, “Then -you say that Buda does not belong to Suleiman!” Hobordanacz replied -stoutly, “I can say no more than that my king holds Buda.” Said -Ibrahim, “Why has he then sent you to ask for peace and friendship -if he holds Buda, which the sultan has conquered?” The nuncio told a -long story of Zapolyta’s usurpation of the throne, and of Ferdinand’s -merits to which Ibrahim sarcastically remarked, “You have talked of the -many virtues of your lord! Very noble if they be true!” He then asked -Hobordanacz if he were a relative of Ferdinand’s and how long he had -served the Archduke. The nuncio replied that he had served him since -the latter became king of Hungary. “Then,” said the pasha triumphantly, -“if you have served him so short a time, how do you know he is so wise -and virtuous and powerful?” A curious contest of wits followed with no -practical object. - - - Ibrahim: “Tell us what wisdom you see in Ferdinand and - how you know that he is wise.” - - Hobor.: “Because when he has won great victories, he - ascribes the glory to God.” - - I.: “What does wisdom seem to you to be like?” - - H.: “In our books and in yours, the beginning of wisdom - is said to be the fear of God.” - - I.: “True, but what other wisdom do you find in - Ferdinand?” - - H.: “He works deliberately and with foresight and taking - of counsel; also he undertakes no affairs that he cannot - finish.” - - I.: “If he does this, he is praiseworthy. Now what - boldness and courage do you find in him?” - - -Ibrahim’s next question as to the victories of Ferdinand received a -long and clever answer. Ibrahim further inquired as to Ferdinand’s -wealth. Hobordanacz claimed endless treasure for his master. Ibrahim -then asked, “What have you to say about the power of your master?” -Hobordanacz claimed many powerful friends and neighbors, the greatest -being his brother Charles. Ibrahim inflicted one of his battle‐axe -strokes; “We know that these so‐called friends and neighbors are -his enemies.” The Hungarian replied sententiously, “Unhappy is the -king without rivals, whom all favor.” Ibrahim at length stopped the -discussion of Ferdinand’s merits by saying, “If this be so, it is -well.” Then he asked whether they came in peace or in war, to which -Hobordanacz replied that Ferdinand wished friendship from all his -neighbors and enmity from none. - -After this sprightly introduction, Ibrahim led the nuncios in -a brilliant procession to the presence of the sultan. Here the -janissaries received gifts for the sultan from the servants of the -ambassadors, and showed them to all in turn; in the next room seven -eunuchs took the gifts and spread them out on tables. The three pashas -first went to salute Suleiman, leaving the nuncios before the door. -Ibrahim Pasha and Cassim Pasha then, holding them by their two arms, -led each of the nuncios in turn to salute the sultan, who sat with his -hands on his knees and looked them over. When they had saluted him, -they returned to their place by the door where stood the interpreter. -Hobordanacz was greatly annoyed because the interpreter, familiar with -the flowery and courtly Oriental speech, embellished the somewhat curt -address of the Hungarian, but Ibrahim told the interpreter to repeat -exactly what the envoy said. After this he asked Hobordanacz to state -his business. After this statement of Ferdinand’s wishes, Suleiman -called Ibrahim to him and whispered in his ear. Ibrahim then resumed -negotiations while Suleiman looked on. - -Taking up his grievance against Ferdinand once again, Ibrahim inquired -how the latter, in addressing the Sultan, dared declare himself so -powerful when other princes were content to commend themselves to -Suleiman’s protection and to offer him their services. To Hobordanacz’ -question who these princes were, Ibrahim named the rulers of France, -Poland, and Transylvania, the Pope and the Doge of Venice, and added -that these princes (except the voivode of Transylvania) were the -greatest in Europe. The Austrian nuncios seemed to be impressed -and indeed the statement was a sufficiently startling one and was -moreover borne out by the facts. After that Hobordanacz spoke with -greater meekness, expressing his master’s desire for the friendship -of the sultan, if the latter were willing to grant it. “If he is not -willing,” said Ibrahim sharply, “what then?” Hobordanacz, recovering -his boldness, said haughtily, “Our master forces no man’s friendship.” -Ibrahim then dismissed them with the parting fling that the sultan -was occupied with much more important business. They never saw the -sultan again. Ibrahim informed them that his master was concerned with -personal affairs, and that he himself would conduct the whole business. -This illustrates the respective shares of Suleiman and Ibrahim in the -business of the state. Doubtless the sultan had a definite policy of -friendship to Zapolya and antagonism to Ferdinand, but it appears -certain that he allowed Ibrahim Pasha to control entirely the details -of diplomacy. - -In later audiences with the grand vizir, Hobordanacz expressed the -hope that Ferdinand and Charles V and Sultan Suleiman might become -good friends and neighbors. Ibrahim inquired scornfully how such a -friendship could come about! Hobordanacz declared that it was his -mission to offer friendship, and it seemed to him that Ibrahim’s -influence should be able to bring about advantages for both sides. -Ibrahim again urged him to indicate the method of procedure, saying, -“Your king has seized upon our kingdom, and yet he asks for friendship; -how can that be?” The nuncio said he knew all things at the Porte were -done by Ibrahim’s will and authority; he believed that he could serve -their cause. Ibrahim then proposed peace on condition that Ferdinand -should abandon Hungary. Hobordanacz on the other hand asked for a -definite truce for a term of years and requested the restitution to -Ferdinand of those portions of Hungary taken by Suleiman, giving a list -of twenty‐seven fortresses. This aroused Ibrahim’s bitter wrath. “It is -strange” said he “that your master does not ask for Constantinople.” He -tried to make the ambassadors acknowledge that Ferdinand would attempt -to take these forts by force if they were not conceded to him. “With -what hope does he ask for these forts,” he further inquired, “when he -knows that the sultan took them with great labor and much bloodshed?” - -The question of compensation for these forts being opened, Ibrahim -exclaimed indignantly that the sultan was not so poor that he -would sell what his arms had won. Dramatically opening a window he -said “Do you see those Seven Towers! they are filled with gold and -treasure.”[126] He then turned to the question of skill in war, and -after praising the prowess of the Germans, he said, “You know the arms -of the Turks, how sharp they are, and how far they have penetrated, -for you have fled before them many times.” Hobordanacz gave a qualified -assent, but praised his master’s warlike skill. Ibrahim finally -broke in, “Then your master wishes to keep those forts?” Hobordanacz -suggested a middle course, but the grand vizir said decisively: “There -is no other way but for your king to abandon Buda and Hungary and then -we will treat with him about Germany.” Upon Hobordanacz’ refusal to -consider such terms Ibrahim stated, “I conquered Lewis and Hungary, and -now I will build the bridges of the Sultan, and prepare a way for his -Majesty into Germany.” He closed the interview by accusing Ferdinand -and Charles of not keeping faith and said he would give the nuncios a -final reply in three or four days. - -The third audience was held in the palace, with Ibrahim presiding, -and Suleiman at his window, and was conducted on similar lines to the -other audiences. Ibrahim informed the Hungarians that their master had -just been defeated by Zapolya with an army of thirty‐six thousand men, -which statement Hobordanacz took the liberty of doubting, saying that -if Zapolya added all the cocks and hens in Transylvania to his army, he -could not make up the number to thirty‐six thousand. The nuncios and -the grand vizir could not agree on terms of alliance; to the Austrian -demands, Ibrahim impatiently exclaimed: “The Emperor Charles and your -master, what do they want more? to rule the whole earth? Do they count -themselves no less than the gods?” Naturally nothing was accomplished -by such recrimination, and finally Suleiman ended the audience, -dismissing the ambassadors with the threat: “Your master has not yet -felt our friendship and neighborliness, but he shall soon feel it. You -can tell your master frankly that I myself with all my forces will come -to him to give Hungary in our person the fortresses he demands. Inform -him that he must be ready to treat me well.” - -So ended the mission of Ferdinand for peace. There had been no -possibility of success from the beginning. Suleiman and Ibrahim were -not to be won to friendship for Ferdinand, and had they been, the rude, -independent Hobordanacz was not the man to gain Oriental favor. One -feels that Ibrahim enjoyed the opportunity to sharpen his claws on an -enemy, and to show Europeans his own power and that of his master. The -envoys must have been very uncomfortable, and their discomforts were -not yet at an end, for a Venetian enemy of Ferdinand’s told Ibrahim -that they were not ambassadors but spies, and urged their detention at -the Porte. For five months they were kept in close confinement, after -which a long journey lay between them and the anxious Archduke who had -hoped so much from the embassy. - -This treatment of royal ambassadors as though they were spies was not -uncommon at the Porte. The King of Poland had been forced to complain -of the rough handling of his envoys by Sultan Bayazid (Suleiman’s -grandfather), saying they were not only detained for months before -they were given audience, but were thrown into prison, and instead -of being lodged like the envoys of a king, who would naturally feel -that it accorded with his honor to send only the sons of the noblest -families to represent him, were treated as criminals, and that promises -made to such envoys were often broken.[127] Busbequius, himself an -ambassador, who was detained for months and sharply watched, recounted -another instance, that of Malvezzi, whom the Sultan held responsible -for the broken faith of his master Ferdinand, and threw into prison -when Ferdinand took Transylvania in 1551.[128] It was a Turkish maxim -that ambassadors were responsible for the word given by their masters, -and that in their capacity as hostages they must expiate its violation; -moreover power was often conceived to reside in an ambassador, who -therefore was kept in durance in the hope that he could be brought -to terms. Such treatment, however naïve and unjust, is nevertheless -an improvement on the reception by Hungary of the ambassador sent to -announce the accession of Suleiman, whose nose and ears were slit. -Further illustrations of the way ambassadors were liable to be treated -in Europe were the assassination of Rincon, envoy of France, connived -at by Charles V, and the murder of Martinez, a Spanish ambassador to -the Porte, instigated by Ferdinand. - -Ibrahim’s usual way of opening an audience was to brow‐beat the -ambassador, and he indulged in frequent sarcasm and scornful laughter. -To the envoys of Ferdinand in 1532 he railed at Ferdinand and “his -tricks” and gibed at his faithlessness. “How is a man a king” he said -“unless he keeps his word?”[129] To Lamberg and Juritschitz (1530)[130] -he spoke of the quarrels among Christian rulers, twitting his auditors -with Charles’s treatment of the Pope and of Francis I, declaring that -the Turks would never do “so inhuman a thing,” and following this by a -long talk “full of scorn and irony.”[131] - -Ibrahim was enormously inquisitive, seeming to look upon a foreign -embassy as an opportunity for gaining all sorts of general information. -Sometimes he asked about such practical matters as the fortification -of certain forts; at other times he asked such trivial questions as -how old the rulers were, and how they pronounced their names. He -once remarked that a man who did not try to learn all things is an -incompetent man. Several times he boasted that in Turkey they knew all -that was taking place in Europe. - -His manner, as we have seen, was usually sharp and rude, but he could -be elaborately courteous when he wished to please, as when he received -an embassy from “our good friend” Francis I, and the Hungarian embassy -of 1534. He was invariably boastful; during the earlier years he -bragged of the sultan, his power and treasure; in the later embassies -he boasted of himself. - -One of the most important documents about Ibrahim that we possess is -the account of the peace embassy sent by Ferdinand in 1533, the report -being written by Hieronymus von Zara in Latin in September, 1533. This -shows Ibrahim in a sharper light than we have had elsewhere, and brings -out some traits in his character that have been growing steadily since -his rise to such great power: his ambition and his towering pride.[132] - -Ibrahim, splendidly clad, received the ambassadors for their first -audience, without rising. He accepted the rich jewels they offered -him, and appointed a later day for the business of the treaty. On the -appointed day the envoys were permitted to kiss the garments of the -grand vizir, and they saluted him as brother of their sovereigns, -Ferdinand and Queen Marie of Hungary. Ibrahim had never acknowledged -the sovereignty of Ferdinand, and had always spoken of him without any -kingly title, to the amaze of the ambassadors.[133] In this interview -and throughout the whole conference Ibrahim spoke of Ferdinand as his -brother, and as son to Suleiman. This was not mere personal vanity; -under the pretext of the community of good which should exist between -father and son he cloaked the Sultan’s usurpation of Hungary, and the -fraternity of Ferdinand and Ibrahim served to disguise the humiliation -of the former, who was placed in the same rank as a vizir.[134] But in -the long speech that Ibrahim Pasha made to the ambassadors, he revealed -his personal pride. We quote from the speech: “It is I who govern this -vast empire. What I do is done; I have all the power, all offices, -all the rule. What I wish to give is given and cannot be taken away; -what I do not give is not confirmed by any one. If ever the great -Sultan wishes to give, or has given anything, if I do not please it -is not carried out. All is in my hands, peace, war, treasure. I do -not say these things for no reason, but to give you courage to speak -freely.”[135] - -When the letters of Emperor Charles were shown him, he examined the -seals, remarking as he did so: “My master has two seals, of which one -remains in his hands and the other is confided to me, for he wishes no -difference between him and me; and if he has garments made for himself, -he orders the same for me; he refuses to let me expend anything in -building; this hall was built by him.” - -Ibrahim seems to have lost his head during this, his last embassy, -and to have uttered things that were not safe for any subject of an -Oriental despot, however doting, to utter. Whether he spoke out of the -sheer madness that the gods send upon those whom they would destroy, -or whether he seriously aspired to assume literally and explicitly the -power he held actually is impossible to say. Even as grand vizir of -Turkey he seems never to have forgotten that he was a Greek. For years -he ignored it, and behaved like a Turk and a loyal Moslem, but as he -came to feel more secure in his high position, he became more careless, -and spoke to these Christian ambassadors of the pride and generosity -with which the Greeks are filled. It is a question whether any Greek, -from the fall of Byzantium to our time, has not in his inmost heart -felt his race superior to his Moslem conquerors, and the fitting ruler -of the Eastern Empire. To that feeling are due some of the knottiest -complexities in the Young Turk situation of 1911. Naturally this -attitude has always been profoundly resented by the Turks; therefore -Ibrahim was seriously jeopardizing his standing with the Ottoman Sultan -when he remembered that he was both Greek and Christian by birth. - -There were plenty at the court to take immediate advantage of any -such slip. The courtiers had already been scandalized at the freedom -the Pasha took with the Sultan, and thought that he had bewitched -Suleiman.[136] In the same interview he further expresses his relations -to his imperial master in a parable: - - - The fiercest of animals, the lion, must be conquered not by - force, but by cleverness; by the food which his master gives - it and by the influence of habit. Its guardian should carry - a stick to intimidate it, and should be the only one to feed - it. The lion is the prince. The Emperor Charles is a lion. I, - Ibrahim Pasha, control my master, the Sultan of the Turks, - with the stick of truth and justice. Charles’ ambassador - should also control him in the same way. - - -From this he went on to expatiate on his own power: - - - The mighty Sultan of the Turks has given to me, Ibrahim, all - power and authority. It is I alone who do everything. I am - above all the pashas. I can elevate a groom to a pasha. I give - kingdoms and provinces to whom I will, without inquiry even - from my master. If he orders a thing and I disapprove, it - is not executed; but if I order a thing and he disapproves, - it is done nevertheless. To make war or conclude peace is - in my hands, and I can distribute all treasure. My master’s - kingdoms, lands, treasure, are confided to me. - - -He also boasted of his past accomplishments, speaking of himself as -having conquered Hungary, received ambassadors, and made peace. If -Suleiman knew of these vauntings, he made no sign of resentment, but -continued to repose the same confidence in Ibrahim as hitherto, but the -courtiers held them in their hearts to use when the time should come. - -Ibrahim’s importance and influence are taken for granted by foreign -rulers and envoys. In all his instructions to his ambassadors Ferdinand -tells them to see Ibrahim first, and the queen regent of France wrote -to him, when she wrote to the sultan. The collections of Gévay and -Charrière contain a number of letters from Ferdinand and Francis to -Ibrahim. The Venetian baillies transacted all their business with -Ibrahim and sent many reports to the Signoria of his power in the -state and his influence over the sultan. The envoys brought him -valuable presents which he did not hesitate to accept.[137] He loved -to receive jewels and there was a famous ruby once on the finger of -Francis I which was sent by the first French envoy to the Porte, (the -envoy who was killed in Bosnia) and which somehow came into Ibrahim’s -possession when the Pasha of Bosnia was called to Constantinople to -account for the murder.[138] - -But although Ibrahim took presents, and even resented it if they were -not offered him, he refused bribes again and again. Ferdinand empowered -his envoys in three missions to offer an annual pension to Suleiman -(a tribute under a name less offensive to Ferdinand) and at the same -time an annual pension to the grand vizir. When Juritschitz and Lamberg -offered Ibrahim five to six thousand Hungarian ducats[139] annually -for his aid in bringing about peace, he rejected it so indignantly -that they apologized and withdrew their offer. He said that the -previous ambassadors Hobordanacz and Weixelberger had offered him one -hundred thousand florins to buy his protection, but that he said then -and would now repeat that no sort of present could make him desert -the interests of his master, and that he would prefer to aid in the -conquest of the whole world than advise the Sultan to restore conquered -territory.[140] - -The passage just quoted would seem sufficient to disprove the assertion -made by contemporary European historians that Ibrahim Pasha had lifted -the siege of Vienna because he had been bought by the gold of the -ambassadors. Suleiman gave him everything that he could have asked and -much more than lay in the power of any European monarch to bestow. -Ibrahim acquired vast wealth, but there is no evidence that his loyalty -to Suleiman could be purchased, and while the Turkish historians -speak often of the avarice of his successor Rustem Pasha, they never -ascribe that quality to Ibrahim. If he had a price, it was too high for -Ferdinand to pay. - -It is apparent from what has been said that Ibrahim’s diplomatic -methods were not subtle; they had no need to be. As the diplomacy of -the Porte was usually either the introduction to, or the conclusion of -a military campaign, small wonder that it usually attained its object. -As the favor of the Porte was eagerly sought by France, Venice, Poland, -Russia, Hungary and Austria, it required no finesse of diplomatic -handling to deal with their ambassadors. Ibrahim, holding all the -trumps, needed no great skill to play his cards well. He might be as -rude and boastful as he would, and still the ambassadors would beg -for his influence in making peace. Both Suleiman and Ibrahim treated -Charles V and Ferdinand with great haughtiness, nevertheless pursuing -an entirely successful policy; France, on the other hand, playing a -subtle game, won considerable from the Porte. It would seem that the -test of Turkish diplomacy was not its method but its general plan and -large lines. The question then before us is, what were the objects and -accomplishments of Turkish diplomacy between 1525 and 1540. - -Suleiman had two objects, first to extend his conquering power further -into Europe, and second to assist Francis I against the House of -Hapsburg. In these two objects he was successful. His empire was -greatly extended during his reign, both in territory and in influence, -while the power of the rival House of Hapsburg was steadily diminished -and limited. But that which makes of this period an epoch in European -political history is not the territorial aggrandizement of Turkey, -nor the recognition of its power by Europe, but the first entrance -of Turkey into the European concert, if we may anticipate a later -term, and the change from the consideration of the Turks as merely -unbelievers and foes of Christianity to regarding them as political -allies or foes, and as possible factors in the European question. At -the close of the reign of Selim the Grim, Turkey, although it was a -conquering nation, was still an excrescence in Europe. But the time -had come when it must enter into the affairs of the Northern nations, -and for that time Suleiman, unusually tolerant towards the West, with -a great idea of the destiny of Turkey, and aided by his Christian -grand vizir, was ready, and by the end of his reign he had made -himself felt in every court on the continent, and had to be reckoned -with in every European cabinet. But as a natural corollary to this -fact, Turkey was never, after this time, wholly free from European -influence. The fine wedge of French intervention was introduced by La -Forest in the treaty of 1535, and conservative Turks of today look on -Suleiman’s “capitulations” as the beginning of endless troubles for -Turkey, while the French still rejoice over the triumphs of astute and -far‐sighted Francis I. “Suleiman en sortant de son farouche isolement,” -says Zeller, “François I^{_er_} en bravant les préventions de ses -contemporains, accomplirent une véritable revolution dans la politique -de l’Europe.”[141] For four centuries France remained the most weighty -foreign influence at the Porte. A fuller significance lay in what -Lord Stratford de Redcliffe called the “extra‐koranic” character of -the concessions made in this reign, the introduction of extra‐koranic -legislation in both foreign and internal affairs, by the side of the -maxims and rules of the Sheri or Holy Law. Turkey began to discover the -inadequacy of Koran legislation for a modern state.[142] - -How much did Ibrahim Pasha influence Suleiman in this policy? He -undoubtedly had the details in his own hands, but did he inspire the -plan? Probably not. Suleiman knew pretty clearly what he wanted, and -he pursued the same policy with the same success after the death of -Ibrahim. His contemporaries ascribed to Ibrahim the brain and the -force of Turkish diplomacy, and later historians have given to him the -exclusive credit of this political evolution. But Zeller’s view[143] -that too much importance may be given to the rôle of Ibrahim Pasha -seems better substantiated. Zeller, nevertheless, in his introduction -to _La Diplomatie Française_, accords to Ibrahim just that credit -that peculiarly belongs to him, if we have rightly understood the work -of the grand vizir, when he says: “Suleiman was not less enlightened -than Francis; he had, as well as the latter, the knowledge of his -own interests, and like him he was partially enfranchised from the -prejudices of his nation.... At the same time we cannot doubt but that -the grand vizir, whose ability and enlightenment are attested by all -the ambassadors, contributed to open the mind of his master to the -ideas outside his realm, to initiate him into a European Policy, to -make him see the menace of the increasing power of Charles V, and the -interest which he had to support France”. In the unusual liberality of -thought and freedom from prejudice that Suleiman showed in his relation -to Europe, we may see the influence of his intelligent favorite. - -Thus the two together, Suleiman and Ibrahim, or Ibrahim and Suleiman, -as Ferdinand often spoke of them, started the Ottoman Empire from the -lonely path of independence and semibarbarism to the labyrinthine and -noisy streets of European politics. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -IBRAHIM THE GENERAL - - -Suleiman’s reign was one of continuous war, and for the most part, -conquest. His two most redoubtable enemies were the infidel Hungarians -and the heretic Persians. His first great campaign was directed -against Belgrad, which important city he took in 1521. This conquest -he followed quickly by the victorious siege of Rhodes in 1522. In -these two campaigns, Ibrahim seems to have taken no part, although he -accompanied Suleiman to Rhodes in his capacity of favorite.[144] But in -the first Hungarian campaign the grand vizir Ibrahim was placed second -in command, the sultan himself leading the expedition. - -D’Ohsson gives an account of the ceremonial that used to precede war -in Turkey.[145] He says that the Porte never failed to legitimize a -war by a _fetva_ from the Sheik‐ul‐Islam given in grand council, after -which the sheiks of the imperial mosques met in the Hall of the Divan -and listened to the intoning of a chapter from the Koran, consecrated -to military expeditions. The first war measure was the arrest of the -ambassador of the country to be attacked, who was taken to the Seven -Towers. The next day a manifesto was published and sent to each foreign -legation; then followed a _Hat‐i‐Shereef_ conferring command on the -grand vizir. With the order he received a richly caparisoned steed -and a jeweled sabre, at a most brilliant ceremonial. Generally war was -declared in the autumn, the winter was occupied in preparation, and the -campaign was undertaken in the spring. At the day and hour appointed by -the court astrologer, the imperial standard was planted in the court -of the grand vizir or the Sultan, while imams[146] filled the air with -blessings and chants. Forty days later the first encampment was set up -with further ceremonies. - -The splendor of the Turkish tents, arms and dress were admired by all -observers. A Turkish camp was a lively place, crowded by priests, -dervishes, adventurers and volunteers, irregular soldiers, servants, -tents, and baggage; and, on the homeward way, laden with slaves and -booty. - -The Turkish army was at that time the finest in Europe, both in extent -and discipline. The Turks were a fighting people, whose arms had -steadily won them place and power from the time when their colonel -Othman interfered in a Seljuk quarrel to the time when Suleiman’s -armies were the terror of Europe, and the few hundred tents of Othman -had become the extensive and powerful Ottoman Empire. The army grew -and developed with the demands of the state, for as we have seen -above, the army _was_ the state. As Mr. Urquhart puts it:[147] “The -military branch includes the whole state. The army was the estates of -the kingdom. The Army had its Courts of Law, and its operations on the -field have never been abandoned to the caprice of a court or a cabinet.” - -Mr. Urquhart classifies the Turkish army under three main heads:[148] - -I. Permanent troops: janissaries, hired cavalry and regimental spahis -of the grand artillery, etc. - -II. Feudal troops. - -III. Provincial troops (_Ayalet Askeri_). - -He reckoned the number of troops at the close of the sixteenth century -as follows: - - -PERMANENT. - - Janissaries 50,000 - Spahis 250,000 - Artillery, armourers, etc. 50,000 - -Guards besides those drafted from Janissaries and Spahis—war levies: - - Akinji 40,000 - Ayab 100,000 - Ayalet Askeri (cavalry) 40,000 - Miri Askeri (infantry) 100,000 - - -Some explanation of these names will be desirable. The feudal and -provincial troops were those whose military service was demanded by -the feudal tenure of the _timars_ or fiefs. Of the permanent troops, -the celebrated body of the Spahis was recruited from the fiefs, sons -of the Spahis being preferred, and were required to follow the banner -of the Sultan himself. The Akinji were the light horse, the terror -of the Germans and the Hungarians. The Ayab were infantry, a sort of -Cossack on foot, as the Akinjis were Cossacks on horseback—without -either the pay of the janissaries or the fiefs of the spahis. The -famous corps of the janissaries was the heart of the army,—the most -privileged, the most terrible, the most efficient of the soldiery. -They were recruited from the children, taken in tribute from the -conquered Christian states, a thousand a year, and generally became -Moslems. The janissaries, the artillery and the guards were the only -soldiery paid from the treasury. The Turkish conquerors made war pay -for itself, living on the conquered country and carrying home immense -loot. At the close of his careful pamphlet, Mr. Urquhart makes an -interesting distinction between Janissary and Turkish principles. He -claims that the former are “violence, corruption, and prostration of -military strength, exhaustion of the treasury, resistance to all, and -therefore to beneficial, change.” The Turkish principles, he claims, -are altogether different and finer.[149] - -The Turkish artillery was very formidable. It was by means of this and -the setting of mines that Belgrad and Rhodes had been taken. There was -no navy. There were a number of pirates, freebooters who put themselves -at the service of the Sultan and won some considerable naval victories, -but they were not a part of the regular Turkish force. - -One constant order of battle was observed. The provincial troops -of Asia formed the right wing, and those of Europe the left, the -center being composed of regular bodies of cavalry and infantry, the -janissaries forming the front line. In Europe the home contingents -occupied the right wing. Thus were combined permanent and disciplined -infantry and cavalry with irregular foot and horse; a feudal -establishment with provincial armaments, and forces raised by -conscription, by enlistment, and by tribute. By this arrangement the -sultan could bring three enormous armies into the field simultaneously -in the heart of Europe and Asia.[150] - -A quaint description of the discipline of the Turkish army in 1585 -was given by one William Watreman in his book entitled “The Fardle of -Facions”, who thought that the speed, the courage and the obedience of -the Turkish soldiers accounted easily for their great success in war -for two hundred years,[151] and said that they were little given to -mutinies and “stirs”. - -Watreman was evidently not speaking of the privileged janissaries -here, for they were greatly given to mutinies and “stirs.” They -realized the immense power that the army possessed, and how definitely -the sultan was in their hands. That part of the army stationed at -Constantinople as guard to His Imperial Majesty had it in their power -to demand the degradation and the head of any hated official, and -usually these demands were granted. Authorized by the laws of their -predecessors and their own as well, they might furthermore imprison -the sultan himself, put him to death, and place on the throne one of -his relatives as his successor. When all the corps of this militia -of Constantinople unite under the orders of the Ulema, who give the -weight of law to the undertaking, the despotic sultan passes from the -throne to a prison cell, where a mysterious and illegal death soon -removes him.[152] The long list of deposed sultans witnesses to this -power. Little wonder then that Suleiman, after punishing the rebellious -janissaries in 1525, planned to employ them immediately in a campaign. - -On Monday, April 23rd, Suleiman left Constantinople with 100,000 men -and 300 cannon.[153] His grand vizir had started a week in advance, -commanding the vanguard of the army, largely cavalry. At Sophia both -armies encamped, and the grand vizir is said to have “dressed his tent -like a tulip in purple veilings.”[154] From this point the two armies -separated. Ibrahim Pasha threw a bridge across the Save, and advanced -to Peterwardein, a natural fort on the foot‐hills of the Fruska‐Gora -mountains, which was manned by a thousand poorly equipped soldiers. -Suleiman ordered Ibrahim Pasha to take Peterwardein, assuring him it -would be but a bite to last him till breakfast in Vienna.[155] The -sultan then proceeded to Belgrad. The grand vizir began preparations -for the siege, storming ladders were laid, and on July 15th the first -attack was made and repulsed with loss. The next night Ibrahim sent a -division of the army to the other side of the Danube, and the fight -continued all the following day until late evening, both by river -and land, a flotilla of small boats being on the Danube. In a second -assault the Turks pressed into the lower city, but they were again -repulsed. Ibrahim, convinced that storming was less easy then he had -thought, now prepared for a regular siege. After several day’s fighting -a great building in the fort fell, and the walls were broached in -several places. Nevertheless the besieged withstood two more assaults, -and made a sally by which the Turks sustained great loss. At length -Ibrahim laid mines under the walls of the fort, and on the 23rd day of -July, twelve days from the first attack, an explosion, followed by a -great assault and hard fighting, resulted in the taking of the place. -Only ninety men were left to lay down their arms. The Turkish loss also -had been heavy.[156] - -The successful siege, and doubtless also the rich reward of his -padisha, decided Ibrahim Pasha to besiege Illok on the Danube, which he -took in seven days. The sultan now announced that the objective point -of the expedition was Buda. The Turkish army advanced along the Danube, -devastating as it went, to the marshy plain of Mohacz. Here there was -a battle of the first importance in its political results, as we have -seen above, for it routed the Hungarian army, killed King Lewis, and -gave Hungary into Suleiman’s hands. It was a brief and bloody battle, -lasting but two hours. Petchevi gives picturesque scenes before the -battle, and tells of the vast enthusiasm that seized “the holy army”, -while Kemalpashazadeh gloats particularly on “the bloody festival.” -The plan of the battle was made by the sultan in conjunction with his -grand vizir, who visited the former several times during the evening -preceding the battle. At dawn on August 29th, 1526, the Turkish army -emerged from a wood and appeared before the Hungarians. First came -the army of Roumelie, a part of the janissaries, and the artillery -under Ibrahim Pasha. Then came 10,000 janissaries and the artillery of -Anatolia under Behram Pasha; behind him was the Sultan and his body -guards, janissaries and cavalry. - -Towards noon the Sultan occupied the height commanding the town and -saw his enemies ranged before him. The first attack was made by the -Hungarians and was successful in producing confusion in the Turkish -ranks. But the Turks rallied, and the Akinjis drew off the attack. -Ibrahim was always in the forefront, animating his men and “fighting -like a lion.” “By acts of intrepidity he snatched from the hearts -of his heroes the arrow of the fear of death. He restored their -failing spirits. Before the most fearful weapons he never moved -an eyelash.”[157] King Lewis, with thirty brave followers, pushed -towards the Sultan in a desperate attempt to take his life, but it was -the young king himself who fell instead in the terrible fight. The -artillery, discharging its first volley, caused frightful confusion -especially in the left wing. The Hungarian right wing, surrounded on -all sides, broke and fled, being cut down by the Turks, or drowned in -the marsh. The slaughter was fearful, as no prisoners were taken.[158] -The battle was so tragic to the Hungarians that to this day, when -disaster overtakes one of them, the proverb is quoted: “No matter, more -was lost on Mohacz field.”[159] - -The artillery of the grand vizir seems to have turned the day and -rendered the victory decisive for the Turks. The following day -Suleiman, seated under a scarlet pavillion, on a golden throne brought -from Constantinople, received the congratulations of his vizirs and -beylerbeys and with his own hand placed an aigrette of diamonds on the -head of his grand vizir. In gruesome contrast to this splendor was a -pyramid of one thousand heads of noble Hungarians piled before the -imperial tent. Mohacz was burned, and the Akinjis harried the country -in horrid fashion,[160] while the main army marched on to Buda. Here -the keys of the city were offered to Suleiman, and the campaign was -ended, except for the march back to Constantinople, with its details of -massacre and spoliation.[161] - -The credit for this successful Hungarian campaign is ascribed to -the grand vizir by three very good authorities. Ibrahim himself, -in a speech to the ambassador von Zara, claims to have conquered -Hungary:[162] the sultan, in a letter of victory to his provinces, -gives honor to Ibrahim; and the sheik‐ul‐Islam Kemalpashazadeh, in his -epic history of the battle of Mohacz, lavishes praise on the grand -vizir as commander of the armies on that field. “Heaven has never -seen,” he rhapsodizes, “and never will see a combat equal to that by -the prince of the champions of the faith, of this Asaf of Wisdom, -this experienced general, this lion‐hearted Ardeshir, I mean Ibrahim -Pasha.[163] The enemy of the enemies of the Holy War, in an instant he -repulsed the shock of the enemies of the faith.”[164] - -Suleiman in his letter gives Ibrahim credit for the taking of -Peterwardein and Illok. As to Mohacz he says:[165] - - - “The accursed king (Lewis) accompanied by the soldiers - of perdition fell before the army of Roumelie, which was - commanded by the Beylerbey of Roumelie, my grand vizir, - Ibrahim Pasha (May Allah glorify him eternally!). It was then - that the hero displayed all his innate valor.” - - -The first mention of Ibrahim in this letter is in the following terms: - - - “The leopard of strength and valor, the tiger of the forest - of courage, the hero filled with a holy zeal, the Rustem of - the arena of victory, the lion of the restoration of dominion, - the precious pearl of the ocean of all power, the champion of - the faith, the Grand Vizir, Beylerbey of Roumelie, Ibrahim - Pasha.”[166] - - -The flowers of the Sultan’s rhetoric may be accepted as a matter of -course, but the fact that he mentions Ibrahim as deserving of any share -in the glory of the imperial conquests is noteworthy, as in his letters -of victory he usually reserves all the honor for Allah and himself.[167] - -The campaign of Vienna was the next military event for Ibrahim. It was -on the eve of this expedition that Suleiman invested the grand vizir -with the office of Serasker.[168] - -Says Petchevi: - - - One day, going from the Divan to the Vizir Khaneh, the great - Lord and Conqueror calling the slaves before his presence - addressed them with eloquent and pearl‐scattering words - and with divine proceedings, saying: “Nothing prevents our - extending our arms at once to all parts of our land, but in - every case we cannot personally conduct affairs. Therefore we - formulate a _berat‐i‐shereef_ that Ibrahim Pasha, in the name - of Serasker may receive obedience and respect.” - - -Here Petchevi quotes the berat that was given in Chapter III, and then -continues with an account of the splendid presents sent to Ibrahim with -the berat, and the congratulations of all the ulema and vizirs.[169] -According to D’Ohsson, the investiture of Ibrahim was unusually -splendid and solemn. He tells of processions in the streets and visits -to the palace and continued cermonial after the army had started. When -the ambassadors had visited him with congratulations and hopes of his -success, he always replied: - -“Marching under the divine protection, under influence of the sacred -banner, under the auspices of the grandest, most powerful of monarchs, -I hope to gain brilliant victories over the enemies of the empire, and -soon return triumphant.”[170] - -It is not possible to go into all the details of the famous first siege -of Vienna, to which entire books have been devoted.[171] Our account of -it must be brief. On September 28th, 1529, Ibrahim Pasha stood before -Vienna with the Roumelian troops, and by the 28th the main body of the -army headed by the sultan was encamped before the city. The defenses of -Vienna were in bad repair, with only 16,000 men and 72 guns, against -a Turkish army of 300,000. The garrison was commanded by Philip of -Bavaria, Ferdinand remaining in Linz, in hopes of aid from the German -princes. The defenders of the city made desperate efforts to strengthen -it, tearing down houses that stood too close to the walls, leveling -suburbs that might protect the enemy, and erecting earthen defences and -new walls where necessary. To save some of the horrors of the siege, -the old men, the women and children, and the priests were forced to -leave the city.[172] Suleiman thought the taking of this stronghold -would be easy, and summoned the garrison to surrender, saying that if -they refused he would breakfast in Vienna on the third day, and would -spare no one. But the third day passed and many others and the Turks -were still digging under the towers and walls and laying mines. They -had been compelled by heavy rains to leave their siege guns behind -them, and had only field pieces and musketry. The besieged replied to -mine by countermine and effectually circumvented the Turkish plans. -Storming parties of the Turks were met by sallies from the beleaguered, -and Suleiman’s breakfast, as the Viennese scornfully told him, was -getting cold. Breaches made in the walls on October 9th and 11th were -repaired and defended by the undaunted Austrians, and after a splendid -effort made on October 14th to storm the city, and an equally splendid -and more successful resistance, the sultan was obliged to give up the -siege. It was Suleiman’s first defeat, and he found it hard to accept -it, but winter was coming on, provisions were inadequate for so long a -campaign, the army was discouraged, and furthermore, outside help was -known to be on the way to the beleaguered city from all quarters. On -October 14th the signal for retreat was given. The loss to the Turkish -army was great, and that of the Viennese slight.[173] - -Ibrahim Pasha had charge of the operations during the siege, and went -often to reconnoiter the fortifications, disguised in a colored turban -instead of the usual one of white and gold.[174] Count Christopher von -Zedlitz, a prisoner in the Turkish camp, said: “In this expedition -there was Ibrahim Pasha, who in this war counselled and directed -everything.”[175] There were at this siege, as in all campaigns, -frequent largesses to keep up the courage of the soldiers. The grand -vizir was surrounded by sacks of gold, of which he gave by the handful -when an enemy’s head was brought in, or an important capture made. -When the lure of gold was insufficient to arouse the ebbing courage -of the soldiers in the prolonged siege, the officers with the grand -vizir at their head urged them forward with blows of sticks and whips -and sabres. On October 12th Ibrahim assembled the beys of Roumelie, -spoke frankly of the discontent and hunger of the army, and urged -one more assault, promising whether it were successful or not, to -sound the retreat thereafter.[176] As we have seen, the assault was -made and failed, and the siege was raised and the retreat commenced. -When Suleiman left Vienna the grand vizir remained for some time with -cavalry in the neighborhood of the city, partly to cover the retreat, -and partly to rally the akinji scattered on plundering expeditions. -He also received proposals for an exchange of prisoners, to which he -replied as follows: - - - Ibrahim Pasha, by the grace of God First Vizir, Secretary - and Chief Councillor of the glorious, great and invincible - Emperor, Sultan Suleiman, head and minister of his whole - dominion, of his slaves and sandjaks, Generalissimo of his - armies: - - High‐born, magnanimous officers and commanders; having - received your writing sent by your messenger, we have digested - its contents. Know that we are not come to take your city into - our possession, but only to seek out your Archduke Ferdinand, - whom however we have not found, and hence have waited here so - many days, without his appearing. Yesterday moreover we set - free three of your prisoners, for which measure you should - fain to do likewise of those in your possession, as we have - desired your messenger to explain to you by word of mouth. You - may therefore send hither one of your own people to seek out - your countrymen, and without anxiety for our good faith, for - what happened to those of Pesth was not our fault but their - own. - - -In this letter Ibrahim makes the statement which Suleiman sent forth -officially, namely,—that the Turks did not wish to take Vienna, but -only to meet Ferdinand. A mile away from the camp the sultan halted and -received congratulations as for a victory, and dispensed rewards, the -grand vizir receiving four costly pellisses and five purses.[177] - -The next fortress to be besieged by Ibrahim Pasha was Güns, in 1532. -This was the critical point of Suleiman’s fifth Hungarian campaign. -After the sultan alone had reduced some thirteen minor forts, he -associated the grand vizir with him in this great siege. The little -fortress of Güns was brilliantly defended by Nicholas Juritschitz, who -had met Ibrahim in former days when ambassador at the Porte. - -On August 9th the grand vizir encamped before Güns, and three days -later Suleiman arrived. Many small cannon were used in this siege, -the largest sending a ball the size of a goose egg, which was, -nevertheless, very effective in destroying the battlements. Besides -continual assaults, mines were laid, but it was twelve days before -Ibrahim summoned the sturdy Juritschitz to surrender. Even then another -assault was necessary, which was at first unsuccessful owing to a very -curious event. The old men, women and children within the city, seeing -the banners of the janissaries planted on the walls, uttered such -piercing cries of fear and horror that the assailants were seized with -a panic as at something supernatural, and fled from the spot. But their -return was so fierce that a breach was made, and the brave Juritschitz, -wounded and helpless, was obliged to accept Ibrahim‘s terms.[178] -Using his knowledge of the grand vizir’s nature obtained during his -embassy to the Porte, he played on his vanity and obtained very good -conditions.[179] Güns was not pillaged, and only formally capitulated, -ten janissaries being allowed to remain an hour in the place in order -to erect a Turkish standard. So Juritschitz, writing to Ferdinand -exclaims: “God Almighty delivered me and this people from the hand of -tyranny, which honor all my life has not deserved.” - -The delay and practical defeat sustained at Güns, together with the -defeat of another Turkish army which was to enter Austria by the -Semmering Pass proved the saving of Vienna. Suleiman had announced -that he did not intend to attack Vienna on this campaign; nevertheless -his vast preparation and the counter‐preparations of Charles V and of -Germany suggested a more ambitious campaign than that which he carried -out. In any case Suleiman decided to withdraw, and immediately after -investing Gratz, which was well defended, he abandoned the enterprise -and returned to the Porte. - -When the Sultan made peace with Ferdinand in 1533, and temporarily -ceased operations on his northern frontier, he turned his attention -to conquests in two other directions, namely to the extension of his -sea power, and to the reduction of Persia. The romantic story of the -exploits of his great admiral Khaireddin Barbarosa does not come into -our field, but the Persian campaign is the next object of our attention. - -Ever since Suleiman’s accession to the throne the relations of the -Porte with the Shah of Persia had been strained. The only reason that -this had not resulted in open war was because Suleiman was more deeply -concerned in Hungarian affairs. There was continual fighting on the -frontier. When Shah Tahmasp succeeded his father Ismail, he was little -inclined to humble himself before the Turkish monarch, so he resented -an overbearing and threatening letter from Suleiman. Now seemed a -favorable moment to execute the threat of war. The excuse was the -betrayal of the Ottomans by the khan of Bitlis, who had gone over to -the shah of Persia, while the Persians were irate because the Persian -governor of Aserbaijan and Baghdad had joined the Turks and had taken -with him the keys of Baghdad. The governor having been assassinated and -Baghdad retaken by the Persians, Suleiman determined on immediate war. - -Ibrahim, again invested with the office of serasker, was sent to Persia -to retake Bitlis and Baghdad. He and his army marched as far as Konia, -where he received the head of Sherefbey, after which he advanced to -Aleppo to take up his winter quarters.[180] He occupied his leisure -during the winter by taking several neighboring fortresses. His next -plan was to move on Baghdad, but the defterdar Iskender Chelebi who -accompanied the expedition urged an immediate advance to Tebriz, -recently abandoned by the shah, arguing that the fall of Tebriz would -mean the taking of Baghdad. Ibrahim followed Iskender’s suggestion, and -arrived before Tebriz the 13th of July, 1534. Receiving the submission -of many fortresses en route, he triumphantly entered the Persian -capital. To avert the evils generally incident to a Turkish occupation, -he set up a judge at Tebriz, and a strong guard. This was unusual -self‐restraint in a Turkish conqueror. At this time he suffered the -loss of one of his armies in the defile of Kiseljedagh, but otherwise -he met only with victory and submission. - -On the 27th of September Suleiman joined the grand vizir at Aoudjan and -immediately rewarded him and the other beylerbeys for their successes. -The united armies continued their march towards Hamadan. The lateness -of the season made the crossing of the mountains very difficult. Many -pack animals died and the artillery was mired in the bad roads. In that -perilous situation the army was attacked by the enemy and suffered -considerable loss in men and supplies. - -At last the army reached Baghdad. The governor sent a letter of -submission, and then to secure his own safety, fled. The grand vizir -immediately took possession of the city, shut the gates to prevent -pillage, and sent the keys of the city to Suleiman who had not yet -come up. Baghdad was the bulwark of the Persian empire and of great -military importance. The army remained there four months while the -sultan organized his new conquests. April 2nd, 1535, the Turkish army -commenced its return to its capital, making a march of three months to -Tebriz and thence of six months to Stambul. - -In this campaign Ibrahim had little actual fighting, and slight use for -the artillery and mines in which he was so well versed. The success of -the campaign was due to the terror excited by the reputation of the -Turkish army, and the endurance with which it made terrible marches, -equalling the celebrated marches of the generals of antiquity.[181] -Ferdinand of Hungary wrote Ibrahim congratulating him on this -successful campaign. - -This was Ibrahim’s last campaign. His career was cut short at this -point. In this Persian expedition the grand vizir had some personal -experiences which do not properly belong to an account of his -generalship, but rather to the next chapter dealing with his fall. - -In these varied campaigns Ibrahim Pasha showed himself an able and -generally successful general. In all of his battles and sieges he was -defeated only at Vienna, and practically, although not nominally, at -Güns. He was brilliant in his attacks, especially with artillery, the -battle of Mohacz being the best illustration of this. He was excellent -in mines and sieges, regardless of the fact that he did not succeed -in reducing Vienna. He was strong in marching, as the great march -across Persia witnesses. He generally had good control over his men, -although at Vienna he failed to incite them to greater efforts. He was -personally brave and fearless, leading his troops and betaking himself -to the point of greatest danger. He seems to have been less cruel than -was usual among Turkish conquerors, although his army committed some -horrid atrocities. He followed the usual custom of looting, which made -war so attractive to the Turkish soldier.[182] He appreciated valor -even in his enemies, as the story of his treatment of the prisoner -Zedlitz and his freeing of him illustrates.[183] The credit for the -conquests of this period must be divided between Sultan Suleiman and -his grand vizir, who was able to push all plans of Suleiman, whether -military or diplomatic, to a fortunate conclusion. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -IBRAHIM’S FALL - - -On March 5th, 1536[184] Ibrahim Pasha betook himself to the imperial -palace in Stamboul to dine with the sultan and spend the night with his -Majesty, according to a long established custom. In the morning his -body was found with marks on it, showing that he had been strangled -after a fierce struggle.[185] A horse with black trappings carried the -dishonored body home,[186] and it was immediately buried in a dervish -monastery in Galata, with no monument to mark its resting place.[187] -His immense property fell to the crown,[188] and Ibrahim Pasha, the -mighty grand vizir, was dropped out of mind and conversation as though -he had not practically ruled the empire for thirteen years. - -What caused this abrupt extinction of Suleiman’s love for his former -favorite? Ibrahim naturally had many enemies, among them the most -influential ones being the defterdar Iskender Chelebi, and Roxelana, -the favorite wife of Suleiman. These appear to have worked for years -to poison Suleiman’s mind against the grand vizir, but for a long time -without success.[189] What charges could they bring against him? - -Ibrahim, we recall, was born a Christian, and probably accepted Islam -only formally and not from conviction. Now and then in his career -his Christian predilections appear and always injure his reputation. -One instance of this was the case of the infidel Cabyz, towards whom -Ibrahim was accused of being overlenient. Another illustration of -lack of consideration for Moslem prejudices was when he brought home -from Buda three statues taken from the royal palace and set them up -in the Hippodrome. This was in defiance of the Moslem rule, observed -literally, to permit the display of “no images of anything in the -heaven above, the earth beneath, or the water under the earth.” -Although Ibrahim was supported in this act by the tolerant sultan, it -brought down on his head a clamor of horror. He was spoken of as an -idolator, and the poet Fighani Chelebi composed a satire against him -which was never forgotten. It ran: - - - “Two Abrahams came into the world; - The one destroyed idols, the other set them up.” - - -The audacious poet paid for his wit with his life, but the satire -remained popular. Ibrahim became less and less careful in religious -matters as his power became more assured. A contemporary wrote: - - - The opinionated pasha at the beginning of his power was very - docile in every respect to the Holy Law, besides which it was - his custom to consult wise men in every affair of his desire; - and his faith in Islam was so strong that if some one brought - a Koran to him, he would gracefully rise to his feet and kiss - it and lay it on his forehead and hold it level with his - breast, not one inch below. But later when he went to Baghdad - as serasker and mixed with infamous or foolish people, his - character changed to such a degree that he did not regard the - lives of innocent men more highly than fine dust, and if some - one brought him as a gift a Koran or a beautifully‐written - manuscript, as he saw him approaching he would become angry - and refuse it, saying, “Why do you bring them to me? There is - no end to the good books that I possess,” and sometimes he - would revile the men.[190] - - -The Venetians seem to have regarded Ibrahim as favorable to them, and -needy Christians in the empire turned to him for help and sometimes -were freed by him from captivity and death.[191] His parents remained -Christians. It is doubtful whether these last facts would arouse -any feeling against the grand vizir; but the disregard of Moslem -sensibilities noted above was very unwise and would give his enemies a -point of attack although it was rather unlikely by itself to influence -greatly the confidence of the sultan, a monarch noted for his unusual -tolerance towards beliefs outside of Islam. But Ibrahim permitted -himself another imprudence that was far more dangerous. - -As we have studied Ibrahim’s career, we have seen the vast power that -he gradually gathered into his hands, and we have noted the amazement -with which European legates listened to his own accounts of his -standing in the state. He was practically the ruler of the Ottoman -empire, but there was one fact that he forgot; he was absolutely at -the disposal of the sultan and could be disgraced or executed at the -latter’s caprice—he was but the shadow of the “Shadow of God” on -earth.[192] - -On the Persian expedition he made the grave mistake of assuming the -title of _Serasker‐Sultan_. Although as von Hammer points out[193] the -title of _sultan_ was commonly borne by small Kurdish rulers in the -country in which Ibrahim then was, yet at Constantinople there was but -_one_ sultan, and to usurp his title was to lay one’s self open to the -charge of unlawful ambition.[194] Moreover as Ahmed Pasha had assumed -the title upon his revolt in Egypt, the association with disloyalty -must have been very strong to Suleiman. There were plenty of courtiers -ready to interpret his action thus in reporting to the sultan. Here -was a charge that Suleiman could hardly ignore even though he might -disbelieve it for a while. - -The immediate cause of Ibrahim’s fall was his quarrel with Iskender -Chelebi.[195] A relationship between the two men had long existed and -for years had been unfriendly. When Ibrahim was sent to Egypt Iskender -was in his train. Ibrahim’s wealth and power were a source of envy to -the defterdar, while the latter’s personality seems to have become -disagreeable to the grand vizir. On the expedition to Persia the -smouldering hatred between the two men broke into flame. When Ibrahim -proposed to take the title of Serasker‐Sultan, the defterdar attempted -to dissuade him and thus aroused Ibrahim’s resentment. There was also -an ostentatious display of wealth, the defterdar and the grand vizir -each attempting to send to the army a larger number of more richly -equipped soldiers, and each considering the other’s contribution mean. -Insults were exchanged. At length Ibrahim accused the defterdar of -taking money from the royal treasury, and brought witnesses against -him who were probably in Ibrahim’s pay. It became a war to the death -between the two enemies. Ibrahim doubtless knew that if Iskender -lived he himself would be sacrificed. So he accomplished the disgrace -and execution of the treasurer but he did not thereby secure his own -safety. Iskender Chelebi, accused of intrigues against his master, as -well as mismanagement of the public funds, was hanged at Baghdad. As he -went to the gallows he sent a Parthian shot at his murderer. Calling -for pen and paper, he made a written statement that not only was he -guilty of conspiring with the Persians but that Ibrahim was equally -guilty, and that the latter had plotted to attempt Suleiman’s life, -lured by Persian gold.[196] However we may doubt Iskender’s honesty in -making a statement that would draw down on his enemy his own fate, the -Turkish sultan would be unlikely to question it, for among the Turks -the testimony of a dying man or one led to execution is of very great -weight. In law it outweighs that of forty ordinary witnesses.[197] - -Suleiman’s conviction of his vizir’s guilt was further strengthened, -as the Turkish chronicles relate, by a vision in which the murdered -defterdar appeared surrounded by a celestial halo. He reproached -Suleiman for submitting to the usurpation of his grand vizir, and -finally threw himself on the sultan as though to strangle him.[198] -Suleiman, once convinced of Ibrahim’s guilt or of the menace he -was to his power, acted secretly and silently. He did not confront -his favorite with accusations nor give him a chance to exculpate -himself,[199] but disposed of him swiftly. As Lamartine says,[200] -“Ibrahim’s life ended without reverses and perhaps without other crimes -than greatness.” A brilliant career for thirteen years, even though -followed by sudden disgrace and death, is a fate that might be envied -by many. The abruptness of Ibrahim’s fall is paralleled many times -in Turkish history, which is full of sensational rises and falls. In -the history of his life alone, we have seen Ahmed Pasha of Egypt and -Iskender Chelebi rise to great heights and quickly descend to disgrace -and death. It was the almost limitless possibility of rising, and the -ever present danger of falling that constituted the fascination of -Turkish public life. One could hardly start with a handicap too severe -to prevent him from attaining greatness. On the other hand one was -never sure of retaining for twenty‐four hours the power, wealth and -rank that he had attained, for a momentary caprice of the monarch -might end it abruptly. Even the sultan himself might suddenly be -overthrown and fill a dungeon cell or a grave, while his successor -taken from a harem or a prison ascended the mighty throne. Nowhere have -life and its possibilities been more uncertain than on or near the -Ottoman throne. - -Let us consider in conclusion the question of Ibrahim’s relations -to Suleiman. Was he a traitor or not? Baudier says that Suleiman -confronted Ibrahim with his own letters to Charles V and Ferdinand -and that he had secret intelligence with the Austrians. In the papers -collected by Gévay which seem complete as to the correspondence between -Ibrahim and the Austrian ruler, there are no such letters, nor are -they found in any other collection nor mentioned by the Austrians -themselves. On the contrary, we have despatches from Ferdinand to -Ibrahim written July 5th, 1535, March 23, 1535, and March 14, 1536, -after his death, urging Ibrahim’s continued offices and expressing -gratitude for his efforts to keep peace between the two countries.[201] - -The charge of collusion with the Austrians which we have examined and -discussed in connection with the siege of Vienna we here dismiss as -being supported by very insufficient data. What had Ibrahim to gain by -accepting money or position from Charles? Could the latter give him -the half of what Suleiman lavished on him? The similar charge made by -Iskender Chelebi when at the gallows, that Ibrahim had been induced -by Persian gold to plan the assassination of the sultan falls to the -ground for the following reasons; lack of any other witness than -Iskender[202] and the discredit that attaches to a witness who was the -vizir’s fiercest and most desperate enemy, together with the fact that -the Persians could offer Ibrahim nothing commensurate with his wealth -and power as grand vizir. - -I think then we may definitely put aside the charges of his being -bought with either Persian or Austrian gold. But the most serious -charge remains. Did he aspire to overthrow his master, and himself -become sultan? Again our sources are silent or ambiguous. Let us -inquire of the Turkish historians. “He fell into the net of the -imagination of kingship and power,”[203] says Osmanzadeh, which might -mean no more than the megalomania of which he gave so many signs. -Sadullah Saïd Effendi expresses himself with an equal vagueness: -“Perhaps Ibrahim was caught in the net of the thought of partnership of -the empire.”[204] Petchevi makes no charge. Solakzadeh and Abdurrahman -Sheref consider Ibrahim’s death a just punishment for his treatment -of Iskender, but prefer no severe charge.[205] The Venetians make no -accusation beyond the very vague one that “he loved himself better than -he did his lord, and wished to be alone in the dominion of the world in -which he was much respected.”[206] - -Guillaume Postel takes up some of the accusations against Ibrahim and -treats them as follows: The accusations were: 1st. Complicity with -the defterdar in looting. This Postel accepts, telling how Ibrahim -had looted wherever he had marched. 2nd. His being a Christian, which -we need not consider further here. 3rd. An understanding with the -Emperor. 4th. An understanding with the Shah of Persia. 5th. A desire -to be sultan. 6th. A desire to raise Mustafa, Suleiman’s son, to the -throne. Postel says that Ibrahim certainly had no understanding with -the emperor, as is proved by the fact that the latter did not use -the unexampled opportunity of the Persian war to invade Turkey, an -argument which seems to us strong. To this he adds the weak argument -that Ibrahim could not bear to hear the emperor spoken of. The charge -of an understanding with the shah was based on the early losses in the -Persian campaign which Postel disposes of as not being the fault of -Ibrahim. The charge of wishing Mustafa on the throne is baseless and -unreasonable, as the grand vizir could certainly not gain by a change -of masters. As to the charge of wishing to be sultan, Postel dismisses -that with the single argument that it was a much too dangerous to -attempt. - -In the absence of any data inculpating Ibrahim of desiring the throne, -we are confined to probabilities. That he loved power and became very -ambitious must be recognized. Whether he were mad enough to think he -could replace Suleiman on the throne which until this day has never -been held by any other than a member of the family of Othman, and -that he could hold such a position in the face of an enraged public, -Mohammedan to the core as to its army and priesthood; whether he could -have so far lost his judgment as to conceive that, Christian slave as -he was, he could possibly be in a more advantageous position than the -one he already held by the grace of Suleiman, we cannot answer except -by the fact that in public affairs his brain was still cool and clear. -How far, if at all, he was unfaithful to his master and friend is -buried with him in the convent at Galata. - -Ibrahim Pasha’s brilliant career was closed. What were the achievements -of his thirteen years of power? He had carried the Turkish arms to -the gates of Vienna in the west and to Bagdad and Tebriz in the east, -and his almost uniformly successful generalship had added to the -great renown in which the Ottoman army was held. Sometimes alone, and -sometimes under the sultan, he had shown himself an able strategist, -and fearless soldier. He had established diplomatic relations with -Europe, one of his last acts being the first treaty with the French, -and in diplomacy he had shown himself intelligent, true to Suleiman’s -interests, and strong if not subtle. As an administrator, his brief -power in Egypt was used wisely, and his governorship of Roumelie was -able and strong, if not rising in a marked degree above the standards -of his day. He was possessed of dignity, impressiveness of manner, and -a magnificence in which he vied with his imperial master. He certainly -had cared for his own interests, obtaining enormous wealth and power, -but that he had ever neglected his master’s interests is unproved, and -many times he showed himself loyal rather than venal. - -Ibrahim’s importance in Turkish history lies partly in the great -diplomatic changes and the conquests which he achieved together with -Suleiman, and partly in the fact that he was the first grand vizir -taken from the people who exercised much power, and that with him began -the rule of vizirs and favorites which became a very important fact in -later Turkish history. While we recognize the danger of such rule, yet -we also feel that Turkey had a better chance under such men of ability -as Mehmet Sokolli Pasha and the Kiuprelli vizirs than under the chance -sultans of the Ottoman family, which has produced few great rulers -since Suleiman the Magnificent. - -To western students the interest in Ibrahim’s history lies not only -in his bringing Turkey into friendly contact with Europe, but perhaps -more in the very perfect and highly developed illustration he affords -of the curious anomalies, the romantic possibilities, the strangeness -of Turkish rule, as well as in the light that his career throws on -European rulers and armies of the same century. - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHY - -I. OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE, TREATIES AND OTHER DOCUMENTS - - - Albèri. _Relatione degli Ambasciatori Veneti._ 3 series, 9 - vols. Venice, 1839–63. - - Ameer Ali, Syed. _Mohammedan Law._ Compiled from authorities - in original Arabic. Calcutta, 1893–4. 3 vols. 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Noldecke. - - Zeitschrift der Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. xiv. _Das - Sklavenwesen in der Türkei._ Leipzig, 1860. - - _Original Narrative of the Adventures of the Count Christopher - von Zedlitz in the Turkish camp._ Ed. by Ellesmere. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Léon Cahun. _L’Introduction de l’Histoire de l’Asie Centrale, Les -Turcs et les Mongols_ (Paris, 1896), chap. i. - -[2] _Koudakou Bilik_, 1068. Trans. by Vambéry, quoted by Cahun. - -[3] _Bey_ is a military title, corresponding approximately to colonel -or perhaps to a higher title in the eleventh century. - -[4] This judgment is the result of personal observation, supported by -statements of M. Cahun and others. - -[5] Othman or Osman, who gave his name to the Ottoman State. - -[6] Th. Noldecke, “Geschichte Suleimans des Ersten,” in _Zeitschrift -der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, vol. xii, 1858, p. 220. - -[7] _I Diarii di Marini Sanuto_, vol. xxxv, p. 258 (published Venice, -1879). - -_Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti_, _ed._ by Albèri, Series III, -vol. iii. Report of Pietro Zen, 1524, p. 95. - -Solakzadeh, _Tarih Osmanieh_ (Constantinople, 1297, A. H.). - -M. Baudier, _The History of the Imperial Estate of the Grand Seigneurs_ -(1635, _trans._ by Grimeston), p. 171. - -Parga, a village on the coast of Greece, opposite Corfu, under Venetian -domination in the sixteenth century. - -[8] He himself told the embassador Zara in 1532 that he was born the -same week as Suleiman. _Cf._ _Urkunden und Actenstücke zur Geschichte -der Verhältnisse zwischen Oesterreich, Ungarn, und der Pforte im XVI -und XVII Jahrhunderte_. Aus Archiven und Bibliotheken, Anton von Gévay -(Wien, 1840). - -[9] _Ibid._, also Pietro Zen, _op. cit._ - -[10] “Suonava a perfezione il violino.” Albèri, III, 3, p. 95, Pietro -Zen. - -[11] Baudier tells the latter story, Pietro Zen the former. Guillaume -Postel (Poitiers, 1560) gives a slightly different version. He says -that Ibrahim was captured for a soldier in Selim’s reign and sold to -Iskender Chelebi, the treasurer of Anatolia. This is interesting in -view of his later relations with Iskender, but is not sustained by -other witnesses. - -[12] Albèri, _op. cit._, p. 116, Marco Minio. - -[13] _Ibid._, p. 97. Also Sanuto, vol. xli, p. 527, Piero Bragadino. - -[14] S. A. S. Demetrius Cantimir, Prince de Moldavie, _Histoire de -l’Empire Othoman_ (1743, tr. by de Joncquières), vol. ii, p. 289. - -[15] Von Hammer, _Histoire de l’Empire Ottomane_, tr. by J. J. Hellert -(Paris, 1836), vol. v, note 23, p. 45. - -[16] Baudier, _op. cit._, p. 172. - -[17] _Cf._ M. de Mourajea D’Ohsson, _Tableau Général de l’Empire -Ottomane_ (1787), vol. iii, _passim_. - -[18] Sanuto, _op. cit._, vol. xli, Pietro Bragadino. - -[19] The word _Serai_ will be used in these pages in the Turkish sense -of palace and will refer to a royal palace. - -[20] Sanuto, _op. cit._, vol. xli, p. 527, Pietro Bragadino. - -[21] Albèri, III, I, p. 28. - -[22] Petchevi, Chelebizadeh, Solakzadeh, Abdurrahman Sheref, etc. - -[23] For instance, the vials of water blessed by the immersion of one -end of the mantle of the Prophet, which the sultan ordered distributed -to the nobles of the state on the 15th of the month of Ramazan. - -[24] _Caftan_, a long, loose‐sleeved cloak or robe. - -[25] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 303 - -[26] Albèri, III, ii, p. 31. - -[27] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 315. - -[28] George Young, _Corps de Droit Ottoman_ (1905), vol. ii, p. 166; -also D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 133. - -[29] “Nach muslimischem Gesetz ist Sklave derjenige welche im Kriege -gefangen genommen oder mit Gewalt aus feindlichem Lande fortgeführt -worden ist, wenn er zur Zeit seiner Gefangennahme ein Ungläubiger war.” -Robert Roberts, _Familien, Sklaven, und Erbenrecht im Koran_, p. 42. -(Leipzig, 1908.) - -[30] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 35. - -[31] “And when ye meet those who misbelieve, then strike off their -heads until ye have massacred them, and bind fast the bonds.” “Then -either a free agent (liberty) or a ransom until the war shall have laid -down its burdens.” _Koran_ (Palmer’s translation, vol. ix, of _Sacred -Books of the East_), Surah, XLVII, vs. 4–5. - -“The reward of those who make war against God and His Apostle, and -strive after violence in the earth, is only that they shall be -slaughtered and crucified, or their hands cut off, or their feet on -alternate sides, or that they shall be banished from the land, a -disgrace for them in this world, and for them in the next a mighty woe, -save for those who repent before ye have them in your power.” _Ibid._, -Surah V, vs. 37. - -“The spoils are God’s and the Apostles’; fear God and settle it among -yourselves.... Fight them then, that there should be no sedition, -and that the religion should be wholly God’s; but if they desist (to -disbelieve) then God on what they do doth look. But if they turn their -backs, then know that God is your Lord ... and know that whenever ye -seize anything as a spoil, to God belongs a fifth thereof, and to his -Apostle and to kindred and orphans and the poor the wayfarer.” _Ibid._, -Surah VIII, vs. 1, 40–42. - -[32] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 35. - -[33] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 142. - -[34] Ameer Ali, _op. cit._, p. 256. - -[35] “And unto such of your slaves as desire a written instrument -allowing them to redeem themselves, or paying a certain sum, write one, -if ye know good in them, and give them of the riches of God which he -hath given you.” _Koran_ (Sale’s Trans.), Surah XXIV. - -Mohammed accepted the institution of slavery, but urged gentleness in -dealing with the slave. Muir thus quotes a speech made by Mohammed in -his last year at Mina: “And your slaves! See that ye feed them with -such food as ye yourselves eat, and clothe them with the stuffs ye -wear. And if they commit a fault which ye are not inclined to forgive, -then sell them, for they are the servants of the Lord, and not to be -tormented.” Muir, _Life of Mahomet_, p. 458. - -_Cf._ also Syed Ameer Ali, _A Critical Examination of the Life and -Teaching of Mohammed_ (London, 1873), chap, xv, p. 257. “The masters -were forbidden to exact more work than was just and proper. They were -ordered never to address their male and female slaves by that degrading -appellation, but by the more affectionate name of ‘my young man’ or ‘my -young maid’.” - -[36] _Parliamentary Papers, Slave Trade_, 1860, B. P., 130. Quoted by -Young, _op. cit._, vol. ii, note, p. 167. - -[37] Fatma Alieh Hanum, _Les Musulmanes Contemporaines_ (1894, Paris). - -[38] Young, _op. cit._, vol. i, note, p. 167. - -[39] “There are few Turkish beggars, for they which beg among -Christians are set to do servile offices among the Turks. If a slave -become lame, his master is bound to support him, yet the veriest -cripple among them brings his master some profit.” - -We may omit Busbequius’ advocacy of slavery. He continues later: -“The Turks in their way do make a huge advantage of slaves; for if -an ordinary Turk bring home one or two slaves, whom he has taken as -prisoners of war, he accounts he hath made a good campaign of it, and -his prize is worth his labor. An ordinary slave is sold among them for -40 to 50 crowns, but if he be young and beautiful and have some skill -in some trade also, then they rate him as twice as much. By this you -may know how advantageous the Turkish depredations are to them, when -many times from one expedition they bring home five or six thousand -prisoners.” Ogier Ghiselin de Busbequius, _Travels in Turkey_, trans. -into English, 1774. - -[40] Snouck Hurgronje makes practically the same statement in his -_Mekka_, vol. ii, p. 19 (Haag, 1889). “Alles in Allem ist der -Zustand des muslimischen Sklaven nur formell verschieden von dem der -europäischen Diener und Arbeiter.” - -[41] Memoirs of the Baron de Tott on _The Turk and the Tartars_, -(trans. from the French, London, 1785), vol. ii, pp. 379–380. - -[42] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 38. - -[43] M. le Chevalier Ricaut, _Tableau de l’empire Ottomane_ (1709), vol. -ii, chap. ii, p. 5. - -[44] Albèri, III, 3, p. 95, note, Pietro Zen. - -[45] The formula of enfranchisement. D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. -143. - -[46] Albèri, III, 3, p. 95, note, Pietro Zen. - -[47] Marsigli, _Stato Militare dell’ Imperio Ottomano_ (1732), vol. i. - -[48] Albèri III, i, p. 11. Danielo di Ludovisi. - -[49] _Roum_ means Roman, from the Roman or Byzantine empire whose -territory had largely passed to Turkey. - -[50] _Sandjak_ is literally _banner_. - -[51] Juchereau de Saint Denis, quoted by Ludovisi. - -[52] Albrecht, _Grundriss des osmanischen Staatsrechts_, p. 68. Also -von Hammer, p. 166. - -[53] Petchevi, _Tarih Osmanieh_, vol. i, p. 79. - -[54] A piastre was about 89 cents in that century. - -[55] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 337. - -[56] _Harem_ means _set apart_, _sacred_, or _accursed‐taboo_, and is a -term applied to the women of a Moslem household. - -[57] _Cf._ also Cantimir, “Suleiman gave Ibrahim his sister in -marriage.” Jorga on the other hand says that Ibrahim married a daughter -of Iskender Chelebi, but I have seen no such statement elsewhere, -except the following ambiguous statement in Solakzadeh: “Between -Iskender and Ibrahim Pasha the relation of father and son existed.” -P. 478. Abdurrahman Sheref writes in his _Tarih Osmanieh_, “Some -historians say that Ibrahim was brother‐in‐law to the Sultan.” Petchevi -and the Venetian Baillies Bragadino and Pietro Zen, while giving -detailed accounts of the wedding feast say nothing of the bride. - -[58] For accounts see Petchevi, _op. cit._, vol. i, pp. 79 _et seq._; -Solakzadeh, _op. cit._; Marini Sanuto, _op. cit._, vol. 36, pp. 505 _et -seq._, with references _passim_. Also von Hammer, _op. cit._, vol. v, -pp. 52 _et seq._, and Cantimir, _op. cit._ - -[59] “Ed in quella ne sono distesi molti pavioni, tra li qual quello -del Gran signor, uno che fo de Uson Cassan, che fu quello quando l’ebbe -la rotta da sultan Machmet, l’altro del signor Sophi, che fu aquistado -da sultan Selim, l’altro del sultan Elgauri, conquistado pur per el -ditto sultan Selim. Quanto siano di richezza e di magnificentia et -bellezza bisogneria con el penello in longo tempo farla, et si haveria -fatica per la gran superbia et valuta è in quelli.” Marini Sanuto, _op. -cit._, vol. xxxvi, p. 505. - -[60] _Tutta la terra._ Marino Sanuto, _op. cit._, vol. xxxvi, p. 505. - -[61] Marino Sanuto, vol. xli, p. 526. - -[62] Until the introduction of tables from the West, and to this day -in certain houses, Turkish meals are served on large trays placed on -stools. - -[63] Von Hammer says that Ali also tells this story, but that the other -Turkish historians omit it. _Op. cit._, vol. v, note, p. 145. - -[64] Petchevi, _Tarih Osmanieh_, p. 93. - -[65] Souheila, in his _History of Egypt (Misr)_, says that Suleiman -originally planned to go himself to Egypt, but that the grand vizir -said, “If it be the glorious command of the just king, we are -sufficient for the service,” whereupon he was appointed chief of the -expedition. - -[66] Petchevi, Sadullah Säid, and Solakzadeh who was present on the -expedition, and following them, Djelalzadeh and Abdurrahman Sheref. As -I have been unable to obtain a copy of Djelalzadeh, I am obliged to -depend on Von Hammer’s quotations from his history. - -[67] “In Aleppo and Damascus, with justice and equity he destroyed the -standards of revolt raised by villains.” Soleyman Nameh, by Sadullah -Säid Effendi. - -“In the province of Aleppo were some who wished redress, from whom he -removed oppression and tyranny.” Solakzadeh, _op. cit._ _Cf._ also von -Hammer, _op. cit._, vol. v, p. 57. - -[68] Sadullah Säid, _op. cit._ - -[69] Sadullah Säid. - -[70] Sadullah Säid, Solakzadeh. - -[71] Solakzadeh. - -[72] Solakzadeh. - -[73] Solakzadeh, Petchevi. - -[74] “By letters from Constantinople we are informed that within a -fortnight the Magnifico Ibrahim Pasha was expected from Cairo with -a large sum of gold. The Grand Turk has ordered him an honorable -reception in a new and unusual form.” The Doge and College to Lorenzo -Orio in England, Sept. 18, 1525. Brown’s _Calendar of State Papers in -Venice, 1520–1526_, 1114. - -[75] Djelalzadeh, translated and quoted by von Hammer. - -[76] Of course, since July, 1908, the whole idea of the Ottoman state -has changed, although the military titles remain; indeed since the -reforms of 1836 the above description has only in part held true. These -general statements may be understood to refer to Turkey from 1453 to -1836. - -[77] The ulema were the doctors of sacred law and jurisprudence. - -[78] This account taken from Solakzadeh, _op. cit._ - -[79] Albrecht, _W. Grundriss des Osmanischen Staatsrechts_ (Berlin, -1905), p. 68. - -[80] Guillaume Postel, _La République des Turcs_, p. 49. - -[81] Daru, _Histoire de Venise_, quoted by Zeller, _op. cit._, note p. -204. - -[82] Charrière, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 486. - -[83] Pietro Zen said Ibrahim had been a Venetian subject. Albèri, III, -also Bragadino, Marini Sanuto, vol. 41, p. 527, wrote: “Questo bassa è -molto amico di la Signoria nostra, homo iusto et savio; ha cassà zoie -portade dal Cayro oltra il bel presente fece al Signore, come scrisse.” - -[84] Marini Sanuto, _op. cit. passim_. - -[85] Albèri, III, i, p. 28. - -[86] Kogabey, “_Abhandlung über den Verfall des osmanischen -Staatsgebäudes seit Sultan Suleiman dem Grossen_.” Trans, by Behrman, -_Zeitschrift der Morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, vol. 15, p. 319. - -[87] On a peine à representer devant un état descendu à un rang -inférieur et devenu le jouet de la politique des autres puissances -cette action illimitée qu’il exerçait dans les affaires de l’Europe, -et qui, à chaque mouvement de cet empire semblait mettre en question -l’existence de Christianisme et celle de la société européene tout -entière.” E. Charrière, _Négociations de la France dans le Levant_ -(Paris, 1848), vol. iii, Introduction. - -[88] Noradunghian (_Actes Internationaux de l’Empire Ottoman_), in -his _Repertoire Chronologique_, records treaties with Ragusa before -Suleiman’s accession, and two in 1520, all offering Turkish protection -in exchange for tribute. - -[89] Von Hammer, _op. cit._, vol. v, p. 20. - -[90] Quoted by Horatio Brown, _Venice_, 1893. - -[91] Turkish proverb. - -[92] Karamsin, _Histoire de Russie_, _tr._ by St. Thomas and Jauffret, -1819–1826, vol. vii, p. 142. - -[93] D. J. Hill, _Hist. of European Diplomacy_, ii, p. 346. - -[94] Hill, _op. cit._, quotes Contarini to this effect. - -[95] _Cf._ Pastor’s _Hist. of the Popes_, vol. iii, _passim_. - -[96] In a circular to his electors, quoted by J. Janssen, _History of -Germany_, vol. ii, p. 276. - -[97] Noradunghian, _op. cit._, records two commercial treaties -in 1508–1517. _Cf._ also Marini Sanuto, vol. iii, pp. 79, 117, 132, -180, 286, 453. - -[98] Gévay, _op. cit._, _Gesandschaft Königs Ferdinand I am Sultan -Suleiman_, i, p. 21. - -[99] _Cf._ Zinkheisen, _op. cit._, p. 640; also von Hammer, _Mémoire -sur les premières relations diplomatiques entre la France et la Porte_, -in _Journal Asiatique_, vol. x, series i, p. 19 _et seq._ - -[100] _Cf._ Report of Lambert and Juritschitz to Ferdinand, 1531, Gévay -_op. cit._, iii, p. 144. - -[101] In the report of Lambert and von Zara (Gévay, vol. iii, p. 44), -Ibrahim said: “Darauf sein Kaiser (Suleiman) bewegt worden in Francis -nit zu verlassen, und hat alsomit im und den Venedigern ean verstand -und puntnus (Bündniss) gemacht, also das sy ein treffleche ermada -auf dem mer aufgericht damit sy gegen yspania arbeiten habenwellen -und Erder kaiser solte mit einem trefflichen hoer (Heer) durch E. M. -(Ferdinand) Lande in fryaul und forter auf Mayland zogen sein.” - -_Cf._ Solakzadeh, _op. cit._, trans. by H. D. J. “The king of France -had fallen into the desire for possessions and planned to strike the -crown of Hungary from the hands of the king of Hungary, and finally -there was much fighting among them. After this, with the aid of the -king of Spain, Francis was conquered and several forts being captured, -he fled. Being reduced to an extremity, he was shut up in a solid -fortress. Wishing to have revenge on his enemy, he found no other means -than to betake himself to the Padisha of Islam. He sent an ambassador -to the most blessed Porte with a most humble letter in which was thus -written: ‘If the king of Hungary receives punishment from the blessed -Sultan, we will oppose ourselves to the King of Spain to take revenge. -We beg and pray that the Sultan of the world will repulse that proud -one. After that day we shall be obliged slaves of his Excellency the -Padisha, who is master of time and place and mighty emperor.’ To -this humble prayer and supplication the Sultan, pitying them, in his -merciful glory resolved to make war on this king filled with cruel -dispositions, as we shall see.” - -[102] Zapolya was crowned November, 1526, and Ferdinand was crowned -November 3, 1527. - -[103] Confirmed by a letter from Ferdinand to Cyriacus Freiheer von -Polheim and Markus Trautsauerwein, Kanzler of Lower Austria, Prag, Feb. -14, 1527. “Instructio ad Bassam Balibeg,” Gévay, _op. cit._, vol. i, -pp. 36–7. - -[104] Gévay, vol. i, p. 14. _Bericht Hobordanacz an Koenig Ferdinand -I_, Inspruch, 19 Feb’y, 1529. - -[105] Letters of safe conduct for such envoys by Suleiman and Ibrahim -are found in Gévay, vol. i, pp. 62–64. - -[106] Charrière, _op. cit._, vol. i, pp. 155–171. - -[107] _Cf._ De Testa, _Recueil des Traités de la Porte Ottomane avec les -Puissances Etrangères de 1526 et jusqu’à nos jours_ (Paris, 1864), vol. -i, _France_, pp. 23–26; for the text of the treaty of Hatti‐Sherif, -1528. - -[108] “Wolte er (Francis) noch so pald sein sach pesser wurd Zu -Jerusalem alda er das hailig grab besuchen wollte Zur Ime khomen mit -merem anzeigen.” Thus the envoy of Ferdinand in 1531 reports Ibrahim as -saying. Gévay, _op. cit._, iii, p. 44. - -[109] Francis’ letter is lost, so we do not know to which church he -referred. Suleiman’s answer is found in Charrière, _op. cit._, iii, pp. -129–131. _Cf._ also Marini Sanuto, vol. xlviii, p. 50. - -[110] Charrière, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 129. Ursu, _op. cit._, pp. -51–2. - -[111] It is in these letters that may be found the reference that Mr. -Duggan, in his _Eastern Question_, says he failed to discover in the -Capitulations of 1535 and 1528, and which he concludes did not exist, -hence ascribing an error to D’Ohsson. _Cf._ the _Eastern Question_, -note p. 25. - -[112] Gévay, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 49. “Je vous supplie nous tres -humblement considere la grande necessité et pauvreté ou je suis quil -vous plaise ne me habandonner dargent ain men assister comme ien ay -entière confidence.” - -[113] “Instruction auff unseres getrieuen lieben Joseph von Lamberg und -Nichola Juritschitz,” etc. Gévay, iii, 3 _et seq._ - -[114] Charrière, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 207. _Cf._ Von Hammer, -_Mémoire, etc._ - -[115] Menzies, _Turkey New and Old_, p. 136. - -[116] _Bekanntmachung des Friedens in Krain._ Gévay, _op. cit._, vol. -iii. - -[117] Ursu, _op. cit._, p. 86. _Relations des Ambassadeurs Venetiens sur -les affaires de France au XVI siècle_. Recueillies et traduites par M. -N. Tomasseo (Paris, 1836), Marino Giustiniano, vol. i, p. 55. - -[118] For text, see de Testa, _op. cit._, p. 15, _et seq._; also -Noradunghian, _op. cit._, vol. i, pp. 83–87; also Charrière, _op. -cit._, vol. i, pp. 283–294. - -[119] Ursu, _op. cit._, p. 97. - -[120] “Tous les princes chretians qui sustenoit le parti de l’Empereur -fasoient grand cas de ce que le Roy, notre maistre, avoit employe le -Turc a son secours; mais contre son ennemy on peult de toute fois -fere fleches. Quant a moi, si je pouvois appeler tous les esprits des -enfers pour rompre le teste a mon ennemy qui me veult rompre la mienne, -je le ferois de bon coeur, dieu me pardoint.” Quoted by Zeller, _La -Diplomatie Française vers le milieu du XVI siècle_ (1880), _Introd._, -p. 20 (Monluc. edit., _de la Société de l’histoire de France_). - -[121] “Sopra bassa fenestrella quedam cancellata conspiciebatur in qua -Imperator occulte adens audiebat. Legatorum petita, putans se neutiquam -videri.” _Berichte Hobordanacz_, Gévay. - -[122] Daniello de’ Ludovisi. Albèri, III, i, p. 30, 1435. Ludovisi -further explains that the hold Gritti obtained over Ibrahim was due -to the latter’s inexperience of diplomacy. He says that Ibrahim went -directly from the serai to the offices of Pasha and Beylerbey of -Roumelie without experience of the world or of the government of a -state, and being unwilling to learn from the Turk, he turned to an -outsider to show him the modes of procedure. - -[123] Quoted by von Hammer, _op. cit._, v, p. 106, and Zinkheisen, _op. -cit._, p. 662. - -[124] _Bericht Johann Hobordanacz an Koenig Ferdinand I_, Innspruch, -19th February, 1529, Gévay, i, pp. 1–28. - -[125] In a letter to Ferdinand of April 9, 1528, Hobordanacz wrote: -“Hodierna die intravi in Turciam, ubi adhuc in porte Zawe obviam -venerunt mihi Turci plus quam trecenti optimo cum appareru, et maximo -cum honare susceperunt me, spero autem in Deum omnipotentem quod omnia -negocia bonum finem hebebunt.” Gévay, i, p. 36. - -[126] “In the palmy days of the Ottoman Empire,” says Menzies, writing -of this period, “each of these seven towers of the ancient Byzantium -castle had its appropriate use; one contained the gold, another the -silver money, a third the gold and silver plate and jewels; valuable -remains of antiquity were deposited in the fourth; in the fifth were -preserved ancient coins and other objects, chiefly collected by Selim -I during his expeditions into Persia and Egypt; the sixth was a sort -of arsenal; and the seventh was appropriated to the archives. After -the time of Selim II, the Seven Towers were used as a prison for -distinguished persons and as an arsenal.” Menzies, _op. cit._, p. 191. - -[127] Zinkheisen, ii, p. 54. - -[128] Busbequius, _op. cit._, p. 175. - -[129] Gévay, _Bericht Josephs von Lamberg und Nicholaus Juritschitz an -Koenig Ferdinand I, Linz, 23 Feb. 1531_. - -[130] _Bericht Lamberg_, Gévay, i, p. 27. - -[131] “Ein lange Red mitt vil schpotlichen worten volpracht.” _Ibid._ - -[132] Gévay, ii, p. 348. - -[133] “Er durchaus in allen Reden K. M. nit anders dan Ferdinandum und -dye Khay M^t Khunig zu Yspanie ganent.” _Bericht_, p. 27. Ferdinand -in his letters usually addressed Ibrahim as “Magnifice et praesterne -Vir,” and closed “Ita est gratitudinis nostre effectum digne quandoque -sentire valeatis.” _Cf._ Gévay. - -Ibrahim, in a letter to Ferdinand, calls himself: “Cuius ego sum -Gubernator supremus regnorum omnium et Imperiorum Exercitum que sue -felicissime ac potentessime Caesare Maiestatis magnus consiliatius -super omnes dominos Ibraim bassa.” July 4, 1533. Gévay, ii, p. 139. - -[134] To the ambassador von Zara he said: “My master has many -sandjakbeys who are far more powerful than Ferdinand and have more land -and power and subjects than he.” Gévay, _op. cit._ - -[135] “Se istud magnum Imperium regere. Quicquid ipse fecerit id factum -est, omnem enim se potestatem habere. Omnia officia, omnia regna -hebere. Quod ego inquit do hac est datum et manet datum. Quod ego -nondo, id non est datum,” _etc._ Gévay, iii. - -[136] Von Zara reports concerning a visit that Suleiman and Ibrahim -made to Gritti: “Tuo insius adventu postea plurima mala Thurci -dicebant, appelantur Caesarem insensatum stultum maleficiatum ab -Ibrahim et Gryti.” Gévay, _op. cit._, iii, p. 26. - -[137] Presents to men in power were usual. In connection with the -payment to Mehmet Sokolli, a later vizir, of ten thousand sequins and -the promise of thirty thousand more if he succeeded in making peace -for Venice, Moritz Brosch writes: “Solche Geschenke waren eine uralte -orientalische Sitte, und denzeit auch an den Hoefen des Abendlandes -etwas Gewoehnliches ja Unausweichliches. Waehrend des 16 Jahrhunderts -bildeten sie eine stehende Rubrik in Soll und Haben der Diplomatie; in -London war bei Wolsey, in Spanien der Reihe nach bei Chièvres, Covas, -dem jungeren Granvella und Lerma, in Frankreich bei den Hoeflingen und -Staatsmaennern Ludwig XII und Franzens und der zwei Heinriche, nichts -ohne Geld zu richten. Foermlich beneidet wurde die Pforte weil sie es -nicht noetig hatte fur die Korruption Christlicher Regierung Summen -auszusetzen.” Brosch, _Aus dem Leben Dreier Grossvisere_ (Gotha, 1899), -p. 48. - -[138] _Bericht de Schepper 1533._ Gévay, _op. cit._, i, p. 27. - -[139] A Hungarian ducat was worth about $2.34, with doubtless much -greater purchasing power in the sixteenth century. - -[140] Die forigen potschaften hattenime von E. M. auch hunderttausend -Gulden verheissen er solle helfen das sein Keiser E. M. die Flecken -gab: ich hab innen gesagt aber gesagt und sage e eus solches auch das -wir nit gedenkhen sollen dass er von Gelz wegen seines herrn Nachtheil -raten wolle Er sey in obgemelten seines Herrn Schatz zu greifen -gewellig wann er will er welt lieber seinem Keyser helfen alle Welt -unterzusprinen, nit das er land und leut welchgeben soll. Er sey auch -pey innen nit der Gebrauch das man Gelt und Miet neme und dem hern -sein Nachtheil rate, oder seinem Schaden verhelfe, wie wir begert -darum schweigt diesen Reden stil.” Gévay, i, _Bericht Lamberg und -Juritschitz_. - -[141] Zeller, _op. cit._, _Introd._, p. 23. - -[142] Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe, _The Eastern Question_ (London, -1881), p. 99. - -[143] Zeller, _op. cit._, _Introd._, p. 23. - -[144] Von Hammer quotes from Suleiman’s Journal a remark of Suleiman’s -to Ibrahim on the occasion of the appearance of the grand vizir before -the sultan, _op. cit._, vol. v, p. 41. - -[145] _Op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 418 _et seq._ - -[146] Imams are Moslem priests, combining with their religious -functions those of notary publics. - -[147] David Urquhart, _The Military Strength of Turkey_, London, 1869, -p. 76. - -[148] _Op. cit._, p. 87. - -[149] _Op. cit._, p. 93. - -[150] Urquhart, _op. cit._, p. 88. - -[151] William Watreman, _The Fardle of Facions, containing the Anciente -Manners Customs and Laws of the Peoples Enhabiting the two Partes of -the Earth called Africa and Asia_. London, 1555. Hakluyt’s Voyages, -vol. v, p. 126. - -[152] _Stato Militaire dell’ Imperio Ottomano_, Marsigli, 1732. - -[153] Petchevi and Kemalpashazadeh are the contemporary Turkish -narrators of the campaign. Petchevi takes his account from his -grandfather, who was an eye witness of Mohacz. Kemalpashazadeh was -sheik‐ul‐Islam under Suleiman and writes an account that is at once -that of poet and courtier, but should be fairly accurate as to the -movements of the army. The _Monumenta Hungariae Historica_ (Pest, -1857), vol. i, gives some Hungarian comment on the events. Solakzadeh -and Abdurrahman Sheref give second‐hand reports, while Leopold von -Kupelwieser has excellent volumes on the subject entitled “_Die Kämpfe -Oesterreichs mit den Osmanen_.” (Wien and Leipzig, 1899). - -[154] Kemalpashazadeh, _Histoire de la Campagne de Mohacz_. Trans. by -Pavet de Courteille, Paris, 1869. - -[155] Kupelwieser, _op. cit._, p. 227. - -[156] Letter from Ferdinand of Austria to his sister. “Comme les -turcz ayans donne plusieurs assaulx au chasteau de Peterwardein quils -tienquient assiege y ont perdus beaucop de leuers gens comme de X ou -XII in hommes.” _Monumenta Hungariae Historica_, vol. i, p. 37. - -[157] Kemalpashazadeh, _op. cit._, p. 95. - -[158] Kemalpashazadeh, _op. cit._, p. 104. - -[159] Ferdinand of Austria naturally did not feel so strongly. _Cf._ -letter to Margaret in 1526. _Mon. Hung. Hist._, vol. i, p. 41. - -[160] Even the Sheik‐ul‐Islam acknowledges this, gloating over the fall -of the enemies of God. Kemalpashazadeh, _op. cit._, p. 107. - -[161] “The spoils are Gods of the Apostles: fear God and settle it -among yourselves.” _Koran_, Surah VIII. - -[162] “Ego inquit vici Hungaros. Magnus Caesar non interfuit prelio sad -tantum audito clamore, conscendit equum et volebat succurere. Sed ego -confestim misi nuncium, victoriam iam partam este.” Gévay, _op. cit._, -vol. ii, p. 22. - -[163] Asaf was Solomon’s traditional vizir. Ardeshir was a famous -Sassanian king. - -[164] Kemalpashazadeh, _op. cit._ - -[165] The letter is given at the end of the translation of -Kemalpashazadeh, p. 145 _et seq._ - -[166] Cf. Sadullah Saïd in Solymannameh, who speaks of Ibrahim Pasha as -conqueror of Roumelie, p. 81. - -[167] _Mejmoua Menshaat el Selatin_, ed. by Feridoun Bey, Stambul. - -[168] _Ser_ means head, and _asker_ army in Turkish. - -[169] Petchevi, _op. cit._, p. 128. - -[170] D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. iii, p. 422. - -[171] _Cf._ Von Hammer, _Wiens erste aufgehobene türkische Belagerung_ -(Pesth, 1829): also Schimmer, and after him Ellesmere, _The Sieges of -Vienna by the Turks_, (London, 1879). - -[172] Schimmer, _op. cit._, p. 16. - -[173] “Le dict turc a perdu grand nombre de gens sans toutefois grande -perte de ceulx estans au dicte Vienne.” _Letter of Ferdinand to Charles -V_, Gévay, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 49. Kupelwieser gives the following -figures: 1700 Viennese killed and 100 inhabitants of the suburbs, 4000 -Turks killed, _op. cit._, chap. ii. - -[174] Gévay, ii, 28; also Ellesmere, _op. cit._, chap. 2. - -[175] For the original narrative of the Count von Zedlitz in the -Turkish camp, see Ellesmere’s book where it is quoted in full. - -[176] Kupelwieser, _op. cit._, p. 145. - -[177] A purse contained 500 piastres. - -[178] Juritschitz wrote a report of this siege to his master Ferdinand, -a French translation which is found in Charrière, vol. i, p. 215 _etc._ -Also in _Monumenta Hungariae Historica_, vol. i, p. 169, _cf._ also -Petchevi. - -[179] “Jay bien apercu quil prenoit de bonne parte que je fasoie -difficulte d’aller devers le Turc (Suleiman) et que je le tenoie en -telle estimacion.” Charrière, vol. i, p. 219. - -[180] An account of the splendid entrance into Aleppo is given by -Master Anthony Jenkinson in Hakluyt’s _Voyages_, vol. ii, pp. 225 _et -seq._ - -[181] Abdurrahman Sheref says that the difficulties of this march make -this campaign rank highest among Suleiman’s expeditions, p. 239. - -[182] Postel, _op. cit._, speaks of Ibrahim’s looting of Hungary, and -also says: “Arabistan, Serestan and Anatolia condemned him for the -great pillage and exactions which he made, so much that the people were -left (even the richest of them) with no carpet to sleep on, and the -trees were taxed impossibly,” p. 49. - -[183] Original narrative of the _Adventures of Count Christopher -von Zedlitz in the Turkish Camps_. From the collection of Baron von -Errenkel in the State Archives at Vienna. Tr. by Ellesmere, p. 47. - -[184] 21 Ramazan, 942, A. H. - -[185] Domenico Trevisano, Albèri, III, vol. i, p. 115. - -[186] Jorga, p. 349. - -[187] Solakzadeh, Osmanzadeh. - -[188] At the death of the grand vizir, his property was always -confiscated. D’Ohsson, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 369. - -[189] Baudier, p. 172, Djelalzadek quoted by Solakzadeh, Abdurrahman -Sheref, _etc._ Also Trevisano, “Rossane gelos a forre della potenza del -gran‐vizir,” _etc._ - -[190] Mustafa Chelebi, quoted by Abdurrahman Sheref and Petchevi, P. -195. - -[191] Postel however, in his volume published in 1569, _De la -république des Turcs_, claims that Ibrahim did not favor Christians but -was a despot over them, accusing him of taking large amount of Venetian -and other Christian property. “It is true” he acknowledges “that to -deliver one or another Christian from prison or calumny, he saved him -when the Christian could pay well,” p. 61. - -[192] A common title applied to the sultan. - -[193] Von Hammer quotes the use of this title by Ibrahim, from -_Suleiman’s Journal_, vol. v, p. 231. _Cf._ also Petchevi, p. 65. - -[194] _Cf._ Osmanzadeh, Solakzadeh, and Abdurrahman Sheref. - -[195] This story is told by all the Turkish historians, generally with -sympathy for Iskender. _Cf._ Abdurrahman, Petchevi, Solakzadeh. - -[196] Cantimir, vol. ii, p. 313. Also Trevisano, _op. cit._ - -[197] The testimony of the Venetian bailli here seems to us to outweigh -the probably legendary tale told by Baudier, which however I will -give. “The Sultanas (Suleiman’s mother and his wife Roxelana) observe -the murmuring of the people against the favorite, and what the great -men speak of him, and tell Suleiman. Moreover as they were busy to -destroy his greatness, they discover that the pasha favored the house -of Austria, and had secret intelligence with the Emperor Charles V. -This treachery being told to Suleiman, he decided upon Ibrahim’s death, -but required a dispensation from his oath never to disgrace Ibrahim -while he lived. One of his learned men gave him a pleasant Expedit -to free himself of the pasha and yet keep his word. ‘You have sworn, -Sire, not to put him to death while you are living; cause him to be -strangled while you are asleep. Life consists in vigilant action, and -he that sleeps doth not truly live; so you may punish his disloyalty -and not violate your oath.’ Suleiman sends for Ibrahim, and after they -have supped he shows him his crimes by his own letters to Charles V and -Ferdinand, reproaches him for his ingratitude, and commands his mutes -to strangle him while he himself is asleep. He then goes to bed.” - -The story of the evasion of the oath through the ingenuity of a “wise -man” is plausible, being in entire keeping with Turkish custom, but -Baudier gives no sources, and I have found none of the facts above -stated, in any other record. - -[198] Solakzadeh, Petchevi. - -[199] Trevisano, III, i, p. 115. - -[200] _Histoire de l’Empire Ottomane_, vol. ii, p. 338. - -[201] One private note was as follows, and surely was not written -to a traitor: “Pro ea tamen confidentia et existimatione in qua vos -apud Dominum vestrum merito esse scimus, omittere non potuimus qum -vobis tamquam rerum omnium directori secreto et optimo atque etiam -scientissimo ea super literis vestris significaremus que pro nunc -requiruntur.” Gévay II, 23. - -[202] Iskender’s testimony is reported by Cantimir and Trevisano. - -[203] Hadikatul Vuzera, p. 26. - -[204] Soleymannameh, p. 123.– - -[205] Solakzadeh. “Ibrahim caused the death of a dear old man -(Iskender) who was innocent and unjustly treated. So his own end -was according to the verse: ‘Verily all‐glorious Allah is master of -revenge’”. - -[206] Albèri, III, vol. i, p. 12. - - - - -ERRATA - - - Page 12, line 1: for “Leon” read “Léon.” - - ” ” note 1, line 1: for “Leon” read “Léon.” - - ” ” note 2: for “Vambêry” read “Vambéry.” - - ” 15, line 22: for “Busbeq” read “Busbequius.” - - ” ” line 24: for “Charrier’s” read “Charrière’s.” - - ” ” line 25: for “Négocêations” read “Négociations.” - - ” ” line 25: for “Actenstücken” read “Actenstücke.” - - ” ” three lines from bottom: for “Abdurrahman” read - “Abdurrahman.” - - ” 16, note 1, line 2: for “Morgenländichen” read - “Morgenländischen.” - - ” 18, note 2, line 2: for “Actenstücken” read “Actenstücke.” - - ” 19, note 4, line 1: for “Moldavi” read “Moldavie.” - - ” 23, note 1: for “Abdurrahman” read “Abdurrahman.” - - ” 25, line 4: for “the sister of Suleiman” read “a sultana.” - - ” ” line 14: for “sister” read “relative.” - - ” 29, note 2, line 1: for “Muselmanes” read “Musulmanes.” - - ” 31, note 1, line 3: for “Muslimisches” read “muslimischen.” - - ” 34, note 1: for “dell” read “dell’.” - - ” 38, note 1, line 6: for “Abdurrahman” read “Abdurrahman.” - - ” 39, line 18: omit comma at end of line. - - ” 54, note 1, line 2: for “la jouet” read “le jouet.” - - ” ” note 1, line 4: for “cette” read “cet.” - - ” 55, line 19: for “was” read “had been.” - - ” ” line 20: omit the words “after the Peace of Cambrai.” - - ” 57, line 8: for “steadily‐encroaching” read without hyphen. - - ” ” line 21: for “Europe,” read “Europe;” - - ” ” line 22: for “the West” read “Europe.” - - ” ” line 20: for “Bayezid” read “Bayazid.” - - ” 58, line 2: after “fifteenth century” omit the rest of the sentence - up to “the Turks.” - - ” ” line 9: omit the words “heresy and.” - - ” ” line 14: for “King Louis” read “King Lewis.” - - ” ” line 2 from bottom: for “Reformation” read “Protestant - Revolt.” - - ” ” note 2, line 1: for “gives notice of” read “records.” - - ” 59, note 2, line 1: for “Memoire” read “Mémoire.” - - ” 60, note 1, line 4: for “(Buntniss)” read “(Bündniss).” - - ” 62, line 23: for “Hieronymous” read “Hieronymus.” - - ” ” line 5 from bottom: for “Siebenbergen” read “Transylvania.” - - ” ” note 3, line 1: for “Hoberdanacz” read “Hobordanacz.” - - ” 64, note 1: for “Ottoman” read “Ottomane.” - - ” ” note 4: for “Charrières” read “Charrière.” - - ” 68, line 2: for “Krain” read “Carniola.” - - ” ” line 15: for “Barbarosa” read “Barbarosa.” - - ” ” line 24: for ” ” ” - - ” 69, line 2: for “Barbarosa” read “Barbarosa.” - - ” ” line 4: for ” ” ” - - ” ” line 8: for “forms” read “formed.” - - ” ” note 1: for “Ambassadors” read “Ambassadeurs.” - - ” ” note 1: for “Memoire” read “Mémoire.” - - ” ” note 2: for “Charrières” read “Charrière.” - - ” 72, line 6: for “Urkunde” read “Urkunden.” - - ” 85, note 1, line 2: for “zechinen” read “sequins.” - - ” ” note 1, line 9: after “Covas” insert a comma. - - ” ” note 1, line 10: for “Hoefflingen” read “Hoeflingen,” - and for “Ludwig” read “Ludwigs.” - - ” ” note 1, line 13: for “auszuselzen” read “auszusetzen.” - - ” ” note 1, line 14: for “Grossvizere” read “Grossviziere.” - - ” ” note 1, last line from bottom: for “den” read “dem.” - - ” 88, line 9: for “Francois” read “François.” - - ” ” line 10: for “preventions” read “préventions,” and for - “contemporaries” read “contemporains.” - - ” ” line 11: for “veritable” read “véritable.” - - ” 94, note 2, line 9: for “Kupelwieser” read “von Kupelwieser.” - - ” ” note 2, line 10: for “Oesterreichen” read “Oesterreichs.” - - ” 98, line 6: for “shiek” read “sheik.” - - ” 104, lines 4 and 10: for “Jurischitz” read “Juritschitz.” - - ” ” note 1, line 1: for “Jurischitz” read “Juritschitz.” - - ” 105, line 3: for “Barbarosa” read “Barbarosa.” - - ” 109, note 6, line 1: omit “Grimeston,” and before “quoted” insert - “Djelalzadek.” - - ” 110, line 5: for “over‐lenient” read same words without hyphen. - - ” 111, note 1: for “Abdurrahman” read “Abdurrahman.” - - ” ” note 2: for “Republique” read “république.” - - ” 112, note 3, line 2: for “Abdurrahman” read “Abdurrahman.” - - ” 116, line 16: for “Abdurrahman” read “Abdurrahman.” - - ” 118, fifth line from bottom: for “Sokolly” read “Sokolli.” - - ” 120, line 3: for “Ambasciatore” read “Ambasciatori.” - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Aristarchi”: for “Legislation” read - “Législation.” - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Gévay”: for “Actenstücken” read - “Actenstücke.” - - ” ” line 8: for “reglements” read “règlements.” - - ” ” line 14: for “Correspondence” read “Correspondance,” - and for “Memoires” read “Mémoires.” - - ” ” line 16: for “Ambasadeurs” read “Ambassadeurs.” - - ” ” line 28: for “Venétiens” read “Vénétiens.” - - ” 121, _sub verbo_ “Busbecq” read “Busbequius.” - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Hakluyt”: omit the whole line. - - ” ” line 17: for “Sclaven” read “Sklaven.” - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Vambery” read “Vambéry.” - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Abdurrahman” read “Abdurrahman.” - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Abdurrahman”: insert a new title as follows: - Armstrong, Edward, _The Emperor Charles V_. London, - 1892. - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Cahun”: for “Leon” read “Léon.” - - ” ” _sub verbo_ “Cantimir”: insert a new title as follows: Coxe, - William, _History of the House of Austria_. London, 1899. - - ” 122, line 17, and line 31: for “Leipsig” read “Leipzig.” - - ” 123, _sub verbo_ “Hakluyt’s Voyages”: insert “Edition of 1812.” - - ” ” line 21: for “Memoires” read “Mémoires.” - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber’s note: - -Errors in ERRATA pages have been corrected and the pages moved to the -end of the book. - -At least two instances of unpaired double quotation marks could not -be corrected with confidence and were transcribed without change. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IBRAHIM PASHA*** - - -******* This file should be named 51299-0.txt or 51299-0.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/1/2/9/51299 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at <a -href="http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you are not -located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this ebook.</p> -<p>Title: Ibrahim Pasha</p> -<p> Grand Vizir of Suleiman the Magnificent</p> -<p>Author: Hester Donaldson Jenkins</p> -<p>Release Date: February 25, 2016 [eBook #51299]</p> -<p>Language: English</p> -<p>Character set encoding: UTF-8</p> -<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IBRAHIM PASHA***</p> -<p> </p> -<h4 class="center">E-text prepared by Turgut Dincer<br /> - and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br /> - (<a href="http://www.pgdp.net">http://www.pgdp.net</a>)<br /> - from page images generously made available by<br /> - Internet Archive<br /> - (<a href="https://archive.org">https://archive.org</a>)</h4> -<p> </p> -<table border="0" style="background-color: #ccccff;margin: 0 auto;" cellpadding="10"> - <tr> - <td valign="top"> - Note: - </td> - <td> - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - <a href="https://archive.org/details/ibrahimpashagran00jenkuoft"> - https://archive.org/details/ibrahimpashagran00jenkuoft</a> - </td> - </tr> -</table> -<p> </p> -<hr class="full" /> -<p> </p> -<p> </p> -<p> </p> - -<p class="center">2<br />IBRAHIM PASHA</p> - -<hr /> - -<p class="center">STUDIES IN HISTORY, ECONOMICS AND PUBLIC LAW<br /> -<br /> -<small><small>EDITED BY THE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE OF<br /> -COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY</small></small></p> - -<table summary="volume" width="100%"><tr> -<td class="tdl">Volume XLVI]</td><td class="tdr">[Number 2</td> -</tr></table> - -<p class="center">Whole Number 115</p> - -<h1>IBRAHIM PASHA<br /><br /> -<small><small>Grand Vizir of Suleiman the Magnificent</small></small></h1> - -<p class="center"><small><small>BY</small></small><br /> - -HESTER DONALDSON JENKINS, Ph.D.,<br /> -<br /> -<small><small><i>Former Professor of History in the American<br /> -College for Girls, Constantinople</i></small></small></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 150px;"> -<img src="images/pm.jpg" width="150" height="144" alt="printer's mark" /></div> - -<p class="center">New York<br /> -COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY<br /> -LONGMANS, GREEN & CO., AGENTS,<br /> -<span class="smcap">London: P. S. King & Son</span><br /> -1911<br /> -</p> - -<hr /> -<p class="center"><small> -<span class="smcap">Copyright</span>, 1911<br /> -<br /> -BY<br /> -<br /> -HESTER DONALDSON JENKINS</small><br /> -</p> - -<hr /> - -<h2>PREFACE</h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> teaching of history in Constantinople naturally -leads to an interest in the history of Turkey, and also to -the recognition that little has been written on that subject -except on the side of political relations with Europe. One -who desires to present to western readers a brief study of -Turkish civilization might reasonably turn to the reign of -Suleiman the Magnificent, as being typical of the course of -Turkish history, and also as exhibiting Turkey at the -height of her powers. For the purpose of this dissertation, -the study has been confined to the career of Ibrahim Pasha, -grand vizir between 1522 and 1536.</p> - -<p>The writer’s acknowledgments are due to Professors -Sloane and Gottheil for valuable criticism, and for their -aid in the obtaining of rare books, and to Professor and -Mrs. Robinson for the careful reading of proof.</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -<span class="smcap">Hester Donaldson Jenkins.</span><br /> -</p> - -<p><span class="smcap padl2">November 23, 1911.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span></span></p> - -<hr /> - -<p class="center"><a href="#er">ERRATA</a></p> - -<hr /> - -<h2>CONTENTS</h2> - -<hr class="short" /> - -<table summary="contents" border="0"><tr> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2">INTRODUCTION</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr" colspan="2"><small><small>PAGE</small></small></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">Origin of the Turks—their advance from Central Asia to Europe</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_11">11</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Dominating qualities of the Turk</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_12">12</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Early political ideals</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_12">12</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Rise and fall of the Seljouk kingdom</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_14">14</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Rise of the Ottoman power</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_14">14</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -National characteristics</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_15">15</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER I</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Ibrahim’s Rise</span></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ibrahim’s origin, birth and childhood</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_18">18</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -He becomes the property of Prince Suleiman</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_18">18</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -His care for his parents and brothers</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_19">19</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -His rapid promotion</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_20">20</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -His protests against such speedy honors</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_20">20</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -The personal servants of the Sultan</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_21">21</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ibrahim’s education and early training</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_22">22</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ibrahim a eunuch—some account of the institution and duties of -black and white eunuchs</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_23">23</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -This was no bar to advancement or marriage</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_24">24</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Slavery in Turkey different from that in the Occident</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_25">25</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -The advice of the Prophet and the laws of the Koran on the treatment -of slaves</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_26">26</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Loyalty and obedience the two great virtues in the eyes of the<br /> -Turks</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_32">32</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ibrahim a slave, which was of advantage in opening a career for<br /> -him</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_33">33</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ibrahim’s love of magnificence</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_33">33</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ibrahim becomes Grand Vizir—his power and greatness</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_34">34</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -The history of the vizirate</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_35">35</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -The marriage of Ibrahim Pasha</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_37">37</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ibrahim’s relations to the Sultan</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_42">42</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER II<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Ibrahim the Administrator</span></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Revolt of Ahmed Pasha</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_43">43</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ibrahim goes to Egypt</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_44">44</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Revolt is quieted and order restored</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_45">45</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Appointed head of the army</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_47">47</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -The Cabyz affair</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_49">49</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ibrahim zealous in cause of commerce</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_50">50</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Receives envoys in great state</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_51">51</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Characterization of Ibrahim as an administrator</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_52">52</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER III</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Ibrahim the Diplomat</span></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Turkish foreign relations</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_54">54</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ragusa—Venice—Russia</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_55">55</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -The Holy Roman Empire</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_56">56</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -France—the Popes</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_57">57</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Embassies to the Porte</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_59">59</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -The Hungarian campaign—siege of Vienna</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_61">61</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Contest of Ferdinand and Zapolya</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_61">61</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Commercial treaty with France</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_64">64</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Second Hungarian campaign</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_65">65</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Treaty with Ferdinand</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_67">67</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -War with Persia—conquest of the Mediterranean</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_68">68</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -The Protectorate of France in the Levant</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_69">69</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Diplomatic relations between the Porte and Europe</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_70">70</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ibrahim’s preparation as diplomat</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_71">71</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ibrahim’s reception of ambassadors</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_72">72</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ibrahim’s importance and influence</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_82">82</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Object and accomplishments of Turkish diplomacy</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_87">87</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -First entrance of Turkey into European diplomacy</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_87">87</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ibrahim’s influence over Suleiman</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_88">88</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Characterization of Ibrahim as diplomat</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_89">89</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER IV</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Ibrahim the General</span></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Campaign against Belgrad</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_90">90</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Siege of Rhodes</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_90">90</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ceremonial of preparation for war</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_90">90</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Organization of the Turkish army</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_91">91</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Capture of Peterwardein</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_95">95</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span>Battle of Mohacz</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_96">96</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Capture of Buda and end of campaign</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_97">97</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Campaign of Vienna</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_100">100</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Suleiman’s first defeat</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_102">102</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Siege of Güns—practical defeat</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_103">103</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -War with Persia</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_105">105</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Advance to Bagdad and end of campaign</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_106">106</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Characterization of Ibrahim as general</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_107">107</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER V</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Ibrahim’s Fall</span></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Death of Ibrahim</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_108">108</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Charges against Ibrahim</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_110">110</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Said to favor the Christians</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_110">110</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Quarrel with Iskender Chelebi</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_112">112</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Suleiman evades his oath</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_113">113</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Uncertainty of life near the Ottoman throne</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_114">114</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Was Ibrahim a traitor?</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_115">115</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> -Ibrahim’s importance in Turkish history</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_118">118</a></td> -</tr></table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">10-11</a></span></p> - -<h2>INTRODUCTION</h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> life of Ibrahim Pasha, as full of strange events as -the most highly‐colored romance, paradoxical, and to western -students of society almost incomprehensible in its rapid -changes, is very difficult to place soberly before Occidental -readers; yet its very strangeness is typical of the Orient, and -if we could understand this romantic life we might find we -held a key to much in Turkish life and thought. But our -only chance of understanding it is to banish from our minds -western conceptions and accept as facts what seem like wild -imaginings. Ibrahim Pasha was not of the Turkish race, -a fact which accounts for some of the paradoxes of his -career, but his life was passed in a Turkish environment, -one of whose notable characteristics is that it has always at -once included and modified so many alien elements. In any -consideration of the Turkish people, the most important -thing to hold in mind is that the Turks are neither Aryan -nor Semitic, being unrelated to Persians, Arabs, Greeks, or -Hebrews. When ethnologists dare not speak definitely of -race distinctions, the layman cannot venture to place the -Turk in the “Touranian” or other group, but he can accept -the fact that the Turks came into Europe from Central -Asia and are in some way related to the Tatars and -Mongols in the East, and probably to the Magyars and -Finns in the West. The Turks of Central Asia during the -period from the eighth to the eleventh centuries seem to have -possessed qualities which characterize Turks of the period -we are studying, and even mark the Turk of the present -day.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span></p> - -<p>Monsieur Léon Cahun, in his monograph on the Turks -and the Mongols,<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> has made a careful study of these early -Turks, a portion of which I will briefly summarize here.</p> - -<p>The dominating quality of the Turks of Central Asia -was their love of war. According to a Persian verse: -“They came and pillaged and burned and killed and charged -and vanished.” The one virtue required of them was obedience, -the only crime was treason. Activity to them meant -war: one word expressed the idea contained in our two -words <em>to run</em> and <em>to kill with the sword</em>. The ideal death -was in war; as their proverb ran, “Man is born in the house -but dies in the field.” In their earliest cults the worship of -steel and the sword are prominent.</p> - -<p>Their second marked characteristic was their hierarchical -spirit, and their strong feeling for discipline. Insubordination -and conspiracy they always punished by death. Their -ideal government is illustrated by the inscription on a -funeral stone recently found in Mongolia. It was -erected in 733 A. D. by a Turkish prince to his brother -Kul Khan, the substance being as follows: “I and my -brother Kul Khan Tikine together have agreed that the -name and renown acquired by the Turkish people through -our father and uncle shall not be blotted out. For the sake -of the Turkish people I have not slept by night nor rested -by day.... I have given garments to the naked, I have -enriched the poor, I have made the few numerous, I have -honored the virtuous.... By the aid of Heaven, as I have -gained much, the Turkish people also have gained much.”</p> - -<p>Another bit of evidence as to their early political ideals is -taken from <cite>The Art of Government</cite>, a didactic poem describing -Turkish society in the eleventh century.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> It says -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span>“Speak to the people with kindness, but do not let them -become familiar. Give them to eat and drink;” and it -urges the ruler to strive for the blessing of the poor by -such actions.</p> - -<p><cite>The Art of Government</cite> brings out a third side of the -medieval Turk, his love of learning. The civil mandarins -are placed in rank above the beys.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> “Honor always keeps -company with knowledge.” “Mark well, there are two -kinds of noble persons; the one is the bey, the other the -scholar, in this world below ... the former with his -glove or his fist commands the people, the latter with his -knowledge shows the path.”</p> - -<p>Despite the development of the Turkish people from barbarous -tribes into a civilized state, the Ottoman Empire of -the sixteenth century was built on the lines indicated, and -Sultan Suleiman showed similar qualities and ideals to those -possessed by Kul Khan and his brother.</p> - -<p>Towards the end of the tenth century, a branch of the -Turks, henceforth known as the Turcomans, accepted Islam -at the hands of the conquering Arabs, and in course of time -all of the Turkish peoples became Moslem. Naturally -through their religion the Arabs came to exert a strong influence -on the rude Turks, so strong that Turkish thought -has never since been wholly free from Arabic dominance. -The Turks are an exceedingly loyal people, accepting the -religion imposed upon them with whole‐heartedness. They -are not by nature fanatical; on the contrary they are temperamentally -tolerant, fanaticism where it has existed being -an outgrowth of political conditions, or a foreign trait -taken over with Islam.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> Rather oddly, and perhaps unfor<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span>tunately, -when the Turks became literate they fell under Persian -rather than Arabic influence, and for centuries, indeed -up to our own century, Turkish literature has been little -more than an imitation of the Persian, very formal and -rhetorical. Thus the two great forces engaged in moulding -the Turkish mind were Arabic theology and Persian -poetry, the large Arabic and Persian element in the Turkish -language being a good illustration of this.</p> - -<p>In the twelfth century the Asiatic hordes pressing into -Asia Minor came into contact with the Greeks. But there -was no intellectual reaction between Greek and Turk.</p> - -<p>The Seljouk kingdom rose and fell in Asia Minor; then -the chieftain Othman<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> stepped on its ruins and climbed to -power. He and his descendants gradually conquered the -Greeks until Byzantium was theirs. Ottoman conquests still -continued, until a century, after the fall of Constantinople -Suleiman pushed his armies to the gates of Vienna and -marked the farthest point of the Turkish invasion of Europe. -During Suleiman’s reign Turkey not only dominated the -Balkan Peninsula from the Adriatic to the Black Sea and -north to the Danube, but it also greatly influenced the rest -of Europe. There was not a court in Europe that was not -forced to reckon with Sultan Suleiman. So the career of -Ibrahim, his distinguished grand vizir, is not a mere -romance; it is a career which intimately affected the hopes -and fears of Ferdinand of Austria, Charles V of Spain, -Francis I of France, and even Henry VIII of England, as -well as the Pope and the Venetian Signory.</p> - -<p>At the height of their power the Turks were nevertheless -still a simple people. While western society has moved -from complexity to greater complexity, their society has -preserved an unembarrassed simplicity. They are loyal to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span> -state, religion, race, family, habit. Their religion is rigidly -monotheistic; their government (up to July 24, 1908) has -been the simplest possible monarchy, a personal despotism; -they are probably the most unaffectedly democratic people -in the world; a man is what his merit or his fortune has -made him, with no regard to his ancestry; they are unitarian -in religion, government and society. In morals the -same simplicity prevails, with no torturing doubts and few -sophistries. Much that seems like a fairy tale to us is simple -unquestioning reality to them.</p> - -<p>In this simplicity, this single‐mindedness, they are -totally different from the Arabs of the Khalifate, with -whom they have been so much associated in Western minds, -but with whom they have no relationship beyond that of a -common religion. The Turks, I repeat, are a much simpler -as well as a more warlike people than any other Oriental -nation.</p> - -<p>The sources for the life of Ibrahim are classified naturally -in three groups: (1st) The Turkish histories and biographies, -first and second hand; (2nd) the accounts of European -travelers and residents in Constantinople, such as -Mouradjia D’Ohsson, Busbequius, and the Venetian baillies; -and (3rd) the diplomatic correspondence and documents -of the time as found in such collections as Charrière’s -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Négociations</i>, Gévay’s <i lang="de" xml:lang="de">Urkunden und Actenstücke</i>, and -Noradunghian’s and de Testa’s <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Recueils</i>. A student would -also wish to consult the histories written by foreigners, such -as von Hammer, Zinkheisen and Jorga, whose sources are -found in the three classes of evidence cited above.</p> - -<p>It is impossible to confine ourselves to the Turkish -sources, because of the notable omission of accounts of institutions, -and the total absence of description. Abdurrahman -Sheref, the present historiographer of Turkey, is -the first Turkish writer of whom I know, who devotes some<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span> -chapters to general subjects such as “The Provinces”, -“Literature”, etc., in imitation of European histories. The -historians of Suleiman’s time were rather chroniclers, the -Comines and Froissarts of their day though with much less -of petty and personal detail. Therefore we must turn to -Occidental observers for accounts of the Turkish manner of -life, their warfare and their government, except where we -can learn from Turkish law or poetry. But practically all -that the Ottomans have told us of themselves and of their -rulers, we may trust in a way we cannot trust Western evidence. -Every one who knows the East is aware how a report -will pass through the bazaars and into the interior -of the country, or up the Nile for hundreds of miles, with -marvelous rapidity and more marvelous accuracy. Just -as the story‐teller repeats a tale as his remote ancestor first -told it, so do men hand down a tradition unembellished and -unchanged. Turkish tradition is an expression of the sincerity -and simplemindedness of the Turkish character. The -Turks are neither sceptics, nor desirous of deceiving, therefore -they transmit an account as they have received it.</p> - -<p>There are of course exceptions to this: Suleiman’s <cite>Letters -of Victory</cite> are overdrawn at times, and a legendary -history of him has been found,<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> written a century after -his reign, in which the events of his life are hard to discover -amidst a mass of legend. But this last case seems -to have been a direct attempt to write an epic piece, and -is quite different from the clear, straight narrative of the -ordinary chronicler. The court chronicler’s embellishments -consist mainly in flowery phrases, such as “Sultan Suleiman -Khan, whose glory reaches the heavens, and who is -the Sun of Valor and Heroism, and the Shadow of God -on Earth, may Allah keep his soul.” In other words, the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span>style is embellished but not the facts, the latter being related -as uncritically and directly as a child relates an event.</p> - -<p>Sometimes the perspective seems to us very odd, since -the emphasis seems to be placed on the unimportant -part of the narrative, but in such cases we must seek in -the Turkish mind for an explanation of why that phase, -unimportant to us, is to the Turkish writer and reader, of -importance. As an illustration of this, take the Turkish -accounts of Ibrahim’s Egyptian expedition. The <cite>Sulimannameh</cite> -and later histories all give more space to the -hardships of Ibrahim’s voyage to Egypt, and to the honor -paid him by the Sultan than to the organization of Egypt, -which occupied seven months. This seems, and doubtless -is naïve, but we can see from it what a great effort a sea -expedition was to this inland people, and also how above -everything else in importance loomed the favor of the monarch, -by whom all subjects rose to power or fell into disgrace. -It further shows the stress laid on the lives of courtiers -and officials rather than on the ordering of a province, -in which, of course, it resembles all early histories.</p> - -<p>For details in regard to the sources used for this study, -the reader is referred to the Bibliography.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER I<br /><br /> - -<small><span class="smcap">Ibrahim’s Rise</span></small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">Ibrahim</span> was a Christian of base extraction, the son of -a Greek sailor of Parga.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> He was born in 1494.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> In his -childhood he was captured by Turkish corsairs.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> It would -seem that he was first sold to a widow of Magnesia, who -clothed him well and had him well educated, and especially -trained to perform upon a musical instrument resembling -the violin, which he learned to play beautifully.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">10</a></p> - -<p>Whether it was on one of his expeditions to Asia Minor -that Suleiman, son of the reigning monarch Selim I, met -Ibrahim and was won by his charm and his musical ability, -or whether Ibrahim was taken to Constantinople and there -sold to the prince, cannot be determined from conflicting re<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span>ports, -but the fact that Ibrahim became Suleiman’s property -is incontestable.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">11</a></p> - -<p>Ibrahim never forgot his origin or his family. In 1527 -his father came to Constantinople to visit him, and later he -had his mother and his two brothers at the Palace.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> He -was able to help his father substantially, giving him a -<em>sandjak</em> or governorship.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> Of course Ibrahim adopted -Islam, else there were no story to tell, for a Christian could -have had no career in Turkey in that day.</p> - -<p>Baudier says that the boy Ibrahim was carried to Constantinople -by “them which exact the tribute of Christian -Children.” This tribute of Christian children had been -levied since the reign of Orkhan (1326–1361) and was the -material of which the redoubtable army of janissaries was -formed. These children, separated from their own countries -and their families, and practically always converted -to Islam, were for the most part trained in military camps -and forbidden to marry. Therefore they had no interest -except in war, and no loyalty except to the sultan. Thus -they developed into the finest military machine the world -had known, the most perfect instrument for a conqueror’s -use, but a dangerous force in time of peace.</p> - -<p>Sometimes the tribute children were bred for civil careers -and not placed in the corps of the janissaries. Prince -Cantimir of Moldavia<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> states that Ibrahim was a simple -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span>janissary of the 9th company. I have been unable to find -a source for this statement, but Ibrahim’s later career as -general of the Imperial forces would seem to imply a military -training. Von Hammer,<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> however, ascribes Cantimir’s -statement to an error, and gives Ibrahim a civil training.</p> - -<p>Ibrahim’s first office was page to the heir apparent Suleiman. -When the latter came to the throne in 1520, he made -Ibrahim Head Falconer, and then raised him in rapid succession -to the respective posts of Khass‐oda‐Bashi, or Master -of the Household, of Beylerbey of Roumelie, Vizir, Grand -Vizir, and finally Serasker, or general‐in‐chief of the Imperial -forces—a dazzlingly rapid promotion. Baudier tells -a story in this connection which might easily be true, being -quite in character, although it can not be verified. The -story runs thus: “Ibrahim’s rapid rise began to alarm him. -The inconstancy of fortune, as exampled by the fate of -many of the great men of the Ottoman court, created in -him an apprehension of the great peril which attached to -those favorites who enjoyed the high dignities of the court, -and served as a bridle to restrain his desires. He besought -Suleiman not to advance him so high that his fall would be -his ruin. He showed him that a modest prosperity was -safer than the greatness wherewith he would honor him; -that his services would be rewarded sufficiently if he received -enough to enable him to pass his days in rest and -comfort. Suleiman commended his modesty, but meaning -to advance him to the chief dignities of the empire, he swore -that Ibrahim should not be put to death as long as he -reigned, no matter what other changes might be made in -the court.” “But” moralizes Baudier, “the condition of -kings, which is human and subject to change, and that of -favorites, who are proud and unthankful, shall cause Sulei<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span>man -to fail of his promise and Ibrahim to lose his faith and -loyalty as we shall see”.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">16</a></p> - -<p>A knowledge of the duties of these offices held by Ibrahim -is essential to an understanding of the Turkish court at -which his life was spent.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> The personal servants of the sultan -were divided into six classes or “chambers”; the Body -guard, the Guard of the treasury, the Guard of the office, -the Guard of the campaign, the Black eunuchs and the -White eunuchs. The Body guard, or personal attendants, -included the Master of the stirrup, the Master of the keys, -the Chief water‐pourer, the Chief coffee‐server, etcetera, to -the number of thirty‐nine. The first of these chambers was -well furnished with attendants, mutes, dwarfs, musicians, -and pages; some of these pages were attached to the personal -service of high officials, whose pipes, coffee, or perfumes -they tended; they might also be attached to the service -of the sultan. Ibrahim seems to have been a page in -the service of the <em>shahzadeh</em> or heir, Suleiman.</p> - -<p>The heir to the throne after his thirteenth or fourteenth -year had his own palace separate from his father’s harem, -in which he had thus far been brought up. As soon as he -showed sufficient promise he was sent to some province, that -he might have experience in governing. Thus Suleiman, -during the reign of his father Selim, was made governor of -Magnesia in Asia Minor, north of Smyrna, where he probably -met Ibrahim, a youth of his own age. The court of -the <em>shahzadeh</em> had the same officials, with the same titles, as -the Imperial court.</p> - -<p>It was then in Suleiman’s court in Magnesia that Ibrahim -held his position as page. The pages in the sultan’s -palace at Constantinople attended schools especially de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span>signed -to train them, and Ibrahim, when he became grand -vizir, founded one of the best of these schools in Stamboul. -Probably there were no such schools in the provinces, but -either in the palace, or earlier in the household of the widow -of Magnesia, Ibrahim obtained an excellent education.</p> - -<p>He could read Persian as well as Turkish, also Greek -(his native tongue) and Italian. He was a wide reader, -delighting in geography and history, especially the lives of -Alexander the Great and Hannibal. Of his musical training -we have already spoken.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> When their schooling was completed, -the pages were taken into the Serai,<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> passing through -two lower chambers before completing their education in -the first chamber. The pages usually lodged near the -sultan’s apartments in handsome dormitories having their -own mosque and baths. But Ibrahim, as the favorite of -Suleiman, used to sleep in the apartments of his lord and -master, and generally took his meals with him.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> Bragadino -says that when they were not together in the morning they -wrote notes to each other, which they sent by mutes. -Pietro Zen records seeing them together often in a little -boat with but one oarsman, and says they would land at -Seraglio Point and wander through the gardens together.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> -Zen declares that the Grand Signor loved Ibrahim greatly, -and that the two were inseparable from childhood up, continuing -so after Suleiman became sultan. This intimacy, so -often noted by the Venetian Baillies, is never commented -on by the Turkish writers. It scandalized the Ottomans, -and seemed to them utterly unsuitable that the Lord of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span>the Age should show such favor to his slave. The partiality -of Suleiman for Ibrahim is important, for it is the -explanation of Ibrahim’s phenomenal rise.</p> - -<p>From a page, Ibrahim became Head Falconer, a post -which requires no explanation. The last two chambers of -the sultan’s personal attendants were the black and white -eunuchs. The black eunuchs, several hundred in number, -guarded the imperial harem, and were thence called aghas -of the harem. Their chief was called <em>Kizlar agha</em>, or <em>agha</em> -of the maidens, and his office included some further duties -beside those connected with the “maidens.” There were -also in the palace a number of white eunuchs, whose chief -was called <em>Capon agha</em>, or captain of the gate. Next to him -the chief officer was the Khass‐oda‐bashi. The Turkish -historians<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> call Ibrahim, at the time of his being called to -the vizirate, “khass‐oda‐bashi.” Cantimir calls him “Captain -of the Inner Palace” which is a very good translation -of the Turkish term. This official, as we have seen, was -second in rank among the white eunuchs. To him was -confided one of the three imperial seals set in rings, used -for the precious objects which were kept in the apartment -of the sultan.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">23</a></p> - -<p>He also garbed in <em>caftans</em><a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> in the Imperial presence those -whom the sultan would thus honor. Another curious duty -was the following: whenever the sultan had his head shaved, -and the personal attendants stood in order before him; their -hands crossed respectfully over their girdles, the khass‐oda‐bashi -placed himself several steps from the sofa, on which -the sultan sat, his right hand resting on a baton chased with -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span>gold and silver. The white eunuchs lodged behind the third -gate of the palace, the Bab‐el‐saadet, or Gate of Felicity. -D’Ohsson states:<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> “The seraglio is their prison and their -tomb; they are never permitted to absent themselves. The -white eunuchs have no other prospect than the post of Commandant -of the school of pages at Galata.”</p> - -<p>It would seem that Ibrahim must have been a eunuch. -Daniele Barbarigo states it flatly<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> and the office of khass‐oda‐bashi, -according to D’Ohsson, was held only by -eunuchs. Furthermore Solakzadeh speaks of Ibrahim’s -being called from the Imperial harem to the grand vizirate, -and all the officials of the harem were necessarily -eunuchs. But to Ibrahim the seraglio was neither a prison -nor a tomb. He went freely about the city, and his rise -was not at all impeded by what generally proved a fatal -limitation. Other eunuchs have also overcome their limitations, -for D’Ohsson mentions four eunuchs, kizlar aghas, -who became grand vizirs. Another very distinguished -eunuch, Ghazanber Agha, a Hungarian prisoner‐of‐war, -in childhood was educated as a page in the serai, became -a Mahommedan and, because Selim II, the son and successor -of Suleiman the Magnificent, wanted him about his -person, he voluntarily submitted to castration, in order to -enter the corps of white eunuchs. His office was capou -agha (captain of the gate) which he held for thirty years, -and raised to a very great importance.</p> - -<p>That Ibrahim married need not astonish us, for marriages -arranged with eunuchs by fathers of many daughters -were not uncommon. Sometimes a sultana was married -to a eunuch for his fortune, in which case he generally -died soon after his marriage; sometimes no other suit<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span>able -husband being found for her, she was given to a eunuch -of high rank. In stories we occasionally read of a father -who marries his daughter to a eunuch as a punishment. -Ibrahim probably married a sultana, which -curiously enough would be a more natural marriage than -with a woman of lower rank, for it has never been deemed -advisable that the daughters of sultans should have male -children, and if such were born, they were condemned to -immediate death by the omission to knot the umbilical -cord. This measure became a law in the reign of Ahmed -I,<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> with the idea of saving the country from the civil war -of rival princes of the blood, but was probably a custom -long before it was legalized. Therefore Suleiman may have -thought that the marriage of his relative to a man of Ibrahim’s -position, fortune, and charm, was a happy fate for a -princess who might not hope to be a mother.</p> - -<p>We have seen that the fact that Ibrahim was a Greek, and -a Christian by birth, was no barrier to his rise, so long as -he adopted Islam. Many of the great officials of Turkey -were of Christian extraction; as for instance, the two men -who succeeded Ibrahim Pasha as Grand Vizirs, Rustem -Pasha and Mehmet Sokolli, considered the greatest of -Turkish vizirs and both Croats by birth. Furthermore his -humble family was no obstacle, for in Turkey it has always -been possible for a bootblack or a grocer to rise to the highest -position, if good fortune or marked ability led him -thither.</p> - -<p>Ibrahim suffered from still another disability, as we in -the Occident would consider it: he was a slave. How did -that affect his advancement? To understand the position -of a slave in Turkey in the fifteenth century we must recognize -at the outset the fact that Turkish slavery was quite -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span>different from that of the Occident, and so approach the -subject free from our natural prejudice.</p> - -<p>The only slavery sanctioned by Islam is that imposed on -infidels as a result of supposed inferiority of race and religion,<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> -and has never in fact included the <em>rayahs</em> (Christian -subjects) but only prisoners of war. The <em>rayah</em> might not -be enslaved but neither might he hold slaves, except in very -rare instances before 1759, and not at all after that date.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">29</a></p> - -<p>There were two kinds of legal slaves, those made by capture -in war, and those by birth. Slaves by purchase, taken -from Africa and the Caucasus, were not recognized by law, -but nevertheless such slavery existed.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> Brigands also seized -foreigners from time to time and sold them as slaves. Prisoners -of war lost their civil liberty according to Islamic -law. The Prophet repeatedly enjoins their destruction.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span> -According to the Turkish code, the sovereign might perpetuate -their captivity, or free them to pay tribute, or cause -them to be slaughtered, if more expedient. The exceptions -to this law were the cases of any orthodox Moslems who -might fall into Turkish power, and the case of the Tatars -of the Crimea, who were Shiites, or heretic Moslems, and -who were enslaved.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">32</a></p> - -<p>Prisoners of war formed two classes of slaves, prisoners -of the state, and private slaves. To the first class belonged -all soldiers and officers, and a fifth of the rest of the slaves, -or their value. Of these some were exchanged or resold -after the peace, others were employed in the Serai or given -away. Some were handed over to public works, especially -to the admiralty, where they were confounded with criminals -and condemned to hard labor. To the second class -belonged all the prisoners not given to the sultan, including -those captured by the soldiers. These were generally sold. -Merchants would purchase them in the camps, and sell them -all over the Empire. These slaves taken in war were far -the greater number of slaves in the Empire; many were -enfranchised before they had children, and children of one -free and one slave parent were themselves born free. The -adoption of Islam after captivity did not free the slave.</p> - -<p>The power of the master was absolute over the person, -children and property of his slaves. He might sell, give, or -bequeath them, but he might not kill them without some -reason. As a corollary of this power, the master had full -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span>responsibility for his slave; he must support him, pay his -debts, stand behind him in any civil affair, and give consent -to his holding of property. A slave might not act as a -witness nor as a guardian. He was entirely dependent on -his master.</p> - -<p>Thus far the theory is not unlike that of the West, but -there were two facts which changed the entire situation. -The first was the brevity of time of enslavement in most -cases; the second was the absence of odium attached to the -position of a slave. In regard to the first fact, it was not -considered humane to keep persons long in slavery, and it -was a general rule to enfranchise them either before their -marriage or on their coming of age, or when they had -served sufficiently long. Enfranchisement is a voluntary and -private act by which the patron frees his slave from the -bonds of servitude and puts him into the free class.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> It is -also considered by the Turk to be a noble action, one especially -befitting a dying man, who often frees his slaves in -his testament. The enfranchisement of slaves was regarded -by the Moslem as the highest act of virtue.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> A less disinterested -form of enfranchisement has a pecuniary inducement, -the slave buying his freedom from his master.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">35</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span></p> - -<p>Thus the slave never thought of himself as by nature -servile, nor always to be a slave, but could look forward to -his freedom in a few years more or less. This fact induced -self‐respect and hope. The slave’s dress did not in any way -distinguish him from the free man; he was in no way -branded.</p> - -<p>Sir Henry Bulwer said of white slavery in Turkey in -1850, “It greatly resembles adoption, and the children often -become the first dignitaries of the Empire.”<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> This statement -is confirmed by Fatma Alieh Hannum, a living -Turkish lady, who gives a most attractive picture of the -home care and affection given to slaves,<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> and my own observation -of slavery in Constantinople would bear her out. -The condition described by Bulwer would seem also to have -obtained in the sixteenth century. George Young in his -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Corps de Droit Ottoman</i><a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> speaks of two systems of slavery -in Turkey, the Turkish system and the Circassian system, -which have been fused in our day, but of which only the -former existed in Ibrahim’s day, and in contrasting them he -says: “The Turkish system by its moderation scarcely went -beyond the limits of apprenticeship, and could be classed -with the voluntary servitude that for a determined time -was permitted in some of the European colonies. While -the Circassian system fixed the slave forever in the servile -class, the Turkish system has always permitted and in some -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span>cases prescribed his enfranchisement. Furthermore the social -situation of a slave under the Old Regime of the Empire -favored his advancement even to the highest office.... -The Turkish system made a career of slavery.... Many -slaves by birth have played leading roles in the history of -the Empire.” The last statement admits of no argument, -but the question how far the Turkish system made a career -of slavery, and how far slavery was beneficent, demands -further consideration.</p> - -<p>Let us return to the classes of slaves spoken of above. -Some, we saw, were put into public works; these could -have found no career in their forced labor, although they -might have bought or otherwise earned their freedom, and -then have made a career for themselves. Some were owned -by private individuals where they were given no opportunity -to rise, although life in a private house, as in the -case of the widow of Magnesia, might prepare a slave for -a career. But the only slaves who would naturally have -an opportunity for a career were those who served in the -royal palace or in the house of some important officer. To -them slavery truly opened a career. We cannot perhaps -agree with Mr. Young that the Turkish system “made a -career of slavery”, but it certainly was no barrier to a -career, and it even opened up such opportunities as could -not come otherwise to a Christian youth, nor indeed to most -Moslem youths.</p> - -<p>The mild and even beneficent quality of Oriental slavery -has been maintained by many writers. Busbequius, writing -from Constantinople in Suleiman’s reign, commends Turkish -slavery on economic grounds, and then, moved by the -contemplation of this fatherly system, bursts into a defence -of slavery in general.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">39</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span></p> -<p>Robert Roberts in his monograph says that the condition -of slaves in modern Moslem lands is “not so bad”, and -that the slavery he himself saw in Morocco “is only formally -to be distinguished from Christian service”.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> The Baron -de Tott speaks of seeing Moslem slaves in 1785 “well fed, -well clothed, and well treated,” and adds, “I am inclined -to doubt if those even who are homesick have in general -much reason to be satisfied with their ransom. It is possible -in truth that the slaves sold into the interior parts of the -country, or to individuals who purchase them on speculation, -are not as happy as those who fall to the lot of the sovereign -or the grandee. We may presume, however, that even the -avarice of the master militates in their favor, for it must -be confessed that the Europeans are the only people who -ill‐treat their slaves, which arises no doubt from this cause,—that -they constitute the wealth of the Orientals, and that -with us they are means of amassing wealth. In the East -they are the delight of the miser; with us they are only the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span>instrument of avarice.”<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> In interesting support of de -Tott’s idea that Oriental slaves might not care to be ransomed -is the fact that after the treaty of Carlowitz, when -the Porte engaged to set European prisoners at liberty -for a ransom, and did attempt to do so, there were a large -number of captives who rejected their liberty and their -fatherland.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">42</a></p> - -<p>Perhaps the chief explanation of the lack of distinction -between freeman and slave lay in the fact that the Turks had -very little conception of freedom, and the man legally free -was practically almost as bound as the slave. As we have -seen in the introduction to this study, loyalty and obedience -were the two great virtues in the eyes of the Turks, so that -in the idea of service there was no degradation. All who -served the Crown were called <em>Kol</em>, or slaves of the Sultan, -even the grand vizir receiving this title, which was much -more honorable than that of <em>subject</em>, the kol being able to -insult the subject with impunity, while the latter could not -injure a royal slave in the slightest degree without subjecting -himself to punishment.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> Turkey was a land of slaves -with but one master, the sultan, even the brothers and sons -of the monarch being kept in durance for the greater part -of their lives. In the case of women, no practical distinction -that we should recognize existed between slave and free. -The mother of the sultan was always a slave, one of the sultan’s -titles being “Son of a Slave”. Most of the pashas were -born of slave mothers, as the Turks had more children by -their slaves than by their wives.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> Such conditions rendered -obviously impossible the sharp line which is drawn in the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span>West between the freeman and the despised slave, and -placed the slave potentially with the highest of the land. -Slavery was certainly the Greek Ibrahim’s opportunity. -Slavery brought him into the court, placed him before the -sultan, educated him, gave him ambition, and finally gratified -it. When Ibrahim was freed, no one thinks it worth -while to record; certainly before his marriage, perhaps -much before. But evidently the moment when Suleiman -said to him: “Thou art enfranchised, thou art free”<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> was -a moment not worth recording, so natural and inevitable -was his enfranchisement the moment that slavery ceased to -be the ladder of his advancement.</p> - -<p>It is evident, then, that Ibrahim’s lowly birth, his Christian -origin, his experience as a slave, and his being a eunuch were -none of them barriers to a great career. What was there, -on the other hand, to give him such a career? His extraordinary -ambition, his marked ability, and above all his immense -good‐fortune in falling into the hands of the sultan -and winning his affection, so that Suleiman was dominated -by his love for Ibrahim, and unable to resist any of his -caprices;<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> these were the prime factors in his extraordinary -rise.</p> - -<p>While still master of the household (khass‐oda‐bashi) he -was often spoken of as “Ibrahim the Magnificent” by the -Venetian baillies. Barbarigo relates that the serai was -never so splendid as in the days when the magnificent Ibrahim -was oda‐bashi of the Grand Seigneur, and also when -he was grand chamberlain. As the title of “the Magnificent” -is that which Europe has accorded to Sultan Suleiman, -a love of pomp and display must have been one of the -interests that he and his ennobled slave had in common. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span>But such showy qualities are hardly suitable to a mere -master of the household. Ibrahim had to be raised to the -rank of pasha.</p> - -<p>A pasha was a sort of military governor, although the -title might be given as a mere title of nobility, and in any -case was indefinite, being determined by the particular -office the pasha held. The pashas were generally very proud -and stately persons, with grave, leisurely manners, and were -always surrounded by a large number of pages and other -richly‐garbed domestics when they went abroad mounted -on superb steeds, banners and horse‐tails waving before -them, and the people paying homage. But their power was -often very small, and their income frequently quite inadequate -to the state they were obliged to maintain.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">47</a></p> - -<p>The famous horse‐tail banner which distinguished a high -official originated in the following way: the banner of one -of the old Turkish princes having been lost in battle and -with it the courage of his soldiers, he severed with one blow -a horse’s tail from its body and fastening it to his lance -cried, “Behold my banner! who loves me will follow me!” -The Turks rallied and saved the day.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> The banner was -called the <em>Tugh</em>. Each sandjak bey was entitled to one -horse‐tail, being, as Europeans say “a pasha of one tail”; a -beylerbey (literally prince of princes or colonel of colonels) -was entitled to two or three tails; the grand vizir sported -five horse‐tails, and before the Sultan seven of these banners -were carried.</p> - -<p>In 1522 Ibrahim became Ibrahim Pasha, Grand Vizir, -and Beylerbey of Roumelie. Turkey has always been -divided into Turkey in Europe, or Roumelie or Roum,<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span>Turkey in Asia, or Anatolia. These two divisions of the -empire during Suleiman’s reign were each ruled by a governor, -or beylerbey, who had general charge of the sandjakbeys -over each sandjak<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">50</a> or province. The beylerbeys -of Roumelie generally resided at Monastir or Sofia, but here -again Ibrahim seems to have been an exception to the general -rule and to have resided at Constantinople.</p> - -<p>The office of vizir was a venerable one, its institution being -ascribed by some to the Prophet, who appointed as first -vizir Ali, his son‐in‐law and successor, and by others to the -first Abasside, who bestowed the title on his first minister. -The duties of vizir in the sixteenth century have been defined -as follows:<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">51</a> “The vizir commands all the armies, is -the only one except the Grand Seigneur who has the power -of life and death throughout the whole extent of the Empire -over criminals, and can nominate, degrade, and execute all -ministers and agents of the sovereign authority. He promulgates -all the new laws, and causes them to be put in -effect. He is the supreme head of the justice that he administers, -although with the aid and according to the opinion -of the Ulema, the legal body. In short, he represents his -master to the full extent of his dignity and temporal power, -not only in the Empire, but also with the Foreign States. -But to the same degree that this power is splendid and extensive, -it is dangerous and precarious.”</p> - -<p>Mourad I (1359–1389) was the first sultan of Turkey to -name a vizir. Mohammed the Conqueror thought the office -concentrated too much power in one person, and planned to -abolish it, but instead left it vacant for eight months.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span>Selim I, as strong a monarch as the Conqueror, left vacant -for nine months this office which almost rendered a sultan -unnecessary. But his son Suleiman soon after his accession -put his favorite Ibrahim into the highest office in a sultan’s -gift, and kept him there thirteen years. Probably with the -idea of dividing the immense power of this office, he increased -the number of vizirs to three and later to four. Of -these one was known as the grand vizir (Vizir Azam) and -to him alone applies the description given above. Ibrahim -Pasha was at first the third vizir, the other two being Piri -Mustafa Pasha and Ahmed Pasha. There was always great -jealousy among the vizirs. Ahmed Pasha, anxious to rise -to the first rank, accused Piri Pasha of sedition and procured -the latter’s downfall; but to his inexpressible chagrin was -himself passed over in favor of Ibrahim, who was “told the -good news of his appointment as grand vizir and brought -gladness and brilliance into the divan.”<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> Ahmed’s feeling -was so great and the consequent dissensions in the divan -were so considerable, that Suleiman sent Ahmed to Egypt -as governor, leaving the field clear for Ibrahim, who in his -palace received at the hands of a noble of the sultan’s service -the imperial ring as a symbol of his new power.</p> - -<p>The grand vizir lived in a palace modeled after the Sultan’s, -having under him the same class of officials and servants -even to ministers of state, and his household was conducted -with great ceremony. Ibrahim’s salary was increased over -that of the preceding grand vizir from 16,000 to 25,000 -piastres<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">54</a> but he obtained much more from the disposal of -public offices, and he also received enormous presents from -those under him, although this was balanced by the large -gifts he had to make to others. The property of a grand -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span>vizir was always confiscated at his death, which was doubtless -one reason why a sultan could afford to lavish so much -on a favorite minister, knowing that eventually it would all -return to the imperial coffers. Dress and style were very -carefully regulated in Turkey in the XVI century. The turban -of the grand vizir, his barge with twelve pairs of oars -and a green awning, the five horse‐tails that might be carried -before him, all distinguished him from lower officials. He -had eight guards of honor, and twelve led horses. When -he appeared in public his hussars would cry aloud, “Peace -unto you and divine clemence”, while the other soldiers responded -in chorus, “May your fortunes be propitious; may -Allah be your aid; may the Almighty protect the days of -our sovereign and the pasha, our master; may they live long -and happily.”<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">55</a> All of the public officials except the sheik‐ul‐Islam -received their offices from the grand vizir, and were -garbed in his presence with a caftan, or robe of state. The -grand vizir and the sheik‐ul‐Islam were the only officials -invested by the sultan himself and appointed for life.</p> - -<p>The divan was the imperial council, consisting of the -vizirs, the defterdar, or secretary of finance, the nishanji -who made out royal firmans and berats, and the sheik‐ul‐Islam -or head of Islam. It was a council for discussion and -wholly without power.</p> - -<p>On the 22d day of May, 1524, the Sultan celebrated with -great pomp the marriage of Ibrahim Pasha. Who the bride -was we cannot be certain, but this is in accord with Turkish -etiquette which strictly forbids all mention of the harem,<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> -and considers any public knowledge of woman as an insult -to her, thus depriving historians of desirable information -concerning such important political figures as Roxelana, who -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span>greatly influenced Suleiman the Magnificent, Baffa the Venetian -sultana, and others. Von Hammer says that Ibrahim -married a sister of Suleiman, but I can find no proof of it.<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> -A wedding in Turkey always includes two distinct feasts, -the one for the bride and her women friends, the other for -the groom and his men friends. Now‐a‐days the woman’s -part is ordinarily more important, but in Ibrahim’s time a -wedding or a circumcision was the occasion of a great public -feast for the men. Ibrahim Pasha, as we have seen, was -always spoken of by the Venetians as “Il Magnifico Ibrahim.” -Perhaps since so much stress has been laid by historians -on the splendor of the court and the grand vizir, a -description of this great public marriage will not be out of -order.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">58</a></p> - -<p>The feast or series of feasts was held in the Hippodrome, -a great piazza being erected near Agia Sophia from which -the sultan might view all the proceedings. Here was set -up the Blessed Throne of Felicity, adorned with precious -gold embroidery and rich velvets, while in the Hippodrome -below, artistic, vari‐colored tents were set up, and -carpets of gold thread were spread over the ground. -Terraces and canopies and pavilions for the nobles were -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span>raised above the ground, but below the sultan’s terrace. -Hangings of velvet and satin covered the grey walls of the -buildings surrounding the Hippodrome.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> The second vizir, -Ayas Pasha, and the agha of the janissaries went to the -palace to invite the sultan to honor the feast by his presence. -Suleiman received them graciously, delivered a pompous -eulogy upon Ibrahim, and made them rich presents.</p> - -<p>To the first banquet “all the world” was invited;<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">60</a> the -seven that followed were given to various branches of the -army, there being very splendid feasts to the janissaries, -vizirs, beylerbeys and sandjakbeys. To the first feast came -Ayas Pasha and the agha of the janissaries, escorted by a -troop of slaves. When they reached Bab‐el‐Saadet, that -gate of the city leading from the Seraglio grounds to the -space before the Agia Sophia, they met the glorious sultan -“whose throne is in the heavens.” His escort bore -scarlet banners and carried robes of honor with which they -garbed those who had come to meet them, and they led -also richly caparisoned steeds to present to Ayas Pasha and -his two followers, for which, says Solakzadeh, “there was -limitless thanks.”</p> - -<p>On the ninth day, the eve of that on which the bride would -be brought from the palace, Ayas Pasha and the other -vizirs, and the defterdar, and the agha of the janissaries -sought the bridegroom and led him through the streets of -Stamboul in gorgeous procession. From the Bab‐i‐Huma<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span>youn -(The Sublime Porte) to the Hippodrome the streets -“were full of pleasure from end to end,” all hung with -silks of Broussa and velvets of Damascus, through which -passed the ranks of the janissaries and the vizir who thus -honored Ibrahim Pasha.</p> - -<p>Ibrahim was a lean, dark man, slight in stature and bearing -himself gracefully in his cloth‐of‐gold robes.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> He was -escorted by brilliant officers on prancing steeds. There is -no finer setting for a procession than the grey streets of -Stamboul under the vivid Southern sky. When the procession -approached the sultan’s throne, the dignitaries of -the state and the nobles of the Empire, approaching on foot -over the richly carpeted street, fell on their faces before his -Majesty.</p> - -<p>“This day they enjoyed riches and booty and sumptuousness -without end”. “Especially were the people charmed -with the sounds of rejoicing flutes and trumpets, whose -music rose from earth to the first heaven”. The wise ulema -and sheiks were present on this occasion, the sultan seating -on his right the venerated Mufti Ali Djemali and on his left -the great hodja (teacher) of the princes, while other learned -doctors were arranged confronting the Imperial Majesty. -The sultan presided over a learned discussion of the verse -from the Koran, “O David, I will make thee Caliph in -the world”, a sufficiently courtly text. The meaning was -discussed and questions were propounded and answered. -After this literary episode, knights‐at‐arms, wrestlers and -other athletes displayed their skill. Then a rich feast was -served and Mehmet Chelebi had the honor of presenting to the -sultan sherbet in a priceless cup cut from a single turquoise, -a souvenir of Persian victories, and the pride of the nation. -Others drank their sherbet from goblets of china, then a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span>rare and valuable ware. Food was served to the sultan and -the ulema on silver trays,<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">62</a> and each of the guests took away -with him a tray of sweetmeats. From evening to morning -fireworks and illuminations lit up the city, and were reflected -in the Bosphorus and Marmora. On his return to -the palace Suleiman was informed of the birth of a son, -who afterwards became Selim II.</p> - -<p>The wedding was followed by several days of dancing, -races, contests of wrestlers and archers, as well as poetic -contests in honor of the newly‐wedded couple. Such was a -public festival in the city of the sultan in the days of the -magnificent Suleiman. It reminds us of the Field of the -Cloth of Gold, whose splendor delighted the French and -the English in this same quarter century, the most striking -difference being the literary side which the Turkish festival -possessed and the European lacked.</p> - -<p>Solakzadeh tells an interesting anecdote in connection -with another great feast, that of the circumcision of Suleiman’s -three sons.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> This was also a very splendid function -and Suleiman is said to have asked Ibrahim in pride, whose -feast had been the finer, Ibrahim’s or that of his sons. Ibrahim -replied: “There has never been a feast equal to my -wedding.” Suleiman, somewhat disconcerted, enquired how -that was, to which Ibrahim gave the following courtly answer: -“O my Padisha, my wedding was honored by the -presence of Suleiman, Lord of the Age, firm Rampart of -Islam, Possessor of Mecca and Medina, Lord of Damascus -and Egypt, Caliph of the Lofty Threshold, and Lord of the -Residence of the Pleiades: but to your festival, who was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span>there of equally exalted rank who might come?” The -padisha, greatly delighted, said, “A thousand bravas to thee, -Ibrahim, who hast explained it so satisfactorily.”</p> - -<p>Of Ibrahim’s relations to the sultan a good deal has been -said. He was brought up in close contact with his master, -eating and sleeping with him. They often changed garments -and Ibrahim told an Austrian ambassador that the -sultan never ordered garments for himself without ordering -the same for his favorite. The Venetians spoke of seeing -the two friends taking pleasure rides together in a cäique, -and visiting what shores they pleased.</p> - -<p>Ibrahim was said to exert such an influence on the sultan -that the latter could deny him nothing, and from the time -that he became grand vizir, he almost took over the sovereignty -of the land: as von Hammer says, “from this time -he divided the absolute power with Suleiman”. In becoming -grand vizir and presiding over the divan, Ibrahim occupied -the highest position open to any except a member of -the imperial Ottoman family. Here the romantic story -of his rise merges into the account of his public career, and -this in its turn is a part of Turkish and South European -history.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER II<br /><br /> - -<small><span class="smcap">Ibrahim the Administrator</span></small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">After</span> 1522 Ibrahim Pasha combined in his person the -highest administrative, diplomatic and military functions. -Although these naturally interact, it is our plan to consider -them separately, first taking up Ibrahim’s administrative -work.</p> - -<p>We have seen that Ahmed Pasha, second vizir, was sent -to Egypt when Ibrahim climbed over him to the grand vizerate. -Ahmed’s indignation at the treatment accorded him -by Suleiman led him into treachery; he attempted to usurp -the sovereignty of Egypt. Intrigues failing of success he -openly threw off his allegiance to the sultan, and attacked -Cairo, capturing the fortress. This threw Alexandria and -the coast into his power, and he proclaimed himself sultan.<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">64</a></p> - -<p>This revolt of Ahmed Pasha has all the features of the -typical revolt against Turkish authority: the sudden disgrace -of an official high in power, his banishment under the -name of change of office, a tampering with the loyalty of -the troops of the province (in this case the Mamelukes), a -conflict with the loyal janissaries, sudden success, betrayal, -a rapid fall and a sudden punishment, ending in the triumph -of absolutism. The same story with change of names -is told a hundred times in Turkish chronicles. The only -way in which Suleiman differed from most of the sultans -under such circumstances was that he recognized the need -of a reorganization of the revolted province and sent the -grand vizir to effect it.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span></p> -<p>Four months after his marriage Ibrahim Pasha was sent -to Egypt with a fleet and an army to settle the new governor -in Cairo and to reëstablish the former legislation of the -country.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> The Turkish historians<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> give much space to the -splendid state in which Ibrahim left the Porte and the unparalleled -honor paid him by the company of Sultan Suleiman -as far as the Princes Isles, and also to the difficulties -of the voyage, interrupted several times by storms. The -last part of the journey was made overland, Ibrahim visiting -Aleppo and Damascus, where he put the terror of the -sultan into the beylerbeys, who had been forgetting all but -their own interests. Throughout the journey, the grand -vizir received complaints and rendered justice, earning the -blessings of the people whom he visited.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">67</a></p> - -<p>The arrival of the imperial mission in Cairo was marked -by great ceremony, the Mamelukes showing themselves as -splendid in all their appointments as were the Ottomans. -“All the people of Egypt came to meet Ibrahim Pasha,” -declares Solakzadeh, “each one according to his rank being -garbed in a robe of honor, and from the forts guns -sounded, and fêtes and rejoicings were held.”</p> - -<p>Ibrahim Pasha spent three months in Egypt, actively en<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span>gaged -in improving the condition of that province, which -he found “ailing, but amenable to the skill and zeal of a -clever doctor.”<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">68</a> The first move was to punish those who -had assisted Ahmed Pasha in his treachery, several Arab -chiefs being publicly hanged, so that the Arab people “began -to weep for fear.”<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">69</a> Ibrahim next relieved many individuals -who suffered under injustice, receiving in person -crowds of petitioners, and relieving as many as possible. -Among these acts of mercy were the release of 300 debtors -from prison and the satisfaction of their creditors.<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> He -improved the appearance of Cairo by restoring several buildings -that had fallen into disrepair, particularly mosques and -schools, and also built some new ones at his own expense. -To erect such buildings has always been considered an -act of piety, so that sultans, vizirs, and even the favorites -of sultans have acquired merit in this fashion, as the -numerous mosques and religious foundations of Turkey -testify. Ibrahim was thus following the usual custom. He -further drew up some rules for education, and for the care -of orphans.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">71</a> But the two main accomplishments of Ibrahim’s -sojourn in Egypt were the reëstablishment of the law -and the placing of the treasury on a better basis. Ahmed -Pasha, and probably several of his predecessors, had ignored -and weakened the law of the land, which Ibrahim undertook -to restore. He enforced the local laws and also some -of the general Koranic laws which had been neglected; but -he seems to have moderated and lightened them to suit the -needs and desires of the people, “for” says Solakzadeh, -uttering a sentiment so un‐Turkish that one is inclined to at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span>tribute -it to the Greek vizir rather than to the Ottoman -chronicler, “the best things are the golden mean.” He -further states that the ideal striven for was uniform rule -for all the inhabitants of Egypt.<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">72</a></p> - -<p>The province was a rich one even before the days of great -dams, and one of the most important of the grand vizir’s -duties was to see that the taxes were properly gathered and -placed in the treasury at Cairo, and that a suitable tribute -was sent annually to the Porte. Ibrahim built two great -towers to contain the treasure. With Ibrahim Pasha on -this expedition was the Imperial defterdar or treasurer, -Iskender Chelebi, who calculated that Egypt could pay annually -80,000 ducats to the Porte, after deducting the cost -of administration.<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">73</a> Ibrahim’s final act in Egypt was to -appoint Suleiman Pasha, the Beylerbey of Damascus to the -office of governor of Egypt. He seems to have chosen this -man for his economical disposition, for Solakzadeh says -“he watched, and shut his eyes to those who desired to spend -money, and then appointed Suleiman Pasha.”</p> - -<p>Called back to the Porte by a <em>Hatt‐i‐humayoún</em>, he left -Egypt with her revolt quieted, her mutineers punished, her -oppressed temporarily relieved, her city improved, her law -reëstablished, and her finances arranged quite satisfactorily -to the Porte, if not to herself. Ibrahim showed himself -clear, forceful, just and merciful, if not a great constructive -statesman. He took back to Stamboul a large sum in gold -for the Imperial treasury, and was received by Suleiman -with great honor.<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">74</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span></p> - -<p>The recall of Ibrahim Pasha was induced by an insurrection -of the janissaries who were tired of inactivity, and -showed their restlessness by pillaging the houses of the -absent grand vizir and defterdar, and several rich institutions. -Suleiman promptly executed several of the most audacious -leaders, then sent for Ibrahim Pasha to come and -deal with the situation. Clothing himself in mourning -garments, Ibrahim hastened back to the capital. On the -way he executed a number of Persian prisoners in Gallipoli, -for the Sultan had determined to quiet the janissaries by -the only effective means, namely to offer them a chance for -fighting and loot by making war against the most convenient -enemy, which in this case was Persia.</p> - -<p>Of the war we speak elsewhere. Suffice it to say that -from this time on, Ibrahim was so occupied in war and -diplomacy that his administrative functions must have been -delegated largely to lower officials. His power, notwithstanding, -was very great, as will be seen from the <em>berat</em> of -investiture bestowed on him by the Sultan before the campaign -of Vienna, which is substantially as follows:</p> - -<p>“I command Ibrahim Pasha to be from today and forever -my grand vizir and the serasker (chief of the army) -named by my Majesty in all my estates. My vizirs, beylerbeys, -judges of the army, legists, judges, seids, sheiks, -my dignitaries of the court and pillars of the empire, sandjakbeys, -generals of cavalry or infantry, ... all my victorious -army, all my slaves, high or low, my functionaries -and employees, the people of my kingdom, my provinces, -the citizens and the peasants, the rich and the poor, in short -all shall recognize the above‐mentioned grand vizir as serasker, -and shall esteem and venerate him in this capacity, -regarding all that he says or believes as an order proceeding -from my mouth which rains pearls. Everyone shall -listen to his word with all possible attention, shall receive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span> -each of his recommendations with respect, and shall not -neglect any of them. The right of nomination and degradation -for the posts of beylerbeys and all other dignitaries -and functionaries, from highest to lowest, either at my -Blessed Porte or in the provinces, is confined to his sane -judgment, his penetrating intellect. Thus he must fulfil the -duties which the offices of grand vizir and serasker impose -on him, assigning to each man his suitable rank. When -my sublime person enters on a campaign, or when circumstances -demand the sending of an army, the serasker remains -sole master and judge of his actions, no one dare refuse -him obedience, and the dispositions which he judges -best to make relative to the collections in the sandjaks, -the fiefs and the employments, to the increase of wages or -salaries, to the distribution of presents, except such as are -made to the army in general, are in advance sanctioned and -approved by my Majesty. If against my sublime order -and the fundamental law a member of my army (which -Allah forbid!) rebel against the order of my grand vizir and -serasker; if one of my slaves oppress the people, let my -Sublime Porte be immediately informed, and the guilty, -whatever be their number, shall receive the punishment -which they shall merit.”<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">75</a></p> - -<p>This amazing gift of power brings out some characteristics -of the Ottoman state. There is no state, as such, apart -from the army. All the civil offices have military names, -and generally include military duties. It has often been -said that the Turkish empire is an army encamped in -Europe, an epigram that conveys much truth. The church, -the state, and the army are one and the sultan is the head -of the trinity.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">76</a> To Ibrahim were delegated full powers as -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span>general and administrator, but he had no sacerdotal power -except such as was involved in the general power of appointment -and supervision. It follows that he did not -appoint the sheik‐ul‐Islam, and had no special dealings with -ulema.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">77</a> But curiously enough one of the few events of -his administration of which we have an account is connected -with religious interests. It is the Cabyz affair.</p> - -<p>Cabyz was a member of the body of ulema, or interpreters -of the sacred law, who became convinced of the superiority -of Jesus to Mohammad, hence was a traitor both to Allah -and to the sultan. “He fell in to the valley of error and -took the route of destruction and danger, deviating from -the glorious path of truth.”<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> Haled before the judges of -the army, Cabyz was summarily condemned to death, with -no attempt to convince him of his error. The grand vizir -reproved them for this unsuitable treatment of a heretic, -saying that the only arms against heresy should be law -and doctrine. The affair being therefore laid before the -divan, the sultan who was present behind his little window -was dissatisfied with the clemency of Ibrahim, perhaps because -the latter was Christian born, although now a zealous -Moslem.</p> - -<p>“How is this” he demanded, “an irreligious infidel dares -to ascribe deficiency to the Blessed Prophet, and he goes -without being convinced of his error or punished?” Ibrahim -claimed that the judges lacked the knowledge of the sacred -law necessary to deal with the case. So the judge of Stamboul -and the Mufti were called in and after a long discussion -Cabyz’ “tongue was stopped and he lowered his head.” -Cabyz was condemned by the sacred law and executed.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span></p> - -<p>This case in which a heretic was first brought before the -judges of the army and then before the council of state before -he was finally condemned by the religious law, shows -the awkward working of a state whose functions were so -slightly differentiated. Perhaps the easiest way to think of -the grand vizir is as the <em>alter ego</em> of the sultan, as he has -been called.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">79</a></p> - -<p>For details of Ibrahim’s official work we have a bit here -and a bit there, but no general account. He seems to -have been zealous in the cause of commerce, out of which -he made a considerable profit. He established a monopoly -of Syrian commerce afterwards taken over by the sultan,<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">80</a> -and caused all the trade of that country to pass through Constantinople.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">81</a> -He encouraged trade with Venice, freeing -that country from payment of duty on merchandize brought -from Syria.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> He was always a friend to Venice, helping -her trade and keeping the Porte from war with her as long -as he lived.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">83</a></p> - -<p>From the Venetian reports we see how general Ibrahim’s -interests were;<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">84</a> now he is looking after the corn trade, now -receiving cargoes of biscuits, now concerning himself in -the building of a canal, now opening new trade routes, now -watching the coming of new vessels to the Porte. The trade -of the Dalmatian coast he encouraged. As beylerbey of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span>Roumelie he would be most interested in the European trade -and other relations. The export and import trade of -Turkey was scarcely born in his day, although the Muscovy -and other trading companies were beginning to ask for -concessions in the Ottoman dominions. Ibrahim’s ideas on -this subject were not great nor especially in advance of his -time.</p> - -<p>In his quality as judge, he settled disputes and arranged -wills to the apparent satisfaction of the interested parties. -Every envoy to the Porte, whether on state, commercial, or -personal business, was first presented to the grand vizir, who -might take complete charge of his affair, or he might refer -him to the sultan. The grand vizir received in great state -and the Venetian letters are full of advice as to how to conciliate -the great minister. There seems to be little disagreement -among his critics as to Ibrahim’s ability. He is pronounced -by all to be a wise and able man; but he had at -least one severe critic among the Venetians, who felt that -his power was too arbitrary. Daniello di Ludovisi in 1534 -wrote thus:<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">85</a></p> - -<blockquote><p class="tb">Suleiman gave his administration of the empire into the -hands of another. The sultan, with all the pashas and all the -court, would conduct no important deliberation without Ibrahim -Pasha, while Ibrahim would do everything without Suleiman -or any other advisor. So the state lacked good council, -and the army good heads. Suleiman’s affection for Ibrahim -should not be praised, but blamed.</p></blockquote> - -<p class="tb">And again:</p> - -<blockquote><p class="tb">Another evil existed in the Turkish army, and was caused, -first, by the negligence of the sultan (who, to tell the truth, is -not of such ability as the greatness of the empire demands), -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span> -and secondly, by the actions of Ibrahim Pasha, who by the -same means as those used to raise and maintain himself—namely, -to degrade, and even to kill, all whose ability aroused -his suspicion—deprived the state of men of good council and -the army of good captains.</p> - -<p>For instance, he decapitated Ferad Pasha, a valiant captain, -and was the cause of the rebellion of Ahmed Pasha, who was -beheaded at Cairo, and he caused Piri Pasha to leave office, an -old man and an old councillor, and some even accused him of -causing his death by poison. And it followed, also, that Rustem, -a young fellow, master of the stables of the Grand Seigneur, -became familiar with the latter, and Ibrahim, warned of -this, and being then in Aleppo, sent him to be governor in Asia -Minor, a long distance away. Rustem, feeling very badly, -asked the Grand Seigneur not to let him go, who replied, -“When I see Ibrahim, I will see that he causes you to return -near me.” For this reason the army was without council except -Ibrahim alone, and men of learning and force, from fear -and suspicion, hid their knowledge and ability. So the army -was demoralized and enervated. I feel certain that Ibrahim -Pasha realized this (for he was a man of good parts, but not -of such merit as to find a remedy for such evils), but he loved -himself much more than he did his lord, and wished to be alone -in the dominion of the world in which he was much respected.</p></blockquote> - -<p class="tb">This criticism of Ibrahim Pasha was later repeated in a -more general form by one Kogabey, who presented to Sultan -Mourad IV a memorial on the decadence of the Ottoman -state. The two first reasons that he assigned for the deterioration -were the sultan’s ceasing to preside over the divan in -person, and the placing of favorites in the office of grand -vizir, the latter custom having been started by Suleiman I, -who raised his favorite Ibrahim from the palace to the divan. -Such vizirs, Kogabey explained, had no insight into the circumstances -of the whole nation. They generally were -blinded by the splendor of their position and refused to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span> -consult intelligent men on affairs of government, and so the -order of the state was destroyed through their carelessness.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">86</a></p> - -<p>The custom of appointing favorites to the most important -office in the empire was certainly a bad one, but Ibrahim was -a more efficient administrator than could have been expected -from his training, and ranks among the great vizirs of the -Ottoman Empire.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER III<br /><br /> - -<small><span class="smcap">Ibrahim the Diplomat</span></small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">We</span> must now turn from Turkey’s internal affairs to her -foreign relations. Turkish political history during the sixteenth -century was so interwoven with that of the European -states, the influence of Ottoman interference upon the wars -and negotiations of Christian princes was so marked, that -a study of Suleiman’s foreign relations becomes almost a -study of contemporary Europe.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> The two sultans who succeeded -Mohammed the Conqueror had not extended Turkish -power in Europe, Bayazid having failed in his attempts at -conquest, and Selim having turned his attention from Europe -to the East. This caused a period of transition and preparation -for the great events of Suleiman’s reign.</p> - -<p>When Suleiman came to the throne, he found certain relations -established with Ragusa and Venice, the two commercial -cities of the Adriatic, whose large carrying trade -made an <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">entente cordiale</i> with the Porte very desirable.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span>Ragusa was the first foreign state to reach the new sultan -with her congratulations on his accession,<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">89</a> and the sultan -renewed with the Ragusan republic the commercial privileges -it had enjoyed in Egypt.</p> - -<p>After Venice had been defeated by Turkey in the battle -of Sapienza in 1499 and had been obliged to sue for peace, -she had received the following answer from the then grand -vizir: “You can tell the doge that he has done wedding -the sea, it is our turn now.”<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">90</a> This boast became steadily -more completely realized as Turkish conquest in the Mediterranean -continued, and Venice soon saw that her chance -of freedom on the seas lay in keeping on good terms -with the Turk, whom she could not conquer. In vain -she sought for help against the Moslems; in vain she carried -on a single‐handed struggle against their encroachments, -earning the title of “Bulwark of Christianity”. -Had she not “learned to kiss the hand that she could not -cut off,”<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> she could not have continued to exist as even -the second‐rate power in the Levant to which she had been reduced. -Frequent missions were -sent from Venice to the Porte, and a Venetian baillie was -kept at the Porte. These baillies were very good statesmen, -and they not only kept Venice on good terms with Turkey -for thirty‐three years, but they made an invaluable contribution -to recorded history by sending frequent and detailed -reports to the signories.</p> - -<p>Russia also sent an embassy to the Porte, after the conquests -of Belgrad and Rhodes had demonstrated the power -of Turkey; and the Tsar, recognizing the value of an alliance -with the Porte, made two attempts to form one, but -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span>without success. Suleiman saw no advantage in such an -alliance, but he never assumed an unfriendly attitude towards -Russia, at that time still an unimportant power. In -a letter written later in his reign he recalls the amicable relations -that had existed between the Porte and Russia, and -recommends his Ottoman merchants to buy furs and merchandise -in Moscow.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">92</a></p> - -<p>As Suleiman’s conquests naturally threw him into antagonism -with the House of Hapsburg, it is desirable to review -briefly the political conditions in the Holy Roman -Empire at this time.</p> - -<p>The accession of Charles of Spain to the Imperial throne -took place in October of the same year as Suleiman’s accession, -1520. Handicapped in every possible way by the -German princes, for whose safety and prosperity the emperor -assumed the entire responsibility without receiving in -return any equivalent whatever,<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">93</a> Charles V presented a -great contrast to Suleiman, whose slightest word was law -throughout his extensive dominions. With the empire, -Charles acquired the enmity of Francis I of France, his unsuccessful -rival, and hereafter his constant foe. Another -rival not outwardly so dangerous, but destined to be a great -source of anxiety and weakness to the empire was Ferdinand, -the emperor’s brother. Concerning him, Charles’ -counsellor, de Chièvres, is reported to have said to Charles,<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">94</a> -“Do not fear the king of France nor any other prince except -your brother”. Ferdinand’s ambition had been early -recognized. His grandfather, Ferdinand of Aragon, had -attempted to construct an Italian kingdom for him, but -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span>failed. Charles, after his election to the Empire, tried to -satisfy Ferdinand’s craving for power by conferring on -him the old Austrian provinces, and further by marrying -him to Anna, heiress of the kingdom of Hungary and -Bohemia, whose child‐king, Lewis, was weak physically and -not destined for a long reign. This opened to Ferdinand a -large sphere of activity in the southeast, and brought him -into direct contact with the steadily encroaching Suleiman; -a sphere that effectually absorbed his energies and made -him but a source of weakness to the Empire.</p> - -<p>Thus Charles V, in name the imperial ruler of Central -Europe, was confronted with four rivals who desired to -divide with him the supremacy; Francis I, a relentless foe; -his brother Ferdinand, an ambitious claimant: the conquering -Suleiman; and the Protestant Revolt. The weakness -and disunion of Christendom was the strength of Suleiman, -and he was far too shrewd not to trade on it.</p> - -<p>It had in fact been long since Europe had been sufficiently -united to oppose with any vigor the oncoming Turks. The -Popes of Rome had been the most persistent foes of Turkish -advance in Europe; notably Calixtus III, who in 1453 tried -in vain to save Europe from Mohammed’s conquering -armies; Pius II, who having for his master—thought the -freeing of Europe from Islam, preached a general crusade, -and even attempted to convert Mohammed by letter; -Paul II, who gave lavish aid to Scanderbeg and the armies -in Hungary and Albania in their struggle against Turkish -invasion; Alexander VI, who held Prince Jem, the mutinous -brother of Sultan Bayazid, as hostage for the friendliness -of the sultan whom he attacked after Jem’s death; and -Julius II, who planned a crusade early in the sixteenth century, -but failed to execute it.<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">95</a> All this time Turkish con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span>quest -continued practically unhindered. By the close of the -fifteenth century the Turks were accepted as a permanent -political factor in Europe. Nevertheless, when -Charles became a candidate for election to the headship of -the Holy Roman Empire, he emphasized his fitness for the -high office by alleging that his vast possessions, united to -the Imperial dignity, would enable him to oppose the Turks -successfully.<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">96</a> But the sudden rise of revolt -within the Church tended to force the dread of Islam into -the background, even in the face of the loss of Belgrad and -Rhodes. At least such was the case with Charles V and the -German princes; it was of necessity otherwise with little -King Lewis, who saw with terror the preparations of the -Turkish conquerors for war to the death with Hungary.</p> - -<p>As Suleiman’s conquests naturally threw him into antagonism -with Austria, equally naturally he had common interests -with Francis I. Friendly relations between the Porte -and France were not unprecedented, although strongly disapproved -by the more religious among the French. Commercial -agreements had existed for some time between the -two states.<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">97</a> The accession of Francis I, January 1, 1515, -marked an epoch in the Eastern Question. Francis’ Oriental -policy began on the conventional lines; he made an -agreement with Leo X to drive the Turks from Europe but -refused to subsidize Hungary in the interests of this purpose. -The pope called for a truce in Europe and a crusade -against the common enemy, but the death of Maximilian -and the outbreak of the Protestant Revolt put a complete stop to -this plan. The only result was the extension of the circle -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span>of European politics to include Eastern affairs and the -Ottoman Empire, and to bring the Eastern Question home -to all the European powers. Those who had been furthest -away were now drawn in; France, Spain, and even England -began to step within the circle of Eastern influence.</p> - -<p>The battle of Pavia marked a crisis in European affairs. -The captivity of the French king, his falling into the hands -of his bitterest foe, Charles of Hapsburg, destroyed any -scruples that the French court had felt against seeking -Turkish aid. The first French mission to Suleiman I did -not reach the Porte, the ambassador being assassinated en -route.<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">98</a> This first attempt was quickly followed by another. -The Croat Frangipani brought two letters to the Sultan, one -written by Francis from his Madrid prison, the other from -his distracted mother, the queen‐regent. Francis also sent -a letter to Ibrahim Pasha, who later gave an account of -this embassy to Cornelius Scepper and Hieronymus von -Zara, envoys of Ferdinand.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">99</a></p> - -<p><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Post hec tempora, inquit Ibrahim, accedit quod rex -Francie captus fuit. Tunc mater ipsius regis ad ipsum -Caesarem Thurcarum scripsit hoc modo. ‘Filius meus Rex -Francie captus est à Carolo, Rege Hispanie. Speravi quod -ipse liberaliter ipsum demitteret. Id quo non fecit, sed -iniuste cum eo agit. Confugimus ad te magnum Caesarem -ut tu liberalitatem tuam ostendas et filium meum redimas’.”</span><a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">100</a></p> - -<p>Frangipani demanded that Suleiman should undertake an -expedition by land and sea to deliver the king of France, who -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span>otherwise would make terms which would leave Charles -master of the world. This exactly fitted into the plans of -Suleiman, whose European expeditions were naturally directed -against the possessions of the house of Hapsburg; so -he graciously acceded to all the demands of the French -mission. Ibrahim later stated<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">101</a> that this embassy decided -the Sultan to prepare his army immediately for an expedition -into Hungary. The knowledge of this successful embassy -was one of the reasons that led Charles to sign the -Treaty of Madrid in January, 1526. By the time of this -treaty Francis promised to send five thousand cavalry and -fifteen thousand infantry against his recent allies, the -Turks,—but of course he had no intention of keeping his -word.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span></p> -<p>Since the capture of Belgrad by the Turks in 1521, hostilities -on the Hungarian frontier had never ceased, and the -Turkish danger had been constantly before the Reichstag -and in the mind of the Pope. In April, 1526, Suleiman started -with a large army for his first regular Hungarian campaign. -The Hungarian nobles, continually at feud with one another, -were utterly unprepared to resist him, and the treasury -was exhausted. The first city to be taken was Peterwardein, -which was stormed by Ibrahim Pasha. Then fell -Illok and Esek. But the decisive victory of the campaign -was the battle of Mohacz, August 29, 1526. In this brief -but bloody conflict little King Lewis fell, and the country -was laid open to the sultan. The keys of Buda, the capital of -Hungary, were handed over to him and he entered the city -on September 1st. In spite of the express prohibition of the -sultan, his soldiers accustomed to regard war as an opportunity -for rapine, burned two quarters of the city, including -the great church, while the akinji (scouts) burned -neighboring villages and slaughtered the peasants. Other -victories followed until at last the sultan, promising the -Hungarians that John Zapolya should be their king, withdrew -his army to Constantinople, carrying with him an -immense amount of booty.</p> - -<p>The death at Mohacz of King Lewis without direct heirs -left the thrones of Hungary and Bohemia vacant. The -Archduke Ferdinand, as the husband of Lewis’ sister, -and recognized as Lewis’ successor by official acts of his -brother, the Emperor Charles, passed at the Diets of Worms -and Brussels on April 28, 1521, and March 18, 1522, was -the legal heir to the throne. But the sovereignty was -claimed also by John Zapolya, voivode of Transylvania, a -vigorous fighter and an unscrupulous politician. Both of -these claimants had themselves been recognized in Hun<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span>gary -and crowned with the Iron Crown,<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">102</a> and both of them -turned for substantial aid in support of their claims to -Suleiman, regardless of possible loss of independence. -Suleiman, as conqueror of the strongholds of Hungary, and -as a court of appeal for the rivals, considered himself to -have in his hand the disposition of the crown. He did -not want it himself. He had expressly declared that he invaded -Hungary to avenge insults, not to take the kingdom -from Lewis; but the death of the latter forced him to choose -between the two rival claimants. His word had been pledged -for the support of Zapolya, and his dislike of the Hapsburgs -and his friendship for the French king inclined him to -keep it.</p> - -<p>Ferdinand and Zapolya both hastened to send embassies -to the Turks, Ferdinand taking the first step. He sent envoys -to Upper Bosnia and to Belgrad to ask the governors -to refuse aid to Zapolya, offering three to six thousand -ducats for their alliance.<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">103</a> One of the governors died before -the embassy reached him, and from neither of them were -there any results from this mission.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> At the same time Ferdinand -attacked Zapolya, driving him from Ofen and back -towards Transylvania. Zapolya in distress despatched his -first mission to the Porte. His envoy, Hieronymus Laszky, -was empowered to effect a defensive and offensive alliance -with the sultan. The mission was successful, Suleiman accepting -Zapolya’s offer of devotion, and promising him -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span>the crown of Hungary and the protection of the Porte -against his enemies.</p> - -<p>Although the mission from Zapolya was kept as secret -as possible, it soon became known to Ferdinand, who dispatched -the embassy he had long planned, in the hope -of counteracting Zapolya’s move. One embassy failed to -reach Constantinople,<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> and the first ambassadors from -the archduke of Austria to reach the Porte were John -Hobordonacz and Sigmund Weixelberger, in May, 1528. -They demanded the Kingship of Hungary for their master -Ferdinand, and the restoration to Hungary of all the places -taken by Suleiman. The sultan refused both of these demands -and in his turn offered to make peace on the payment -of tribute. The embassy accomplished nothing, its sequel -being the campaign in Hungary in 1529. Three days before -the final answer to Ferdinand, Suleiman had in full -divan delivered to Ibrahim a commission making him -serasker or general‐in‐chief of the expedition against the -Hapsburgs. The Peace of Cambrai in 1529 left the Austrians -free to fight the Turks.</p> - -<p>In the meanwhile French diplomacy continued actively. -Francis I was disturbed by the result of the invasion of -Hungary which he had himself urged, for the kingdoms of -Hungary and Bohemia seemed now to be falling into the -hands of his enemies of Austria. More than ever he had -need of the Ottoman alliance, and he determined on an -alliance with Zapolya. He sent Rincon to the latter to form -an offensive and defensive alliance, claiming as his reward -the reversion of the kingdom of Hungary for his second -son, Henry, should Zapolya die without heirs.<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> On the 20th -of September, 1528, Sultan Suleiman renewed a former act -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span>called by old French historians “la trêve marchande,”<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">107</a> giving -commercial privileges to the Catalonian and French -merchants in the Mediterranean, and placing all French factories, -consuls, and pilgrims, under the protection of the -Sublime Porte. The French were thus able to reappear -with confidence in the Levant, and were welcomed by the -Christians in the East. The pilgrimages to Jerusalem recommenced. -Even Francis expressed a desire to go to the -Holy Land and to visit en route “his dear patron and friend, -Suleiman.”<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> A question concerning the Holy Places in -Palestine was also brought up by Francis at this time, which -is of very great significance, as it marks the beginning of -the train of developments that resulted in the conception of -the protection of Turkey’s Christian subjects by the European -Powers. Francis and Venice united in asking that a -certain church in Jerusalem, long before converted into a -mosque, be restored to the Christians.<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> Ibrahim replied -that had the King of France demanded a province, the -Turks would not have refused him, but in a matter of religion -they could not gratify his desire. Nevertheless the -Sultan made the following general promise which was later -used as a basis for further demand by the Catholics. He -wrote to Francis:<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> “The Christians shall live peaceably -under the wing of our protection; they shall be allowed to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span>repair their doors and windows; they shall preserve in all -safety their oratories and establishments which they actually -occupy, without any one being allowed to oppose or torment -them.”<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">111</a></p> - -<p>On the 10th day of May, 1529, Suleiman set out to settle -matters by force with Charles V. Before the end of August -the Turks were again encamped with a vast army on the -fatal plain of Mohacz. Here John Zapolya met his overlord -and did him homage. Three days later the Turks advanced -to Buda, and took it from Ferdinand, crowning -Zapolya a second time within the walls of the capital. By -September 27, Suleiman was encamped before Vienna.</p> - -<p>On the 19th day of October, 1529, Ferdinand, in great -distress, wrote to his brother the Emperor; after referring -to the horrors that followed the siege of Vienna, he says: -“I do not know what he (Suleiman) intends to do, -whether to betake himself to his own country or to stay -in Hungary and fortify it and the fortresses, with the intention -of returning next spring to invade Christendom, -which I firmly believe he will do. I therefore beg you -Sire, to consider my great need and poverty, and that it -may please you not to abandon me but to assist me with -money.”<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">112</a></p> - -<p>The invasion of Austria had convinced Charles that he -must support Ferdinand against Turkey, and the royal -brothers agreed on their Oriental policy, namely, peace at -almost any price. To this end another embassy was fitted -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span>out and despatched to treat with Suleiman. On the 17th -day of October, 1530, Nicholas Juritschitz and Joseph von -Lamberg arrived in Constantinople. Their instructions -were practically the same as those given Juritschitz the previous -year.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> The mission was hopeless from the start, for -the ambassadors could accept peace only on the condition of -the evacuation of Hungary by the Turks, and to this the -Sultan would not listen.</p> - -<p>Ferdinand however, who had just failed in a military attack -on Zapolya and had accepted a truce, saw no hope but -in another embassy to the Porte. Therefore he sent Graf -Leonhard von Nogarola and Joseph von Lamberg, who were -to attempt to buy peace by the payment of annual pensions -to Suleiman and Ibrahim. The sultan, who had already left -Constantinople at the head of a great army for his fifth -Hungarian campaign, was intercepted at his camp near Belgrad -by the Austrian envoys. The only result of this embassy -was a letter to Ferdinand from Suleiman saying that -the latter was starting for Ofen, where he would treat with -Ferdinand in person, a threat which he followed up immediately.</p> - -<p>By April, 1531, Suleiman was ready to avenge his failure -before Vienna. At Belgrad he was met by the French -ambassador Rincon. France was now anxious to prevent -the Sultan’s expedition against Austria, not in the interests -of the Hapsburgs but against them, for he was afraid that -the Turkish danger would unite Catholic and Protestant Germany -against the common foe of Christianity. Suleiman -received Rincon hospitably but assured him he had come too -late, for while on account of his friendship with the King of -France he would like to oblige the latter, he could not give -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span>up the expedition without giving the world occasion to think -that he was afraid of the “King of Spain”, as he always -called Charles V.<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">114</a></p> - -<p>The Ottoman army entered Hungary. Fourteen fortresses -sent the Sultan their keys as he approached.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">115</a> But -the forces did not advance to Vienna as their enemies expected, -but turned into Styria and besieged the little town -of Güns. For three weeks seven hundred brave defenders -held the little fort against the might of Turkish arms, and -finally made a highly honorable capitulation. After a -general devastation of the country and much looting, the -great army of Suleiman returned to Constantinople. Suleiman -was incited to this course by the active preparations -which were being made by Charles and Ferdinand to receive -him at Vienna, and by the naval successes in the Mediterranean -of Andrea Doria, admiral of the Italian fleet. -Thus what promised to be a great duel between the two -“Masters of the World” was allowed by both of them to -degenerate into a plundering expedition.</p> - -<p>Affairs in Persia were in great need of Suleiman’s presence, -and the capture of Koron and Patras by Doria made -the Sultan more ready to listen to overtures of peace. -Charles and Ferdinand took advantage of this fact to send -Hieronymus von Zara and Cornelius Duplicius Schepper to -the Porte in 1533. The ambassadors, after weeks of patience -and adroitness succeeded in winning from the Sultan -a treaty of peace, to last as long as Ferdinand should remain -peaceful. Ferdinand was to retain the forts he had -taken in Hungary and Zapolya to keep the others; the -Emperor Charles might make peace by sending his own -embassy to the Porte. As soon as Ferdinand received the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span>news of this humiliating success, he sent word all over the -kingdom, to Carniola, Croatia, Dalmatia and Slavonia that -any violation of the truce would be severely punished; “denn -daran ... mug der Turghisch Kaeser erkhennen dass wir den -Frieden angenommen derselben zu halten gaentzlich entschlossen -und so dawider gehandelt wurf, dass mit ernst zu -shafen willen haben.”<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">116</a> Such were the humiliating terms -of the first peace concluded by the House of Austria with -the Porte (1533).</p> - -<p>Shortly after the embassy of von Zara and Schepper, -Suleiman left Europe to wage war against the Persians. As -usual when planning a campaign in one direction, he made -careful arrangements to keep matters quiet on other frontiers. -He treated in secret with Francis I, agreeing to -despatch Barbarosa with a fleet to ravage the coasts of the -Empire; this was a great success for French diplomacy, for -the advantage was all in favor of France. Then, fearing lest -the rivals for the Hungarian throne should come to an -agreement in his absence, and thus menace his suzerainty, -Suleiman delegated Luigi Gritti to determine the frontiers -between the possessions of the two kings. This was a clever -move, for it prolonged the intrigues between the royal competitors -until the return of the sultan. The successes of Barbarosa, -the victories and defeats of Charles V on the Mediterranean, -and the continuation of French diplomacy are -outside the limits of our subject, which ends with the death -of Ibrahim Pasha in 1535. Gévay preserves several letters -written by Ferdinand to Ibrahim in 1535–6, in the interest of -peace in Hungary, the last being dated March 14, 1536, a -year after Ibrahim’s death. The last international act in -which Ibrahim Pasha had a part was the celebrated treaty -of commerce made with France in February, 1535.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span></p> -<p>Francis I had received a Turkish mission, not from the -haughty Sultan, but from his admiral Barbarosa,<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> and in -return the king sent a clever diplomat named La Forest, to -thank Barbarosa for his kind offers of aid, and then to -seek the sultan in Persia and conclude a definite treaty with -him.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">118</a> Suleiman received La Forest in his military camp, -keeping him till his own return to Turkey in 1535.</p> - -<p>The treaty is dated February, 1535; it formed the basis of -the economic, religious, and political protectorate of France -in the Levant. The French might carry on commerce -in the Levant by paying the same dues as did the subjects -of the Sultan, and the Turks could do the same in France. -The French were to be judged by their consul at Alexandria -or by their ambassador at Constantinople. This treaty -ended the commercial predominance of Venice in the Mediterranean. -After this, all Christians except the Venetians -were forced to put themselves under the protection of the -French flag, which alone guaranteed inviolability.<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">119</a> This -commercial freedom and political influence gained by -France involved a sort of economic protection and was -supplemented by a religious protectorate over the Catholics -in the Levant and the Holy Places.</p> - -<p>After this sketch of the beginnings of diplomatic relations -between the Porte and the two rival powers of Europe, -the House of Hapsburg and the House of Valois, we are -ready to consider the significance of these relations and to -take up some of the details that will serve to bring out the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span>share of Ibrahim Pasha in Turkish diplomacy, and his -characteristics as a diplomat.</p> - -<p>Diplomatic relations between the Porte and Europe, relations -other than those of conqueror and conquered, relations -reciprocal and more or less friendly, began in the reign of -Suleiman I, and the first French embassy to the Porte in -1526 already described was the beginning of a complete -change in the European attitude towards Turkey. Before -this time, the religious differences between Moslem and -Christian had effectually absorbed attention, but now political -interests began to push aside religious concern. The -masses of the people in Europe still feared a Moslem invasion -of the North, but this was no longer a real danger. -A general rising of Christians, such as a crusade, was no -longer necessary to hold back the Turk; the regular means -and the ordinary efforts of a few states combined sufficed, as -was proved by the successful resistance of Güns and Vienna. -It was decreed that the Turk was not to pass Vienna. -Francis might therefore seek the friendship of the Ottoman -without betraying the cause of Christianity. There -were, it is true, plenty of Christians who cried out against -the impious alliance of the Crescent and the Lily,<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">120</a> but the -outcry was largely political and as we have seen soon even -the Austrians were seeking terms of peace with the Turks.</p> - -<p>When Suleiman came to the throne, he attended closely -to the business of government, but by 1526 he was leaving -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span>practically the whole responsibility on the shoulders of his -grand vizir Ibrahim. Ambassadors to the Porte had their -first audience always with Ibrahim, after which they sometimes -had audiences with the other vizirs. Generally a very -formal ceremony of hand‐kissing was permitted by the -Sultan, after which Ibrahim concluded the business. At -some audiences with the grand vizir, Suleiman would be -present, concealed behind a little window,<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> but oftener he -was not present at all.</p> - -<p>In his early diplomatic work, Ibrahim, feeling himself -unprepared, turned to Luigi Gritti, natural son by a Greek -mother of Andreas Gritti, who had been ambassador and -at one time doge of Venice. Ibrahim was very well -served by Luigi Gritti, who was intelligent as well as experienced, -especially in Christian dealings, clever, able, and -tactful.<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> Zapolya’s ambassador Laszky, knowing this, persuaded -Gritti to take up his affairs, hoping through him to -win Ibrahim, and through Ibrahim, Suleiman. The event -justified him.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> Ibrahim frankly acknowledged Gritti’s influence, -saying to Laszky: “Without the Doge Gritti and -his son we should have destroyed the power of Ferdinand -and of thy master (Zapolya), for the conflict of two enemies -who ruin each other is always favorable to the third who -survives.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span></p> - -<p>We may get an idea of the manner of conducting embassies -at the Porte, as well as the functions and characteristics -of Ibrahim as diplomat as such by following the report -of Hobordanacz to Ferdinand. Hobordanacz sent an -official and detailed report of the embassy to his master, -written in Latin, which is preserved in Gévay’s <i lang="de" xml:lang="de">Urkunden -und Actenstuecke</i>.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">124</a></p> - -<p>The two ambassadors Hobordanacz and Weixelberger -were received with splendor on their entrance into Constantinople -by a guard of four hundred knights, and were immediately -conducted to the grand vizir. This ceremonious -reception greatly encouraged the hopes of Hobordanacz.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">125</a> -After greetings to Ibrahim, “Supremum Nomine”, the -Hungarians offered him presents and then retired to quarters -assigned them. On the third day forty horsemen escorted -the royal nuncios to the Imperial palace. Hobordanacz -was greatly impressed with the splendid array of janissaries -and guards in gorgeous costumes. They were received by -the three vizirs, Ibrahim, Cassim, and Ayas Pasha, while -from his little window his Majesty watched the audience, -himself unseen.</p> - -<p>Amidst profound silence, Ibrahim Pasha addressed the -first nuncio, asking him politely whether they were treated -well in their quarters, to which Hobordanacz answered that -they had everything in abundance, as was fitting in the -palace of so great an emperor. Ibrahim then began to interrogate -them concerning the journey and their king, ex<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span>plaining -that he was not asking about the king of Hungary, -for Lewis of Hungary had been killed in battle, but was -inquiring about the king of Bohemia and Germany. The -Hungarian nuncios took the opportunity to boast of the -greatness of Ferdinand, provoking a smile from Ibrahim. -Hobordanacz said they had come to admire and to congratulate -the emperor of the Turks that God had made him -a nearer neighbor to Ferdinand than previously. He said -that the Emperor Maximilian had given Hungary to Ferdinand, -whereupon Ibrahim broke in: “By what right, when -Sultan Suleiman has subjugated Hungary?” He asked -them if they did not know that the Sultan had been to Buda. -The Hungarians responded rudely that there were signs -enough by which they could know of Suleiman’s visit, as the -country lay waste. Ibrahim went on: “The fortress of -Buda, how does it stand?” “Whole and undamaged,” they -replied. When he asked why, they suggested that it was -because it was the king’s castle. Ibrahim denied this and -said it was because the sultan had saved the citadel for himself, -and intended to keep it with divine aid. Ibrahim here -explained that Suleiman and he had not wished so much -harm done in Hungary, and had ordered the soldiers not -to burn Buda and Pesth, but could not hold them back from -devastating. This was naturally a sore subject with the -Hungarians who after expressions of admiration for the -great obedience they saw in Turkey, even when the sultan -was not present, asked pertinently why then he could not -have saved Buda and Pesth. This seems to have been too -much for Ibrahim who remarked “Let us omit these things.” -Turning therefore to a more congenial subject, he uttered -a Turkish dictum, “Wherever the hoof of the sultan’s horse -has trod, there the land belongs to him.” Hobordanacz -replied somewhat sarcastically that they knew such was the -sultan’s idea, but that even Alexander the Great had not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span> -been able to carry out all his ideas. Cutting through all -these generalities, Ibrahim said sharply, “Then you say that -Buda does not belong to Suleiman!” Hobordanacz replied -stoutly, “I can say no more than that my king holds Buda.” -Said Ibrahim, “Why has he then sent you to ask for peace -and friendship if he holds Buda, which the sultan has conquered?” -The nuncio told a long story of Zapolyta’s usurpation -of the throne, and of Ferdinand’s merits to which -Ibrahim sarcastically remarked, “You have talked of the -many virtues of your lord! Very noble if they be true!” -He then asked Hobordanacz if he were a relative of Ferdinand’s -and how long he had served the Archduke. The -nuncio replied that he had served him since the latter became -king of Hungary. “Then,” said the pasha triumphantly, -“if you have served him so short a time, how do you -know he is so wise and virtuous and powerful?” A curious -contest of wits followed with no practical object.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p class="indent padl2">Ibrahim: “Tell us what wisdom you see in Ferdinand -and how you know that he is wise.”</p> - -<p class="indent padl2">Hobor.: “Because when he has won great victories, he -ascribes the glory to God.”</p> - -<p class="indent padl2">I.: “What does wisdom seem to you to be like?”</p> - -<p class="indent padl2">H.: “In our books and in yours, the beginning of wisdom -is said to be the fear of God.”</p> - -<p class="indent padl2">I.: “True, but what other wisdom do you find in Ferdinand?”</p> - -<p class="indent padl2">H.: “He works deliberately and with foresight and -taking of counsel; also he undertakes no affairs -that he cannot finish.”</p> - -<p class="indent padl2">I.: “If he does this, he is praiseworthy. Now what -boldness and courage do you find in him?”</p></blockquote> - -<p>Ibrahim’s next question as to the victories of Ferdinand -received a long and clever answer. Ibrahim further in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span>quired -as to Ferdinand’s wealth. Hobordanacz claimed -endless treasure for his master. Ibrahim then asked, “What -have you to say about the power of your master?” Hobordanacz -claimed many powerful friends and neighbors, the -greatest being his brother Charles. Ibrahim inflicted one -of his battle‐axe strokes; “We know that these so‐called -friends and neighbors are his enemies.” The Hungarian -replied sententiously, “Unhappy is the king without rivals, -whom all favor.” Ibrahim at length stopped the discussion -of Ferdinand’s merits by saying, “If this be so, it is well.” -Then he asked whether they came in peace or in war, to -which Hobordanacz replied that Ferdinand wished friendship -from all his neighbors and enmity from none.</p> - -<p>After this sprightly introduction, Ibrahim led the nuncios -in a brilliant procession to the presence of the sultan. Here -the janissaries received gifts for the sultan from the servants -of the ambassadors, and showed them to all in turn; -in the next room seven eunuchs took the gifts and spread -them out on tables. The three pashas first went to salute -Suleiman, leaving the nuncios before the door. Ibrahim -Pasha and Cassim Pasha then, holding them by their two -arms, led each of the nuncios in turn to salute the sultan, -who sat with his hands on his knees and looked them over. -When they had saluted him, they returned to their place -by the door where stood the interpreter. Hobordanacz -was greatly annoyed because the interpreter, familiar with -the flowery and courtly Oriental speech, embellished the -somewhat curt address of the Hungarian, but Ibrahim told -the interpreter to repeat exactly what the envoy said. After -this he asked Hobordanacz to state his business. After this -statement of Ferdinand’s wishes, Suleiman called Ibrahim -to him and whispered in his ear. Ibrahim then resumed -negotiations while Suleiman looked on.</p> - -<p>Taking up his grievance against Ferdinand once again,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span> -Ibrahim inquired how the latter, in addressing the Sultan, -dared declare himself so powerful when other princes were -content to commend themselves to Suleiman’s protection -and to offer him their services. To Hobordanacz’ question -who these princes were, Ibrahim named the rulers of -France, Poland, and Transylvania, the Pope and the Doge -of Venice, and added that these princes (except the voivode -of Transylvania) were the greatest in Europe. The Austrian -nuncios seemed to be impressed and indeed the statement -was a sufficiently startling one and was moreover borne out -by the facts. After that Hobordanacz spoke with greater -meekness, expressing his master’s desire for the friendship -of the sultan, if the latter were willing to grant it. “If -he is not willing,” said Ibrahim sharply, “what then?” -Hobordanacz, recovering his boldness, said haughtily, “Our -master forces no man’s friendship.” Ibrahim then dismissed -them with the parting fling that the sultan was occupied -with much more important business. They never -saw the sultan again. Ibrahim informed them that his -master was concerned with personal affairs, and that he -himself would conduct the whole business. This illustrates -the respective shares of Suleiman and Ibrahim in -the business of the state. Doubtless the sultan had a definite -policy of friendship to Zapolya and antagonism to -Ferdinand, but it appears certain that he allowed Ibrahim -Pasha to control entirely the details of diplomacy.</p> - -<p>In later audiences with the grand vizir, Hobordanacz expressed -the hope that Ferdinand and Charles V and Sultan -Suleiman might become good friends and neighbors. Ibrahim -inquired scornfully how such a friendship could come -about! Hobordanacz declared that it was his mission to -offer friendship, and it seemed to him that Ibrahim’s influence -should be able to bring about advantages for both -sides. Ibrahim again urged him to indicate the method of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span> -procedure, saying, “Your king has seized upon our kingdom, -and yet he asks for friendship; how can that be?” -The nuncio said he knew all things at the Porte were done -by Ibrahim’s will and authority; he believed that he could -serve their cause. Ibrahim then proposed peace on condition -that Ferdinand should abandon Hungary. Hobordanacz -on the other hand asked for a definite truce for a term -of years and requested the restitution to Ferdinand of those -portions of Hungary taken by Suleiman, giving a list of -twenty‐seven fortresses. This aroused Ibrahim’s bitter -wrath. “It is strange” said he “that your master does -not ask for Constantinople.” He tried to make the ambassadors -acknowledge that Ferdinand would attempt to take -these forts by force if they were not conceded to him. -“With what hope does he ask for these forts,” he further -inquired, “when he knows that the sultan took them with -great labor and much bloodshed?”</p> - -<p>The question of compensation for these forts being opened, -Ibrahim exclaimed indignantly that the sultan was not so -poor that he would sell what his arms had won. Dramatically -opening a window he said “Do you see those Seven -Towers! they are filled with gold and treasure.”<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">126</a> He -then turned to the question of skill in war, and after praising -the prowess of the Germans, he said, “You know the -arms of the Turks, how sharp they are, and how far they -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span>have penetrated, for you have fled before them many times.” -Hobordanacz gave a qualified assent, but praised his master’s -warlike skill. Ibrahim finally broke in, “Then your master -wishes to keep those forts?” Hobordanacz suggested a -middle course, but the grand vizir said decisively: “There -is no other way but for your king to abandon Buda and -Hungary and then we will treat with him about Germany.” -Upon Hobordanacz’ refusal to consider such terms Ibrahim -stated, “I conquered Lewis and Hungary, and now I will -build the bridges of the Sultan, and prepare a way for his -Majesty into Germany.” He closed the interview by accusing -Ferdinand and Charles of not keeping faith and said -he would give the nuncios a final reply in three or four days.</p> - -<p>The third audience was held in the palace, with Ibrahim -presiding, and Suleiman at his window, and was conducted -on similar lines to the other audiences. Ibrahim informed -the Hungarians that their master had just been defeated by -Zapolya with an army of thirty‐six thousand men, which -statement Hobordanacz took the liberty of doubting, saying -that if Zapolya added all the cocks and hens in Transylvania -to his army, he could not make up the number to thirty‐six -thousand. The nuncios and the grand vizir could not -agree on terms of alliance; to the Austrian demands, Ibrahim -impatiently exclaimed: “The Emperor Charles and -your master, what do they want more? to rule the whole -earth? Do they count themselves no less than the gods?” -Naturally nothing was accomplished by such recrimination, -and finally Suleiman ended the audience, dismissing the ambassadors -with the threat: “Your master has not yet felt our -friendship and neighborliness, but he shall soon feel it. -You can tell your master frankly that I myself with all -my forces will come to him to give Hungary in our person -the fortresses he demands. Inform him that he must -be ready to treat me well.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span></p> - -<p>So ended the mission of Ferdinand for peace. There had -been no possibility of success from the beginning. Suleiman -and Ibrahim were not to be won to friendship for -Ferdinand, and had they been, the rude, independent Hobordanacz -was not the man to gain Oriental favor. One feels -that Ibrahim enjoyed the opportunity to sharpen his claws -on an enemy, and to show Europeans his own power and -that of his master. The envoys must have been very uncomfortable, -and their discomforts were not yet at an end, -for a Venetian enemy of Ferdinand’s told Ibrahim that they -were not ambassadors but spies, and urged their detention -at the Porte. For five months they were kept in close confinement, -after which a long journey lay between them and -the anxious Archduke who had hoped so much from the -embassy.</p> - -<p>This treatment of royal ambassadors as though they were -spies was not uncommon at the Porte. The King of Poland -had been forced to complain of the rough handling of his -envoys by Sultan Bayazid (Suleiman’s grandfather), saying -they were not only detained for months before they were -given audience, but were thrown into prison, and instead of -being lodged like the envoys of a king, who would naturally -feel that it accorded with his honor to send only the sons of -the noblest families to represent him, were treated as criminals, -and that promises made to such envoys were often -broken.<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">127</a> Busbequius, himself an ambassador, who was detained -for months and sharply watched, recounted another -instance, that of Malvezzi, whom the Sultan held responsible -for the broken faith of his master Ferdinand, and threw -into prison when Ferdinand took Transylvania in 1551.<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">128</a> It -was a Turkish maxim that ambassadors were responsible for -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span>the word given by their masters, and that in their capacity -as hostages they must expiate its violation; moreover power -was often conceived to reside in an ambassador, who -therefore was kept in durance in the hope that he could be -brought to terms. Such treatment, however naïve and -unjust, is nevertheless an improvement on the reception by -Hungary of the ambassador sent to announce the accession -of Suleiman, whose nose and ears were slit. Further illustrations -of the way ambassadors were liable to be treated -in Europe were the assassination of Rincon, envoy of -France, connived at by Charles V, and the murder of Martinez, -a Spanish ambassador to the Porte, instigated by -Ferdinand.</p> - -<p>Ibrahim’s usual way of opening an audience was to brow‐beat -the ambassador, and he indulged in frequent sarcasm -and scornful laughter. To the envoys of Ferdinand in -1532 he railed at Ferdinand and “his tricks” and gibed at -his faithlessness. “How is a man a king” he said “unless -he keeps his word?”<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">129</a> To Lamberg and Juritschitz (1530)<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">130</a> -he spoke of the quarrels among Christian rulers, twitting -his auditors with Charles’s treatment of the Pope and of -Francis I, declaring that the Turks would never do “so inhuman -a thing,” and following this by a long talk “full of -scorn and irony.”<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">131</a></p> - -<p>Ibrahim was enormously inquisitive, seeming to look upon -a foreign embassy as an opportunity for gaining all sorts of -general information. Sometimes he asked about such practical -matters as the fortification of certain forts; at other -times he asked such trivial questions as how old the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span>rulers were, and how they pronounced their names. He -once remarked that a man who did not try to learn all -things is an incompetent man. Several times he boasted -that in Turkey they knew all that was taking place in -Europe.</p> - -<p>His manner, as we have seen, was usually sharp and rude, -but he could be elaborately courteous when he wished to -please, as when he received an embassy from “our good -friend” Francis I, and the Hungarian embassy of 1534. -He was invariably boastful; during the earlier years he -bragged of the sultan, his power and treasure; in the later -embassies he boasted of himself.</p> - -<p>One of the most important documents about Ibrahim that -we possess is the account of the peace embassy sent by Ferdinand -in 1533, the report being written by Hieronymus -von Zara in Latin in September, 1533. This shows Ibrahim -in a sharper light than we have had elsewhere, and brings -out some traits in his character that have been growing -steadily since his rise to such great power: his ambition -and his towering pride.<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">132</a></p> - -<p>Ibrahim, splendidly clad, received the ambassadors for -their first audience, without rising. He accepted the rich -jewels they offered him, and appointed a later day for the -business of the treaty. On the appointed day the envoys -were permitted to kiss the garments of the grand vizir, and -they saluted him as brother of their sovereigns, Ferdinand -and Queen Marie of Hungary. Ibrahim had never acknowledged -the sovereignty of Ferdinand, and had always spoken -of him without any kingly title, to the amaze of the ambassadors.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">133</a> -In this interview and throughout the whole -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span>conference Ibrahim spoke of Ferdinand as his brother, and -as son to Suleiman. This was not mere personal vanity; -under the pretext of the community of good which should -exist between father and son he cloaked the Sultan’s usurpation -of Hungary, and the fraternity of Ferdinand and -Ibrahim served to disguise the humiliation of the former, -who was placed in the same rank as a vizir.<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">134</a> But in the -long speech that Ibrahim Pasha made to the ambassadors, -he revealed his personal pride. We quote from the speech: -“It is I who govern this vast empire. What I do is done; -I have all the power, all offices, all the rule. What I wish -to give is given and cannot be taken away; what I do not -give is not confirmed by any one. If ever the great Sultan -wishes to give, or has given anything, if I do not please it -is not carried out. All is in my hands, peace, war, treasure. -I do not say these things for no reason, but to give you -courage to speak freely.”<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">135</a></p> - -<p>When the letters of Emperor Charles were shown him, -he examined the seals, remarking as he did so: “My master -has two seals, of which one remains in his hands and the -other is confided to me, for he wishes no difference between -him and me; and if he has garments made for himself, he -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span>orders the same for me; he refuses to let me expend anything -in building; this hall was built by him.”</p> - -<p>Ibrahim seems to have lost his head during this, his last -embassy, and to have uttered things that were not safe -for any subject of an Oriental despot, however doting, to -utter. Whether he spoke out of the sheer madness that the -gods send upon those whom they would destroy, or whether -he seriously aspired to assume literally and explicitly the -power he held actually is impossible to say. Even as grand -vizir of Turkey he seems never to have forgotten that he was -a Greek. For years he ignored it, and behaved like a Turk -and a loyal Moslem, but as he came to feel more secure in -his high position, he became more careless, and spoke to -these Christian ambassadors of the pride and generosity -with which the Greeks are filled. It is a question whether -any Greek, from the fall of Byzantium to our time, has not -in his inmost heart felt his race superior to his Moslem -conquerors, and the fitting ruler of the Eastern Empire. To -that feeling are due some of the knottiest complexities in the -Young Turk situation of 1911. Naturally this attitude has -always been profoundly resented by the Turks; therefore -Ibrahim was seriously jeopardizing his standing with the -Ottoman Sultan when he remembered that he was both -Greek and Christian by birth.</p> - -<p>There were plenty at the court to take immediate advantage -of any such slip. The courtiers had already been scandalized -at the freedom the Pasha took with the Sultan, and -thought that he had bewitched Suleiman.<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> In the same -interview he further expresses his relations to his imperial -master in a parable:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span></p> - -<blockquote><p class="tb">The fiercest of animals, the lion, must be conquered not by -force, but by cleverness; by the food which his master gives it -and by the influence of habit. Its guardian should carry a -stick to intimidate it, and should be the only one to feed it. The -lion is the prince. The Emperor Charles is a lion. I, Ibrahim -Pasha, control my master, the Sultan of the Turks, with -the stick of truth and justice. Charles’ ambassador should -also control him in the same way.</p></blockquote> - -<p class="tb">From this he went on to expatiate on his own power:</p> - -<blockquote><p class="tb">The mighty Sultan of the Turks has given to me, Ibrahim, -all power and authority. It is I alone who do everything. -I am above all the pashas. I can elevate a groom to -a pasha. I give kingdoms and provinces to whom I will, without -inquiry even from my master. If he orders a thing and -I disapprove, it is not executed; but if I order a thing and he -disapproves, it is done nevertheless. To make war or conclude -peace is in my hands, and I can distribute all treasure. -My master’s kingdoms, lands, treasure, are confided to me.</p></blockquote> - -<p class="tb">He also boasted of his past accomplishments, speaking -of himself as having conquered Hungary, received ambassadors, -and made peace. If Suleiman knew of these vauntings, -he made no sign of resentment, but continued to repose -the same confidence in Ibrahim as hitherto, but the -courtiers held them in their hearts to use when the time -should come.</p> - -<p>Ibrahim’s importance and influence are taken for granted -by foreign rulers and envoys. In all his instructions to his -ambassadors Ferdinand tells them to see Ibrahim first, and -the queen regent of France wrote to him, when she wrote to -the sultan. The collections of Gévay and Charrière contain -a number of letters from Ferdinand and Francis to Ibrahim. -The Venetian baillies transacted all their business with -Ibrahim and sent many reports to the Signoria of his power<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span> -in the state and his influence over the sultan. The envoys -brought him valuable presents which he did not hesitate to -accept.<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">137</a> He loved to receive jewels and there was a famous -ruby once on the finger of Francis I which was sent -by the first French envoy to the Porte, (the envoy who was -killed in Bosnia) and which somehow came into Ibrahim’s -possession when the Pasha of Bosnia was called to Constantinople -to account for the murder.<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">138</a></p> - -<p>But although Ibrahim took presents, and even resented it -if they were not offered him, he refused bribes again and -again. Ferdinand empowered his envoys in three missions -to offer an annual pension to Suleiman (a tribute under a -name less offensive to Ferdinand) and at the same time an -annual pension to the grand vizir. When Juritschitz and -Lamberg offered Ibrahim five to six thousand Hungarian -ducats<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">139</a> annually for his aid in bringing about peace, he rejected -it so indignantly that they apologized and withdrew -their offer. He said that the previous ambassadors Hobordanacz -and Weixelberger had offered him one hundred -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span>thousand florins to buy his protection, but that he said then -and would now repeat that no sort of present could make -him desert the interests of his master, and that he would -prefer to aid in the conquest of the whole world than advise -the Sultan to restore conquered territory.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">140</a></p> - -<p>The passage just quoted would seem sufficient to disprove -the assertion made by contemporary European historians -that Ibrahim Pasha had lifted the siege of Vienna -because he had been bought by the gold of the ambassadors. -Suleiman gave him everything that he could have asked and -much more than lay in the power of any European monarch -to bestow. Ibrahim acquired vast wealth, but there is no -evidence that his loyalty to Suleiman could be purchased, -and while the Turkish historians speak often of the avarice -of his successor Rustem Pasha, they never ascribe that -quality to Ibrahim. If he had a price, it was too high for -Ferdinand to pay.</p> - -<p>It is apparent from what has been said that Ibrahim’s -diplomatic methods were not subtle; they had no need to -be. As the diplomacy of the Porte was usually either the -introduction to, or the conclusion of a military campaign, -small wonder that it usually attained its object. As the -favor of the Porte was eagerly sought by France, Venice, -Poland, Russia, Hungary and Austria, it required no -finesse of diplomatic handling to deal with their ambassa<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span>dors. -Ibrahim, holding all the trumps, needed no great -skill to play his cards well. He might be as rude and boastful -as he would, and still the ambassadors would beg for -his influence in making peace. Both Suleiman and Ibrahim -treated Charles V and Ferdinand with great haughtiness, -nevertheless pursuing an entirely successful policy; France, -on the other hand, playing a subtle game, won considerable -from the Porte. It would seem that the test of Turkish -diplomacy was not its method but its general plan and -large lines. The question then before us is, what were the -objects and accomplishments of Turkish diplomacy between -1525 and 1540.</p> - -<p>Suleiman had two objects, first to extend his conquering -power further into Europe, and second to assist Francis I -against the House of Hapsburg. In these two objects he -was successful. His empire was greatly extended during his -reign, both in territory and in influence, while the power of -the rival House of Hapsburg was steadily diminished and -limited. But that which makes of this period an epoch in -European political history is not the territorial aggrandizement -of Turkey, nor the recognition of its power by -Europe, but the first entrance of Turkey into the European -concert, if we may anticipate a later term, and the change -from the consideration of the Turks as merely unbelievers -and foes of Christianity to regarding them as political -allies or foes, and as possible factors in the European question. -At the close of the reign of Selim the Grim, Turkey, -although it was a conquering nation, was still an excrescence -in Europe. But the time had come when it must enter -into the affairs of the Northern nations, and for that time -Suleiman, unusually tolerant towards the West, with a great -idea of the destiny of Turkey, and aided by his Christian -grand vizir, was ready, and by the end of his reign he had -made himself felt in every court on the continent, and had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span> -to be reckoned with in every European cabinet. But as a -natural corollary to this fact, Turkey was never, after this -time, wholly free from European influence. The fine wedge -of French intervention was introduced by La Forest in the -treaty of 1535, and conservative Turks of today look on -Suleiman’s “capitulations” as the beginning of endless -troubles for Turkey, while the French still rejoice over the -triumphs of astute and far‐sighted Francis I. “Suleiman en -sortant de son farouche isolement,” says Zeller, “François -I<sup><i>er</i></sup> en bravant les préventions de ses contemporains, accomplirent -une véritable revolution dans la politique de -l’Europe.”<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">141</a> For four centuries France remained the most -weighty foreign influence at the Porte. A fuller significance -lay in what Lord Stratford de Redcliffe called the -“extra‐koranic” character of the concessions made in this -reign, the introduction of extra‐koranic legislation in both -foreign and internal affairs, by the side of the maxims and -rules of the Sheri or Holy Law. Turkey began to discover -the inadequacy of Koran legislation for a modern state.<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">142</a></p> - -<p>How much did Ibrahim Pasha influence Suleiman in this -policy? He undoubtedly had the details in his own hands, -but did he inspire the plan? Probably not. Suleiman knew -pretty clearly what he wanted, and he pursued the same -policy with the same success after the death of Ibrahim. -His contemporaries ascribed to Ibrahim the brain and the -force of Turkish diplomacy, and later historians have given -to him the exclusive credit of this political evolution. But -Zeller’s view<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">143</a> that too much importance may be given to -the rôle of Ibrahim Pasha seems better substantiated. -Zeller, nevertheless, in his introduction to <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Diplomatie -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span>Française</i>, accords to Ibrahim just that credit that peculiarly -belongs to him, if we have rightly understood the work of -the grand vizir, when he says: “Suleiman was not less enlightened -than Francis; he had, as well as the latter, the -knowledge of his own interests, and like him he was partially -enfranchised from the prejudices of his nation.... -At the same time we cannot doubt but that the grand vizir, -whose ability and enlightenment are attested by all the -ambassadors, contributed to open the mind of his master -to the ideas outside his realm, to initiate him into a European -Policy, to make him see the menace of the increasing power -of Charles V, and the interest which he had to support -France”. In the unusual liberality of thought and freedom -from prejudice that Suleiman showed in his relation to -Europe, we may see the influence of his intelligent favorite.</p> - -<p>Thus the two together, Suleiman and Ibrahim, or Ibrahim -and Suleiman, as Ferdinand often spoke of them, started -the Ottoman Empire from the lonely path of independence -and semibarbarism to the labyrinthine and noisy streets of -European politics.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER IV<br /><br /> - -<small><span class="smcap">Ibrahim the General</span></small></h2> - -<p>Suleiman’s reign was one of continuous war, and for -the most part, conquest. His two most redoubtable enemies -were the infidel Hungarians and the heretic Persians. -His first great campaign was directed against Belgrad, -which important city he took in 1521. This conquest he -followed quickly by the victorious siege of Rhodes in 1522. -In these two campaigns, Ibrahim seems to have taken no -part, although he accompanied Suleiman to Rhodes in his -capacity of favorite.<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">144</a> But in the first Hungarian campaign -the grand vizir Ibrahim was placed second in command, the -sultan himself leading the expedition.</p> - -<p>D’Ohsson gives an account of the ceremonial that used -to precede war in Turkey.<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> He says that the Porte never -failed to legitimize a war by a <em>fetva</em> from the Sheik‐ul‐Islam -given in grand council, after which the sheiks of -the imperial mosques met in the Hall of the Divan and -listened to the intoning of a chapter from the Koran, consecrated -to military expeditions. The first war measure -was the arrest of the ambassador of the country to be attacked, -who was taken to the Seven Towers. The next day -a manifesto was published and sent to each foreign legation; -then followed a <em>Hat‐i‐Shereef</em> conferring command on the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span>grand vizir. With the order he received a richly caparisoned -steed and a jeweled sabre, at a most brilliant ceremonial. -Generally war was declared in the autumn, the -winter was occupied in preparation, and the campaign was -undertaken in the spring. At the day and hour appointed -by the court astrologer, the imperial standard was planted -in the court of the grand vizir or the Sultan, while imams<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> -filled the air with blessings and chants. Forty days later -the first encampment was set up with further ceremonies.</p> - -<p>The splendor of the Turkish tents, arms and dress were -admired by all observers. A Turkish camp was a lively -place, crowded by priests, dervishes, adventurers and volunteers, -irregular soldiers, servants, tents, and baggage; and, -on the homeward way, laden with slaves and booty.</p> - -<p>The Turkish army was at that time the finest in Europe, -both in extent and discipline. The Turks were a fighting -people, whose arms had steadily won them place and power -from the time when their colonel Othman interfered in a -Seljuk quarrel to the time when Suleiman’s armies were the -terror of Europe, and the few hundred tents of Othman -had become the extensive and powerful Ottoman Empire. -The army grew and developed with the demands of the -state, for as we have seen above, the army <em>was</em> the state. -As Mr. Urquhart puts it:<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> “The military branch includes -the whole state. The army was the estates of the -kingdom. The Army had its Courts of Law, and its operations -on the field have never been abandoned to the caprice -of a court or a cabinet.”</p> - -<p>Mr. Urquhart classifies the Turkish army under three -main heads:<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">148</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span></p> - -<p>I. Permanent troops: janissaries, hired cavalry and regimental -spahis of the grand artillery, etc.</p> - -<p>II. Feudal troops.</p> - -<p>III. Provincial troops (<em>Ayalet Askeri</em>).</p> - -<p>He reckoned the number of troops at the close of the sixteenth -century as follows:</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Permanent.</span></p> - -<table summary="permanent" border="0"><tr> -<td class="tdl padr2">Janissaries</td><td class="tdr">50,000</td></tr><tr> -<td class="tdl padr2">Spahis</td><td class="tdr">250,000</td></tr><tr> -<td class="tdl padr2">Artillery, armourers, etc.</td><td class="tdr">50,000</td></tr> -</table> - -<p>Guards besides those drafted from Janissaries and Spahis—war -levies:</p> - -<table summary="permanent"><tr> -<td class="tdl padr2">Akinji</td><td class="tdr">40,000</td></tr><tr> -<td class="tdl padr2">Ayab</td><td class="tdr">100,000</td></tr><tr> -<td class="tdl padr2">Ayalet Askeri (cavalry)</td><td class="tdr">40,000</td></tr><tr> -<td class="tdl padr2">Miri Askeri (infantry)</td><td class="tdr">100,000</td></tr> -</table> - -<p>Some explanation of these names will be desirable. The -feudal and provincial troops were those whose military service -was demanded by the feudal tenure of the <em>timars</em> or -fiefs. Of the permanent troops, the celebrated body of the -Spahis was recruited from the fiefs, sons of the Spahis being -preferred, and were required to follow the banner of the -Sultan himself. The Akinji were the light horse, the -terror of the Germans and the Hungarians. The Ayab -were infantry, a sort of Cossack on foot, as the Akinjis -were Cossacks on horseback—without either the pay of the -janissaries or the fiefs of the spahis. The famous corps of -the janissaries was the heart of the army,—the most privileged, -the most terrible, the most efficient of the soldiery. -They were recruited from the children, taken in tribute -from the conquered Christian states, a thousand a year, -and generally became Moslems. The janissaries, the artillery -and the guards were the only soldiery paid from -the treasury. The Turkish conquerors made war pay for -itself, living on the conquered country and carrying home<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span> -immense loot. At the close of his careful pamphlet, Mr. -Urquhart makes an interesting distinction between Janissary -and Turkish principles. He claims that the former -are “violence, corruption, and prostration of military -strength, exhaustion of the treasury, resistance to all, and -therefore to beneficial, change.” The Turkish principles, he -claims, are altogether different and finer.<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">149</a></p> - -<p>The Turkish artillery was very formidable. It was by -means of this and the setting of mines that Belgrad and -Rhodes had been taken. There was no navy. There were -a number of pirates, freebooters who put themselves at the -service of the Sultan and won some considerable naval -victories, but they were not a part of the regular Turkish -force.</p> - -<p>One constant order of battle was observed. The provincial -troops of Asia formed the right wing, and those of -Europe the left, the center being composed of regular -bodies of cavalry and infantry, the janissaries forming the -front line. In Europe the home contingents occupied the -right wing. Thus were combined permanent and disciplined -infantry and cavalry with irregular foot and horse; a feudal -establishment with provincial armaments, and forces raised -by conscription, by enlistment, and by tribute. By this arrangement -the sultan could bring three enormous armies -into the field simultaneously in the heart of Europe and -Asia.<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">150</a></p> - -<p>A quaint description of the discipline of the Turkish army -in 1585 was given by one William Watreman in his book -entitled “The Fardle of Facions”, who thought that the -speed, the courage and the obedience of the Turkish soldiers -accounted easily for their great success in war for -two hundred years,<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">151</a> and said that they were little given to -mutinies and “stirs”.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span></p> - -<p>Watreman was evidently not speaking of the privileged -janissaries here, for they were greatly given to mutinies and -“stirs.” They realized the immense power that the army -possessed, and how definitely the sultan was in their hands. -That part of the army stationed at Constantinople as guard -to His Imperial Majesty had it in their power to demand -the degradation and the head of any hated official, and usually -these demands were granted. Authorized by the laws -of their predecessors and their own as well, they might -furthermore imprison the sultan himself, put him to death, -and place on the throne one of his relatives as his successor. -When all the corps of this militia of Constantinople -unite under the orders of the Ulema, who give the -weight of law to the undertaking, the despotic sultan passes -from the throne to a prison cell, where a mysterious and -illegal death soon removes him.<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">152</a> The long list of deposed -sultans witnesses to this power. Little wonder then that -Suleiman, after punishing the rebellious janissaries in 1525, -planned to employ them immediately in a campaign.</p> - -<p>On Monday, April 23rd, Suleiman left Constantinople -with 100,000 men and 300 cannon.<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> His grand vizir had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span>started a week in advance, commanding the vanguard of -the army, largely cavalry. At Sophia both armies encamped, -and the grand vizir is said to have “dressed his -tent like a tulip in purple veilings.”<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">154</a> From this point the -two armies separated. Ibrahim Pasha threw a bridge -across the Save, and advanced to Peterwardein, a natural -fort on the foot‐hills of the Fruska‐Gora mountains, which -was manned by a thousand poorly equipped soldiers. Suleiman -ordered Ibrahim Pasha to take Peterwardein, assuring -him it would be but a bite to last him till breakfast in -Vienna.<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> The sultan then proceeded to Belgrad. The -grand vizir began preparations for the siege, storming ladders -were laid, and on July 15th the first attack was made -and repulsed with loss. The next night Ibrahim sent a -division of the army to the other side of the Danube, and -the fight continued all the following day until late evening, -both by river and land, a flotilla of small boats being on the -Danube. In a second assault the Turks pressed into the -lower city, but they were again repulsed. Ibrahim, convinced -that storming was less easy then he had thought, now prepared -for a regular siege. After several day’s fighting a -great building in the fort fell, and the walls were broached -in several places. Nevertheless the besieged withstood two -more assaults, and made a sally by which the Turks sustained -great loss. At length Ibrahim laid mines under the -walls of the fort, and on the 23rd day of July, twelve days -from the first attack, an explosion, followed by a great assault -and hard fighting, resulted in the taking of the place. -Only ninety men were left to lay down their arms. The -Turkish loss also had been heavy.<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">156</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span></p> - -<p>The successful siege, and doubtless also the rich reward -of his padisha, decided Ibrahim Pasha to besiege Illok on -the Danube, which he took in seven days. The sultan now -announced that the objective point of the expedition was -Buda. The Turkish army advanced along the Danube, -devastating as it went, to the marshy plain of Mohacz. -Here there was a battle of the first importance in its political -results, as we have seen above, for it routed the -Hungarian army, killed King Lewis, and gave Hungary -into Suleiman’s hands. It was a brief and bloody battle, -lasting but two hours. Petchevi gives picturesque scenes -before the battle, and tells of the vast enthusiasm that seized -“the holy army”, while Kemalpashazadeh gloats particularly -on “the bloody festival.” The plan of the battle was -made by the sultan in conjunction with his grand vizir, who -visited the former several times during the evening preceding -the battle. At dawn on August 29th, 1526, the Turkish -army emerged from a wood and appeared before -the Hungarians. First came the army of Roumelie, a -part of the janissaries, and the artillery under Ibrahim -Pasha. Then came 10,000 janissaries and the artillery of -Anatolia under Behram Pasha; behind him was the Sultan -and his body guards, janissaries and cavalry.</p> - -<p>Towards noon the Sultan occupied the height commanding -the town and saw his enemies ranged before him. The -first attack was made by the Hungarians and was successful -in producing confusion in the Turkish ranks. But the -Turks rallied, and the Akinjis drew off the attack. Ibrahim -was always in the forefront, animating his men and “fighting -like a lion.” “By acts of intrepidity he snatched from -the hearts of his heroes the arrow of the fear of death. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span>He restored their failing spirits. Before the most fearful -weapons he never moved an eyelash.”<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">157</a> King Lewis, with -thirty brave followers, pushed towards the Sultan in a desperate -attempt to take his life, but it was the young king -himself who fell instead in the terrible fight. The artillery, -discharging its first volley, caused frightful confusion especially -in the left wing. The Hungarian right wing, surrounded -on all sides, broke and fled, being cut down by the -Turks, or drowned in the marsh. The slaughter was fearful, -as no prisoners were taken.<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">158</a> The battle was so tragic -to the Hungarians that to this day, when disaster overtakes -one of them, the proverb is quoted: “No matter, more was -lost on Mohacz field.”<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">159</a></p> - -<p>The artillery of the grand vizir seems to have turned -the day and rendered the victory decisive for the Turks. -The following day Suleiman, seated under a scarlet pavillion, -on a golden throne brought from Constantinople, -received the congratulations of his vizirs and beylerbeys -and with his own hand placed an aigrette of diamonds -on the head of his grand vizir. In gruesome contrast -to this splendor was a pyramid of one thousand heads -of noble Hungarians piled before the imperial tent. -Mohacz was burned, and the Akinjis harried the country -in horrid fashion,<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">160</a> while the main army marched on to -Buda. Here the keys of the city were offered to Suleiman, -and the campaign was ended, except for the march back to -Constantinople, with its details of massacre and spoliation.<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">161</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span></p> - -<p>The credit for this successful Hungarian campaign is ascribed -to the grand vizir by three very good authorities. -Ibrahim himself, in a speech to the ambassador von Zara, -claims to have conquered Hungary:<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">162</a> the sultan, in a letter -of victory to his provinces, gives honor to Ibrahim; and -the sheik‐ul‐Islam Kemalpashazadeh, in his epic history of -the battle of Mohacz, lavishes praise on the grand vizir as -commander of the armies on that field. “Heaven has -never seen,” he rhapsodizes, “and never will see a combat -equal to that by the prince of the champions of the faith, of -this Asaf of Wisdom, this experienced general, this lion‐hearted -Ardeshir, I mean Ibrahim Pasha.<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">163</a> The enemy of -the enemies of the Holy War, in an instant he repulsed the -shock of the enemies of the faith.”<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">164</a></p> - -<p>Suleiman in his letter gives Ibrahim credit for the taking -of Peterwardein and Illok. As to Mohacz he says:<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">165</a></p> - -<blockquote> -<p class="tb">“The accursed king (Lewis) accompanied by the soldiers of -perdition fell before the army of Roumelie, which was commanded -by the Beylerbey of Roumelie, my grand vizir, Ibrahim -Pasha (May Allah glorify him eternally!). It was then -that the hero displayed all his innate valor.”</p></blockquote> - -<p class="tb">The first mention of Ibrahim in this letter is in the following -terms:</p> -<blockquote> -<p class="tb">“The leopard of strength and valor, the tiger of the forest -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span> -of courage, the hero filled with a holy zeal, the Rustem of -the arena of victory, the lion of the restoration of dominion, -the precious pearl of the ocean of all power, the champion of -the faith, the Grand Vizir, Beylerbey of Roumelie, Ibrahim -Pasha.”<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">166</a></p></blockquote> - -<p class="tb">The flowers of the Sultan’s rhetoric may be accepted as -a matter of course, but the fact that he mentions Ibrahim -as deserving of any share in the glory of the imperial conquests -is noteworthy, as in his letters of victory he usually -reserves all the honor for Allah and himself.<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">167</a></p> - -<p>The campaign of Vienna was the next military event for -Ibrahim. It was on the eve of this expedition that Suleiman -invested the grand vizir with the office of Serasker.<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">168</a></p> - -<p>Says Petchevi:</p> -<blockquote> -<p class="tb">One day, going from the Divan to the Vizir Khaneh, the great -Lord and Conqueror calling the slaves before his presence addressed -them with eloquent and pearl‐scattering words and -with divine proceedings, saying: “Nothing prevents our extending -our arms at once to all parts of our land, but in every -case we cannot personally conduct affairs. Therefore we formulate -a <em>berat‐i‐shereef</em> that Ibrahim Pasha, in the name of -Serasker may receive obedience and respect.”</p></blockquote> - -<p class="tb">Here Petchevi quotes the berat that was given in Chapter -III, and then continues with an account of the splendid -presents sent to Ibrahim with the berat, and the congratulations -of all the ulema and vizirs.<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">169</a> According to D’Ohsson, -the investiture of Ibrahim was unusually splendid and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span>solemn. He tells of processions in the streets and visits -to the palace and continued cermonial after the army had -started. When the ambassadors had visited him with congratulations -and hopes of his success, he always replied:</p> - -<p>“Marching under the divine protection, under influence -of the sacred banner, under the auspices of the grandest, -most powerful of monarchs, I hope to gain brilliant victories -over the enemies of the empire, and soon return -triumphant.”<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">170</a></p> - -<p>It is not possible to go into all the details of the famous -first siege of Vienna, to which entire books have been devoted.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">171</a> -Our account of it must be brief. On September -28th, 1529, Ibrahim Pasha stood before Vienna with -the Roumelian troops, and by the 28th the main body -of the army headed by the sultan was encamped before -the city. The defenses of Vienna were in bad repair, -with only 16,000 men and 72 guns, against a Turkish -army of 300,000. The garrison was commanded by Philip -of Bavaria, Ferdinand remaining in Linz, in hopes of aid -from the German princes. The defenders of the city made -desperate efforts to strengthen it, tearing down houses that -stood too close to the walls, leveling suburbs that might protect -the enemy, and erecting earthen defences and new -walls where necessary. To save some of the horrors of the -siege, the old men, the women and children, and the priests -were forced to leave the city.<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> Suleiman thought the taking -of this stronghold would be easy, and summoned the -garrison to surrender, saying that if they refused he would -breakfast in Vienna on the third day, and would spare no -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span>one. But the third day passed and many others and the -Turks were still digging under the towers and walls and -laying mines. They had been compelled by heavy rains to -leave their siege guns behind them, and had only field pieces -and musketry. The besieged replied to mine by countermine -and effectually circumvented the Turkish plans. -Storming parties of the Turks were met by sallies from the -beleaguered, and Suleiman’s breakfast, as the Viennese -scornfully told him, was getting cold. Breaches made in -the walls on October 9th and 11th were repaired and defended -by the undaunted Austrians, and after a splendid -effort made on October 14th to storm the city, and an -equally splendid and more successful resistance, the sultan -was obliged to give up the siege. It was Suleiman’s first -defeat, and he found it hard to accept it, but winter was -coming on, provisions were inadequate for so long a campaign, -the army was discouraged, and furthermore, outside -help was known to be on the way to the beleaguered city -from all quarters. On October 14th the signal for retreat -was given. The loss to the Turkish army was great, and -that of the Viennese slight.<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">173</a></p> - -<p>Ibrahim Pasha had charge of the operations during the -siege, and went often to reconnoiter the fortifications, disguised -in a colored turban instead of the usual one of -white and gold.<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> Count Christopher von Zedlitz, a prisoner -in the Turkish camp, said: “In this expedition there -was Ibrahim Pasha, who in this war counselled and directed -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span>everything.”<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> There were at this siege, as in all campaigns, -frequent largesses to keep up the courage of the soldiers. -The grand vizir was surrounded by sacks of gold, of which -he gave by the handful when an enemy’s head was brought -in, or an important capture made. When the lure of gold -was insufficient to arouse the ebbing courage of the soldiers -in the prolonged siege, the officers with the grand vizir at -their head urged them forward with blows of sticks and -whips and sabres. On October 12th Ibrahim assembled the -beys of Roumelie, spoke frankly of the discontent and hunger -of the army, and urged one more assault, promising -whether it were successful or not, to sound the retreat -thereafter.<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> As we have seen, the assault was made and -failed, and the siege was raised and the retreat commenced. -When Suleiman left Vienna the grand vizir remained for -some time with cavalry in the neighborhood of the city, -partly to cover the retreat, and partly to rally the akinji -scattered on plundering expeditions. He also received proposals -for an exchange of prisoners, to which he replied -as follows:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Ibrahim Pasha, by the grace of God First Vizir, Secretary -and Chief Councillor of the glorious, great and invincible Emperor, -Sultan Suleiman, head and minister of his whole -dominion, of his slaves and sandjaks, Generalissimo of his -armies:</p> - -<p>High‐born, magnanimous officers and commanders; having -received your writing sent by your messenger, we have digested -its contents. Know that we are not come to take your -city into our possession, but only to seek out your Archduke -Ferdinand, whom however we have not found, and hence have -waited here so many days, without his appearing. Yesterday -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span>moreover we set free three of your prisoners, for which measure -you should fain to do likewise of those in your possession, -as we have desired your messenger to explain to you by word -of mouth. You may therefore send hither one of your own -people to seek out your countrymen, and without anxiety for -our good faith, for what happened to those of Pesth was not -our fault but their own.</p></blockquote> - -<p>In this letter Ibrahim makes the statement which Suleiman -sent forth officially, namely,—that the Turks did not -wish to take Vienna, but only to meet Ferdinand. A mile -away from the camp the sultan halted and received congratulations -as for a victory, and dispensed rewards, the -grand vizir receiving four costly pellisses and five purses.<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">177</a></p> - -<p>The next fortress to be besieged by Ibrahim Pasha was -Güns, in 1532. This was the critical point of Suleiman’s -fifth Hungarian campaign. After the sultan alone had reduced -some thirteen minor forts, he associated the grand -vizir with him in this great siege. The little fortress of -Güns was brilliantly defended by Nicholas Juritschitz, who -had met Ibrahim in former days when ambassador at the -Porte.</p> - -<p>On August 9th the grand vizir encamped before Güns, -and three days later Suleiman arrived. Many small -cannon were used in this siege, the largest sending a ball the -size of a goose egg, which was, nevertheless, very effective -in destroying the battlements. Besides continual assaults, -mines were laid, but it was twelve days before Ibrahim summoned -the sturdy Juritschitz to surrender. Even then another -assault was necessary, which was at first unsuccessful -owing to a very curious event. The old men, women and -children within the city, seeing the banners of the janissaries -planted on the walls, uttered such piercing cries of fear and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span>horror that the assailants were seized with a panic as at -something supernatural, and fled from the spot. But their -return was so fierce that a breach was made, and the brave -Juritschitz, wounded and helpless, was obliged to accept Ibrahim‘s -terms.<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">178</a> Using his knowledge of the grand vizir’s nature -obtained during his embassy to the Porte, he played -on his vanity and obtained very good conditions.<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">179</a>] Güns -was not pillaged, and only formally capitulated, ten janissaries -being allowed to remain an hour in the place in order -to erect a Turkish standard. So Juritschitz, writing to Ferdinand -exclaims: “God Almighty delivered me and this -people from the hand of tyranny, which honor all my life -has not deserved.”</p> - -<p>The delay and practical defeat sustained at Güns, together -with the defeat of another Turkish army which was -to enter Austria by the Semmering Pass proved the saving -of Vienna. Suleiman had announced that he did not intend -to attack Vienna on this campaign; nevertheless his -vast preparation and the counter‐preparations of Charles V -and of Germany suggested a more ambitious campaign than -that which he carried out. In any case Suleiman decided to -withdraw, and immediately after investing Gratz, which -was well defended, he abandoned the enterprise and returned -to the Porte.</p> - -<p>When the Sultan made peace with Ferdinand in 1533, and -temporarily ceased operations on his northern frontier, he -turned his attention to conquests in two other directions, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span>namely to the extension of his sea power, and to the reduction -of Persia. The romantic story of the exploits of -his great admiral Khaireddin Barbarosa does not come -into our field, but the Persian campaign is the next object -of our attention.</p> - -<p>Ever since Suleiman’s accession to the throne the relations -of the Porte with the Shah of Persia had been strained. -The only reason that this had not resulted in open war -was because Suleiman was more deeply concerned in Hungarian -affairs. There was continual fighting on the frontier. -When Shah Tahmasp succeeded his father Ismail, he -was little inclined to humble himself before the Turkish -monarch, so he resented an overbearing and threatening letter -from Suleiman. Now seemed a favorable moment to -execute the threat of war. The excuse was the betrayal of -the Ottomans by the khan of Bitlis, who had gone over to -the shah of Persia, while the Persians were irate because the -Persian governor of Aserbaijan and Baghdad had joined -the Turks and had taken with him the keys of Baghdad. -The governor having been assassinated and Baghdad retaken -by the Persians, Suleiman determined on immediate -war.</p> - -<p>Ibrahim, again invested with the office of serasker, was -sent to Persia to retake Bitlis and Baghdad. He and -his army marched as far as Konia, where he received -the head of Sherefbey, after which he advanced to -Aleppo to take up his winter quarters.<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">180</a> He occupied his -leisure during the winter by taking several neighboring -fortresses. His next plan was to move on Baghdad, but -the defterdar Iskender Chelebi who accompanied the expedition -urged an immediate advance to Tebriz, recently -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span>abandoned by the shah, arguing that the fall of Tebriz -would mean the taking of Baghdad. Ibrahim followed -Iskender’s suggestion, and arrived before Tebriz the 13th of -July, 1534. Receiving the submission of many fortresses -en route, he triumphantly entered the Persian capital. To -avert the evils generally incident to a Turkish occupation, he -set up a judge at Tebriz, and a strong guard. This was -unusual self‐restraint in a Turkish conqueror. At this time -he suffered the loss of one of his armies in the defile of Kiseljedagh, -but otherwise he met only with victory and submission.</p> - -<p>On the 27th of September Suleiman joined the grand -vizir at Aoudjan and immediately rewarded him and the -other beylerbeys for their successes. The united armies -continued their march towards Hamadan. The lateness of -the season made the crossing of the mountains very difficult. -Many pack animals died and the artillery was mired in the -bad roads. In that perilous situation the army was attacked -by the enemy and suffered considerable loss in men -and supplies.</p> - -<p>At last the army reached Baghdad. The governor sent -a letter of submission, and then to secure his own safety, -fled. The grand vizir immediately took possession of the -city, shut the gates to prevent pillage, and sent the keys -of the city to Suleiman who had not yet come up. Baghdad -was the bulwark of the Persian empire and of great -military importance. The army remained there four -months while the sultan organized his new conquests. -April 2nd, 1535, the Turkish army commenced its return -to its capital, making a march of three months to -Tebriz and thence of six months to Stambul.</p> - -<p>In this campaign Ibrahim had little actual fighting, and -slight use for the artillery and mines in which he was so -well versed. The success of the campaign was due to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span> -terror excited by the reputation of the Turkish army, and the -endurance with which it made terrible marches, equalling -the celebrated marches of the generals of antiquity.<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">181</a> Ferdinand -of Hungary wrote Ibrahim congratulating him on -this successful campaign.</p> - -<p>This was Ibrahim’s last campaign. His career was cut -short at this point. In this Persian expedition the grand -vizir had some personal experiences which do not properly -belong to an account of his generalship, but rather to the -next chapter dealing with his fall.</p> - -<p>In these varied campaigns Ibrahim Pasha showed himself -an able and generally successful general. In all of his -battles and sieges he was defeated only at Vienna, and -practically, although not nominally, at Güns. He was brilliant -in his attacks, especially with artillery, the battle of -Mohacz being the best illustration of this. He was excellent -in mines and sieges, regardless of the fact that he -did not succeed in reducing Vienna. He was strong in -marching, as the great march across Persia witnesses. He -generally had good control over his men, although at Vienna -he failed to incite them to greater efforts. He was personally -brave and fearless, leading his troops and betaking -himself to the point of greatest danger. He seems to have -been less cruel than was usual among Turkish conquerors, -although his army committed some horrid atrocities. He -followed the usual custom of looting, which made war so -attractive to the Turkish soldier.<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> He appreciated valor -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span>even in his enemies, as the story of his treatment of the -prisoner Zedlitz and his freeing of him illustrates.<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> The -credit for the conquests of this period must be divided between -Sultan Suleiman and his grand vizir, who was able to -push all plans of Suleiman, whether military or diplomatic, -to a fortunate conclusion.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER V<br /><br /> - -<small><span class="smcap">Ibrahim’s Fall</span></small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">On</span> March 5th, 1536<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">184</a> Ibrahim Pasha betook himself to -the imperial palace in Stamboul to dine with the sultan and -spend the night with his Majesty, according to a long established -custom. In the morning his body was found with -marks on it, showing that he had been strangled after a -fierce struggle.<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">185</a> A horse with black trappings carried the -dishonored body home,<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">186</a> and it was immediately buried in a -dervish monastery in Galata, with no monument to mark its -resting place.<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">187</a> His immense property fell to the crown,<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">188</a> -and Ibrahim Pasha, the mighty grand vizir, was dropped -out of mind and conversation as though he had not practically -ruled the empire for thirteen years.</p> - -<p>What caused this abrupt extinction of Suleiman’s love for -his former favorite? Ibrahim naturally had many enemies, -among them the most influential ones being the defterdar -Iskender Chelebi, and Roxelana, the favorite wife of Suleiman. -These appear to have worked for years to poison -Suleiman’s mind against the grand vizir, but for a long -time without success.<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">189</a> What charges could they bring -against him?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span></p> - -<p>Ibrahim, we recall, was born a Christian, and probably -accepted Islam only formally and not from conviction. -Now and then in his career his Christian predilections appear -and always injure his reputation. One instance of -this was the case of the infidel Cabyz, towards whom Ibrahim -was accused of being overlenient. Another illustration -of lack of consideration for Moslem prejudices was -when he brought home from Buda three statues taken from -the royal palace and set them up in the Hippodrome. This -was in defiance of the Moslem rule, observed literally, to -permit the display of “no images of anything in the -heaven above, the earth beneath, or the water under the -earth.” Although Ibrahim was supported in this act by -the tolerant sultan, it brought down on his head a clamor -of horror. He was spoken of as an idolator, and the poet -Fighani Chelebi composed a satire against him which was -never forgotten. It ran:</p> - -<div class="poetry‐container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="line i05">“Two Abrahams came into the world;</div> -<div class="line">The one destroyed idols, the other set them up.”</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p>The audacious poet paid for his wit with his life, but the -satire remained popular. Ibrahim became less and less -careful in religious matters as his power became more assured. -A contemporary wrote:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>The opinionated pasha at the beginning of his power was -very docile in every respect to the Holy Law, besides which -it was his custom to consult wise men in every affair of his -desire; and his faith in Islam was so strong that if some one -brought a Koran to him, he would gracefully rise to his feet -and kiss it and lay it on his forehead and hold it level with -his breast, not one inch below. But later when he went to -Baghdad as serasker and mixed with infamous or foolish people, -his character changed to such a degree that he did not -regard the lives of innocent men more highly than fine dust, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span>and if some one brought him as a gift a Koran or a beautifully‐written -manuscript, as he saw him approaching he -would become angry and refuse it, saying, “Why do you -bring them to me? There is no end to the good books that I -possess,” and sometimes he would revile the men.<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">190</a></p></blockquote> - -<p>The Venetians seem to have regarded Ibrahim as favorable -to them, and needy Christians in the empire turned to -him for help and sometimes were freed by him from captivity -and death.<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">191</a> His parents remained Christians. It is -doubtful whether these last facts would arouse any feeling -against the grand vizir; but the disregard of Moslem sensibilities -noted above was very unwise and would give his -enemies a point of attack although it was rather unlikely -by itself to influence greatly the confidence of the sultan, -a monarch noted for his unusual tolerance towards beliefs -outside of Islam. But Ibrahim permitted himself another -imprudence that was far more dangerous.</p> - -<p>As we have studied Ibrahim’s career, we have seen the -vast power that he gradually gathered into his hands, and -we have noted the amazement with which European legates -listened to his own accounts of his standing in the state. -He was practically the ruler of the Ottoman empire, but -there was one fact that he forgot; he was absolutely at -the disposal of the sultan and could be disgraced or executed -at the latter’s caprice—he was but the shadow of the -“Shadow of God” on earth.<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">192</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span></p> - -<p>On the Persian expedition he made the grave mistake of -assuming the title of <em>Serasker‐Sultan</em>. Although as von -Hammer points out<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> the title of <em>sultan</em> was commonly borne -by small Kurdish rulers in the country in which Ibrahim -then was, yet at Constantinople there was but <em>one</em> sultan, -and to usurp his title was to lay one’s self open to the charge -of unlawful ambition.<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">194</a> Moreover as Ahmed Pasha had -assumed the title upon his revolt in Egypt, the association -with disloyalty must have been very strong to Suleiman. -There were plenty of courtiers ready to interpret his action -thus in reporting to the sultan. Here was a charge that -Suleiman could hardly ignore even though he might disbelieve -it for a while.</p> - -<p>The immediate cause of Ibrahim’s fall was his quarrel -with Iskender Chelebi.<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">195</a> A relationship between the two -men had long existed and for years had been unfriendly. -When Ibrahim was sent to Egypt Iskender was in his train. -Ibrahim’s wealth and power were a source of envy to the -defterdar, while the latter’s personality seems to have become -disagreeable to the grand vizir. On the expedition -to Persia the smouldering hatred between the two men -broke into flame. When Ibrahim proposed to take the title -of Serasker‐Sultan, the defterdar attempted to dissuade him -and thus aroused Ibrahim’s resentment. There was also -an ostentatious display of wealth, the defterdar and the -grand vizir each attempting to send to the army a larger -number of more richly equipped soldiers, and each considering -the other’s contribution mean. Insults were exchanged. -At length Ibrahim accused the defterdar of taking money -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span>from the royal treasury, and brought witnesses against him -who were probably in Ibrahim’s pay. It became a war to the -death between the two enemies. Ibrahim doubtless knew that -if Iskender lived he himself would be sacrificed. So he accomplished -the disgrace and execution of the treasurer but -he did not thereby secure his own safety. Iskender -Chelebi, accused of intrigues against his master, as well as -mismanagement of the public funds, was hanged at Baghdad. -As he went to the gallows he sent a Parthian shot at -his murderer. Calling for pen and paper, he made a written -statement that not only was he guilty of conspiring with -the Persians but that Ibrahim was equally guilty, and that -the latter had plotted to attempt Suleiman’s life, lured by -Persian gold.<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">196</a> However we may doubt Iskender’s honesty -in making a statement that would draw down on his enemy -his own fate, the Turkish sultan would be unlikely to question -it, for among the Turks the testimony of a dying man -or one led to execution is of very great weight. In law it -outweighs that of forty ordinary witnesses.<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">197</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span></p> - -<p>Suleiman’s conviction of his vizir’s guilt was further -strengthened, as the Turkish chronicles relate, by a vision in -which the murdered defterdar appeared surrounded by a -celestial halo. He reproached Suleiman for submitting to -the usurpation of his grand vizir, and finally threw himself -on the sultan as though to strangle him.<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">198</a> Suleiman, once -convinced of Ibrahim’s guilt or of the menace he was to his -power, acted secretly and silently. He did not confront his -favorite with accusations nor give him a chance to exculpate -himself,<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">199</a> but disposed of him swiftly. As Lamartine -says,<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> “Ibrahim’s life ended without reverses and perhaps -without other crimes than greatness.” A brilliant career -for thirteen years, even though followed by sudden disgrace -and death, is a fate that might be envied by many. The -abruptness of Ibrahim’s fall is paralleled many times in -Turkish history, which is full of sensational rises and falls. -In the history of his life alone, we have seen Ahmed Pasha -of Egypt and Iskender Chelebi rise to great heights and -quickly descend to disgrace and death. It was the almost -limitless possibility of rising, and the ever present danger -of falling that constituted the fascination of Turkish public -life. One could hardly start with a handicap too severe -to prevent him from attaining greatness. On the other -hand one was never sure of retaining for twenty‐four hours -the power, wealth and rank that he had attained, for a mo<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span>mentary -caprice of the monarch might end it abruptly. -Even the sultan himself might suddenly be overthrown and -fill a dungeon cell or a grave, while his successor taken -from a harem or a prison ascended the mighty throne. Nowhere -have life and its possibilities been more uncertain -than on or near the Ottoman throne.</p> - -<p>Let us consider in conclusion the question of Ibrahim’s relations -to Suleiman. Was he a traitor or not? Baudier says -that Suleiman confronted Ibrahim with his own letters to -Charles V and Ferdinand and that he had secret intelligence -with the Austrians. In the papers collected by Gévay which -seem complete as to the correspondence between Ibrahim -and the Austrian ruler, there are no such letters, nor are -they found in any other collection nor mentioned by the -Austrians themselves. On the contrary, we have despatches -from Ferdinand to Ibrahim written July 5th, 1535, March -23, 1535, and March 14, 1536, after his death, urging Ibrahim’s -continued offices and expressing gratitude for his efforts -to keep peace between the two countries.<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">201</a></p> - -<p>The charge of collusion with the Austrians which we -have examined and discussed in connection with the siege -of Vienna we here dismiss as being supported by very insufficient -data. What had Ibrahim to gain by accepting -money or position from Charles? Could the latter give -him the half of what Suleiman lavished on him? The -similar charge made by Iskender Chelebi when at the gallows, -that Ibrahim had been induced by Persian gold to -plan the assassination of the sultan falls to the ground for -the following reasons; lack of any other witness than Isken<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span>der<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">202</a> -and the discredit that attaches to a witness who was the -vizir’s fiercest and most desperate enemy, together with the -fact that the Persians could offer Ibrahim nothing commensurate -with his wealth and power as grand vizir.</p> - -<p>I think then we may definitely put aside the charges of -his being bought with either Persian or Austrian gold. -But the most serious charge remains. Did he aspire to -overthrow his master, and himself become sultan? Again -our sources are silent or ambiguous. Let us inquire of the -Turkish historians. “He fell into the net of the imagination -of kingship and power,”<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> says Osmanzadeh, which -might mean no more than the megalomania of which he -gave so many signs. Sadullah Saïd Effendi expresses himself -with an equal vagueness: “Perhaps Ibrahim was caught -in the net of the thought of partnership of the empire.”<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">204</a> -Petchevi makes no charge. Solakzadeh and Abdurrahman -Sheref consider Ibrahim’s death a just punishment for his -treatment of Iskender, but prefer no severe charge.<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> The -Venetians make no accusation beyond the very vague one -that “he loved himself better than he did his lord, and -wished to be alone in the dominion of the world in which -he was much respected.”<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">206</a></p> - -<p>Guillaume Postel takes up some of the accusations against -Ibrahim and treats them as follows: The accusations were: -1st. Complicity with the defterdar in looting. This Postel -accepts, telling how Ibrahim had looted wherever he had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span> -marched. 2nd. His being a Christian, which we need not -consider further here. 3rd. An understanding with the -Emperor. 4th. An understanding with the Shah of Persia. -5th. A desire to be sultan. 6th. A desire to raise Mustafa, -Suleiman’s son, to the throne. Postel says that Ibrahim certainly -had no understanding with the emperor, as is proved -by the fact that the latter did not use the unexampled opportunity -of the Persian war to invade Turkey, an argument -which seems to us strong. To this he adds the weak argument -that Ibrahim could not bear to hear the emperor -spoken of. The charge of an understanding with the shah -was based on the early losses in the Persian campaign which -Postel disposes of as not being the fault of Ibrahim. The -charge of wishing Mustafa on the throne is baseless and -unreasonable, as the grand vizir could certainly not gain -by a change of masters. As to the charge of wishing to -be sultan, Postel dismisses that with the single argument -that it was a much too dangerous to attempt.</p> - -<p>In the absence of any data inculpating Ibrahim of desiring -the throne, we are confined to probabilities. That he -loved power and became very ambitious must be recognized. -Whether he were mad enough to think he could replace -Suleiman on the throne which until this day has never been -held by any other than a member of the family of Othman, -and that he could hold such a position in the face of an enraged -public, Mohammedan to the core as to its army and -priesthood; whether he could have so far lost his judgment -as to conceive that, Christian slave as he was, he could possibly -be in a more advantageous position than the one he -already held by the grace of Suleiman, we cannot answer -except by the fact that in public affairs his brain was still -cool and clear. How far, if at all, he was unfaithful to his -master and friend is buried with him in the convent at -Galata.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span></p> - -<p>Ibrahim Pasha’s brilliant career was closed. What were -the achievements of his thirteen years of power? He had -carried the Turkish arms to the gates of Vienna in the west -and to Bagdad and Tebriz in the east, and his almost uniformly -successful generalship had added to the great renown -in which the Ottoman army was held. Sometimes -alone, and sometimes under the sultan, he had shown -himself an able strategist, and fearless soldier. He had -established diplomatic relations with Europe, one of his -last acts being the first treaty with the French, and in -diplomacy he had shown himself intelligent, true to Suleiman’s -interests, and strong if not subtle. As an administrator, -his brief power in Egypt was used wisely, and his -governorship of Roumelie was able and strong, if not rising -in a marked degree above the standards of his day. He -was possessed of dignity, impressiveness of manner, and a -magnificence in which he vied with his imperial master. -He certainly had cared for his own interests, obtaining -enormous wealth and power, but that he had ever neglected -his master’s interests is unproved, and many times he -showed himself loyal rather than venal.</p> - -<p>Ibrahim’s importance in Turkish history lies partly in -the great diplomatic changes and the conquests which he -achieved together with Suleiman, and partly in the fact -that he was the first grand vizir taken from the people -who exercised much power, and that with him began the -rule of vizirs and favorites which became a very important -fact in later Turkish history. While we recognize the danger -of such rule, yet we also feel that Turkey had a better -chance under such men of ability as Mehmet Sokolli Pasha -and the Kiuprelli vizirs than under the chance sultans of -the Ottoman family, which has produced few great rulers -since Suleiman the Magnificent.</p> - -<p>To western students the interest in Ibrahim’s history lies -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span> -not only in his bringing Turkey into friendly contact with -Europe, but perhaps more in the very perfect and highly -developed illustration he affords of the curious anomalies, -the romantic possibilities, the strangeness of Turkish rule, -as well as in the light that his career throws on European -rulers and armies of the same century.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span></p> - -<h2>BIBLIOGRAPHY</h2> - -<p class="center">I. <span class="smcap">Official Correspondence, Treaties and Other Documents</span></p> - -<blockquote> -<p class="indent">Albèri. <cite lang="it" xml:lang="it">Relatione degli Ambasciatori Veneti.</cite> 3 series, 9 vols. 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Paris, 1824 J. von Hammer. -<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Sur l’Histoire Ottoman de Prince Cantimir.</cite> Also vol. x, series I. -<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Memoirs sur les Relations de François I avec la Porte.</cite></p> - -<p class="indent">Journal Asiatique, vol. xvi, 1897. <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le Voyage du Levant de Phillippe -du Fresne‐Canaye</cite> 1573. H. Hansen.</p> - -<p class="indent">Revue Historique, vol. lxxvi‐lxxvii, 1901. <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">L’Ambassade de la Forest -et de Marillac à Constantinople</cite> 1535–1538. Bourilly.</p> - -<p class="indent">Revue d’Histoire Diplomatique, vol. xv, 1901. <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le Voyage d’un Ambassadeur -de France en Turquie au 16me siècle.</cite> Jean de la Forest.</p> - -<p class="indent">Zeitschrift der Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. xv. Kogabey’s -<cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandlung über den Verfall des osmanischen Staatsgebaüdes seit -Sultan Suleiman dem Grossen</cite>.</p> - -<p class="indent">Zeitschrift der Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. xii, 1858. <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte -Suleimans des Ersten.</cite> Th. Noldecke.</p> - -<p class="indent">Zeitschrift der Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. xiv. <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Das Sklavenwesen -in der Türkei.</cite> Leipzig, 1860.</p> - -<p class="indent"><cite>Original Narrative of the Adventures of the Count Christopher von -Zedlitz in the Turkish camp.</cite> Ed. by Ellesmere.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h2>FOOTNOTES:</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> Léon Cahun. <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">L’Introduction de l’Histoire de l’Asie Centrale, Les -Turcs et les Mongols</cite> (Paris, 1896), chap. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> <cite>Koudakou Bilik</cite>, 1068. Trans. by Vambéry, quoted by Cahun.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> <cite>Bey</cite> is a military title, corresponding approximately to colonel or -perhaps to a higher title in the eleventh century.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> This judgment is the result of personal observation, supported by -statements of M. Cahun and others.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> Othman or Osman, who gave his name to the Ottoman State.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> Th. Noldecke, “Geschichte Suleimans des Ersten,” in <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeitschrift -der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft</cite>, vol. xii, 1858, p. 220.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> <cite lang="it" xml:lang="it">I Diarii di Marini Sanuto</cite>, vol. xxxv, p. 258 (published Venice, -1879). -</p> -<p> -<cite lang="it" xml:lang="it">Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti</cite>, <i>ed.</i> by Albèri, Series III, vol. -iii. Report of Pietro Zen, 1524, p. 95. -</p> -<p> -Solakzadeh, <cite>Tarih Osmanieh</cite> (Constantinople, 1297, A. H.). -</p> -<p> -M. Baudier, <cite>The History of the Imperial Estate of the Grand Seigneurs</cite> -(1635, <i>trans.</i> by Grimeston), p. 171. -</p> -<p> -Parga, a village on the coast of Greece, opposite Corfu, under Venetian -domination in the sixteenth century.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> He himself told the embassador Zara in 1532 that he was born the -same week as Suleiman. <i>Cf.</i> <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Urkunden und Actenstücke zur Geschichte -der Verhältnisse zwischen Oesterreich, Ungarn, und der -Pforte im XVI und XVII Jahrhunderte</cite>. Aus Archiven und Bibliotheken, -Anton von Gévay (Wien, 1840).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, also Pietro Zen, <i>op. cit.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> “Suonava a perfezione il violino.” Albèri, III, 3, p. 95, Pietro Zen.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> Baudier tells the latter story, Pietro Zen the former. Guillaume -Postel (Poitiers, 1560) gives a slightly different version. He says -that Ibrahim was captured for a soldier in Selim’s reign and sold to -Iskender Chelebi, the treasurer of Anatolia. This is interesting in -view of his later relations with Iskender, but is not sustained by other -witnesses.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> Albèri, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 116, Marco Minio.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 97. Also Sanuto, vol. xli, p. 527, Piero Bragadino.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> S. A. S. Demetrius Cantimir, Prince de Moldavie, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de l’Empire -Othoman</cite> (1743, tr. by de Joncquières), vol. ii, p. 289.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> Von Hammer, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de l’Empire Ottomane</cite>, tr. by J. J. Hellert -(Paris, 1836), vol. v, note 23, p. 45.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> Baudier, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 172.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> M. de Mourajea D’Ohsson, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Tableau Général de l’Empire Ottomane</cite> -(1787), vol. iii, <i>passim</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> Sanuto, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. xli, Pietro Bragadino.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> The word <em>Serai</em> will be used in these pages in the Turkish sense -of palace and will refer to a royal palace.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> Sanuto, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. xli, p. 527, Pietro Bragadino.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> Albèri, III, I, p. 28.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> Petchevi, Chelebizadeh, Solakzadeh, Abdurrahman Sheref, etc.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> For instance, the vials of water blessed by the immersion of one -end of the mantle of the Prophet, which the sultan ordered distributed -to the nobles of the state on the 15th of the month of Ramazan.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> <em>Caftan</em>, a long, loose‐sleeved cloak or robe.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> D’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, p. 303</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> Albèri, III, ii, p. 31.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> D’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, p. 315.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> George Young, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Corps de Droit Ottoman</cite> (1905), vol. ii, p. 166; -also D’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, p. 133.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">“Nach muslimischem Gesetz ist Sklave derjenige welche im -Kriege gefangen genommen oder mit Gewalt aus feindlichem Lande -fortgeführt worden ist, wenn er zur Zeit seiner Gefangennahme ein -Ungläubiger war.”</span> Robert Roberts, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Familien, Sklaven, und Erbenrecht -im Koran</cite>, p. 42. (Leipzig, 1908.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> D’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, p. 35.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> “And when ye meet those who misbelieve, then strike off their -heads until ye have massacred them, and bind fast the bonds.” “Then -either a free agent (liberty) or a ransom until the war shall have laid -down its burdens.” <em>Koran</em> (Palmer’s translation, vol. ix, of <cite>Sacred -Books of the East</cite>), Surah, XLVII, vs. 4–5. -</p> -<p> -“The reward of those who make war against God and His Apostle, -and strive after violence in the earth, is only that they shall be -slaughtered and crucified, or their hands cut off, or their feet on alternate -sides, or that they shall be banished from the land, a disgrace -for them in this world, and for them in the next a mighty woe, save -for those who repent before ye have them in your power.” <i>Ibid.</i>, -Surah V, vs. 37. -</p> -<p> -“The spoils are God’s and the Apostles’; fear God and settle it -among yourselves.... Fight them then, that there should be no sedition, -and that the religion should be wholly God’s; but if they desist -(to disbelieve) then God on what they do doth look. But if they turn -their backs, then know that God is your Lord ... and know that -whenever ye seize anything as a spoil, to God belongs a fifth thereof, -and to his Apostle and to kindred and orphans and the poor the wayfarer.” -<i>Ibid.</i>, Surah VIII, vs. 1, 40–42.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> D’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, p. 35.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> D’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, p. 142.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> Ameer Ali, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 256.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> “And unto such of your slaves as desire a written instrument -allowing them to redeem themselves, or paying a certain sum, write -one, if ye know good in them, and give them of the riches of God -which he hath given you.” <em>Koran</em> (Sale’s Trans.), Surah XXIV. -</p> -<p> -Mohammed accepted the institution of slavery, but urged gentleness -in dealing with the slave. Muir thus quotes a speech made by -Mohammed in his last year at Mina: “And your slaves! See that ye -feed them with such food as ye yourselves eat, and clothe them with -the stuffs ye wear. And if they commit a fault which ye are not inclined -to forgive, then sell them, for they are the servants of the Lord, -and not to be tormented.” Muir, <cite>Life of Mahomet</cite>, p. 458. -</p> -<p> -<i>Cf.</i> also Syed Ameer Ali, <cite>A Critical Examination of the Life and -Teaching of Mohammed</cite> (London, 1873), chap, xv, p. 257. “The -masters were forbidden to exact more work than was just and proper. -They were ordered never to address their male and female slaves -by that degrading appellation, but by the more affectionate name of -‘my young man’ or ‘my young maid’.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> <cite>Parliamentary Papers, Slave Trade</cite>, 1860, B. P., 130. Quoted by -Young, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, note, p. 167.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> Fatma Alieh Hanum, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les Musulmanes Contemporaines</cite> (1894, -Paris).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> Young, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, note, p. 167.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">39</span></a> “There are few Turkish beggars, for they which beg among Christians -are set to do servile offices among the Turks. If a slave become -lame, his master is bound to support him, yet the veriest cripple -among them brings his master some profit.” -</p> -<p> -We may omit Busbequius’ advocacy of slavery. He continues later: -“The Turks in their way do make a huge advantage of slaves; for -if an ordinary Turk bring home one or two slaves, whom he has taken -as prisoners of war, he accounts he hath made a good campaign of it, -and his prize is worth his labor. An ordinary slave is sold among -them for 40 to 50 crowns, but if he be young and beautiful and have -some skill in some trade also, then they rate him as twice as much. -By this you may know how advantageous the Turkish depredations -are to them, when many times from one expedition they bring home -five or six thousand prisoners.” Ogier Ghiselin de Busbequius, <cite>Travels -in Turkey</cite>, trans. into English, 1774.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">40</span></a> Snouck Hurgronje makes practically the same statement in his -<em>Mekka</em>, vol. ii, p. 19 (Haag, 1889). <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">“Alles in Allem ist der Zustand -des muslimischen Sklaven nur formell verschieden von dem der europäischen -Diener und Arbeiter.”</span></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">41</span></a> Memoirs of the Baron de Tott on <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">The Turk and the Tartars</cite>, -(trans. from the French, London, 1785), vol. ii, pp. 379–380.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">42</span></a> D’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, p. 38.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">43</span></a> M. le Chevalier Ricaut, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Tableau de l’empire Ottomane</cite> (1709), vol. -ii, chap. ii, p. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> Albèri, III, 3, p. 95, note, Pietro Zen.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> The formula of enfranchisement. D’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, p. -143.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> Albèri, III, 3, p. 95, note, Pietro Zen.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> Marsigli, <cite lang="it" xml:lang="it">Stato Militare dell’ Imperio Ottomano</cite> (1732), vol. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> Albèri III, i, p. 11. Danielo di Ludovisi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> <em>Roum</em> means Roman, from the Roman or Byzantine empire whose -territory had largely passed to Turkey.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> <em>Sandjak</em> is literally <em>banner</em>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> Juchereau de Saint Denis, quoted by Ludovisi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> Albrecht, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Grundriss des osmanischen Staatsrechts</cite>, p. 68. Also von -Hammer, p. 166.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> Petchevi, <cite>Tarih Osmanieh</cite>, vol. i, p. 79.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> A piastre was about 89 cents in that century.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> D’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 337.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> <em>Harem</em> means <em>set apart</em>, <em>sacred</em>, or <em>accursed‐taboo</em>, and is a term -applied to the women of a Moslem household.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> also Cantimir, “Suleiman gave Ibrahim his sister in marriage.” -Jorga on the other hand says that Ibrahim married a daughter of -Iskender Chelebi, but I have seen no such statement elsewhere, except -the following ambiguous statement in Solakzadeh: “Between -Iskender and Ibrahim Pasha the relation of father and son existed.” -P. 478. Abdurrahman Sheref writes in his <cite>Tarih Osmanieh</cite>, “Some -historians say that Ibrahim was brother‐in‐law to the Sultan.” Petchevi -and the Venetian Baillies Bragadino and Pietro Zen, while -giving detailed accounts of the wedding feast say nothing of the -bride.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> For accounts see Petchevi, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, pp. 79 <i>et seq.</i>; Solakzadeh, -<i>op. cit.</i>; Marini Sanuto, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. 36, pp. 505 <i>et seq.</i>, with references -<i>passim</i>. Also von Hammer, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. v, pp. 52 <i>et seq.</i>, and -Cantimir, <i>op. cit.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> <span lang="it" xml:lang="it">“Ed in quella ne sono distesi molti pavioni, tra li qual quello del -Gran signor, uno che fo de Uson Cassan, che fu quello quando l’ebbe -la rotta da sultan Machmet, l’altro del signor Sophi, che fu aquistado -da sultan Selim, l’altro del sultan Elgauri, conquistado pur per el -ditto sultan Selim. Quanto siano di richezza e di magnificentia et -bellezza bisogneria con el penello in longo tempo farla, et si haveria -fatica per la gran superbia et valuta è in quelli.”</span> Marini Sanuto, -<i>op. cit.</i>, vol. xxxvi, p. 505.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> <cite lang="it" xml:lang="it">Tutta la terra.</cite> Marino Sanuto, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. xxxvi, p. 505.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> Marino Sanuto, vol. xli, p. 526.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> Until the introduction of tables from the West, and to this day in -certain houses, Turkish meals are served on large trays placed on -stools.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> Von Hammer says that Ali also tells this story, but that the other -Turkish historians omit it. <i>Op. cit.</i>, vol. v, note, p. 145.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> Petchevi, <cite>Tarih Osmanieh</cite>, p. 93.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> Souheila, in his <cite>History of Egypt (Misr)</cite>, says that Suleiman originally -planned to go himself to Egypt, but that the grand vizir said, -“If it be the glorious command of the just king, we are sufficient for -the service,” whereupon he was appointed chief of the expedition.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> Petchevi, Sadullah Säid, and Solakzadeh who was present on the -expedition, and following them, Djelalzadeh and Abdurrahman Sheref. -As I have been unable to obtain a copy of Djelalzadeh, I am obliged -to depend on Von Hammer’s quotations from his history.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> “In Aleppo and Damascus, with justice and equity he destroyed -the standards of revolt raised by villains.” Soleyman Nameh, by Sadullah -Säid Effendi. -</p> -<p> -“In the province of Aleppo were some who wished redress, from -whom he removed oppression and tyranny.” Solakzadeh, <i>op. cit.</i> <i>Cf.</i> -also von Hammer, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. v, p. 57.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> Sadullah Säid, <i>op. cit.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> Sadullah Säid.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> Sadullah Säid, Solakzadeh.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> Solakzadeh.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> Solakzadeh.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> Solakzadeh, Petchevi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> “By letters from Constantinople we are informed that within a -fortnight the Magnifico Ibrahim Pasha was expected from Cairo with -a large sum of gold. The Grand Turk has ordered him an honorable -reception in a new and unusual form.” The Doge and College to -Lorenzo Orio in England, Sept. 18, 1525. Brown’s <cite>Calendar of State -Papers in Venice, 1520–1526</cite>, 1114.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> Djelalzadeh, translated and quoted by von Hammer.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> Of course, since July, 1908, the whole idea of the Ottoman state has -changed, although the military titles remain; indeed since the reforms -of 1836 the above description has only in part held true. These general -statements may be understood to refer to Turkey from 1453 to 1836.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> The ulema were the doctors of sacred law and jurisprudence.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> This account taken from Solakzadeh, <i>op. cit.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> Albrecht, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">W. Grundriss des Osmanischen Staatsrechts</cite> (Berlin, -1905), p. 68.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> Guillaume Postel, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La République des Turcs</cite>, p. 49.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> Daru, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de Venise</cite>, quoted by Zeller, <i>op. cit.</i>, note p. 204.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> Charrière, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 486.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> Pietro Zen said Ibrahim had been a Venetian subject. Albèri, III, -also Bragadino, Marini Sanuto, vol. 41, p. 527, wrote: <span lang="it" xml:lang="it">“Questo bassa è -molto amico di la Signoria nostra, homo iusto et savio; ha cassà zoie -portade dal Cayro oltra il bel presente fece al Signore, come scrisse.”</span></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> Marini Sanuto, <i>op. cit. passim</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> Albèri, III, i, p. 28.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> Kogabey, “<cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandlung über den Verfall des osmanischen Staatsgebäudes -seit Sultan Suleiman dem Grossen</cite>.” Trans, by Behrman, -<cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeitschrift der Morgenländischen Gesellschaft</cite>, vol. 15, p. 319.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> On a peine à representer devant un état descendu à un rang inférieur -et devenu le jouet de la politique des autres puissances cette -action illimitée qu’il exerçait dans les affaires de l’Europe, et qui, à -chaque mouvement de cet empire semblait mettre en question l’existence -de Christianisme et celle de la société européene tout entière.” E. -Charrière, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Négociations de la France dans le Levant</cite> (Paris, 1848), vol. -iii, Introduction.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> Noradunghian (<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Actes Internationaux de l’Empire Ottoman</cite>), in his -<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Repertoire Chronologique</cite>, records treaties with Ragusa before Suleiman’s -accession, and two in 1520, all offering Turkish protection in -exchange for tribute.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> Von Hammer, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. v, p. 20.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> Quoted by Horatio Brown, <i>Venice</i>, 1893.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> Turkish proverb.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> Karamsin, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de Russie</cite>, <i>tr.</i> by St. Thomas and Jauffret, 1819–1826, -vol. vii, p. 142.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> D. J. Hill, <cite>Hist. of European Diplomacy</cite>, ii, p. 346.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">94</span></a> Hill, <i>op. cit.</i>, quotes Contarini to this effect.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">95</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Pastor’s <cite>Hist. of the Popes</cite>, vol. iii, <i>passim</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">96</span></a> In a circular to his electors, quoted by J. Janssen, <cite>History of Germany</cite>, -vol. ii, p. 276.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">97</span></a> Noradunghian, <i>op. cit.</i>, records two commercial treaties in -1508–1517. <i>Cf.</i> also Marini Sanuto, vol. iii, pp. 79, 117, 132, 180, 286, 453.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">98</span></a> Gévay, <i>op. cit.</i>, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Gesandschaft Königs Ferdinand I am Sultan Suleiman</cite>, -i, p. 21.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">99</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Zinkheisen, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 640; also von Hammer, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoire sur les -premières relations diplomatiques entre la France et la Porte</cite>, in <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journal -Asiatique</cite>, vol. x, series i, p. 19 <i>et seq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">100</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Report of Lambert and Juritschitz to Ferdinand, 1531, Gévay -<i>op. cit.</i>, iii, p. 144.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">101</span></a> In the report of Lambert and von Zara (Gévay, vol. iii, p. 44), -Ibrahim said: <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">“Darauf sein Kaiser (Suleiman) bewegt worden in Francis -nit zu verlassen, und hat alsomit im und den Venedigern ean verstand -und puntnus (Bündniss) gemacht, also das sy ein treffleche ermada -auf dem mer aufgericht damit sy gegen yspania arbeiten habenwellen -und Erder kaiser solte mit einem trefflichen hoer (Heer) durch E. M. -(Ferdinand) Lande in fryaul und forter auf Mayland zogen sein.”</span> -</p> -<p> -<i>Cf.</i> Solakzadeh, <i>op. cit.</i>, trans. by H. D. J. “The king of France had -fallen into the desire for possessions and planned to strike the crown -of Hungary from the hands of the king of Hungary, and finally there -was much fighting among them. After this, with the aid of the king -of Spain, Francis was conquered and several forts being captured, he -fled. Being reduced to an extremity, he was shut up in a solid fortress. -Wishing to have revenge on his enemy, he found no other means than -to betake himself to the Padisha of Islam. He sent an ambassador to -the most blessed Porte with a most humble letter in which was thus -written: ‘If the king of Hungary receives punishment from the blessed -Sultan, we will oppose ourselves to the King of Spain to take revenge. -We beg and pray that the Sultan of the world will repulse that proud -one. After that day we shall be obliged slaves of his Excellency the -Padisha, who is master of time and place and mighty emperor.’ To -this humble prayer and supplication the Sultan, pitying them, in his -merciful glory resolved to make war on this king filled with cruel dispositions, -as we shall see.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">102</span></a> Zapolya was crowned November, 1526, and Ferdinand was crowned -November 3, 1527.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">103</span></a> Confirmed by a letter from Ferdinand to Cyriacus Freiheer von -Polheim and Markus Trautsauerwein, Kanzler of Lower Austria, Prag, -Feb. 14, 1527. <span lang="it" xml:lang="it">“Instructio ad Bassam Balibeg,”</span> Gévay, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, -pp. 36–7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">104</span></a> Gévay, vol. i, p. 14. <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bericht Hobordanacz an Koenig Ferdinand I</cite>, -Inspruch, 19 Feb’y, 1529.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">105</span></a> Letters of safe conduct for such envoys by Suleiman and Ibrahim -are found in Gévay, vol. i, pp. 62–64.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">106</span></a> Charrière, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, pp. 155–171.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">107</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> De Testa, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Recueil des Traités de la Porte Ottomane avec les -Puissances Etrangères de 1526 et jusqu’à nos jours</cite> (Paris, 1864), vol. i, -<em>France</em>, pp. 23–26; for the text of the treaty of Hatti‐Sherif, 1528.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">108</span></a> <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">“Wolte er (Francis) noch so pald sein sach pesser wurd Zu Jerusalem -alda er das hailig grab besuchen wollte Zur Ime khomen mit -merem anzeigen.”</span> Thus the envoy of Ferdinand in 1531 reports Ibrahim -as saying. Gévay, <i>op. cit.</i>, iii, p. 44.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">109</span></a> Francis’ letter is lost, so we do not know to which church he referred. -Suleiman’s answer is found in Charrière, <i>op. cit.</i>, iii, pp. 129–131. -<i>Cf.</i> also Marini Sanuto, vol. xlviii, p. 50.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">110</span></a> Charrière, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 129. Ursu, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 51–2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">111</span></a> It is in these letters that may be found the reference that Mr. Duggan, -in his <cite>Eastern Question</cite>, says he failed to discover in the Capitulations -of 1535 and 1528, and which he concludes did not exist, hence -ascribing an error to D’Ohsson. <i>Cf.</i> the <cite>Eastern Question</cite>, note p. 25.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">112</span></a> Gévay, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 49. <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“Je vous supplie nous tres humblement -considere la grande necessité et pauvreté ou je suis quil vous -plaise ne me habandonner dargent ain men assister comme ien ay entière -confidence.”</span></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">113</span></a> “Instruction auff unseres getrieuen lieben Joseph von Lamberg und -Nichola Juritschitz,” etc. Gévay, iii, 3 <i>et seq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">114</span></a> Charrière, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 207. <i>Cf.</i> Von Hammer, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoire, etc.</cite></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">115</span></a> Menzies, <cite>Turkey New and Old</cite>, p. 136.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">116</span></a> <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bekanntmachung des Friedens in Krain.</cite> Gévay, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">117</span></a> Ursu, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 86. <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Relations des Ambassadeurs Venetiens sur les -affaires de France au XVI siècle</cite>. Recueillies et traduites par M. N. -Tomasseo (Paris, 1836), Marino Giustiniano, vol. i, p. 55.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">118</span></a> For text, see de Testa, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 15, <i>et seq.</i>; also Noradunghian, -<i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, pp. 83–87; also Charrière, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, pp. 283–294.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">119</span></a> Ursu, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 97.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">120</span></a> <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“Tous les princes chretians qui sustenoit le parti de l’Empereur -fasoient grand cas de ce que le Roy, notre maistre, avoit employe le -Turc a son secours; mais contre son ennemy on peult de toute fois -fere fleches. Quant a moi, si je pouvois appeler tous les esprits des -enfers pour rompre le teste a mon ennemy qui me veult rompre la -mienne, je le ferois de bon coeur, dieu me pardoint.”</span> Quoted by -Zeller, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Diplomatie Française vers le milieu du XVI siècle</cite> (1880), -<i>Introd.</i>, p. 20 (<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Monluc. edit., de la Société de l’histoire de France</cite>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">121</span></a> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sopra bassa fenestrella quedam cancellata conspiciebatur in qua -Imperator occulte adens audiebat. Legatorum petita, putans se neutiquam -videri.”</span> <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Berichte Hobordanacz</cite>, Gévay.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">122</span></a> Daniello de’ Ludovisi. Albèri, III, i, p. 30, 1435. Ludovisi further -explains that the hold Gritti obtained over Ibrahim was due to the -latter’s inexperience of diplomacy. He says that Ibrahim went directly -from the serai to the offices of Pasha and Beylerbey of Roumelie without -experience of the world or of the government of a state, and being -unwilling to learn from the Turk, he turned to an outsider to show -him the modes of procedure.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">123</span></a> Quoted by von Hammer, <i>op. cit.</i>, v, p. 106, and Zinkheisen, <i>op. cit.</i>, -p. 662.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">124</span></a> <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bericht Johann Hobordanacz an Koenig Ferdinand I</cite>, Innspruch, -19th February, 1529, Gévay, i, pp. 1–28.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">125</span></a> In a letter to Ferdinand of April 9, 1528, Hobordanacz wrote: <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hodierna -die intravi in Turciam, ubi adhuc in porte Zawe obviam venerunt -mihi Turci plus quam trecenti optimo cum appareru, et maximo -cum honare susceperunt me, spero autem in Deum omnipotentem quod -omnia negocia bonum finem hebebunt.”</span> Gévay, i, p. 36.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">126</span></a> “In the palmy days of the Ottoman Empire,” says Menzies, writing -of this period, “each of these seven towers of the ancient Byzantium -castle had its appropriate use; one contained the gold, another the silver -money, a third the gold and silver plate and jewels; valuable remains -of antiquity were deposited in the fourth; in the fifth were preserved -ancient coins and other objects, chiefly collected by Selim I during his -expeditions into Persia and Egypt; the sixth was a sort of arsenal; -and the seventh was appropriated to the archives. After the time of -Selim II, the Seven Towers were used as a prison for distinguished -persons and as an arsenal.” Menzies, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 191.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">127</span></a> Zinkheisen, ii, p. 54.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">128</span></a> Busbequius, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 175.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">129</span></a> Gévay, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bericht Josephs von Lamberg und Nicholaus Juritschitz an -Koenig Ferdinand I, Linz, 23 Feb. 1531</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">130</span></a> <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bericht Lamberg</cite>, Gévay, i, p. 27.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">131</span></a> “Ein lange Red mitt vil schpotlichen worten volpracht.” <i>Ibid.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">132</span></a> Gévay, ii, p. 348.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">133</span></a> <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">“Er durchaus in allen Reden K. M. nit anders dan Ferdinandum -und dye Khay M<sup>t</sup> Khunig zu Yspanie ganent.”</span> <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bericht</cite>, p. 27. Ferdinand -in his letters usually addressed Ibrahim as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Magnifice et praesterne Vir,”</span> and closed <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ita est gratitudinis nostre effectum digne -quandoque sentire valeatis.”</span> <i>Cf.</i> Gévay. -</p> -<p> -Ibrahim, in a letter to Ferdinand, calls himself: <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cuius ego sum -Gubernator supremus regnorum omnium et Imperiorum Exercitum que -sue felicissime ac potentessime Caesare Maiestatis magnus consiliatius -super omnes dominos Ibraim bassa.”</span> July 4, 1533. Gévay, ii, p. 139.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">134</span></a> To the ambassador von Zara he said: “My master has many sandjakbeys -who are far more powerful than Ferdinand and have more land -and power and subjects than he.” Gévay, <i>op. cit.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">135</span></a> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Se istud magnum Imperium regere. Quicquid ipse fecerit id factum -est, omnem enim se potestatem habere. Omnia officia, omnia regna -hebere. Quod ego inquit do hac est datum et manet datum. Quod ego -nondo, id non est datum,”</span> <i>etc.</i> Gévay, iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">136</span></a> Von Zara reports concerning a visit that Suleiman and Ibrahim -made to Gritti: <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tuo insius adventu postea plurima mala Thurci dicebant, -appelantur Caesarem insensatum stultum maleficiatum ab Ibrahim -et Gryti.”</span> Gévay, <i>op. cit.</i>, iii, p. 26.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">137</span></a> Presents to men in power were usual. In connection with the payment -to Mehmet Sokolli, a later vizir, of ten thousand sequins and -the promise of thirty thousand more if he succeeded in making peace -for Venice, Moritz Brosch writes: <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">“Solche Geschenke waren eine uralte -orientalische Sitte, und denzeit auch an den Hoefen des Abendlandes -etwas Gewoehnliches ja Unausweichliches. Waehrend des 16 Jahrhunderts -bildeten sie eine stehende Rubrik in Soll und Haben der Diplomatie; -in London war bei Wolsey, in Spanien der Reihe nach bei -Chièvres, Covas, dem jungeren Granvella und Lerma, in Frankreich bei -den Hoeflingen und Staatsmaennern Ludwig XII und Franzens und -der zwei Heinriche, nichts ohne Geld zu richten. Foermlich beneidet -wurde die Pforte weil sie es nicht noetig hatte fur die Korruption -Christlicher Regierung Summen auszusetzen.”</span> Brosch, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aus dem Leben -Dreier Grossvisere</cite> (Gotha, 1899), p. 48.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">138</span></a> <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bericht de Schepper 1533.</cite> Gévay, <i>op. cit.</i>, i, p. 27.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">139</span></a> A Hungarian ducat was worth about $2.34, with doubtless much -greater purchasing power in the sixteenth century.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">140</span></a> <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die forigen potschaften hattenime von E. M. auch hunderttausend -Gulden verheissen er solle helfen das sein Keiser E. M. die Flecken -gab: ich hab innen gesagt aber gesagt und sage e eus solches auch das -wir nit gedenkhen sollen dass er von Gelz wegen seines herrn Nachtheil -raten wolle Er sey in obgemelten seines Herrn Schatz zu greifen -gewellig wann er will er welt lieber seinem Keyser helfen alle Welt -unterzusprinen, nit das er land und leut welchgeben soll. Er sey auch -pey innen nit der Gebrauch das man Gelt und Miet neme und dem hern -sein Nachtheil rate, oder seinem Schaden verhelfe, wie wir begert darum -schweigt diesen Reden stil.”</span> Gévay, i, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bericht Lamberg und Juritschitz</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">141</span></a> Zeller, <i>op. cit.</i>, <i>Introd.</i>, p. 23.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">142</span></a> Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe, <cite>The Eastern Question</cite> (London, -1881), p. 99.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">143</span></a> Zeller, <i>op. cit.</i>, <i>Introd.</i>, p. 23.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">144</span></a> Von Hammer quotes from Suleiman’s Journal a remark of Suleiman’s -to Ibrahim on the occasion of the appearance of the grand vizir -before the sultan, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. v, p. 41.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">145</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, p. 418 <i>et seq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">146</span></a> Imams are Moslem priests, combining with their religious functions -those of notary publics.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">147</span></a> David Urquhart, <cite>The Military Strength of Turkey</cite>, London, 1869, -p. 76.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">148</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 87.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">149</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 93.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">150</span></a> Urquhart, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 88.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">151</span></a> William Watreman, <cite>The Fardle of Facions, containing the Anciente -Manners Customs and Laws of the Peoples Enhabiting the two Partes -of the Earth called Africa and Asia</cite>. London, 1555. Hakluyt’s Voyages, -vol. v, p. 126.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">152</span></a> <cite lang="it" xml:lang="it">Stato Militaire dell’ Imperio Ottomano</cite>, Marsigli, 1732.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">153</span></a> Petchevi and Kemalpashazadeh are the contemporary Turkish narrators -of the campaign. Petchevi takes his account from his grandfather, -who was an eye witness of Mohacz. Kemalpashazadeh was -sheik‐ul‐Islam under Suleiman and writes an account that is at once -that of poet and courtier, but should be fairly accurate as to the -movements of the army. The <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Monumenta Hungariae Historica</cite> -(Pest, 1857), vol. i, gives some Hungarian comment on the events. -Solakzadeh and Abdurrahman Sheref give second‐hand reports, while -Leopold von Kupelwieser has excellent volumes on the subject entitled -“<cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Kämpfe Oesterreichs mit den Osmanen</cite>.” (Wien and Leipzig, -1899).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">154</span></a> Kemalpashazadeh, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de la Campagne de Mohacz</cite>. Trans. by -Pavet de Courteille, Paris, 1869.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">155</span></a> Kupelwieser, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 227.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">156</span></a> Letter from Ferdinand of Austria to his sister. <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“Comme les turcz -ayans donne plusieurs assaulx au chasteau de Peterwardein quils tienquient -assiege y ont perdus beaucop de leuers gens comme de X ou -XII in hommes.”</span> <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Monumenta Hungariae Historica</cite>, vol. i, p. 37.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">157</span></a> Kemalpashazadeh, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 95.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">158</span></a> Kemalpashazadeh, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 104.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">159</span></a> Ferdinand of Austria naturally did not feel so strongly. <i>Cf.</i> letter -to Margaret in 1526. <cite>Mon. Hung. Hist.</cite>, vol. i, p. 41.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">160</span></a> Even the Sheik‐ul‐Islam acknowledges this, gloating over the fall -of the enemies of God. Kemalpashazadeh, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 107.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">161</span></a> “The spoils are Gods of the Apostles: fear God and settle it among -yourselves.” <cite>Koran</cite>, Surah VIII.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">162</span></a> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ego inquit vici Hungaros. Magnus Caesar non interfuit prelio -sad tantum audito clamore, conscendit equum et volebat succurere. -Sed ego confestim misi nuncium, victoriam iam partam este.”</span> Gévay, -<i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 22.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">163</span></a> Asaf was Solomon’s traditional vizir. Ardeshir was a famous Sassanian -king.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">164</span></a> Kemalpashazadeh, <i>op. cit.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">165</span></a> The letter is given at the end of the translation of Kemalpashazadeh, -p. 145 <i>et seq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">166</span></a> Cf. Sadullah Saïd in Solymannameh, who speaks of Ibrahim Pasha -as conqueror of Roumelie, p. 81.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">167</span></a> <cite>Mejmoua Menshaat el Selatin</cite>, ed. by Feridoun Bey, Stambul.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">168</span></a> <em>Ser</em> means head, and <em>asker</em> army in Turkish.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">169</span></a> Petchevi, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 128.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">170</span></a> D’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. iii, p. 422.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">171</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Von Hammer, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiens erste aufgehobene türkische Belagerung</cite> -(Pesth, 1829): also Schimmer, and after him Ellesmere, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">The Sieges -of Vienna by the Turks</cite>, (London, 1879).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">172</span></a> Schimmer, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">173</span></a> <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“Le dict turc a perdu grand nombre de gens sans toutefois grande -perte de ceulx estans au dicte Vienne.”</span> <cite>Letter of Ferdinand to Charles -V</cite>, Gévay, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. i, p. 49. Kupelwieser gives the following figures: -1700 Viennese killed and 100 inhabitants of the suburbs, 4000 -Turks killed, <i>op. cit.</i>, chap. ii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">174</span></a> Gévay, ii, 28; also Ellesmere, <i>op. cit.</i>, chap. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">175</span></a> For the original narrative of the Count von Zedlitz in the Turkish -camp, see Ellesmere’s book where it is quoted in full.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">176</span></a> Kupelwieser, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 145.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">177</span></a> A purse contained 500 piastres.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">178</span></a> Juritschitz wrote a report of this siege to his master Ferdinand, a -French translation which is found in Charrière, vol. i, p. 215 <i>etc.</i> -Also in <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Monumenta Hungariae Historica</cite>, vol. i, p. 169, <i>cf.</i> also -Petchevi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">179</span></a> <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“Jay bien apercu quil prenoit de bonne parte que je fasoie difficulte -d’aller devers le Turc (Suleiman) et que je le tenoie en telle estimacion.”</span> -Charrière, vol. i, p. 219.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">180</span></a> An account of the splendid entrance into Aleppo is given by Master -Anthony Jenkinson in Hakluyt’s <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Voyages</cite>, vol. ii, pp. 225 <i>et seq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">181</span></a> Abdurrahman Sheref says that the difficulties of this march make -this campaign rank highest among Suleiman’s expeditions, p. 239.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">182</span></a> Postel, <i>op. cit.</i>, speaks of Ibrahim’s looting of Hungary, and also -says: “Arabistan, Serestan and Anatolia condemned him for the great -pillage and exactions which he made, so much that the people were -left (even the richest of them) with no carpet to sleep on, and the -trees were taxed impossibly,” p. 49.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">183</span></a> Original narrative of the <cite>Adventures of Count Christopher von Zedlitz -in the Turkish Camps</cite>. From the collection of Baron von Errenkel -in the State Archives at Vienna. Tr. by Ellesmere, p. 47.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">184</span></a> 21 Ramazan, 942, A. H.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">185</span></a> Domenico Trevisano, Albèri, III, vol. i, p. 115.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">186</span></a> Jorga, p. 349.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">187</span></a> Solakzadeh, Osmanzadeh.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">188</span></a> At the death of the grand vizir, his property was always confiscated. -D’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i>, vol. ii, p. 369.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">189</span></a> Baudier, p. 172, Djelalzadek quoted by Solakzadeh, Abdurrahman -Sheref, <i>etc.</i> Also Trevisano, “Rossane gelos a forre della potenza -del gran‐vizir,” <i>etc.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">190</span></a> Mustafa Chelebi, quoted by Abdurrahman Sheref and Petchevi, -P. 195.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">191</span></a> Postel however, in his volume published in 1569, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De la république -des Turcs</cite>, claims that Ibrahim did not favor Christians but was a -despot over them, accusing him of taking large amount of Venetian -and other Christian property. “It is true” he acknowledges “that -to deliver one or another Christian from prison or calumny, he saved -him when the Christian could pay well,” p. 61.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">192</span></a> A common title applied to the sultan.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">193</span></a> Von Hammer quotes the use of this title by Ibrahim, from <cite>Suleiman’s -Journal</cite>, vol. v, p. 231. <i>Cf.</i> also Petchevi, p. 65.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">194</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Osmanzadeh, Solakzadeh, and Abdurrahman Sheref.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">195</span></a> This story is told by all the Turkish historians, generally with -sympathy for Iskender. <i>Cf.</i> Abdurrahman, Petchevi, Solakzadeh.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">196</span></a> Cantimir, vol. ii, p. 313. Also Trevisano, <i>op. cit.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">197</span></a> The testimony of the Venetian bailli here seems to us to outweigh -the probably legendary tale told by Baudier, which however I will -give. “The Sultanas (Suleiman’s mother and his wife Roxelana) observe -the murmuring of the people against the favorite, and what the -great men speak of him, and tell Suleiman. Moreover as they were -busy to destroy his greatness, they discover that the pasha favored -the house of Austria, and had secret intelligence with the Emperor -Charles V. This treachery being told to Suleiman, he decided upon -Ibrahim’s death, but required a dispensation from his oath never to -disgrace Ibrahim while he lived. One of his learned men gave him -a pleasant Expedit to free himself of the pasha and yet keep his -word. ‘You have sworn, Sire, not to put him to death while you -are living; cause him to be strangled while you are asleep. Life consists -in vigilant action, and he that sleeps doth not truly live; so you -may punish his disloyalty and not violate your oath.’ Suleiman sends -for Ibrahim, and after they have supped he shows him his crimes by -his own letters to Charles V and Ferdinand, reproaches him for his -ingratitude, and commands his mutes to strangle him while he himself -is asleep. He then goes to bed.” -</p> -<p> -The story of the evasion of the oath through the ingenuity of a -“wise man” is plausible, being in entire keeping with Turkish custom, -but Baudier gives no sources, and I have found none of the facts -above stated, in any other record.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">198</span></a> Solakzadeh, Petchevi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">199</span></a> Trevisano, III, i, p. 115.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">200</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de l’Empire Ottomane</cite>, vol. ii, p. 338.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">201</span></a> One private note was as follows, and surely was not written to a -traitor: <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Pro ea tamen confidentia et existimatione in qua vos apud -Dominum vestrum merito esse scimus, omittere non potuimus qum -vobis tamquam rerum omnium directori secreto et optimo atque etiam -scientissimo ea super literis vestris significaremus que pro nunc requiruntur.”</span> -Gévay II, 23.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">202</span></a> Iskender’s testimony is reported by Cantimir and Trevisano.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">203</span></a> Hadikatul Vuzera, p. 26.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">204</span></a> Soleymannameh, p. 123.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">205</span></a> Solakzadeh. “Ibrahim caused the death of a dear old man -(Iskender) who was innocent and unjustly treated. So his own end -was according to the verse: ‘Verily all‐glorious Allah is master of -revenge’”.</p></div> -<div class="footnote"> -<p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">206</span></a> Albèri, III, vol. i, p. 12.</p></div> - -<hr /> -<h2><a name="er" id="er">ERRATA</a></h2> -<blockquote> -<table summary="errata" border="0"><tr> -<td>Page</td><td>12,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 1: for “Leon” read “Léon.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1, line 1: for “Leon” read “Léon.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 2: for “Vambêry” read “Vambéry.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>15,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 22: for “Busbeq” read “Busbequius.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 24: for “Charrier’s” read “Charrière’s.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 25: for “Négocêations” read “Négociations.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 25: for “Actenstücken” read “Actenstücke.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">three lines from bottom: for “Abdulrahman” read “Abdurrahman.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>16,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1, line 2: for “Morgenländichen” read “Morgenländischen.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>18,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 2, line 2: for “Actenstücken” read “Actenstücke.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>19,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 4, line 1: for “Moldavi” read “Moldavie.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>23,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1: for “Abdulrahman” read “Abdurrahman.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>25,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 4: for “the sister of Suleiman” read “a sultana.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 14: for “sister” read “relative.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>29,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 2, line 1: for “Muselmanes” read “Musulmanes.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>31,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1, line 3: for “Muslimisches” read “muslimischen.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>34,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1: for “dell” read “dell’.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>38,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1, line 6: for “Abdulrahman” read “Abdurrahman.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>39,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 18: omit comma at end of line.</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>54,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1, line 2: for “la jouet” read “le jouet.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1, line 4: for “cette” read “cet.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>55,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 19: for “was” read “had been.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 20: omit the words “after the Peace of Cambrai.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>57,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 8: for “steadily‐encroaching” read without hyphen.</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 21: for “Europe,” read “Europe;”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 22: for “the West” read “Europe.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 20: for “Bayezid” read “Bayazid.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>58,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 2: after “fifteenth century” omit the rest of the sentence up to “the Turks.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 9: omit the words “heresy and.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 14: for “King Louis” read “King Lewis.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 2 from bottom: for “Reformation” read “Protestant Revolt.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 2, line 1: for “gives notice of” read “records.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>59,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 2, line 1: for “Memoire” read “Mémoire.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>60,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1, line 4: for “(Buntniss)” read “(Bündniss).”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>62,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 23: for “Hieronymous” read “Hieronymus.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 5 from bottom: for “Siebenbergen” read “Transylvania.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 3, line 1: for “Hoberdanacz” read “Hobordanacz.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>64,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1: for “Ottoman” read “Ottomane.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 4: for “Charrières” read “Charrière.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>68,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 2: for “Krain” read “Carniola.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 15: for “Barbarossa” read “Barbarosa.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 24: for<span class="h">Barba</span>”<span class="h">rossa Barba</span>”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>69</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 2: for “Barbarossa” read “Barbarosa.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 4: for<span class="h">Barba</span>”<span class="h">rossa Barba</span>”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 8: for “forms” read “formed.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1: for “Ambassadors” read “Ambassadeurs.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1: for “Memoire” read “Mémoire.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 2: for “Charrières” read “Charrière.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>72,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 6: for “Urkunde” read “Urkunden.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>85,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1, line 2: for “zechinen” read “sequins.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1, line 9: after “Covas” insert a comma.</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1, line 10: for “Hoefflingen” read “Hoeflingen,” and for “Ludwig” read “Ludwigs.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1, line 13: for “auszuselzen” read “auszusetzen.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1, line 14: for “Grossvizere” read “Grossviziere.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1, last line from bottom: for “den” read “dem.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>88,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 9: for “Francois” read “François.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 10: for “preventions” read “préventions,” and for “contemporaries” read “contemporains.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 11: for “veritable” read “véritable.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>94,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 2, line 9: for “Kupelwieser” read “von Kupelwieser.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 2, line 10: for “Oesterreichen” read “Oesterreichs.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>98,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 6: for “shiek” read “sheik.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>104,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">lines 4 and 10: for “Jurischitz” read “Juritschitz.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1, line 1: for “Jurischitz” read “Juritschitz.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>105,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 3: for “Barbarossa” read “Barbarosa.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>109,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 6, line 1: omit “Grimeston,” and before “quoted” insert “Djelalzadek.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>110,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 5: for “over‐lenient” read same words without hyphen.</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>111,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 1: for “Abdulrahman” read “Abdurrahman.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 2: for “Republique” read “république.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>112,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">note 3, line 2: for “Abdulrahman” read “Abdurrahman.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>116,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 16: for “Abdulrahman” read “Abdurrahman.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>118,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">fifth line from bottom: for “Sokolly” read “Sokolli.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>120,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 3: for “Ambasciatore” read “Ambasciatori.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>sub verbo</i> “Aristarchi”: for “Legislation” read “Législation.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>sub verbo</i> “Gévay”: for “Actenstücken” read “Actenstücke.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 8: for “reglements” read “règlements.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 14: for “Correspondence” read “Correspondance,” and for “Memoires” read “Mémoires.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 16: for “Ambasadeurs” read “Ambassadeurs.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 28: for “Venétiens” read “Vénétiens.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>121,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>sub verbo</i> “Busbecq” read “Busbequius.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>sub verbo</i> “Hakluyt”: omit the whole line.</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 17: for “Sclaven” read “Sklaven.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>sub verbo</i> “Vambery” read “Vambéry.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>sub verbo</i> “Abdulrahman” read “Abdurrahman.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>sub verbo</i> “Abdulrahman”: insert a new title as follows: -Armstrong, Edward, <i>The Emperor Charles V</i>. London, 1892.</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>sub verbo</i> “Cahun”: for “Leon” read “Léon.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>sub verbo</i> “Cantimir”: insert a new title as follows: Coxe, -William, <i>History of the House of Austria</i>. London, 1899.</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>122,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 17, and line 31: for “Leipsig” read “Leipzig.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>123,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>sub verbo</i> “Hakluyt’s Voyages”: insert “Edition of 1812.”</p></td></tr><tr> -<td>”</td><td>”</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">line 21: for “Memoires” read “Mémoires.”</p></td></tr> -</table></blockquote> - -<p> </p> -<hr /> -<p> </p> - -<div class="transnote"> - -<p>Transcriber’s Note:</p> - -<p>Errors in ERRATA pages have been corrected and the pages moved to the end of the book.</p> - -<p>At least two instances of unpaired double quotation marks could not -be corrected with confidence and were transcribed without change.</p> - -<p>The book cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p> -</div> -<p> </p> -<hr class="full" /> -<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IBRAHIM PASHA***</p> -<p>******* This file should be named 51299-h.htm or 51299-h.zip *******</p> -<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br /> -<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/1/2/9/51299">http://www.gutenberg.org/5/1/2/9/51299</a></p> -<p> -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed.</p> - -<p>Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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