diff options
| author | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-05 08:57:36 -0800 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-05 08:57:36 -0800 |
| commit | 9636c1b160cc6bd9fca72f1ff46f1c6990980ae7 (patch) | |
| tree | 920baee2111f2de360c725ab7a0500baae502fbe /old/51243-0.txt | |
| parent | 6e358c31109e502ae6ef78641d11be523da9e9ec (diff) | |
Diffstat (limited to 'old/51243-0.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51243-0.txt | 11256 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 11256 deletions
diff --git a/old/51243-0.txt b/old/51243-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 993836a..0000000 --- a/old/51243-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,11256 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The life of Midhat Pasha; a record of his -services, political reforms, banishment, , by Ali Haydar Midhat - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The life of Midhat Pasha; a record of his services, political reforms, banishment, and judicial murder (1903) - -Author: Ali Haydar Midhat - -Release Date: February 17, 2016 [EBook #51243] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF MIDHAT PASHA *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - -THE LIFE OF MIDHAT PASHA - -[Illustration: - -_From a Photograph._ - -_The Typographic Etching Co. Ph. Sc._ - -_Midhat Pasha._] - - - - - THE LIFE OF - - MIDHAT PASHA - - A RECORD OF HIS SERVICES, - POLITICAL REFORMS, BANISHMENT, - AND JUDICIAL MURDER - - DERIVED FROM PRIVATE DOCUMENTS AND - REMINISCENCES - - BY HIS SON ALI HAYDAR MIDHAT BEY - - WITH PORTRAITS - - - LONDON - JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W. - 1903 - - - - -PREFACE - - -As the Son of Midhat Pasha I was for fifteen years compelled to reside -as an exile in Smyrna, but finding the physical and moral sufferings to -which I was there subjected greater than I could endure, I succeeded -in quitting the territories of the Sultan, and came to take up my -residence in this hospitable land, and among this great and free people. - -In the following pages I have endeavoured to carry out a duty which has -long been incumbent on me, by letting the public, and especially the -English public, know the true story of my father’s career, and of his -death. - -The record is based mainly on documents and notes left by him. In -obedience to requests from high quarters I abstain from publishing -certain documents and correspondence which, bearing as they do on -International affairs, might be calculated to cause embarrassment and -do harm. - -It is possible that some of my father’s papers which I have now -printed, and which were written in Turkish, may have lost some of their -original brightness in the process of translation, but at least, most -scrupulous care has been taken to give the sense of them accurately. - -There can be no doubt that at the present time Turkey is suffering -from a Reign of Terror, and is in a state of anarchy. I hope that the -narrative contained in these pages may afford some evidence of the -methods by which this condition of affairs has been produced. - -My readers will learn how the Sovereign of the Ottoman Empire, in order -to carry out his own system of Government, has suppressed every effort -for reform, and has removed those men, who by their force of character, -by their uprightness, and by their popularity, seemed capable of -thwarting his designs, and amending the condition of the country and of -the people. - -I wish to state here that I have a profound respect for the Imperial -Throne, and it is this consideration alone, I repeat it, and the honour -of my country, which makes me regard it as a duty to humanity to expose -the nefarious system of Sultan Abdul Hamid. - -In conclusion, I would beg to offer my thanks to the Proprietors of the -_Times_ newspaper for giving me permission to reprint the excellent -report of my father’s trial which appeared in their columns. - - - ALI HAYDAR MIDHAT. - - EASTBOURNE, _August 6, 1903_. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - CHAPTER I - - EARLY HISTORY OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE - - Page - - Christians in Turkey—Turkish treatment of Subject - Races—Corruptions of the Ottoman System—Persistent policy of - Russia—Panslavic Committees—The Palace and the Porte—Growth - of Autocracy—The Janissaries—Revolt of Mehemet Ali—Reforms - of Abdul Medjid—The Czar Nicholas—Origins of the Crimean - War—The Crimean War—Attitude of France—Attitude of Austria 1–31 - - - CHAPTER II - - MIDHAT’S EARLY YEARS - - Midhat in the Balkan Provinces—Governorship of Nish, - etc.—Widdin and Silistria—Midhat’s Success in Danube - Provinces—Intrigues of General Ignatieff—Insurrection - stirred up—Organisation of local Militia—Appointed Vali - of Bagdad—Fighting and Reforms—Finance and Engineering - Work—Bussora—Koweit, the Nedjed—The Conquest of - Nedjed—Defeat of Abdul Kerim—Aali Pasha—Extravagance of - Abdul Aziz—Midhat as Grand Vizier 32–66 - - - CHAPTER III - - DEPOSITION AND DEATH OF ABDUL AZIZ - - Troubles in Herzegovina—Riots at Salonica—Outbreak - in Bulgaria—Meeting at Reichstadt—The Andrassy - Memorandum—The Sultan opposes Reform—Deposition of Abdul - Aziz—Preparations for the _Coup d’État_—Sultan Murad—Death - of Abdul Aziz—Breakdown of Sultan Murad—Damad Mahmoud’s - Conspiracy—Prince Hamid—Deposition of Murad 67–99 - - - CHAPTER IV - - ABDUL HAMID SULTAN - - Abdul Hamid II.—The Imperial Household—The Speech from the - Throne—Nominal Reforms—Midhat’s Difficulties—Nominal and - Real Reforms—The New Constitution—Sovereign Rights 100–115 - - - CHAPTER V - - SECOND GRAND VIZIERATE OF MIDHAT PASHA - - Opposition Intrigues—“Midhat’s Constitution”—Intrigues - against Midhat—Zia Bey—The Press—Promulgation of the - Constitution—Rescript of Abdul Hamid—Favourable Reception of - the Constitution 116–131 - - - CHAPTER VI - - THE CONFERENCE AND MIDHAT’S EXILE - - Conference at Constantinople—General Ignatieff’s Conduct—The - New Constitution and the Powers—Galib Pasha and the - Finances—Mixed Schools—Protest of Midhat—Midhat Exiled—The - Sultan’s Precautions—Prince Gortchakoff and General - Ignatieff—Russian Declaration—Prince Gortchakoff’s Circular 132–154 - - - CHAPTER VII - - MIDHAT PASHA IN EUROPE - - The Sultan’s Speech—Russia Declares War—Midhat in - Naples—Midhat’s Efforts for Peace—Midhat’s Recall by the - Sultan—Midhat and Kiamil Bey 155–171 - - - CHAPTER VIII - - THE RETURN OF MIDHAT PASHA TO TURKEY - - Midhat in Crete—Appointed Governor of Syria 172–175 - - - CHAPTER IX - - MIDHAT PASHA, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SYRIA - - The Sultan Opposes Reforms—Cause of Midhat’s - Resignation—Condition of Syria—The Druses and the Arabs—The - Turbulent Druses—Troops to be sent—The Druses—Resignation - of Midhat—The Palace and Judicial Reforms—Midhat and Syria 176–195 - - - CHAPTER X - - MIDHAT, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SMYRNA - - Abdul Aziz’ Death—The _Terdjumani Hakikat_—Attack on - Midhat—Attitude of the French Consul—Midhat’s Arrest 196–206 - - - CHAPTER XI - - THE TRIAL OF MIDHAT PASHA - - Mustapha the Wrestler—The Case for the Defence—Midhat’s - Defence—A Parody of Justice—The Public Prosecutor—Before - the Court of Appeal—Grand Council—The British - Parliament—Questions in Parliament—Mr M’Coan—Mr - Gladstone—Lord Stratheden and Campbell—England’s - Intervention 207–233 - - - CHAPTER XII - - EXILE OF MIDHAT PASHA - - Midhat in Prison—Attempt to Poison Midhat—Arrest of Shereef - Abdul Mutalib—Haïroullah Effendi 234–241 - - - CHAPTER XIII - - DETAILS OF THE ASSASSINATION OF MIDHAT PASHA, ACCORDING - TO INFORMATION DERIVED FROM HAÏROULLAH EFFENDI - - Return of Bekir—Midhat and Bekir—Tampering with - Food—Attempts to Poison—Preparations for the Murder—The - Murder 242–256 - - - APPENDIX A - - THE NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE BERLIN NOTE AND THE - CONFERENCE OF CONSTANTINOPLE - - Negotiations following the Berlin Note—The Conference at - Reichstadt—Servian Diplomacy and Defeat—England Proposes - Terms—An Ultimatum to the Porte—Disagreement among the - Powers 257–270 - - - APPENDIX B - - THE INSURRECTION OF HERZEGOVINA AND BOSNIA AND THE - BERLIN NOTE - - Herzegovina and Bosnia—Lord Derby and Austria—Intentional - Bad Faith—Austrian Diplomacy—The Berlin Note—Austria and - Russia—Mr Monson’s Despatch 271–284 - - - APPENDIX C - - BULGARIAN ATROCITIES - - A Bulgarian Insurrection—Revolutionary Agents at - Work—Fictions and Ingenious Credulity 285–292 - - - - -MIDHAT PASHA - - - - -CHAPTER I - -EARLY HISTORY OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE - - -It would be inconsistent with the general plan of this book to give -more than a very summary and cursory view of the early history of the -Ottoman Empire before the time of Midhat Pasha; but it will not be -inappropriate, and may possibly aid in elucidating the history of his -times, and throw light on his work of reform, if the main features of -that history be here drawn in outline, and some of the phases traced -through which the Turkish Empire passed during the four centuries that -elapsed between the taking of Constantinople by Mehemet II. and the -Crimean War. - -It has sometimes been objected to Midhat Pasha and the Constitution -of 1876, by those who have given a very superficial study to the -subject, or who have a political object in depreciating all reforms -in Turkey, that, however admirable the Constitution may have been -in itself, it was prematurely and precipitately introduced, and ill -adapted to the peculiar conditions of the Ottoman people. One of the -aims of this book is to show that, so far from this being the case, -the reforms associated with the name of Midhat Pasha were conceived in -the very spirit of the early Ottoman Constitution, and were expressly -suggested by the wants and requirements of that country as revealed -in the course of its administration to a succession of statesmen, who -found themselves in practice hampered at every turn, and their best -efforts continually thwarted by the absence of the very checks and -safeguards which Midhat’s Constitution endeavoured to impose. Within -half a century of the taking of Constantinople (1454) by Mehemet II., -Bulgaria, Servia, Moldavia, Wallachia and large portions of Hungary and -Poland were added to the Ottoman dominions. It was (as all impartial -writers now admit) as much by virtue of the simplicity and purity -of its creed, and the force of propagandism that it in consequence -possessed, as by the force of arms, that Islam made such astounding -progress in those days. If extensive provinces and important kingdoms -yielded with slight resistance before the advance of the Ottoman -armies, and if large masses of the conquered populations adopted the -religion of the conquerors, it was because their moral conquest was -effected before their political subjection was attempted. - -The reputation, too, for justice and moderation enjoyed by the early -Ottoman sovereigns was no insignificant factor in conciliating the -goodwill and blunting the opposition of nations, who might under -different conditions have opposed a more serious resistance to the -advance of the Ottoman armies. Sixty years before the appearance of -the Turks before Constantinople, the people of the ancient kingdoms -of Roumania were called upon to choose between the Magyars—who, -in conformity with their traditional policy, desired to Magyarise -Wallachia—and the Ottoman sovereign, who offered the inhabitants the -enjoyment of their religious and civil liberty. They did not hesitate -between the two, and Mircea signed, with the Sultan Bayazid, the first -capitulation of Roumania (1393). Twenty‐six years later, in 1419, the -Servian ruler Brankovich, pressed by John Hunyadi, ruler of Hungary, -to join him in an alliance against the Turks, invited him to state the -policy in respect to religion that he proposed to adopt, in the event -of victory attending their joint military efforts. Hunyadi answered -without periphrasis, that the Servians would have to adopt the Catholic -worship. Brankovich then addressed a similar question to Mehemet I. “I -propose,” replied the latter, “to build a church next to every mosque, -and proclaim that every one shall be at liberty to follow his own -worship and religion.” Brankovich rejected the Hungarian alliance, and -declared himself the vassal of the Turkish Sultan. - -But, it has been contended, the condition of the Christian populations -(_Raias_) of the countries actually conquered by Islam was very -different; and there is even a widespread popular belief that these -populations were forced to “opt” (to use a modern phrase) between the -religion of the conquerors and death, the poll‐tax (_kharadj_) being -the money composition imposed in commutation of the death sentence. -Nothing can be more erroneous. The _kharadj_ was the tax imposed on the -Christian population in lieu of the military service and other similar -duties from which they were exempted, disabilities generally regarded -by them as privileges, and in consequence of which they have increased -and multiplied and become rich and prosperous in the land. An entirely -false interpretation has been given to a passage in the Koran, which -was even quoted by the Austrian plenipotentiaries at the Conference -of Niemirow, in 1737, in support of the “Death or Koran” theory here -referred to. The true answer, which indeed is obvious from the context, -was given by the Ottoman negotiators on this occasion, viz., that the -text quoted applied only to idolaters and not to the “people of the -Book.” Anyone who knows anything of the religion of Mahomet is aware -of the important distinction recognised therein between the “people of -the Book” (_kitabi_) and idolaters (_medjous_), and knows that whereas -little mercy, it is true, was shown to the latter, the former were -included in the Dar‐ul‐Islam (the house of Islam), where they formed an -integral portion of the empire, and that the true Mahomedan was taught, -with respect to the latter, that “their substance is as our substance, -their eyes as our eyes, and their souls as our souls.” The fable, too, -that the murder of a Christian by a Mahomedan was considered by the -Cheri (sacred law) as a trivial offence, and was visited by a lighter -punishment than the same crime committed on the person of a Mussulman, -is disposed of by the _Fetva_ delivered by the Mufti (Supreme Judge -of the Sacred Law), and quoted by Cantimer[1] in answer to the -question, “What should be the penalty if eleven Mussulmans murdered one -Christian?” “If the Mussulmans were one thousand and one in number, -instead of only eleven, they should all be put to death.” - -So far indeed is it from being historically true that the conquered -Christian populations were forced by the sword to adopt the religion of -Mahomet, that when Selim I. desired, for reasons of what he considered -long‐sighted policy, so to convert the Christians of the Balkans, he -was stopped short in the attempt by a _Fetva_ of the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, -Zenbilli Ali Effendi, who pronounced such a proceeding to be contrary -to the Koran and the Cheri (sacred law), and the attempt was -accordingly abandoned. - -It may be remarked, in passing, that history does not relate that -Cromwell was ever diverted from a policy similar to that from which -Selim was deflected, or hampered in his enactment of the penal laws -in Ireland by any such scruples or protests on the part of the -ecclesiastical authorities of his day. However that may be, the policy -of the Ottoman sovereigns with reference to the conquered Raias was -the exact opposite to that popularly supposed. Nor was the policy -actually adopted the result of any idiosyncracy or peculiar generosity -on their part. It was in strict obedience to the injunctions of the -Prophet, and in conformity with the policy pursued by himself in the -“letters patent,” accorded to the Christians (_nassara_) on the 4th day -of Moharem of the year 11 of the Hegira. It was in fact the fixed and -settled policy of the Mussulman political system. - -In proof of this position some European authorities, by no means -particularly inclined to the Ottoman cause, Montesquieu for example, -may be quoted. This author bears testimony to the happy change effected -in the condition of the Greek population of the empire after the -occupation of their capital by the Turks: “The people,” he says, “in -place of that continued series of vexations which the subtle avarice -of the Byzantine Emperors had devised, were now subjected to a simple -tribute, easily paid and lightly borne, happy in having to submit to -even a barbarous nation (_sic_) rather than to a corrupt government -under which they suffered all the inconveniences of a fictitious -liberty with all the horrors of a real servitude.” - -The reports of the Venetian ambassadors, and the narratives of -travellers in the sixteenth century, like La Motraye, offer concurrent -testimony to the tolerance and moderation of this “barbarous nation.” -“The other (_i.e._ the Christian) subjects of the Empire,” says La -Motraye, “enjoy all the liberty of conscience that they can desire. -They go to the churches and pilgrimages and practise all the rights of -their religion, without fear or molestation. The same thing applies -to their commerce and temporal affairs. They have no dread of being -deprived of the fruits of their labours, which they enjoy without let -or hindrance.”[2] - -Compare with this condition of the Greek Raias of the Ottoman Empire -that, for instance, of the Greek population of Chio under Genoese -domination, as described by Genoese writers themselves, and quoted by -Mr Fustel de Coulanges, where the unfortunate population, in addition -to daily exactions and injustices, were compelled four times a year, at -Christmas, Easter, Whitsunday, and the Feast of the Circumcision, to -attend a ceremony, best described as “a feast of humiliation,” at which -their clergy and chief citizens were summoned to the palace of the -Podesta, where a herald, mounted on a stand, with a wand in his hand, -read four prayers for the Pope, the Emperor, the Republic of Genoa, and -the family of the Justiniani, and obliged the assembled Chiotes, at -the end of each prayer, to answer in responsive and quasi‐enthusiastic -acclamations; these poor Chiotes being thus compelled to acclaim and -pray for the Pope—their greatest enemy—the Emperor they knew nothing -about, the Republic that had subjected them, and the family of the -Justiniani whom they detested, representing as it did the “Maona” (a -financial company) that ruthlessly pillaged them. - -Take again the case of the Candiotes under the domination of the -Venetians, in which the Greek population of the island did not hesitate -to conspire with the Turkish besiegers in order to deliver their -capital into their hands, and thus free themselves from the oppression -of the Italian Republic.[3] - -Even the Greeks of the Morea complained bitterly of the religious -persecution of the Venetians, whereas, said they, “the Turks allowed -us all the liberty we required.”[4] - -These quotations, which could be multiplied _ad infinitum_, will -probably suffice. It was indeed the universal cry of all the Christian -population in the East, from the middle of the fifteenth century to the -beginning of the eighteenth—“A thousand times rather the Turks than -the Latins.” - -That corruptions gradually grew up in the land of the Osmanli; that -perversions of the law crept into its practice, and that prejudices, -engendered by ignorance, created abuses which in earlier days were -sternly repressed, it is not intended here to deny. Indeed it is the -contention of this book that such perversions, the causes of which -it will be its purpose to trace, did spring up, as rank weeds, in -the Ottoman system; but what is strenuously asserted, and what will, -it is hoped, be proved, is that they formed no part or parcel of the -original Ottoman Constitution, but were, on the contrary, excrescences -in that system, violations of its spirit and essence; and further, that -the efforts of the reforming party in the nation, from the days of -Selim III. to the accession of Abdul Hamid II., through an apostolic -succession of patriots and statesmen—including the Keuprulu Mehemets, -the Reshids, the Aalis, the Fuads and the Midhats—were directed to the -end of restoring the spirit of that Constitution, with such adaptation -of it to the requirements of the day as the experience, science and -political conditions of the world required. - -Mehemet II., from the moment he sheathed his sword on victory being -assured, manifested his determination that the lives and properties of -the conquered populations should be respected, and, in order to give -weight to his orders to that effect, took immediate measures to offer -a conspicuous example of respect for the religion of his new subjects -by his conduct as its hierarchical chief. He summoned the Greek -Patriarch (_Roum milleti patriki_) to a solemn Divan, stepped down from -his throne, and breaking through all established usage, advanced ten -steps to meet him, took him by the hand, and seated him next to himself -in the place of honour, delivering into his hands, as a symbol of -power, a golden sceptre, which to this day is carried in processions on -occasions of great ceremonies, investing him with unlimited authority -over all Orthodox schools, monasteries and churches, and with judicial -and administrative functions over all his co‐religionists. - -Such a delegation of power was the nearest approach to the -establishment of an _imperium in imperio_ as is afforded in history, -with, let it be added, all the weakness that attaches to such a -_régime_, as was subsequently too clearly proved by the pernicious use -made of these privileges by a foreign Power, in founding on them a -claim to interfere in the internal affairs of the empire, and in using -them as a lever to overthrow it. - -But wise or unwise, such at any rate was the policy adopted by the -Sultans of Turkey towards their Christian subjects, and the legend of -conversion by the sword must be relegated, with so many similar fables -with respect to Turkey, to the mythology of history. - -From the foundation of the empire, and under the ægis of its -government, the Hellenisation of the Raias, under the authority of -the Patriarch of the Phanar, proceeded apace throughout the country. -So effectually indeed was this taking place, that the very name of -Slav, or Bulgarian, implying as it did an inferior social status, was -gradually falling into disuse, and the prouder appellation of “Roum,” -or Greek, substituted for it. - -It is probable that another half‐century of this process would have -blotted out the very name of Slav, had not a new Power appeared on -the world’s stage, introducing a new factor in the Eastern problem, -and profoundly modifying its conditions. This was the rise of Russia -as a world Power, under the rule of that extraordinary man of genius, -Peter I. After finally breaking the power of Sweden at the great battle -of Pultava, and after adding Livonia, Esthonia, Ingria, Finland, and -Lithuania to his already vast dominions, and founding a capital with -a maritime outlet on the Northern Seas, he turned his ambition to -the sunny lands of the South, which the legend of the marriage of -a Byzantine princess with a Russian _Kneze_ had already annexed in -imagination to the Empire of Moscovy. - -This is the place to refer to an historical event which has more than -a passing interest, as it may be said to be the source and origin of -the undeviating policy of Russia in her dealings with Turkey. At the -historical interview between Peter the Great and Cantimir, Voivode of -Moldavia, the latter initiated the Russian Czar into the secret of the -Eastern problem, and explained to him the profit that might be derived -from taking adroit advantage of the privileges of self‐government -enjoyed by the Christians in the East, and from the steady pursuit of a -policy exploiting this autonomy to the best advantage. - -The lesson here learnt was never forgotten, and the political strategy -here determined on became henceforth the very keystone of Russia’s -policy in regard to Turkey. - -Whether the famous will of Peter the Great be apocryphal or not, -as historically speaking it probably is, there is no doubt that it -expresses, with prophetic instinct at any rate, the great lines of -policy that have ever since been pursued with reference to Turkey by -all Peter’s successors. - -Two distinct phases have marked the manner of Russia’s dealings -with the Christians of the East, although those dealings have been -undeviating in their aims and in general plan of attack on the Ottoman -Empire. - -The first phase was marked by a close alliance with a Greek Patriarch -and his Metropolitans, and a general identification of views between -the Russian and Greek propaganda. - -The Greek liturgy and the Greek priesthood were accepted without -a question, whilst portraits of the Czar, with the superscription -“Emperor of the Greco‐Russians,” were freely circulated by the Greek -clergy among their flocks. Colonel Repnin’s plot, in 1837, took -place in connivance with the Greek Patriarch, and a few years later -Marshal Munich was received by the peasants of Moldavia with the -Greek archbishop and his clergy marching at their head. The convents -and monasteries in Moldavia, Wallachia, Servia, and Montenegro were -used as _dépôts_ for arms, and monks were not the least audacious -of the leaders of the revolutionists. Piccolo Stefano in Servia -and Montenegro, Papazoglou in Greece, and Gamana in Wallachia, put -themselves at the head of armed bands, that were joined by others from -across the frontier. This alliance continued until Russia, having by -her victories and prestige acquired the position of the recognised -leader of the anti‐Turkish movement, was strong enough to dispense with -the Greek alliance and to champion the cause of pure Slavism undiluted -with Hellenism. - -The second phase of Russian policy in the Slav provinces was marked -by the feverish activity of the Panslavic Committees of Bucharest, -Kischnoff, Moscow and Kieff, the cynical intrigues of the Russian -ambassadors at Constantinople, and the fanatical articles of Katkoff -in the _Moscow Gazette_, the aim of all which was to give a national -direction to the Slavic movement in the Turkish provinces. The -nationalisation of the religion of the people, the substitution of -the authority of national Exarchs as heads of their churches, in the -place of the Greek Patriarch, and of a native clergy educated in -Russia in the place of that nominated at the Phanar, were the measures -called for, and successively adopted, to stimulate a movement that now -embraced all Slav dependencies of Turkey in its action. The pretext of -protecting and securing the privileges of the Christian communities -in the Turkish Empire was finally dropped, and the liberation of -the oppressed nationalities of the South‐West of Europe became the -watchword of the new propaganda. - -All the machinery of the heavily subsidised Panslavic Committee was -set in motion; band after band was raised and sent across the frontier; -rebellion was openly preached, and the ignorant peasantry were deluded, -by arguments which they did not understand, to complain of grievances -which they did not feel. - -The answer to the question of how such an encroaching and cynically -pursued policy, violating as it did every principle of international -law and comity in its dealings with a neighbouring nation, was -possible—in a century, too, that was roused to indignation against -a not dissimilar but entirely unofficial raid in South Africa—must -be sought in the unfortunate condition and weakness of the Ottoman -Empire that exposed it, almost defenceless, to the attacks of its -powerful neighbour, and dispensed the latter from even the decencies of -international intercourse as practised among civilised nations. - -This weakness in its turn was the result, as this work is specially -intended to show, of corruptions and perversions that had crept into -an originally admirable Constitution, and had produced a paralysis of -all its important functions, placing its nation almost as much at the -mercy of its enemies as had the _Liberum Veto_ the fair land of Poland. - -The successive steps of these innovations must now be rapidly traced. -When the conquering energies of the new empire were exhausted, and its -victorious armies checked under the walls of Vienna by Sobieski and -his Poles, and the maritime power of its fleet broken by Don John of -Austria’s victory at Lepanto, a new phase was entered upon in which -internal re‐organisation took the place of external conquest. - -The latter half of the sixteenth century was devoted to attempts to -organise the empire on quasi‐feudal principles. It was divided into -_timars_ and _zeamets_ (fiefs), represented by the great feudatories, -the Derebeys. This was the first serious innovation, involving a -perversion of the cardinal principle of the Ottoman Constitution, -which was in spirit and essence purely democratic; and when the -counter‐revolution took place, and the Sultans determined to get rid -of the Derebeys, so as to establish their own exclusive power, the -mischief was already done, for the old principle of democracy, as -understood by the companions of Othman, was by this time seriously -impaired by the long disuse of its ancient rights and functions; so -that this counter‐revolution, instead of restoring the old order of -things, only redounded to the exclusive profit of autocracy. Nothing -but the Porte (that is the Government), and the traditional authority -it exercised, now stood in the way of the complete absolutism of -the Sultan, and, owing to the veneration of the Ottoman people for -their sovereigns—a veneration founded partly on religious, partly on -secular, sentiments, and due in no small measure to the exceptional -merits of their early rulers—the Sultans entered on the struggle for -absolutism equipped with superior advantages. Having no fear of popular -encroachments before their eyes, or of popular passion directed -against their persons, they could devote their entire thoughts and -energies to the task of dominating the Porte and monopolising power in -the State. - -The struggle of these two contending forces, the Palace and the Porte, -continued for a long time, with alternate preponderance on either -side, a strong Sultan and a weak vizier inclining the scales towards -autocracy, whilst a strong vizier with a weak or luxurious Sultan, -redressed the balance to the other side. The Keuprulu Mehemets, -Reshids, Aalis and Fuads left the impress of their minds on the -Ottoman policy and administration, whilst a host of so‐called Grand -Viziers—whom it would be superfluous to name singly, inasmuch as -their collective name is legion—were the mere registers of the will, -and instruments of the caprices, of their masters. The Sultan Abdul -Medjid counted with Reshid Pasha, and Abdul Aziz with Aali and Fuad, -as long as they were alive; but it was reserved for his successor, -after he had suppressed a Constitution that he had sworn to observe as -the very condition of his mounting to the throne, to brush all checks -and counterpoises of every kind aside, and to set up a pure, unmixed -despotism, based on caprice and corruption alone. Such a system of -government had been hitherto unknown to the Ottoman Constitution, was -emphatically denounced by the prophets, was contrary to the express -provisions of the Sacred Law, was repudiated by Mehemet II. and all the -early Sultans as well as Caliphs of Islam, and ran counter to all the -traditions of the Ottoman people. - -Simultaneously with the beginning of this fatal perversion and this -gradual absorption by the Sultans of all power in the State, another -change was taking place, closely connected with it, and aggravating all -its worst effects. - -The high character of the early Sultans of Turkey—to which all -contemporary authorities, Christian and Mahomedan alike, bear -testimony—had, as has been said, profoundly affected the Ottoman -character. Their fervid loyalty to their rulers sprang in no small -measure from the lessons inculcated by their early history and their -most cherished traditions. Now, up to the reign of Selim II., the -Sultan of Turkey received a very superior education. They were not -merely patrons of learning, but often themselves men of letters of -no mean order. Mehemet II., the conqueror of Constantinople, was a -distinguished poet; Selim I., a poet and a litterateur, prided himself, -above all his prerogatives, on being the patron of men of letters -and of science. This pursuit of science and learning was, moreover, -in strict conformity with the spirit and letter of the Koran. “Seek -science, even if it be in China”; “The wise and learned are the heirs -of the Prophet,” are not isolated texts in a book teeming with passages -of a similar kind. The early Caliphs, too, of Bagdad and Cordova, the -Abdur Rahmans, Solimans, and Haroun el Reshid, were living proofs and -typical examples of enlightened Mahomedan teaching. - -But from the middle of the seventeenth century a change came over the -spirit of the Sultanate in Turkey. Instead of identifying themselves -with the life of their people and priding themselves on being the light -that guided them, the Sultans now retired into the harems and gave -themselves up to a life of ease and indulgence utterly foreign to the -habits and principles of their great predecessors. They surrendered the -reins of government into the hands of their Kizlar‐Agassi (chiefs of -eunuchs), or Bostandji Bashi, and as one favourite succeeded another, -or one palace clique displaced another, so vizier followed vizier -in rapid and bewildering succession. All the corrupt and turbulent -elements in the State were now unchained, justice was sacrificed to -private interests, the muscles of the State were relaxed, and its most -vital interests neglected and ignored. To such a pass had things come -in this “State of Denmark,” that when at last a reforming Sultan arose -in the person of Selim III., he had to pay with his life his reforming -ardour, and leave to his successor, Mahmoud II., a task almost beyond -human strength to accomplish. The reigns of the next three Sultans -after Selim are the history of honest, though intermittent, struggles -against the fatal legacies of the past two centuries, and of many -abortive attempts to grapple with the evils that a departure from the -primitive Constitution of the Empire had entailed on it, aggravated as -these evils were by revolutions organised across its borders, and the -systematic intrigues and almost uninterrupted hostility of its nearest -neighbours. - -But in following the evolution of the struggle between autocracy and -the Ottoman people, and endeavouring to trace its origin, we have been -anticipating the chronological order of events. We must now return to -the narrative of the military movement of the eighteenth century, from -the time that Peter the Great turned the energies of his diplomacy and -his armies in the direction of the Ottoman provinces. - -The first collision between the armed forces of Turkey and Russia ended -unfavourably for the latter. By the treaty of Falksen (1711), Russia -was compelled to restore Azov, that she had seized, and to undertake to -abstain from meddling in the affairs of Poland. But for the treachery -of Baltadji Mehemet Pasha, it is probable that this first campaign -would have ended still more disastrously for Russian arms, and possibly -the final partition of Poland would have been averted. That unhappy -country found, at this crisis of her history, in the Sultan of Turkey -her sole champion and defender among the sovereigns of Europe, and her -name figured for the last time in history in a public instrument in -which her rights were safeguarded by a Mahomedan sovereign against the -deadly machinations of her Christian neighbour. - -It was certainly unfortunate for the Ottoman Empire—and it may -possibly not have been altogether fortunate for the rest of -Europe—that the rise of the power of Russia should have been -synchronous with the period of the greatest weakness of Turkey. -Russia’s principal attacks on the integrity and independence of Turkey -were skilfully timed so as to coincide with the moment when that empire -was in the throes of internal revolution, and could offer the least -resistance to an external foe. At the time of Mahmoud II.’s accession -to the throne, after the murder of Selim III., the accumulation of -difficulties and dangers that beset the empire were such that it -seemed as if nothing short of a miracle could prevent its complete -destruction. It required at any rate some very potent principles of -internal strength and cohesion to resist the centrifugal forces in -full activity at that crisis. Servia was in open revolt under Michel -Obrenowitz, Egypt was in the hands of the able and ambitious Mehemet -Ali, Arabia was in the effervescence of a Wahabee rising, the Pasha of -Janina had raised the standard of revolt, and the Governor of Widdin, -the famous Pasvan Oglou, had proclaimed his independence, and—most -serious danger of all—the insurrection of Greece, supported by a -consensus of enthusiasm in Europe, threatened the integrity of the -empire; all this, too, at the very moment when the military forces of -the empire were undergoing the complete re‐organisation which Selim had -begun, and Mahmoud was resolved to carry out. This revolution, for it -was nothing less, consisted in the abolition of the ancient corps -of Janissaries and the substitution for it of a regular force (the -_Nizam_) drilled and organised on the European model. - -The Janissaries from being a redoubtable _corps d’élite_ recruited -from Christian youths, who embraced the military as a life‐long -profession, and were imbued with a military spirit which proved its -worth on the hard‐fought fields of Mohacs, Nicopolis and Cossovo, had -become through successive relaxings of the bonds of discipline and -the ruin of its military _esprit de corps_, nothing but an unruly -Pretorian Guard, a greater terror to the sovereign and to peaceful -citizens than to the enemies of the empire. The gratuities that they -were accustomed to receive on the accession of a new Sultan, and the -licensed pillagings that invariably ensued on these occasions, were -irresistible temptations to them to render this event as frequent as -possible, and they consequently deposed sovereigns and proclaimed -new ones almost at their will. The privileges, moreover, that they -wrested from the terrified sovereigns, especially after the death of -Soliman I.—such as the right to marry, to desert barrack life (their -_odjaks_), and to pursue trades and industries—completely changed and -deteriorated their martial character, and from the victorious soldiery -that they were in the days of Ilderim Bayazid they became nothing but -a turbulent militia. At last the scandal caused by their depredations -and violence became intolerable, and their disbandment was loudly -demanded by public opinion in all classes of the population. Selim -III. determined to suppress them, and, as a necessary preliminary, -commenced the re‐organisation of the naval and military forces of the -empire by inviting French engineers to build ships of war, and French -officers to drill and discipline a new army on European principles. -Unfortunately Bonaparte’s expedition to Egypt, and the declaration -of war that ensued between France and Turkey, recalled these military -instructors before the work of instruction and re‐organisation was half -completed. It was these threatened Janissaries who, on their return to -Constantinople from an expedition to Syria, willingly lent themselves -as instruments of the ambition of the Sultan’s brother, Mustafa, and -who deposed and finally murdered Selim. But the deposed sovereign, -in his retirement and before his death, found time and opportunity -thoroughly to imbue with his reforming enthusiasm his cousin Mahmoud, -and he, on ascending the throne, determined, as the only means of -saving the empire from ruin, and in spite of the menacing attitude -of the new Czar Nicholas of Russia—who inaugurated his accession by -sending an Ultimatum to Constantinople—to carry out unflinchingly -the whole programme of reforms conceived by Selim. At a Grand Council -(_Divan_) assembled in 1826, a unanimous vote was passed in favour of -the total suppression of the Janissaries, and shortly afterwards, the -decree being resisted by the mutinous soldiery, they were surrounded -and overpowered, and in the massacre that ensued this famous Pretorian -Guard finally disappeared. - -The organisation, however, of the regular forces (_Nizam_), which were -to take their place, being only half complete, it was just at the -moment when the military organisation of the empire was undergoing a -radical transformation that the new Sultan was called upon to face -all the complications of internal revolution and foreign wars that -confronted him on his accession. Mahmoud, however, set resolutely -about the task, and a certain measure of success attended his first -efforts. The Pashas of Widdin and Janina were successively reduced to -subjection, and by the help of the Pasha of Egypt who had not yet -thrown off his allegiance, the Morea was reconquered by the troops -of Ibrahim Pasha, and Greece would undoubtedly have been restored to -her position as the Western horn of the Ottoman Crescent but for the -forcible interference of Europe and the military expedition of Marshal -Maison. - -By a protocol, signed at St Petersburg, on 4th April 1826, Greece was -declared an autonomous and vassal State; but after the rejection by -the Sultan of the collective mediation of the four Great Powers (5th -February 1827), Austria, France, Great Britain and Russia (Protocol -of London), and the destruction by the allied forces, without the -formality of a declaration of war, of the Turkish fleet at Navarino -(1827), immediately followed by a declaration of war on the part of -Russia, and the campaigns of Diebitch in Europe, and Paskiewitz in -Asia Minor, terminating in the disastrous Treaty of Adrianople (14th -September 1829), Mahmoud had no choice but to consent in the following -year (1830) to the creation of Greece into an independent kingdom, an -arrangement confirmed by the Treaty of London on the 13th July 1841. - -The still more serious revolt of Mehemet Ali—imperilling as it -did not only the integrity of the empire, but the solidarity of -Islam—immediately followed. On the Ottoman sovereign refusing to -concede the government of Syria to Mehemet Ali, in return for his -services in the campaign against Greece, the latter, picking a quarrel -with the governor of the coveted province, quickly invaded Syria, and, -defeating the Ottoman troops in a great battle at Konia, compelled the -Sultan to agree to a truce (credited with the name of peace), whilst -both sides prepared for an early resumption of hostilities. When this -took place the Egyptian troops were again successful in a decisive -battle at Nezib (24th June 1839), which placed the whole of Syria, -up to the walls of Acre, in the possession of the victorious Pasha of -Egypt. - -Russia was, of course, too alert in following the traditional policy -in regard to Turkey not to profit by these distractions, and it was -at this mortal crisis of the Ottoman Empire that she stepped in and -secured the secret clauses of the Treaty of Unkiar Iskelessi (8th July -1833), by which she bound Turkey to an offensive and defensive alliance -that was to last for eight years, and to exclude all flags but her own -from passing through the Bosphorus. - -These events, however, at last brought England and Austria into the -field, and an English fleet under Napier appeared before Alexandria, -and an English force under Sydney Smith before Acre (Saint Jean -d’Acre). Mehemet Ali, who was now deserted by France, was thus obliged -to sign the Convention of Alexandria, by which Egypt was restored to -the suzerainty of the Sultan, with, however, the viceroyalty of the -country made hereditary in his family. By the Treaty of London (13th -July 1841), this arrangement became part of the public law of Europe, -and at the same time the clauses of the Treaty of Unkiar Iskelessi were -revised, and the neutrality of the Straits was solemnly reaffirmed. - -Six days after the disastrous battle of Nezib (June 25, 1839), the -Sultan Mahmoud died, and was succeeded by his son, Abdul Medjid. The -youthful sovereign, who was only seventeen years old, in spite of the -misfortunes that had befallen his country, or, perhaps, rather on -account of them, resolved to persevere steadily in the course of reform -initiated by his two predecessors. Fortunately he possessed in Reshid -Pasha a great Minister, who shared and seconded, and perhaps prompted, -the reforming ardour of his master; and on the 3rd November 1839 an -Imperial Rescript, the famous Hatti Humayoun of Gulhané, proclaimed -the following reforms for the whole empire:— - - I. A guarantee of life and honour to all Ottoman subjects, without - distinction. - - II. A regulation of taxation so as to put an end to arbitrary - exactions. - - III. The equality of all before the law. - - IV. Public instruction to be secularised. - - V. The slave trade to be abolished. - - VI. The decentralisation of the provincial governments, and a - separation of civil, military, and fiscal functions. - -This great charter was certainly not intended by its author to be a -dead letter. It was, on the contrary, an earnest attempt to grapple -with the new conditions of the empire, and to restore the spirit of its -ancient Constitution, whilst reconciling it to the new requirements of -the day. - -This double purpose was clearly manifested in every line of the new -decree, the preamble of which ran as follows:— - - “Every one knows that when the Empire was first founded, its laws and - precepts, which were of a high standard, were scrupulously obeyed. - Therefore the Empire grew in strength and grandeur, and all its - subjects, without distinction, attained to a high degree of ease and - prosperity. For the last five hundred years a succession of accidents - and divers causes have brought it about that men have ceased to - conform to the sacred code of laws and regulations that flow from - it, and therefore the force and prosperity of former days have been - converted into weakness and poverty—for a nation always loses all - stability when it ceases to observe its laws. These considerations - have been ceaselessly present to our mind, and since the day of - our accession to the throne the thoughts of the common weal, the - amelioration of the condition of the provinces, and the lessening of - the burdens of the people, have been the subjects of our constant - preoccupation. Moreover, if the geographical position of the Empire; - the fertility of its soil; the aptitude and intelligence of its - inhabitants; be considered, they will lead to the conviction that - if a ruler applies himself diligently to discover the efficacious - means to effect necessary reforms, the results that we hope to - attain, with the help of the Almighty, may be achieved in the course - of a few short years. Therefore, full of trust in the help of the - Almighty, and leaning on the intercession of our Prophet, we consider - it right and proper to set about, by the help of new institutions, - procuring for the provinces of our Empire the blessings of a sound - administration.” - -Reshid Pasha, by order of the Sultan, set himself earnestly to the task -of translating the general principles enunciated in the Hatti Humayoun, -with special laws and regulations that should reduce them to practice, -and four years after its promulgation at Gulhané, the _Tanzimat_, or -regulations for the organisation of all the branches of administration, -was published throughout the empire. Under the four general heads:— - - I. The Government proper (_Mejalice devleti aliie_); - - II. The Administration (_Zaptié ve mulkie memourlari_); - - III. Justice and Public Instruction (_Ylmie_); - - IV. The Army and Navy (_Seifiie_), - -it gave the most elaborate directions for the organisation of each -branch of the public service. Considering the condition of confusion -into which the administration of the country had fallen in the course -of ages, and the absence of any guiding principle in it, the _Tanzimat_ -must be considered one of the most remarkable efforts of administrative -organisation ever displayed in any country, and a monument of the -genius of Reshid Pasha. It is not altogether without reason that he has -been called the “Richelieu of Turkey.” - -But it does not suffice to decree great changes; it is in the endeavour -to reduce them to practice that the chief difficulty arises. And no -great wonder if in a country like Turkey, where vested interests had -grown around the old order of things; where conservative prejudices, -as in every country in the world, obstruct the path of reform; where -trained civil servants did not exist but had to be created, that the -execution of these important and all‐embracing reforms should not -have taken place by decree as by a magician’s wand, but required time -and patience for their realisation. Events, too, were taking place in -Europe which were destined to change the aspect of things and divert -the minds of statesmen from internal organisation to the necessities of -defending the existence of the national independence. The revolutionary -movement of 1848–1849 in Europe afforded a little respite to a country -outside the sphere of this movement, and it was just at this disturbed -period of the rest of Europe that Turkey enjoyed the greatest peace -and made the greatest progress in the work of re‐organisation. But -scarcely had the revolutionary effervescence calmed down in Europe, -and the fears connected with it been laid to rest, when the Emperor -Nicholas—who had finally suppressed the Magyar insurrection and -restored Hungary to the House of Hapsburg—turned his attention once -more to Turkey, and resolved on decisive action. To suppose that the -progress in organisation that was being effected in that country was -not entirely unconnected with this determination would be only to deny -that the arguments and reasons of State put forward by Pozzo di Borgo, -in 1828, were operative in the mind of the Emperor Nicholas twenty -years later: - - “When the Imperial Cabinet examines the question as to whether the - moment had not arrived to take up arms against the Porte, some doubt - might possibly have existed as to the urgency of such a measure - in the minds of those who had not sufficiently meditated on the - effects of the sanguinary reform (destruction of Janissaries) - that the Ottoman ruler had just executed with such terrible force. - Now, however, the experience that we have just had ought to enlist - the sympathy of all in favour of the course that we have adopted. - The Emperor has put the new Turkish system to the proof, and His - Majesty has discovered in it a commencement of moral and physical - organisation which it never possessed before. If the Sultan has been - enabled to oppose to us a more spirited and regular resistance than - before, whilst scarcely able to put together the elements of his new - plan of reform and amelioration, how much the more formidable should - we have found him if he had had the time to give it more solidity.”[5] - -However that may be, hardly had the Russian troops withdrawn from -Hungary than the Emperor Nicholas, addressing Sir Hamilton Seymour, the -English Ambassador at St Petersburg, dwelt on the moribund condition -of the Turkish Empire, and proposed to him its partition. Crete and -Egypt were to be the spoils of England, whereas Servia, Montenegro, -Wallachia, Moldavia, and Bulgaria were to fall to the share of -Russia. This offer was duly reported to the Cabinet of St James, and -categorically declined by it. The state of Europe at the time was -not unfavourable to the Czar’s designs. Austria was bound to Russia -by gratitude for important services rendered, and only Metternich -suspected her to be then capable of “stupendous ingratitude.” Prussia -was united to the Czar by ties of near kindred, and by her traditional -indifference to the affairs of the East. France having fallen into the -hands of a sovereign capable of reviving Napoleonic traditions, was -as much an object of suspicion to all the crowned heads of Europe as -by his _coup d’état_ he was to liberal opinion throughout the world. -The last thing that seemed likely, or even possible, was a coalition -between Napoleonic France and the England of Lord Aberdeen. The omens -seemed favourable for striking a decisive blow. - -A quarrel in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, between -Greek and Latin monks, afforded the desired pretext. After some -diplomatic haggling between the Porte and France, in which the latter -first put forward and then withdrew claims which would have afforded -a precedent and pretext for Russian pretensions, Prince Mentchikoff -suddenly appeared, with much bluster, at Constantinople, as the bearer -of an Ultimatum demanding the assent of the Porte, within the space of -five days, to a Russian protectorate over all the Orthodox subjects of -the Sultan in his dominions. Europe, startled by the brusqueness of -this action, as well as the serious import of the demand, endeavoured -immediately to interpose her mediation to avert a crisis. Sir -Strafford de Redcliffe and Mr de la Cour, who happened to be absent -from Constantinople on the arrival of Prince Mentchikoff, returned -precipitately to their posts, and, seconded by the Austrian Ambassador, -Prince Leiningen, spared no effort that ingenuity could devise to give -effect to their conciliatory instructions. But as no compromise could -possibly be found between the pretensions put forward in the Ultimatum -and what the Porte was willing to concede, Prince Mentchikoff had the -escutcheon removed from the Russian Embassy at Pera, and with his whole -suite quitted Constantinople. - -Three weeks after this (31st May 1853), Count Nesselrode despatched -another Ultimatum reiterating the same demands, and giving the Porte -eight days within which to execute them. The only answer vouchsafed -to this document was the proclamation by the Sultan, on the 6th June, -of a new Hatti Cherif confirming the rights and privileges of all the -Christian subjects of the empire. The combined French and English -fleets, at the same time, received orders to sail to Besika Bay, and -although war was not formally declared, the Emperor Nicholas gave -orders for his armies to cross the Pruth and to seize the Danubian -principalities as a “material guarantee” for compliance with his -demands. - -It was not till 28th September that war was formally declared between -Russia and Turkey, and that Omar Pasha received orders to summon the -Russian Commander to evacuate the principalities. The interval between -this period and the date of Prince Mentchikoff’s mission had been -employed by a lively diplomatic correspondence between Lord Clarendon -and Mr Drouyn de Lluys, on one side, and Prince Gortchakoff on the -other, relative to the interpretation of the seventh clause of the -Treaty of Kainardje, on which Russia based her claims to interfere with -the Christian subjects of the Ottoman Empire. The destruction of a -Turkish squadron by a superior Russian fleet in the harbour of Sinope -at last terminated this diplomatic interlude, and brought the armed -forces of England and France into the field. On the 27th December the -allied fleets entered the Black Sea, and an expeditionary force was -sent to Varna and the Dobrutcha. - -Here is the place to note the influence exercised on the course of -events by the action of Austria. - -It was one of the principal aims of English and French diplomacy at -this period to secure the co‐operation of the Middle Empire. By her -geographical position and the revived force of her empire, as well -as by the magnitude of her interests in the Eastern Question, she -seemed called upon to exercise a preponderant influence on the issue -of the coming struggle. It was even generally taken for granted that, -could her active co‐operation be secured, such powerful pressure -could be brought to bear on Russia as would secure the objects of the -Western nations without actual recourse to arms; and, at any rate, -that if Russia were still to persist in her policy of encroachment, -the military forces at the command of the coalition would be so -overwhelming as to compel her rapidly to retreat from the position she -had taken up. Austria was generally considered to hold the key of the -situation. - -There was no lack of political motive on the part of Austria to bring -her into line with Western Powers. The free navigation of the Danube, -the arrest of the dangerous Panslavic propaganda of Russia, the curbing -of limitless ambition of her colossal neighbour, were undoubtedly -objects of State policy of the first magnitude. On the other hand, -strong dynastic sympathies, and the obligations of gratitude for -important services recently rendered, weighed heavily in the opposite -scales. The result of these conflicting motives was a line of conduct -which, whilst diplomatically supporting the contentions of the allied -Cabinets, seriously hampered their military resolutions. - -Had Austria not placed her veto on the march of the allied armies -into Poland, that country would have become the battle‐field between -the forces of the East and West, and as far as human forecast can -determine, the whole face of Europe would have been changed, the -Eastern Question would have been settled for ever, and the nightmare of -Cossack preponderance lifted once for all from the shoulders of Western -civilisation. - -Instead of prosecuting the war on the continent of Europe, an -expedition to the Crimea was resolved upon, and a French and English -army landed at Eupatoria, and after a victorious advance across the -Alma, and making a flank march to the south side of Sevastopol, they -invested that portion of the great arsenal of Sevastopol which after -two years’ siege and the taking of the fortress of Malakoff, at last -surrendered to the allied army. - -On the 25th February 1856, a congress was assembled at Paris, and on -the 30th March the Treaty of Paris was signed by the plenipotentiaries -of Russia, Turkey, England, France, Prussia and Italy, by which Turkey -was admitted into the full benefits of international law, and into -the Concert of Europe, and all right of interference in her internal -affairs was expressly disclaimed and repudiated by all the Signatories. -Russia and Turkey were expressly debarred from maintaining any armed -forces in the Black Sea, and a small strip of Bessarabia was ceded by -Russia to the Danubian principalities. - -This was followed by the proclamation of a new Hatti Cherif on the part -of the Sultan, which closed this particular chapter of the history of -Europe. - -Before concluding this short epitome of the history of the Ottoman -Empire, and proceeding with the narrative of the life of Midhat Pasha, -the incidents of whose career begin at this point to be interwoven with -the general history of his country, it will be useful to cast a glance -at the state of Europe and the general trend of events and alliances -that succeeded the settlement of 1856. - -The death of the Sultan, Abdul Medjid (1861), and the character -of his successor were the chief factors, as will shortly be seen, -that influenced the direct destinies of Turkey. Unfortunately, in a -country where absolutism had gradually become the established form of -government, this was, and could only be, the determining element in the -problem of government - -Russia, defeated but not humiliated, or even seriously crippled in a -war which had, however, strained her resources, and absorbed by the -great measure of the emancipation of her serfs, which inaugurated and -rendered illustrious the reign of the successor of Nicholas, was, -to employ the now classic phrase of Prince Gortchakoff, “collecting -herself” (_La Russie se recueille_). This did not, however, prevent -her giving a free hand, and even officious support, to the Panslavic -Committees of Moscow and of Kieff, that now, through the promptings and -under the direction of Katkoff and his school, entered upon a militant -career, and the crafty Ignatieff was sent to Constantinople to defend -and support the machinations of these committees, and to play with -consummate astuteness on the weaknesses and vices of a sovereign who -possessed none of the qualities of his three predecessors, but was -remarkable only for an inordinate passion for expenditure and a morbid -jealousy of his autocratic power. His perfect sanity, moreover, became -more and more questionable. - -With respect to France, from the first meeting of the plenipotentiaries -at Paris, in May 1856, it became evident that a change had come over -the spirit of the Court of the Tuileries. The representatives of France -no longer showed themselves as irreconcilable to the views of Russia as -was the case when Mr Drouyn de Lluys penned his famous despatches two -years before, and in the discussions that took place at the Congress, -and still more in the various Commissions appointed to settle the -details of the articles of peace, the envoys of France were found to -be constantly ranged on the side of Russia, whereas the views and -contentions of England and Turkey were invariably supported by the -representatives of Austria. - -This new orientation of French politics, which continued to the time -of the Polish insurrection in 1862, was further emphasised by the -exceptional pomp and circumstances attending the French mission to St -Petersburg, on the occasion of the coronation of the new Czar. The -matrimonial and political _rapprochement_, too, between the House of -Savoy and the Napoleons, culminating in the war of 1859, was a further -cause of estrangement between France and Austria. - -In compensation, however, for the gradual parting of the ways of French -and English diplomacy in the East, the Cabinet of Vienna seemed to have -reverted frankly to what may be called the normal policy of Austria -with reference to Turkey, and the policy of Metternich and Castlereagh -was for a time steadily and consistently followed by Buol and -Palmerston. This state of things continued until the double election -of Prince Couza in the Danubian principalities caused a rift in the -alliance. - -To Austria everything connected with the free navigation of the Danube -and the political status of the provinces bordering on that great -artery is, and must ever be, State interests of the first magnitude. - -To England, apart from their indirect bearing on the integrity -and independence of Turkey, these questions were only matters of -sentimental interest founded on academic sympathy with the general -principle of nationalities. This sentiment, however, called into -activity by the events unrolling themselves in Italy, was particularly -strong in England at the time when the question of the principalities -presented itself as a practical problem to the statesmen of Europe, -and found in the Prime Minister of the day, Mr Gladstone, one of its -keenest and most enthusiastic partisans. England completely severed her -policy on this occasion from that of Austria. Whether such conduct, -with reference to a branch of a much larger problem, was quite -consistent with an Eastern policy considered as a whole, and whether -such a deviation from the obligation of loyalty to an indispensable -ally was or was not responsible for much of what subsequently occurred, -is perhaps too delicate a question to be discussed here. Certain, -however, is it that the desertion of Austria on this occasion by -the ally she counted on in Eastern matters to maintain intact the -provisions of the Treaty of Paris, and the instability of English -foreign policy that it revealed, made a profound impression on the -minds of the Austrian Emperor and his counsellors, and justified in -their view the revolution that subsequently took place in the Eastern -policy of Austria. Placed as the Middle Empire is—between jealous -rivals and powerful neighbours, and with enormous and vital interests -to safeguard—it is obliged to lean on one system of alliance or -another, and what has been called “la politique du Cascole” is, -as it were, a necessity of her position, and even a condition of -her existence. When the events connected with the Herzegovinian -insurrection come to be narrated in these pages, the part taken in -them by Austria, and the _rôle_ played by her statesmen throughout -the long negotiations preceding the Russo‐Turkish War and during its -continuance, until the final act of the comedy enacted at Berlin, will -have to be clearly set forth in detail, for it was Austria that played -the chief part in all of them, and that finally secured the chief part -in the spoil. - -This chapter, which only seeks to point out the particular -circumstances that determined a change of policy on Eastern matters on -the part of this empire, must be considered rather as an apology for, -than an indictment of Austria with respect to Turkey. Moreover, it is -the author’s aim throughout this work to narrate and explain events -according to the lights vouchsafed to him, rather than to accuse any -nation of bad faith or unjustifiable aggression with respect to his -country. A nation worthy to exist at all must exist by its own strength -and vigour, and not by the sufferance of its neighbours; and indeed -the only indictment which will be proclaimed in this book will be -against the descendants of the Othmans, Orkhans, Solimans, Bayazids and -Mahmouds who have turned their backs on the traditions of their faith, -and have allowed the muscles of the nation to be relaxed, and its -heritage to become the prey of the spoiler. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -MIDHAT’S EARLY YEARS - - -MIDHAT was born at Constantinople in 1822. His father, Hadji Ali -Effendi, was a native of Rustchuk, and gave his son the usual education -provided by the local schools, until he was of an age to follow him in -his different displacements, first to Widdin and Lofdja, and afterwards -to Constantinople in 1836. A few years after this he obtained a -position in the Secretariat of the Grand Vizier’s office, whence he was -promoted to superior employment in the provinces. He remained two years -at Damascus, and then, after a short interval spent in Constantinople, -he proceeded, in 1844, to Konia, as secretary to Sami Bekir Pasha’s -Council. In 1849 he was nominated to the Presidency of the -_Medjlissi‐Vala_ (Grand Council of State) and promoted to the rank of -Sanie, which is the first rank in the Ottoman hierarchy, and in 1851 -to that of Mutemaiz, with the functions of First Secretary to the -Grand Council. - -Soon after this, difficulties in the provinces of Damascus and -Aleppo, connected with the Custom House, and with the conduct of -the Commander‐in‐Chief of the Army of Arabia, Kibrissli Mehemet -Pasha, necessitated the despatch of a public functionary with full -power to inquire into the irregularities, civil and military, which -were notorious in those provinces. Midhat was chosen for this -important and confidential mission. In the space of six months he -settled the question of the Customs in favour of the Government, -by which the sum in dispute, £T150,000, was restored to the Ottoman -Treasury, and a further surplus of £70,000 was secured. He further -fixed the responsibility for the insurrection of the Druses on the -Commander‐in‐Chief, Kibrissli Mehemet Pasha, and recommended his recall. - -The courage and capacity of which Midhat gave proof in this mission -attracted to him the attention of the Grand Vizier of the day, the -famous Reshid Pasha, who appointed him to a confidential post in the -Superior Council of the State, which he occupied during the successive -Grand Vizierates of Reshid, Aali, and Great Rifat Pashas. This may be -considered the initiation of Midhat into political, as distinguished -from administrative, life. It was in this post that he assisted, in -1852, at the historical interview between Rifat Pasha, Turkish Minister -of Foreign Affairs, and Prince Mentchikoff, the special envoy of the -Emperor Nicholas, in the negotiations that preceded the Crimean War. - -In 1854, Kibrissli Mehemet Pasha, who in consequence of Midhat’s -report had been dismissed from the command of the Syrian Army Corps, -became Grand Vizier. He now charged Midhat with the difficult and -delicate mission of pacifying the disturbed provinces of Adrianople -and the Balkans, and clearing them of the brigandage that infested -them. The organising genius of Midhat proved equal to the task. He -suppressed brigandage with a strong hand, and by restoring tranquillity -in this district he deprived the neighbouring States of all pretexts -for chronic complaints. To prevent the return of trouble he further -elaborated a whole plan of re‐organisation, which he submitted to the -approval of the Government at Constantinople, where Reshid Pasha had -again become Grand Vizier. The draft of this plan arrived at the -very time that Reshid and Aali Pashas were engaged in drawing up -regulations for the government of the _Eyalets_ (provinces), with a -view to their decentralisation. Midhat’s plan was accepted, and it -was decided that he should be nominated to the governorship of the -important province of the Danube (Bulgaria), when suddenly another -change of Ministry at Constantinople delayed the execution of the whole -plan of reform. In the meantime an appalling earthquake at Broussa had -caused terrible damage in that important city and much misery among -its inhabitants. Midhat was now despatched thither with a mission to -succour sufferers and to help to restore confidence among the terrified -inhabitants. - -On his return from Broussa he was despatched as special commissioner -to inspect the provinces of Widdin and Silistria, which were in open -rebellion against the central authorities. Here Midhat, as he had -previously done in Syria, made a detailed report, pointing out the -faulty administration of the provinces, and fearlessly inculpating the -two Valis (governors). - -This discharge of a public duty was met by the usual manœuvres of -inculpated Pashas. Their friends at the Palace bestirred themselves in -their favour, and induced the Sultan to reject the proposals of Midhat, -and to send a well‐known Ulema at Constantinople, Haireddin Effendi, to -the two vilayets in question, to make a further report in verification -or contradiction of that of Midhat. To the confusion and disappointment -of the friends of the incriminated Valis, Haireddin Effendi made a -report in every way confirming the views and recommendations, and -emphasizing the accusations of Midhat. - -At this time (1858) Reshid Pasha died, and Aali Pasha, his successor, -obtained six months’ leave of absence for Midhat, to be spent in -travelling in Europe, with a view to the study of certain points -of European administration with which he desired to make himself -acquainted. Paris, London, Vienna, and Brussels were successively -visited in this short period of time, and much valuable information -obtained, both as to the spirit and working of European governments. - -Midhat had by this time already acquired a certain reputation as a -successful provincial governor and whenever trouble in the empire -declared itself, his name recurred as a fit and proper person to be -despatched as special envoy or governor to pacify the province in -question. Kibrissli Mehemet Pasha had now again become Grand Vizier, -and as trouble of a serious kind had for some time been brewing in -the vilayet of Nish (Servia), where, in spite of the presence of an -imposing force of regular and irregular troops, insecurity of life and -property was rampant, and an alarming emigration of the inhabitants was -taking place, he nominated Midhat to the Governorship of this important -province (1861). - -Midhat resolved to make an attempt to pacify the province without the -use of armed force, and to gain the confidence of the Bulgarians by -the redress of their just grievances. His first step was to invite the -notabilities of the different districts to conferences, to state their -complaints, and attentively examine with him the remedies that should -be applied. These grievances practically resolved themselves into two: -(1) the entire absence of roads and other means of intercommunication, -which made it impossible for the inhabitants—exclusively cultivators -of the soil—to find markets for their produce; (2) the rampant -brigandage that everywhere existed, rendering life and property -insecure. These two causes, it was, that induced the emigration into -Servia, which was assuming large proportions, where the Bulgarians -found among their fellow‐Slavs both greater security and more -favourable conditions of labour. - -Midhat readily acknowledged the justice and reasonableness of these -complaints, and proceeded to strike a bargain with the notables. They -were to undertake to use their influence to pacify the country and -discourage emigration for two years, and Midhat engaged within this -time to carry out the reforms and improvements that were mutually -agreed upon between them. Midhat strictly carried out the terms of this -agreement. He ordered the troops back to their barracks, commenced -the great high road between Nish and Sofia with the byroads connected -with it, and by means of military patrols sent out in every direction, -brigandage very soon entirely disappeared from the country. Roads were -now being laid out in every direction, and bridges constructed over -the Morava and other rivers, so as to meet the requirements of an -agricultural population, and facilitate the outlet for their produce. -An elaborate system of block‐houses all along the Servian frontier put -an end to the incursions of armed bands of Servians, which had long -fostered and sustained disturbance in the province, and many Bulgarian -families who had emigrated into Servia now began to return to their -former habitations. Concurrently with these material ameliorations, -Midhat occupied himself with the solution of other economical and -moral problems that concerned the well‐being of the community. The -relations between proprietors and tenants of the soil had long been in -an unsatisfactory condition. Midhat convoked representatives of both -these classes to a conference, and with much pains, and after long -discussions, he succeeded in finding a means of reconciliation between -their opposing pretensions, to the satisfaction of both parties. - -At Prisrend, in that part of the provinces inhabited by the Arnauts, -he was confronted with problems of a peculiar nature. Here a vendetta -(similar to the Corsican vendetta) existed among the unruly -mountaineers of Albanian descent. Midhat, faithful to his system of -working hand in hand with the inhabitants themselves, convoked an -assembly of notables of the district, and with their co‐operation, and -by their own initiative, instituted a permanent commission to settle -money compositions for bloodshed, and by this means he succeeded in -suppressing a vendetta that had existed for centuries among this brave -but unruly people. He further induced them to give up the practice -of carrying arms, and, for the first time in the history of the -provinces, to submit to Imperial conscription; he further organised -a _gendarmerie_, secured the peaceful collection of taxes, and put -an end to all religious persecution; schools, too, were established, -and hospitals for members of all religious denominations without -distinction. Thus the vilayets of Nish and Prisrend gradually recovered -the full enjoyment of tranquillity and peace, and Christians and -Mussulmans alike began to enjoy the prospect of returning prosperity. - -In the provinces of Widdin and Silistria the problem of pacification -was complicated by a factor which rendered the solution far more -difficult. Here the continued and systematic interference of Russia by -means of her consuls and agents, supported by the Russian ambassador -at Constantinople, working hand in hand with the agents of the Slav -Committees, who were overrunning the country and preaching the gospel -of rebellion, created quite a new set of problems to be dealt with. -It was no longer local grievances to be redressed, but a political -propagandism to be faced. - -Aali and Fuad Pashas, the successors of Reshid Pasha, appreciating the -administrative and reforming talents of Midhat, summoned him in 1864 -to Constantinople, to consider with them a general organic law for -the government of the provinces of the empire (_loi des vilayets_), -and it was there resolved that the vilayets of Silistria, Widdin, -and Nish should be combined into a single government under the name -of the “Vilayet of the Danube,” and entrusted to Midhat. The Imperial -sanction to this appointment and to the organic reforms proposed was -obtained (in 1865) in spite of the opposition of the reactionary party -in Constantinople, headed by the Sheik‐ul‐Islam of the day, Saadeddine -Effendi, strenuously backed by Sourrouri Effendi Naib, an avowed -enemy of the new Vali, whom we shall meet with later on figuring, as -a reward for his zeal, and in acknowledgment of his impartiality, as -the President of the tribunal that tried and condemned Midhat. But the -influence of Fuad Pasha was sufficient to overcome all such opposition, -and Midhat forthwith entered upon his new and important functions. - -It will be sufficient to give a summary account of the radical reforms -introduced by the new Vali in the government of this important province. - -The whole vilayet was divided into seven distinct _sandjaks_ -(districts), the sandjak into _cazas_ (cantons), and the cazas into -_nahies_ (communes), and in each of these centres councils were created -for the levying of taxes and local administration of the district. - -Forced labour (_corvée_) was abolished; bridges to the number of -1400 were constructed; and 3000 kilometres (circ. 2000 miles) of -roads constructed; brigandage was effectually stamped out and a local -_gendarmerie_ raised, and agricultural banks, with a view of relieving -the small farmer from the exactions of the usurer, established. The -capital for these purposes was procured by an ingenious system, founded -on the cultivation of the public and waste lands, by which not only was -relief given to distressed and needy agriculturists, but a local fund -was created for important local improvements. Agriculture, the staple -industry of the inhabitants, soon began to flourish in consequence of -these wise and energetic measures, and with agriculture the affiliated -industries and commerce of the country. The navigation of the Danube, -the great artery of the province, next engaged the attention of the -Pasha, and soon two, and then four, vessels, flying the Ottoman flag -for the first time, made their appearance on this river. A postal -service was likewise started, and through the initiative of the -governor a manufactory of carriages established at Rustchuk, which -at the end of the very first year paid a dividend of 10 per cent. -Charitable institutions too were not neglected, and orphan asylums for -Christian and Mahomedan children alike were constructed at Rustchuk and -Sofia, and the pupils initiated in trades and industries. - -The key of all these reforms, and the cardinal principle of this -administration, was to work hand in hand with the local authorities. -By their aid the valuation of all property held in the respective -districts was carried out equitably and fairly, and taxes founded -on this assessment were levied without complaint; and although the -salaries of responsible officials, such as the police and judges, were -considerably increased, and many vexatious taxes abolished, the new -revenue of the province showed a considerable and increasing surplus. - -The prosperity of this large province under its new administrator could -not fail to attract the attention of the authorities at Constantinople, -and Midhat now received the congratulations both of the Sultan and -of the Sublime Porte. An Imperial Irade, moreover, enjoined all the -governors of the other provinces of the empire to apply in their -respective vilayets the same reforms that Midhat had introduced in -that of the Danube, a detailed plan and description of which had been -forwarded to Constantinople by Rifat Effendi, the secretary of the -vilayet (subsequently Grand Vizier). - -So far everything seemed to go well, and a new era of prosperity seemed -about to dawn for the provinces of the empire generally. It is worth -while for those who really desire to obtain an inside view of the -working of Turkish absolutism, and to discern the secret springs that -move the Government of Turkey, and make themselves acquainted with the -hidden causes that have time after time wrecked the hopes of Turkish -reformers, to follow attentively what we are now about to relate, on -the authority, be it noted, of one in a position, if any one was, to -know the truth and put his fingers on the plague‐spot. - -Midhat felt that his work would not be complete, nor would the return -of material prosperity suffice to attach his province permanently -to the Government of the Sultan, unless he applied himself as well -to the moral side of the problem and succeeded in counteracting the -manœuvres of the enemies of the empire to sow disaffection in the -minds of the youth of the province. One of the most effective devices -contrived by them with this view was the plan, pursued for many -years, of sending large numbers of Bulgarian youths to carry on their -studies at the Russian universities of Odessa, Kharkoff, and Kieff, -and these, on their return, became the chiefs of the staffs of the -active propagandists of Panslavic ideas among the youths of Bulgaria. -These missionaries of disaffection constituted one of the most serious -dangers to Ottoman sovereignty, and one of the most difficult problems -to deal with. Midhat determined to grapple with it, and with this view -he determined to establish in the principal centres of the province -schools and universities where the Bulgarian youths, Christians and -Mussulmans alike, should enjoy all the advantages of a first‐class -modern education without having to seek it abroad. The incidental -advantage of a fusion of Christian and Mussulman elements in the -country, under the inspiring influence of a common education, at an -age when friendships are most easily formed and generous sentiments -evoked, did not escape the sagacity of Midhat. The whole project -was explained by him in a detailed report to the Sublime Porte, the -expenses being provided half by the surplus revenues of the province, -and the rest by voluntary subscriptions. - -When this project was made known at Constantinople, the person who most -readily seized the full import of it was General Ignatieff, the Russian -ambassador. It went directly counter to all the most cherished plans -and projects of the Panslavic party, of which he was the moving spirit. -There was nothing that he did not do to wreck the plan and upset the -Pasha. Unfortunately the nature of an absolute government and the -character of an Eastern autocrat afforded him ample means of action. -The interference of a foreign ambassador in the internal economy of a -province of the empire had nothing in it which appeared abnormal or -impertinent; such interference was consecrated by long usage and had -become chronic and accepted. Ignatieff began by representing to the -sovereign that the spirit of the reforms effected by Midhat in his -vilayet, especially the institution of local councils (which was of -the very essence of the reforms introduced), were in direct opposition -to the spirit of absolutism, and that the result would infallibly be -that little by little the province itself would become detached from -the body of the empire, and would claim its entire independence, as had -already happened in the case of Egypt. It is not certain, however, that -the ambassador would have gained his point, even with a sovereign so -tenacious of his prerogatives as was Abdul Aziz, had not an unfortunate -error of typography, eagerly seized on and exploited by Ignatieff, -played into the hands of the ambassador. In a passage of the official -journal of the province, the term “deputies” was inadvertently applied -to the members of the chief council of the vilayet. This apparently -trivial circumstance, the slip of a typographist, was sufficient to -turn the scale in the Sultan’s mind and to wreck the project. Abdul -Aziz refused his consent to the proposal, on the obviously insincere -pretext of the expense connected with it. Thus this crowning act of -Midhat’s work, the reform which above all others was calculated to -attach the Bulgarians to the central government and to destroy a -nest of disaffectation in the province, was defeated by a foreign -ambassador playing on the ignorant susceptibilities and autocratic -instincts of the sovereign of the country. If this were a single and -exceptional example of the working of autocracy, it might be passed -over in comparative silence, however regrettable it was in this -particular instance; but the whole modern history of Turkey shows -that such intervention was nothing less than a system of statecraft -whereby autocracy was cunningly worked for the ruin of the country in -as certain and deadly a way as was the _Liberum Veto_ of the Polish -constitution. The spontaneous caprices and whims of an autocrat are the -least part of the baneful effects of autocracy; it is in the shadows -that flit behind the throne, stronger than the throne itself, working -systematically on the ignorance and fears of the autocrat, with settled -purpose and in pursuit of settled plans, that lies, in the East at any -rate, the real curse of absolutism. - -Simultaneously with this diplomatic action at Constantinople, order -was given to the Panslavic Committees established at Bucharest and -Kichenew to prepare for action in the field. Midhat’s agents had kept -him informed of the revival of agitation entertained by the agents of -these committees among the Bulgarian peasants, and he lost no time in -transmitting this information to the Porte. - -[Illustration: 6 7 4 2 1 3 5 - -MIDHAT PASHA AND HIS SUITE IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCE OF THE -DANUBE. - - 1. Midhat Pasha. - 2. “Inspecteur de la Cour Judiciare.” - 3. “Juge du Cheri.” - 4. Adib Effendi, Minister of Customs (1889). - 5. Rifat Pasha, Grand Vizier (1897). - 6. Raïf Pasha, Minister (1890). - 7. Chakir Pasha, “Maréchal” (1878).] - -On the 2nd May, 1867, Midhat received the following telegram from -Sistovo:—“Last night numerous armed bands crossed the frontier close -to Sistovo, and were immediately joined by other bands who were waiting -for them on this side of the frontier, and early this morning they -commenced operations by the horrible mutilation of five Mussulman -children, aged from eight to twelve, who were tending sheep on the -plains.” - -The object and purpose of these barbarities was obvious: it was to -excite reprisals on the part of the Mussulman population, which would -afford a pretext to the enemies of the empire to fill Europe with an -outcry against Turkish barbarity and fanaticism. The same policy, -heralded by the same acts, ruthlessly pursued later on, did produce the -desired effect, and Bulgarian atrocities became a proverb and byword in -the world; but on this occasion the energy of Midhat, and the patience -and forbearance of the Mussulman population, defeated the purpose of -the conspirators. Midhat, immediately on receiving the above telegram, -embarked two companies of regulars on board a steamer and despatched -them to Sistovo, whither he accompanied them himself. He found the -whole population, Christian and Mussulman, in a state of the greatest -excitement, and his first care was to calm the effervescence and to -inspire confidence in the energy and resolution of the authorities. - -The plan of the insurgents was to push on as rapidly as they could to -the Balkans, increasing their forces as they went along by the native -levies which had been organised by the committees for this purpose, -until they reached the monastery of Kapanbova, where a large _dépôt_ of -arms had been collected, and which was intended to be the headquarters -of the insurrection. - -The presence of four battalions of regulars at Capriova prevented -the execution of this plan, and after suffering several defeats in -the field, the bands dispersed in various directions, closely pursued -by the troops and the local levies that had joined them. Midhat now -instituted a special tribunal, composed of six Mussulmans and six -Christian judges, to try the rebel prisoners, and the evidence given by -the prisoners themselves, clearly demonstrated that the invading bands -had been equipped and sent out by the Slav Committees of Bucharest -and Kichenew, and were acting in unison with corresponding committees -established throughout the province. By the unanimous vote of this -tribunal, sentences of death were passed on the leaders, and penal -servitude and minor punishment, according to their status and degree of -culpability, on all the rebels taken in arms. By these energetic means -the insurrection was effectually stamped out and tranquillity restored -to the province. - -An outcry, however, was quickly raised in the European Press against -the “methods of barbarism” adopted to repress the insurrection, and the -Pasha was accused of ultra severity against Christian insurgents and -reprehensible leniency towards Mussulman offenders. - -So far from this latter accusation having any real foundation, the -very composition of the special tribunal appointed to deal with -these troubles was a guarantee of its impartiality. Moreover, the -following fact will afford an example of the impunity enjoyed by the -Mahomedan criminals. In the course of these troubles two dead bodies of -Christians were found in a field near Biscara; a judicial investigation -was immediately ordered on the spot, and the result was that the -evidence pointed to a sergeant of _gendarmerie_, a Mussulman of the -name of Mehemet Tchavouch, as having committed the murder. Pressed -by questions Mehemet made a full confession, and he was thereupon -condemned to death and forthwith executed. - -Midhat now turned his attention to the best means of anticipating -and guarding against similar raids and insurrections in the future. -He knew well that the central revolutionary committees at Bucharest -and Kichenew would not disarm, but would simply watch for a more -favourable opportunity to put their plans into execution. To garrison -the whole frontier with regular troops would expose the province -to large expenditure, and the troops, when called upon to act, to -calumny and misrepresentation. He accordingly conceived the plan of -organising a local militia of 40,000 men, recruited from all classes -of the population, Christian and Mussulman alike, to whom the defence -of their own localities should be entrusted, and they were to be -indemnified if called upon to act beyond the boundaries of their -district. By this means a cheap and effective force was provided -against all contingencies, and at the same time the confidence reposed -in the loyalty of the population generally received a conspicuous -demonstration. The defence of the line of the Danube was secured -in a similar manner. A succession of guard‐houses was established -throughout the length of the river, and their defence confided to a -river‐guard recruited equally from the Christian and Mussulman riverine -population. - -So ingenious was the plan of organisation, that the term of service -for each guardsman did not exceed one month in ten years. The arms and -equipments were provided by voluntary subscription raised from all the -inhabitants of the province. - -During all this time the greater the energy shown by Midhat in the -organisation, development and defence of this frontier province of the -empire, the greater became the determination of the Slav Committees to -undo and defeat his work. - -After the late exploits of these committees in Bulgaria, Midhat had -organised a system of surveillance at the headquarters of these -committees, and information having reached him that emissaries had been -despatched from Galatz to Belgrade in order to organise a new raid -into Bulgaria, he ordered these emissaries to be closely watched and -followed in all their movements. On their embarkation at Rustchuk, on -board the Austrian vessel _Germania_, he sent photographs of them to -the Austrian Consul, with a request that the Ottoman authorities should -be allowed to examine the passports of the passengers. Accompanied -by an Austrian Consular Agent the Turkish authorities accordingly -proceeded on board, where they were immediately received by shots -from revolvers on the part of the two suspected agents, who had -barricaded themselves in the saloon of the vessel, and had determined -to resist arrest. After an indescribable scene of confusion among the -panic‐stricken passengers aboard, the Turkish _gendarmerie_, acting -with the consent of the Consul, succeeded in effecting the capture of -the agents, who were both mortally wounded in the encounter. - -The capture of these revolutionary agents made a great noise in Europe. -General Ignatieff at Constantinople, seized on the circumstance as a -pretext to demand the recall of Midhat, accompanying the Servian Agent -to the Palace in the audience accorded to the latter, whose complaints -were founded on the fact that one of the captured agents was a Servian. -Midhat’s influence, however, was still in the ascendant, and these -intrigues remained for a time without effect. - -Other means failing, a desperate and criminal attempt was now made -to get rid of this too energetic Pasha. Two attempts to assassinate -him followed in quick succession, the first at Rustchuk, where the -overseer of the training school fired a shot, fortunately without -effect, on the Pasha as he was walking in the school enclosure; and -the other by a Servian, who attempted to enter his service with the -view to assassinating him, and who made a full confession seriously -compromising two important personages in Servia. He was sent to -Constantinople, tried, and condemned to penal servitude for life, in -spite of the strenuous efforts of General Ignatieff in his favour. - -Not very long after these stirring events (1868) Midhat was summoned -to Constantinople, where he was placed at the head of the Council of -State, and he was succeeded in the governorship of the province, for -which he had done so much, by Sabri Pasha, the deputy‐governor of Nish. - -As President of the Council, Midhat marked his short tenure of that -office by the institution of a school of Arts and Sciences at Sultan -Ahmed, in Stamboul, and by the establishment of a bank for loans, with -the special purpose of relieving small employers from the tyranny of -usurers. This bank (Emniet Sandighie) still exists. It soon, however, -became obvious to Midhat that his system of usefulness in his new -ministerial position was strictly limited; his authority in matters -pertaining to his own office was constantly overruled on important -matters, especially those concerning finance, by the Grand Vizier, -acting on the authority of the Sultan, and this incompatibility of -views culminated on the question of Turkish railways, whereupon Midhat -insisted on resigning. Just at this time Nakieddine Pasha was dismissed -from the governorship of the province of Bagdad, and Midhat was -appointed Vali of Bagdad (1869). - -Hardly had the new Vali reached his post, when he found himself -confronted with some difficult problems of quite a different order -from those he had dealt with on the Danube, but of a not less serious -description. The question of recruiting was the most urgent, and called -for immediate solution. The Arab tribes, turbulent and independent by -nature, had always shown themselves refractory to enlistment, and were -now in open revolt against its enforcement. One of the difficulties -of the situation consisted in the fact that the military authority -in the province was separated from the civil, and was in the hands -of the commander of the 6th Army Corps, Samih Pasha, whereas the -situation required all authority, military as well as civil, to be -concentrated in the hands of a single strong central authority. Midhat -did not hesitate at such a crisis to assume the full responsibility -of this concentration, and took immediate military steps to suppress -the insurrection by force. He ordered the city of Bagdad to be -surrounded by cavalry, and sent infantry and artillery to protect -the foreign Mission Houses and the non‐Mussulman quarters from the -fanaticism of the Arabs. He at the same time ordered the bridge over -the Tigris to be cut, so as to prevent intercommunication among the -rebels; and when these energetic measures had fairly intimidated the -Arabs, he offered them a general amnesty on condition of immediate -surrender. These conditions were now accepted, and the insurrection -suddenly collapsed, and no further resistance was offered to the -recruiting. The promptitude with which this dangerous rebellion was -suppressed was appreciated by the Porte, and a telegram was received -from Constantinople approving the measures he had taken, and placing -officially the supreme command of the 6th Army Corps in his hands. - -The next serious difficulty was connected with the levying of taxes. -This had always been a difficult operation among the nomad tribes, of -which the population in a great measure consisted, and was the cause of -continual disputes and insurrections. Matters had, however, now reached -a crisis, for a colonel at the head of a battalion of regulars sent to -Divanie and Dogara to collect the tithes was surrounded by tribesmen -to the number of ten thousand men, and himself killed and his troops -killed or dispersed. The new Vali seized at once the seriousness of -the situation, for the encouragement which this success afforded the -tribesmen threatened to give rise to a general insurrection of all the -surrounding nomads. - -It was necessary to avenge the defeat at once and to make a signal -example of the tribesmen concerned. Midhat accordingly ordered a large -force, consisting of seven battalions of infantry, four thousand -cavalry, with a complement of artillery, to proceed directly to Dogara, -under the command of Samih Pasha, whilst with three thousand chosen -troops he hastened himself to the disaffected district. A pitched -battle now took place between the Arabs and the troops, which resulted -in the complete defeat of the former and the capture of their chief. -A not unusual incident accompanied the close of the battle. A Shiite -Sheik, Abdul Kerim, was marching at the head of a considerable force -of tribesmen from the Shiite districts of Urfa and Aleppo to join the -rebels, when he received the news of their defeat. Pretending that he -was on the road to offer his services to the Government, he joined his -forces to those of the Vali, and accompanied the victorious troops on -their entry into Bagdad. A military tribunal was at once instituted to -try the rebels; the rebel chiefs were condemned and executed, but the -tribesmen, on the promise of future good behaviour, were released. - -Midhat Pasha clearly discerned that if an end was to be put to these -chronic troubles, and these nomad tribes were to be reduced to anything -like permanent order, it was not sufficient to defeat them in battle, -and that a radical change had to be brought about in their general -status, and especially the conditions of land tenure in the country. -The Arab cultivator, for the most part, held his lands from the State -on the condition of giving three‐fourths of the produce to the State, -retaining one‐fourth for himself. Such a system naturally discouraged -agriculture and rendered all improvements in cultivation impossible. -The consequence was that, for the most part, the Arab shunned the -soil, preferring predatory to industrial modes of gaining his living. -Midhat determined to attach him to the soil by giving him rights of -proprietorship, and divided large tracts of land into plots, which were -offered for sale on easy and advantageous terms, special provision -being made against accumulation of plots into single hands. The success -of this policy was remarkable, and whereas the revenues of the State -increased, the turbulence of the tribesmen, and the risings which had -become chronic, greatly diminished. - -The agricultural prosperity that resulted from these measures -stimulated other branches of industry and rendered it necessary to -provide outlets for the newly created surplus of the country. The -first step in this direction was to render navigable the Tigris and -Euphrates, the great arteries of the country, and to improve or create -the means of communication between their two banks, and between the -different towns situated along their course. The only service of the -kind that existed consisted of the boats of an English company plying -between Bagdad and Bussora. Midhat determined to start a service of -Turkish boats to supply adequately the needs now felt, in the same -way that he had formerly done on the Danube when he was Governor of -Bulgaria. He ordered the existing vessels to be repaired, new vessels -of a larger tonnage to be constructed, and coal _dépôts_ to be formed -at Mascat, Aden, Bender and Bushire; and now, for the first time in -history, steamers under the Ottoman flag were to be seen periodically -in the Suez Canal, on their way to Constantinople. The _Babel_, one of -these vessels, which had originally cost £T88,000 for construction, -was bought for the sum of £T33,000 from a bankrupt company, and -on its very first voyage between Constantinople and Bussora, which -coincided with the time of the pilgrimages, it cleared £T35,000—more -than sufficient to cover its purchase price. A net surplus of £T1000 -a month resulted from this improved river navigation, and Midhat now -determined on extensive dredging works, with a view to extending the -navigation northwards and adapting it to vessels of a larger tonnage. -Chakir Bey (afterwards Marshal and Ambassador to St Petersburg, and one -of Midhat’s faithful partisans) was despatched north with a company -of engineers, and reported favourably on the enterprise. Thereupon -dredging and other engineering works were immediately ordered to be -undertaken. - -The periodical overflow of the waters of the Euphrates had converted -large tracts of country into marshes, and marsh fevers in consequence -becoming endemic, rendered them uninhabitable. Drainage works on a -large scale, with a view of reclaiming these lands and of curing the -insalubrity, were also undertaken. Irrigation works were likewise -started, and much attention was devoted to this subject by the Pasha, -with a view to gradually restoring the system introduced by the first -Arab conquerors, which had converted this country into the Garden of -the East, and rendered the Caliphate of Bagdad proverbial for its -wealth and prosperity. A tramway, too, between Bagdad and Kiazimie was -constructed, and its entire length, 7 miles, completed within a year. A -textile manufactory, too, was started, and an engine of 70-h.p. ordered -in France, the despatch of which was only delayed by the breaking out -of the Franco‐German War (1870). - -Whilst energetically pursuing these material improvements, Midhat -Pasha was far from neglecting the moral side of the problem of Reform. -Schools were opened in every district; hospitals, refuges for old age, -and loan banks everywhere arose, and a printing‐press established -where the newspaper _Zora_ was published, and municipal institutions -for lighting and watering and other local purposes were instituted in -all the principal centres. A petroleum spring discovered in the vilayet -was immediately utilised for public purposes. It was not too much to -hope that a decade of such enlightened government would have repaired -the neglect of centuries and restored their ancient prosperity to the -rich valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates. - -In 1870 the Shah of Persia, accompanied by a numerous suite, came -to visit the holy places of Nejef and Kerbela, and although the -province had to support the whole expense of this costly visit, -amounting to over £T30,000, Midhat Pasha determined to give the royal -visitor a reception worthy of his exalted rank, and to profit by the -occasion by settling some vexed questions long pending between the -two neighbouring Mahomedan countries. The circulation of depreciated -Persian money in the province had long disturbed the value of exchanges -and created confusion in commercial transactions. The exchange value -of this currency, and the amount of it to be issued in the future, -were now agreed upon. The incursions and depredations of nomad -Kurds, the Hamavends, Sendjabi, etc., shifting their camping‐ground -from Persian to Turkish territory, and _vice versa_, so as to evade -taxation and elude the authorities of either nation, whilst plundering -indiscriminately the peaceful inhabitants of both, had long been a -scandal, creating a state of affairs on the frontier difficult to cope -with. A better understanding and a combined policy of surveillance -between the Persian and Turkish authorities on the frontier were now -established, and block‐houses on the model of those successfully -introduced on the Servian frontier were constructed, to the infinite -relief of the agricultural population of both nations, situated on the -entire length of this extensive line. Midhat Pasha failed, however, to -obtain the sanction of the Persian authorities to a scheme which he had -long cherished, and which he trusted to this occasion to be able to put -into execution. - -At Nejef, one of the sacred places to which periodical pilgrimages -were made, there were rich treasures, the proceeds of the offerings -of Indian and Persian devotees of the Shiite sect during centuries -past, which, on the invasion of the Wahabites, had been hidden in a -cave. Midhat Pasha had ordered the cave to be opened and an official -inventory to be made of the treasures that it contained. This inventory -revealed treasures of diamonds, rubies, pearls, and other precious -stones, to the value of no less than £T300,000, and Midhat proposed a -public sale of the treasure and the appropriation of its proceeds to -works of public utility, such as a railway between Persia and Bagdad, -or, if such an appropriation of a sacred treasure appeared too secular, -at least to the creation of such much‐needed institutions as hospitals -and refuges and caravanserai for the pilgrims on the route of their -pilgrimages to the holy places. Even this reasonable proposal, however, -was vetoed by the Persian Ulemas, and the whole scheme falling through, -Midhat ordered the treasure to be carefully deposited again in the -cave from which it had been taken, and its entrance secured with the -official seals of the Turkish and Persian authorities. - -Certain events now took place having a bearing beyond the boundaries -of the province and of a quasi‐international character. The town of -Bussora, important on account of its geographical position as the -terminus station of the Euphrates on the Persian Gulf, suffered from -the inconvenience of an extremely unhealthy climate, resulting from -the stagnant waters of the Achar, a branch of the river Shat‐el‐Arab, -on which it was built. Midhat determined to remove the site of the -township on to the main river, and with that view built a Governor’s -house and Government buildings on the new site as a nucleus for a new -city. Outside this enclosure, the township of Nassrieh was laid out -on plans furnished by the Pasha, to become the capital of the sandjak -of Muntefik, and to replace the old town of Suk esh‐sheyuh which -was falling into ruins, and was deficient in all the necessaries of -civilisation. - -Sixty miles from Bussora, and on the coast of Nedjed, is situated -the little town of Koweit of six thousand houses, the inhabitants of -which are all Mussulmans. Midhat Pasha’s predecessor, Namik Pasha, -had endeavoured to bring this population within the influence of his -jurisdiction, but they successfully resisted all attempts at imposing -taxation upon them, and had maintained their quasi‐independence under -their own chiefs, the descendants of one Sabah who had come with -this tribe of “Moutayer” from Nedjed five hundred years before, and -had maintained ever since with practical independence a republican -form of government, choosing by election their own judges (_cadis_) -and the professors of their religious schools (_medresses_). Owing -to the restricted extent of their territory, the inhabitants, like -those of Venice, took chiefly to maritime pursuits, and upwards of two -hundred small vessels of various tonnage traversed in every direction -the Indian Ocean, as far as the coasts of Zanzibar, and practically -monopolised the pearl fisheries of the Persian Gulf. Although they had -adopted a special flag of their own, they occasionally hoisted a Dutch -or English flag, to secure certain privileges accorded to these flags -by the capitulations. It seemed highly desirable to Midhat Pasha to -put an end to this equivocal status of the inhabitants of Koweit, and -to regularise their position. He accordingly entered into negotiations -with them, and offered the full enjoyment of their autonomy and -privileges under the government of their own Sheik Sabah, provided they -recognised themselves as forming part and parcel of the Ottoman empire, -and adopted the Ottoman flag as their national ensign. These conditions -were accepted by the people of Koweit, and their territory became a -sandjak of the vilayet of Bagdad. A formal treaty to that effect was -drawn up and signed and confirmed by _berats_ (writs of investiture) -from Constantinople, and new schools and mosques arose in Koweit. - -After the settlement of Koweit, Midhat’s attention was turned to the -conquest of the Nedjed, the most important event that marked his -governorship of Bagdad. - -The Nedjed is the geographical denomination of an extent of country -including about a quarter of the Arabian peninsula. Soliman, the -conqueror, after defeating the Portuguese squadron in the Persian Gulf, -had annexed it to his empire, and had despatched a special governor -from Constantinople to administer the province of Hassa. A century -after this, the inhabitants rose in revolt and formed themselves into a -separate State, which included the island of Bahrein in its limits. On -the first breaking out of these troubles, the Egyptian troops sent out -to repress the revolt had been successful, and had defeated the rebels -at Riad and Derayeh, forcing the Wahabites to recognise the authority -of the Sultan, but the Ottoman Government, whose attention was now -turned elsewhere, neglected to follow up this success, and the Nedjed -gradually regained its independence under the dynasty of Wahab. - -In the time of Midhat Pasha, the reigning Sheik, Abdul Fazil, whilst -in the enjoyment of quasi‐independence himself, had never dreamt -of encroaching on the neighbouring territories under the authority -of the Sultan, nor of exciting revolt among their inhabitants by -preaching among them the particular tenets of Wahabism; but his brother -Saood, under the instigation of certain counsellors, with a view to -supplanting him in the government of the country, declared war on him, -and succeeded in dethroning him. - -Abdul Fazil now had recourse to the intervention of Midhat Pasha, whom -he warned of the probable consequences that would follow the victory of -his brother with respect to the propagandism of Wahabite ideas among -the surrounding tribes. Midhat determined to act, but before entering -on a campaign that might prove an arduous undertaking, he took measures -to ascertain the exact forces that Saood had at his disposal, as well -as the topography of the country where military operations would have -to be carried out. With this view, spies and agents disguised as -merchants were sent in various directions, and soundings were taken of -different parts of the coast. A full report as to the situation of the -Nedjed in all these respects was in due course furnished to Midhat, who -in the meantime had requested and obtained the necessary authorisation -from the Grand Vizier, Aali Pasha, for the projected campaign. - -Midhat was aware that certain delicate international questions might -arise in the course of the expedition. The policy of England, as -represented by its Indian Government, had always been to favour rather -than to discourage the desire of independence on the part of the Arab -chiefs in this part of the world. A serious and systematic attempt, -therefore, to suppress their independence and to attach these distant -members permanently to the body of the Ottoman Empire might seem to -run counter to the policy of the Indian Government on the shores of -the neighbouring Persian Gulf. Midhat had always been a stout and -consistent supporter of the English Alliance, but he was by no means -inclined for that reason to sacrifice to that alliance the essential -interest of the Ottoman Empire; and while resolved to proceed with -tact and due considerateness for the interests and susceptibilities of -a friendly Power, he did not hesitate, in spite of a certain amount -of sympathy manifested by England towards Saood, to proceed with the -expedition he had resolved upon. - -The most populous province of Nedjed was Hassa, with its port Elkatif. -Thirty‐two hours distant from this port are situated the townships -of Elhofuf and Elmuberez, surrounded by fortified walls. Six hours -distant from Elkatif is the port of Ras Tannurah, offering favourable -conditions for a disembarkation of troops. Securing his communications -between Bussora and Elkatif, a distance of 360 miles by sea, by means -of the proffered co‐operation of Abdullah Elsabah, Sheik of Koweit, -who put his flotilla at the disposal of the Pasha for that purpose, -Midhat embarked five battalions of regular troops with a complement of -artillery under the command of Nafiz Pasha, General of division, for -the port of Ras Tannurah, whence they immediately marched to Elkatif, -which after a faint resistance capitulated to the Ottoman troops. The -surrender of Elmuberez and other strategical points in the Wahabs’ -country followed in quick succession, and in a very short space of time -the partisans of Saood were dispersed and the whole country brought -under Imperial rule. - -Midhat was now about to start himself for the Nedjed, with a view to -organise the country as a province of the Ottoman Empire, when his -attention was called by the Governor of Diarbekir, Kurd Ismail Pasha, -to the suspicious movements in the neighbourhood of Urfa of Sheik -Abdul Kerim, of the tribe of Chamar, the same, it will be remembered, -who, on the occasion of the revolt of the Dogara tribesmen, arriving -too late to assist the defeated rebels, turned round and offered his -services to the victorious Pasha. - -Thinking the present occasion more favourable for carrying out his -cherished policy, he was marching straight on Bagdad, killing and -pillaging on his route. Warned by Kurd Ismail, Midhat took immediate -steps to crush him. Abdul Kerim had divided his forces into three -parts, the first advancing on Zor, the second on Mosul, and the -third, under his own command, marching on Bagdad. On this information -reaching him, Midhat ordered two battalions of regulars to reinforce -Kurd Ismail, whilst General Echeref Pasha was directed to fortify -Zor and other strategical points on the Tigris and Euphrates. These -troops coming into collision with the first division of Abdul Kerim’s -army in the neighbourhood of Zor, easily dispersed them, whilst Kurd -Ismail himself, attacking the second division of the rebels in the -neighbourhood of Mosul, completely routed it. On learning of the -successive defeats of the two wings of this invading army, Abdul -Kerim quickly abandoned all idea of advancing, and took measures to -secure his own safety. His retreat by the desert being cut off by -the droughts prevailing at this season, he made for his own native -country, the Chamar, but Midhat threatening Sheik Ibn Reshid, chief -of the tribe Djebel, if he ventured to offer refuge to the rebel, -diverted Abdul Kerim’s retreat to the direction of Muntefik by Hilah -and Kerbela, where he fell in with Nassir Pasha, and in the fight that -ensued was wounded and taken prisoner. After a regular trial for armed -rebellion and treachery, he was condemned to death, and the sentence -being approved of by the authorities at Constantinople, he was in due -course hanged at Mosul. His brother, Ferhan Pasha, now received the -chieftainship of the tribe Chamar, with an increase of territory and -a regular monthly subsidy, whilst the turbulent tribesmen acknowledged -the authority of the Imperial Government and consented to pay the -taxes. This settlement was followed by a resumption of agricultural -pursuits on the part of the inhabitants, and the general pacification -of the country. - -But troubles in these parts did not end with the conquest of the -Nedjed and the defeat of Abdul Kerim. Abdullah Fazil—who had by means -of Ottoman arms been restored to the government of Elkatif, with the -Turkish title of Mutessarif, in the new vilayet of Nedjed—once freed -from all apprehension respecting the ambition of his brother Saood, -began to manifest restlessness under Turkish regular administration. -Discontent, too, with Turkish fiscal arrangements was felt by the -tribesmen, and affairs began again to assume a threatening aspect. -Midhat determined to inquire into the causes of this discontent, and -finding that exemption from all taxation, save that sanctioned by the -Mussulman law, viz. the tithe, had been consecrated by secular usage -among them, and that the neighbouring tribes who had come under English -protection, Oman, Mascat, etc., fully enjoyed the privilege of this -exemption, determined to satisfy the population of Elkatif in this -respect, and forthwith consented to limit their liability to taxation -to the regular payment of the tithe. - -There remained the island of Bahrein, the conquest of which, on account -of the importance of its position on the Persian Gulf, Midhat now -determined to effect. In order to superintend operations himself, and -in case of any international friction demanding his presence, Midhat -started for the Nedjed. Abdullah Fazil hearing of this, and fearing -that his own equivocal conduct was the cause of the journey, fled from -Elkatif to Riad, and in spite of the Pasha’s assurances, refused to -return. His dismissal from the Government was thereupon pronounced, and -the district converted into the sandjak of Hassa, and together with -the command of the troops, was entrusted to Nafiz Pasha. A friendly -interchange of views now took place between Midhat Pasha and the -Government of India, the result of which was that the island of Bahrein -was officially annexed to the Mutessarifat of Hassa. Two Turkish -corvettes, the _Libnan_ and the _Iskenderoun_, under the command of -Arif Bey, sailed for the island, followed by two English gunboats -under Commander Pelly, and the Turkish and English vessels exchanged -salutes and other friendly courtesies in the port. When the Turkish -sailors disembarked on the island they were received with the most -indescribable enthusiasm by the islanders, who had not seen the Turkish -ensign flying on a man‐of‐war for two centuries past. The Sheik of the -island offered an appropriate piece of land to be used as a _dépôt_ -for coals for Turkish vessels, and offered to place the resources of -the island at the disposition of the Turkish authorities if necessity -should arise. On weighing anchor from Bahrein the two corvettes were -joined by the vessel that had Midhat Pasha on board, and the little -flotilla sailed together to Koweit. Here the same scenes were enacted -that had distinguished the visit to Bahrein, and nothing occurred -to mar the cordiality that existed between the Ottoman and British -forces that met in these Eastern ports. The convention which had been -previously agreed upon between Midhat and the British authorities -prevented any friction between them. - -The re‐establishment of Imperial authority in these regions justified, -and indeed necessitated, a considerable increase in the Turkish -flotilla in these waters. Before the opening of the Suez Canal, Turkey -only possessed the two corvettes the _Boursa_, and the _Ismir_, neither -of which was in a sea‐going condition. Midhat sent the _Boursa_ to -Bombay to undergo repairs, and added the _Libnan_, _Iskenderoun_, -_Deniz_, _Babel_, _Ninova_, _Nedjed_, and _Assour_, besides ten -vessels of light draught for river police, and to reinforce the -Bagdad squadron. The port of Bussora, no longer adequate to the naval -requirements of the province, was enlarged and improved, and works for -an inner harbour capable of anchoring vessels of 10-feet draught were -commenced at Kut‐el‐Frenghi on the river Shat‐el‐arab. - -All these various improvements and reforms, and the general advance in -the political and administrative status of this important province, -were highly appreciated by the Government of the Porte, which was -now under the enlightened guidance of Aali Pasha, who addressed the -following letter to Midhat Pasha:— - - - “EXCELLENCY,—The very weak state of health from which I have - been for some time suffering has been the cause of the delay that - has occurred in answering your letters concerning the voyage of - His Majesty the Shah. Pray accept my most sincere excuses. I beg - to congratulate you in a very especial manner, on your brilliant - successes in the Nedjed. Everything seems to indicate that, thanks - to the tact with which you have brought about the pacification of - the Provinces of Assir, the political importance of which is so - considerable, the whole Arabic peninsula will soon return to its - ancient status. By your services you have merited the glorious title, - ‘Haremein Muhteremein.’ - - “The effect of the Shah’s visit on the Shiite population in the - province was the subject of considerable preoccupation with us, - but the good intentions and loyalty manifested on both sides, have - smoothed over many difficulties and brought about highly desirable - results.... It is quite certain that Nevab Ikbal Eldevle, being - a just and upright man, will blame and discourage any flagrant - departure from justice and equity on the part of his co‐religionists. - - “Be good enough to thank him in my name, when the occasion offers, - for the seal in agate, the engraving and inscription on which are - very fine. - - “Prince Abbas Mirza has arrived here, and he has twice been received - in Audience by his Majesty.... He seems a polished and intelligent - person, but I have not yet had any opportunity to form an estimate of - his character. - - “I am, - - “(seal) MEHMED EMIN AALI. - - “23 _Djemaziel Evel, 1288_ (1871), _Hegira_.” - - -By the same courtier the Sultan Abdul Aziz sent Midhat Pasha a sword of -honour set with diamonds, with the inscription “Nedjed” engraved on it. -This was the closing scene of Midhat’s governorship of Bagdad, and with -it closed the first half of his career, viz., as Provincial Governor. -Circumstances were occurring at Constantinople destined to bring him -on the scene there, to play his part in the important political events -about to occur in the metropolis. - -But a change of a portentous nature had taken place at Constantinople. -Fuad Pasha and Aali Pasha, whose prestige and popularity had gained an -ascendancy over the Sultan, and had, since his accession, practically -monopolised power, and who had strenuously supported Midhat in all -his reforming measures both on the Danube and the Euphrates, died -within a few months of each other. The disappearance of these two able -and powerful Ministers synchronized with the return of Abdul Aziz -from a tour in Europe, when symptoms of an ominous character began -to reveal themselves in the sovereign. He showed himself impatient -of contradiction or advice of any kind, expressing openly his -relief at being freed from the incubus of his former Grand Viziers; -he completely changed the etiquette of the Court, imposing on the -occasion of audiences an antiquated ceremonial, accompanied by unwonted -prostrations to be observed on entering the Imperial presence, and he -directed that henceforth he should be addressed in inflated language, -strange even to the forms of Oriental adulation. But what was more -serious than these triflings of Imperial vanity, was the fact that he -now launched out, careless of the resources of the budget, on the most -lavish expenditure of every kind both of a public and private nature. -Fleets of costly ironclads were ordered and equipped without regard to -their cost; marble palaces rose, as by enchantment, on the banks of the -Bosphorus, and every whim and caprice on his own part or that of the -Palace had to be gratified without stint or delay. He found in Mahmoud -Nedim a compliant Grand Vizier, who, in return for the retention of -power, undertook to find the ways and means for the gratification of -all his master’s wishes. - -The reflex action of this state of things at headquarters was felt -in the most distant provinces. When the exactions of the Palace had -expropriated the balance of the sums destined to the various services -of the State, recourse was had to the provinces to make good the -deficiencies by extraordinary “benevolences” and remittances. Works -of public utility or necessity were accordingly suspended, and the -funds necessary for their completion diverted to the metropolis. -Incompetent favourites arrived from Constantinople with orders to the -Vali to provide them with lucrative posts, and by these means the whole -fabric of the new administration, painfully and patiently built up, -was dislocated and deranged. Midhat, recognising the impossibility of -governing in such conditions, resigned his Governorship and set out for -Constantinople. - - -THE FIRST GRAND VIZIERATE OF MIDHAT PASHA. - -On his arrival in Constantinople, Midhat found that an order had been -issued for his banishment from the capital, under cloak of nominating -him to the government of Adrianople. Insisting, however, on the -exercise of his right of audience with the sovereign before setting out -for his new post, he made such strong representations to the Sultan -with respect to the general situation of the empire, that Abdul Aziz -thereupon abruptly dismissed Mahmoud Nedim, and appointed Midhat Grand -Vizier in his place (1873). - -As soon as he had filled the principal offices of State with the best -material he could find—Chirvani Rushdi Pasha, Djémil Pasha, and Sadik -Pasha—the first and most pressing necessity that confronted him was -to endeavour to put the Finances in order. This was no easy task. The -public accounts presented were entirely fictitious. His first discovery -was to the effect that whereas the budget showed a surplus of half a -million (£T), there was in point of fact a deficit of three millions. -The actual appropriation of the sums debited in the accounts presented -another difficulty. A sum of £T100,000 disbursed by the Treasury was -not accounted for at all. Midhat insisted on a full inquiry, and, -discovering that this sum had been appropriated by the late Grand -Vizier, directed an investigation into the matter before the members -of the Council of State, who ordered its immediate restitution by -Mahmoud Nedim, and recommended his banishment. He, however, alleging -in private that this sum in question although nominally attributed to -him was really allotted to the Palace, found in the Valide Sultan and -her _entourage_ most powerful allies in his duel with Midhat. Banished -by the insistence of the Grand Vizier, first to Adrianople and then to -Trebizond, he soon obtained permission to return to Constantinople. - -Two distinct parties began now to stand out in clear relief. On the -one side was Midhat, warmly supported by public opinion in the capital -and in the provinces, and by all that was most enlightened among the -Softas and Ulemas, headed by Chakir Effendi, and on the other side -the whole army of corruption, headed by Mahmoud Nedim and protected by -the Valide Sultan and the Palace Camarilla. Another powerful ally of -the late Grand Vizier was General Ignatieff, who by the most ingenious -and persistent methods—condescending even to the resources of the -stage—worked on the mind of the Sultan in order to restore Mahmoud -Nedim to power. - -An incident soon occurred which brought matters to a crisis. The -Khedive of Egypt, desirous of changing the order of succession in -his family and of obtaining various privileges and prerogatives -from his suzerain, was in the habit of making periodical visits -to Constantinople, carrying away with him each time, by judicious -payments, some shred of the sovereign rights of the Porte. These visits -became a regular source of income and emolument to the Palace and all -its myrmidons. Arriving at Constantinople on the occasion of one of -these visits he found Midhat Pasha installed as Grand Vizier, and to -his surprise and disappointment, and to the discomfiture of the Palace -clique, he was obliged this time to return to Alexandria with his -presents, _re infectâ_. - -It soon became apparent that one of two things must happen: the Sultan -would either have to change the whole _régime_ and scale of expenditure -of the Palace, or change his Grand Vizier; and as he never really -contemplated the former course, he adopted the latter. The determining -cause was Midhat’s action with reference to certain scandals—incidents -connected with Baron Hirsch’s railway schemes. - -It is only in a despotic country, where State contracts are signed in -the dark, and _cahiers de charge_ are examined by carefully chosen -experts and passed by complaisant accountants, that such a scandal as -the Hirsch railways is possible or conceivable. If the cynicism of the -whole transaction had not become notorious, and thus excited as much -laughter as its nefariousness caused indignation, it would be worth -while to set out in detail all the circumstances of this stupendous -business. - -To obtain a contract giving unlimited control over the richest forests -in the world, on the pretext of cutting sleepers, is in itself a -pretty smart stroke of business. To stipulate for payment of railways -according to the mileage executed, irrespective of topographical -considerations or local requirements, is a triumph of contracting -skill; but to claim payment for work done in the plains only, on -the basis of an average calculated for working through plains and -mountain‐chains alike, is the very glory of financial genius. The -secret, too, of the art was as simple as the result was lucrative. -Backsheesh in adequate amounts, distributed at appropriate moments in -the right quarters, was the alpha and omega of the business. - -Midhat, in his determination to strike at the root of the whole system -of corruption, irrespective of persons or of consequences, having -discovered that the highest person in the land was himself a recipient -of the largesses of the Austrian baron, insisted on the restitution of -the sums received. The Sultan listened to the advice tendered, returned -the money, and dismissed his Grand Vizier. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -DEPOSITION AND DEATH OF ABDUL AZIZ - - -After an honourable exile as Governor of Salonica, Midhat obtained -leave to return to Constantinople, and after a brief tenure of the -office of Minister of Justice and of the Presidency of the Council -of State, he handed in his resignation in the following terms, and -retired to his Konak in the neighbourhood of the capital and awaited -developments: - - -_To Midhat Pasha, President of the Council of State._ - - - “I beg that your Highness will be good enough to instruct me as to - the reply I am to make to His Majesty, in case he should question me - as to the motives for your resignation. - - “HAFIZ MEHEMED - - “_Head Chamberlain_ (_of Sultan Aziz_).” - - -_Reply._ - - “EXCELLENCY,—My request is not based upon any personal motives. I - have nothing but praise for all my colleagues, both high and low; - but the motives which have forced me to this decision are, as I have - already set out in my petition, the difficulties of the position in - which we are placed, that is to say, our finances are in a hopeless - condition, the civil administration is utterly disorganised, and the - state of the army is beyond description; all this compromised the - security and credit of the country, and the non‐Mussulman element - loudly proclaims the intention that it long ago formed of placing - itself under foreign protection. While the faults and mistakes - made twenty years ago have prepared the way for the disasters - which are now showing themselves in rapid succession, and which are - sufficient to employ all our time, our foreign policy has also been - misdirected, the feelings of the Powers have changed towards us, - and they entertain hostile intentions towards our country to such a - degree that the most friendly Power has lost all confidence in us. - It is impossible for us not to deplore the unfortunate results which - this line of conduct cannot fail to produce for Turkey, and for the - faithful servants of His Majesty—that of being unable to see the - future clearly before them. In view of the attitude adopted by His - Highness the Grand Vizier, which gives reason to hope that this state - of affairs may be remedied, I feel compelled to devote my feeble - efforts and support to those duties which are specially incumbent on - me in the existing crisis through which the Ministry is passing. But - as I have explained in the petition which I have already sent in, I - have passed the greater portion of my life in provincial service, and - have never taken part in such delicate and complicated affairs, and - am therefore compelled to ask you to have the goodness to intercede - with His Majesty to accept my resignation. - - “I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “29 _Cheval_, 1291 (1874).” - - -In the meantime things went from bad to worse in the affairs of the -State. Grand Viziers one after the other were appointed and dismissed. -Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, Essad Pasha, Chervani Rushdi Pasha, held office -for a few months only, and with the best of intentions were utterly -unable to grapple with the situation, and the “villain of the piece,” -Mahmoud Nedim, was at last recalled to office. The finances of the -country were fast getting beyond all remedy. Although it was only -twenty years since the fatal secret of a national debt had been learnt -in Turkey, bankruptcy was already staring the country in the face. So -palpable was this to the best friends of Turkey, that Mr Yorke in the -British Parliament, in the interests of a long‐standing ally of Great -Britain, and of the alliance itself, called attention to the state of -Turkish finances, and summoned the British Government to intervene -through its ambassador at Constantinople to endeavour to ward off -impending catastrophes. Three months after this warning the Turkish -Treasury suspended payment on half the amount of the coupons of the -public debt. - -The outcry caused by this measure throughout Europe, not only in -strictly commercial and financial circles, but in every class of the -community, was indescribable. Tempted by the high rate of interest, -and confiding in the assurances of financiers interested in floating -successive loans that “Turkey always has paid and therefore always -would pay” the coupons of its debts, the _petite bourgeoisie_ and the -small investor had largely placed their savings in Turkish bonds, and -the “tightness” and misery caused by the suspension was undoubtedly -very great (1875). Meetings of indignant bond‐holders were held in -every capital and large city in Europe, and the Turkish Government and -the Turkish nation, the Pasha and the people, were confounded in a -common anathema. The ground was admirably prepared for an explosion of -political passion directed against Turkey. The occasion for this was -not long in presenting itself. - -During the second Vizierate of Essad Pasha, certain movements of a -suspicious nature took place on the Montenegrin frontier which would -have arrested the attention of a more vigilant Government. A party of -sixty Slav peasants from the village of Nevesinje in the Commune of -Mostar, on some trivial quarrel with the local authorities, emigrated -in a body across the frontier into Montenegro. In a short time, through -the good offices of the Russian Ambassador, they obtained leave to -return to their homes; but very soon, in concert with their Montenegrin -friends, they organised a _razzia_ on the lands of the neighbouring -Mussulmans. Instead of nipping this incipient rebellion in the bud and -enquiring into its cause, the local authorities temporised with its -leaders and awaited instructions from Constantinople as to how they -were to proceed. Encouraged by this impunity, and with the assurance -of external support, the insurgent bands rapidly increased in numbers, -and when at last the Government determined to act, it found itself in -presence of a serious rebellion. Essad Pasha, well‐intentioned but -weak, and preoccupied with the serious outlook of affairs generally, -accepted the insidious offer of the Russian and Austrian Ambassadors to -intervene between the leaders of the bands and the Supreme Government. -No policy could have been more fatal. It afforded the greatest possible -encouragement to the rebels, who considered the step an acknowledgment -by the Government of its own inability to deal with the movement; -it practically conceded belligerent rights to the rebels, and it -encouraged the habit and consecrated the principle of interference by -foreign governments in the internal affairs of the empire. - -The hollowness of the offer was apparent the moment the terms of -surrender came to be discussed, and the net result of this diplomatic -comedy was, as was no doubt intended, that what was at first an -insignificant rising of a handful of peasants was raised to the dignity -of a recognised rebellion that could negotiate on equal terms with -the Imperial Government through the medium of foreign consuls and -ambassadors. - -Mahmoud Nedim had now succeeded Essad Pasha as Grand Vizier (1875), -and as no effective measures were taken to suppress the rising, it -went on spreading from village to village and district to district -till the contagion was caught in Bulgaria. There, in the beginning -of 1874, a commencement of unrest showed itself in the districts -of Drenova, Kazanlik, and Zagra; but the local authorities (warned -by what had taken place in the Herzegovina through the neglect of -initial precautions) had all the leaders of the movement arrested. -Thereupon General Ignatieff made such energetic representations to the -Porte, that orders arrived not only for the release of the imprisoned -malcontents, but for the dismissal of all the functionaries concerned -in their arrest.[6] - -The effect of this novel and original mode of dealing with an -insurrection was soon apparent in the effervescence and excitement it -caused among the Mussulman population throughout the province. They -saw rebel bands, the leaders of which were patronised and supported by -foreign consuls and diplomatists, being organised without disguise and -approaching their own hearths, whereas all defensive measures on the -part of their own natural leaders were discountenanced and punished. -They thereupon resolved to take the matter into their own hands, and -formed vigilance committees and organised local bands under the command -of retired _zaptiés_ throughout the province. - -In such psychological conditions an explosion of popular passions -was certain sooner or later to take place. The occasion for this was -furnished by an incident that occurred at Salonica on the 5th May 1875. -This incident was, with the Bulgarian insurrection and the Berlin Note, -one of the external difficulties that confronted the Government, and -placed it in a very critical position. A young Bulgarian girl had -come by rail to Salonica from a neighbouring village on the evening -of the 5th May, accompanied by a _hoadja_, with a view to making a -declaration of conversion to Mahomedanism before the Grand Council of -Salonica—a formality required by the law, as a preliminary to her -being married to a young Mahomedan of her village. On her arrival -at the station she was met by a mob of Greeks and Bulgarians who -pulled off her _yashmak_ and _feradje_ (mantle and veil), and forcing -her into a carriage, in spite of the efforts of four _zaptiés_ who -came up in the middle of the disturbance, drove her at a gallop to -the American Consulate, where the brother of the Vice‐Consul (a -Bulgarian), who had arranged the abduction, concealed her during the -night. The next day he had her removed to the house of a friend, so -that all trace of the girl should be lost. But early next morning a -Mussulman mob, comprising (as in such occurrences is certain to be -the case) the worst and most violent sections of the population, had -assembled at the Konak and loudly demanded the restoration of the -girl and her appearance before the Grand Council. As their demands -were not complied with, they retired to the Saatli Mosque, adjacent -to the Governor’s Konak, where they reiterated their demands for the -restoration of the girl. Unfortunately, by some fatality which was -never satisfactorily explained, the German and French Consuls found -their way into the mosque in the very midst of excited Mussulmans. -Whether they went there of their own accord to remonstrate and argue -with the people, or approaching the scene of the demonstration were -hustled into the mosque, was never cleared up. But once they appeared -there, the frenzy of the mob burst all bounds, and the most violent -amongst them, pursuing the Consuls into one of the apartments of the -_Muderris_ (Academy) in connection with the mosque, fell on them -with iron bars hastily snatched from the windows of the mosque, and -murdered them on the spot. The English Consul, Mr Blunt, accompanied -by his _cavass_, seems to have been the only one who kept his head on -this occasion and acted with presence of mind and sagacity; for, at -the risk of his own life, he forced his way to the Konak, and when he -found that the Governor could not effect the restoration of the girl, -which was the only way to calm the mob and rescue the Consuls, he sent -to the American Vice‐Consulate to apprize Mr Lazaro, who was the cause -of the whole disturbance, of the perilous situation of his colleagues, -the French and German Consuls, and to implore him to restore the girl. -Unfortunately, Mr Lazaro at first procrastinated and pretended that -he did not know where the girl was, and so precious time was lost; -and when subsequently, on a further appeal from Mr Consul Blunt, he -delivered up the girl, it was too late, for the crime against the -foreign Consuls who had intervened had been accomplished. - -Although the Ottoman Government took immediate steps to punish the -authors of this crime—the six principal leaders of which were -immediately executed, and the remainder punished with severe terms -of penal servitude—the effect of the outrage on the public opinion -of Europe, in the existing state of feeling in regard to Turkey, -can easily be conceived. It excited indignation everywhere; but the -anti‐Turkish Press, now pretty numerous, seized on it with avidity and -pointed to it as irrefragable evidence of the incorrigible fanaticism -of the whole Mussulman population of the empire, and called for various -coercive measures, amounting in some cases to a combined crusade, to -protect the Christians in the country, now threatened with wholesale -massacre.[7] - -It was in vain that Europeans who had lived all their lives in the -country, and were acquainted from personal experience with the feelings -and opinions of the inhabitants, protested against these exaggerations -and deprecated their vain terrors. Colonel James Baker, an English -resident for twenty years in the neighbourhood of Salonica, where he -had been farming on a large scale, and whose occupation had brought -him in contact with all sorts and conditions of men, Christian and -Mahomedan alike, wrote a book ridiculing these apprehensions, and -communicating his experiences of the harmony and good fellowship -existing among the adherents of both religions, with whom he had for -twenty years been brought into contact. - -But the experience of people living on the spot could not stem the -torrent of hostile prejudice fortified by such dramatic examples -as the murder of the Consuls at Salonica. General Ignatieff, whose -plans were being admirably served by events, was not slow in lending -the weight of his authority to the propagation of these imaginary -terrors. He embodied 300 Montenegrin workmen at Constantinople to -serve as a body‐guard of his Embassy, to the amusement of his more -sensible colleagues, who were quite aware of the baselessness of the -fears that were the pretext of these ostentatious precautions. But the -_mise en scène_ contrived by the ingenious ambassador was not the less -effective, and these picturesque mountaineers as they lounged about -the streets of Pera, in their handsome national costume, bristling -with multifarious arms in their embroidered sashes, were striking -advertisements of the terrible dangers that threatened all Christians -in the fanatical land of the Osmanli. - -Servia, too, was preparing to enter the lists. Although without -the shred of a grievance against the suzerain Power, nor indeed -alleging any, Prince Milan, moved by the sole ambition to convert his -principality into a kingdom, had easily allowed himself to be drawn -into the conspiracy of a concerted attack on the Ottoman Empire. All -the reserves of his army were called out and armed with newly imported -rifles; and trains full of Russian officers of all grades and ranks, -from Generals of divisions to corporals and sergeants, arrived daily at -the capital to organise this militia into a fighting machine, and to -drill the raw peasants into soldiers. The whole country, in fact, from -Belgrade to Alexinatz, was an armed camp. - -Everything portended important developments for the ensuing spring -(1875). Early in the year, information reached the Porte that a serious -outbreak would take place in Bulgaria in the month of April, and that -the districts of Philippopolis, Eski‐Zagra, and Tirnova would be the -scene of the explosion. The information which was very detailed and -supported by evidence as to its accuracy, was accompanied by an earnest -request by the authorities of the threatened districts that a body of -regular troops should be despatched to the spot to inspire confidence -in the inhabitants and to protect the lives and property of peaceful -citizens. General Ignatieff again interfered, and in the capacity -of _amicus curiæ_, insisted that the presence of regular troops -would only inflame the passions of the population and precipitate a -crisis. Mahmoud Nedim allowed himself to be persuaded by the Russian -Ambassador, and persisted in turning a deaf ear to the reiterated -requests of the local authorities for the despatch of a regular force. - -Three weeks before the appointed day (16th April 1875) the anticipated -rising took place. It was accompanied by exactly the same incidents -that had characterised every previous rising that obeyed a _mot -d’ordre_ from outside. The armed bands fell on the first Mussulmans -they met with, and massacred them all, regardless of age or sex, with -the obvious aim of provoking reprisals that should play into the hands -of the enemies of Turkey.[8] These reprisals did, in fact, take place, -and were, no doubt, of a sanguinary and wholesale character. It is not -intended here to defend or condemn the atrocities that took place on -this occasion; but human nature being what it is, and the provocation -endured by the Mussulman population being taken into account, and due -allowance being made for the contagion of passion and panic, it is -no great wonder if scenes were enacted in Bulgaria that have marked -revolution and _jacqueries_ in all ages in every part of the world; -and perhaps still less if a confessedly and bitterly hostile Press in -Europe denounced “methods of barbarism” with little sifting of evidence -and with much dramatic exaggeration. Party spirit has occasionally not -scrupled to apply exactly the same terms without much reason to the -methods of warfare of its own regular troops. One fact was clearly and -conclusively established by the various commissions subsequently sent -to prosecute enquiries on the spot, viz., that not a single instance -occurred of an unarmed Christian being injured, or of a Christian -village being destroyed whose inhabitants had not actually risen in -armed rebellion. Fanaticism, in the strict acceptation of the term, is -not so discriminating. - -Matters had now come to such a pass that a general cataclysm was -to be apprehended. Bulgaria, Montenegro and Herzegovina in flames, -Servia arming to the teeth under the supervision of competent foreign -officers, Roumania preparing to move in the same direction, a bankrupt -treasury at home, a Grand Vizier whose sole resource seemed to be in -the promises and counsels of a perfidious ambassador, the arch‐enemy of -his country, and a sovereign wholly unconscious, or careless, of the -condition of the empire, provided his own extravagant caprices were -gratified—such was the aspect of affairs in Turkey in the spring of -1876. But that was not all. - -Under the spur of public opinion, and moved by secret springs in the -same direction, European diplomacy was meddling with the matter. Rulers -of State and masters of many legions were holding meetings to discuss -the situation in the East, and “Notes” and “Memorandums” were flying -about the Chancellories of Europe. The diplomatic outlook was quite as -menacing as the situation at home was critical. - -It was in such a condition of affairs that counsel was being taken -in Midhat’s Konak, among a few patriots who did not yet despair of -their country, as to the best mode of saving the empire. But before -the events that led up to the deposition of the Sultan Abdul Aziz are -detailed, it will be useful to cast a glance at what was passing in the -diplomatic world in Europe. - -The first and most important event in this respect, inasmuch as it was -the key of all that subsequently occurred, was the meeting of the Czar -and the Emperor of Austria at Reichstadt, 8th July 1876.[9] - -The outcome of that interview, with respect to Turkey, is no secret -to‐day, but twenty‐five years ago it was certainly ignored in London, -otherwise the negotiations that took place between the English -and Austrian Governments relative to the contingency of an armed -intervention in the Turko‐Russian War—carried on through the Austrian -Embassy in London in the significant absence of the Ambassador, which -went so far as to discuss the terms of a guaranteed war loan—would -certainly not have occurred. The acumen of the English Government -on this occasion would seem to have been somewhat at fault, and the -information that came to it from Vienna strangely unreliable; for it -acted, throughout negotiations extending over two years, in undisturbed -reliance on the _bonâ fides_ of the Austrian Chancellor’s assurances, -and apparently in a secure trust in the force of his Magyar prejudices -with respect to Russia. The fact is patent to‐day—and was well known -at Berlin, and was not ignored in Paris—that Austria was, if not the -actual instigator of the Herzegovinian rising—which is by no means -certain—the Power that was determined to profit by it, and that her -whole policy and diplomatic action with respect to the events that -were taking place in the South‐East of Europe was governed by this -determination. - -The turning‐point of Austrian policy with respect to Turkey has already -been indicated: the abandonment by England of Austria’s interests on -the Danube left her free, or even compelled her to have regard to what -she considered her own exclusive interests; and the meeting of the two -Emperors, at the breaking out of the Herzegovinian disturbances, was -the confirmation of this change of policy. - -Two assurances seem to have been given by the Czar at this now historic -interview. First, that whatever might be the outcome of events in -Turkey, he would not seek for Russia any territorial aggrandisement in -Europe; and secondly, with regard to Bosnia and Herzegovina, that in -the contingency of the continuance of disturbances there he would not -oppose the occupation of those provinces by Austria if sanctioned by -the rest of Europe. - -If this agreement had not been a secret one, and the terms of it had -been known or suspected in London, does any one imagine that events -would have followed the course they did, or that the “Notes” and -“Memorandums” coming from Vienna and Berlin would have been taken -seriously by the English Cabinet? The pact between the two Emperors, -sealed at Reichstadt, was quite as much at the expense of England in -Asia as of Turkey in Europe. It was a practical corollary of Prince -Bismarck’s avowed Eastern policy. - -There is only an academical interest now in pointing out the _rôle_ -that the personality of Count Andrassy and his reputed Magyar -sentiments played in all these transactions, and it is not necessary to -interrupt the course of this narrative by dwelling on them. - -After the Andrassy Memorandum had prepared the Cabinets of Europe for -some sort of diplomatic interference in the affairs of Turkey, and -familiarised them with the idea, the natural course of events in the -Turkish Empire did the rest. The ball set going at Vienna was taken up -at Berlin. The comparatively colourless diplomatic Memorandum concocted -in the first‐named capital was followed by a far more coercive Note -emanating from the latter. The former contained recommendations, -the latter added external sanctions to them. The policy intended to -be pursued with reference to Turkey was contained in germ in this -remarkable “Note,” and the diplomatic strategy to be employed was -herein clearly revealed. The “Conference,” which was to impose the -conditions and insist on the sanction, was already on the _tapis_, -and formed the subject of an interchange of views between the various -European governments; and it was, as it were, under the shadow of -this menace to the integrity and independence of the country that the -friends of Midhat now hastened their deliberations. - -As early as the winter of 1875, Midhat, with a view of profiting by -the lights, and seeking the advice of the eminent diplomatist who -represented the Court of St James at Constantinople, paid a visit to -Sir Henry Elliot, the purpose of which can best be described in the -words of the Ambassador himself.[10] - - - “In the beginning of December 1875, I was informed by one of Midhat’s - partisans, a Pasha who had filled some of the highest offices of the - State, that the object of his party was to obtain a ‘Constitution.’ - This was more than a year before its promulgation, when it was - declared to have been invented only to defeat the Conference then - sitting at Constantinople.... A few days later Midhat himself called - upon me and explained his views more fully than he had ever done - before, though I was acquainted with their general tenor. The Empire, - he said, was being rapidly brought to destruction; corruption had - reached a pitch that it had never before attained; the service of the - State was starved, while untold millions were poured into the Palace, - and the provinces were being ruined by the uncontrolled exertions of - governors who purchased their appointments at the Palace, and nothing - could save the country but a complete change of system. The only - remedy that he could perceive, lay, first, in securing a control over - the sovereign by making the Ministers—and especially as regarded the - finances—responsible to a national popular Assembly; and secondly - in making this Assembly truly national, by doing away with all - distinctions of classes and religions, and by placing the Christians - on a footing of entire equality with the Mussulmans; thirdly, by - decentralisation and by the establishment of provincial control over - the governors. It must surely be admitted that these were enlightened - and statesmanlike views, deserving of every encouragement.... He - dwelt repeatedly on the value that the sympathy of the British nation - would be to the reformers, and on the manner in which his countrymen - were now looking to England as the example they hoped to follow. I - told him in reply that I could not doubt that measures framed upon - the lines he had laid down must command the approval and ensure the - good wishes of every Englishman who, like myself, had faith in the - advantages of constitutional checks upon arbitrary power. I gave - him this assurance confidently and in good faith; for certainly - the very last thing that I anticipated was that those who in this - country make the greatest parade of their devotion to constitutional - principles would be the first to heap contumely upon men who were - trying to introduce it into theirs, and to hold up their proposals to - ridicule....” - - -The first of the many incidents that soon after this conversation began -to follow each other closely, took place on the 10th May 1876, when -an assemblage of several thousand Softas stopped Prince Izzeddine, the -Sultan’s eldest son, on his way to the Seraskierat (Ministry of War), -desiring him to return to the Palace, and to inform the Sultan that -they demanded the dismissal of Mahmoud Nedim, the Grand Vizier and of -Hassan Fehmi Effendi, the Sheik‐ul‐Islam. The Sultan did not venture to -reject the demand. Mahmoud and Hassan Fehmi were dismissed, the latter -being replaced by Hassan Hairullah Effendi, who enjoyed a high and -exceptional reputation for learning and enlightenment. Mehemet Rushdi -Pasha, an old man universally respected, was named Grand Vizier; and as -he insisted on Midhat joining his Cabinet (although holding no specific -office), it was believed that he would be the guiding spirit, and -general satisfaction was felt. Sir Henry Elliot proceeds to say: - - - “This general satisfaction did not last long. The Sultan quickly - showed his determination to resist all reforms by appointing to high - posts several of the worst of the old school of Pashas, and it then - became so evident to me that an attempt to depose him would certainly - very shortly be made, that on the 25th May I put my conviction on - record in a despatch in which I wrote that the word ‘Constitution’ - was in every mouth; that the Softas, representing the intelligent - public opinion of the Capital, knowing themselves to be supported by - the bulk of the Nation—Christian as well as Mahomedan—would not, I - believed, relax their efforts till they obtained it, and that should - the Sultan refuse to grant it, an attempt to depose him appeared - almost inevitable; that texts from the Koran were circulated proving - to the faithful that the form of Government sanctioned by it was - properly democratic, and that the absolute authority now wielded by - the Sovereign was an usurpation of the rights of the people and not - sanctioned by the Sacred Law; and both texts and precedents were - appealed to to show that allegiance was not due to a Sovereign who - neglected the interests of the State. The disaffection, I said, now - ran through every class, and from the Pashas down to the porters - in the streets and the boatmen on the Bosphorus, no one thought any - longer of concealing his opinions.... Within a week after my reports - were written, the deposition had been effected....” - - -The two moving spirits in the deposition of Sultan Abdul Aziz were -undoubtedly Midhat Pasha and Hussein Avni Pasha, the Minister of War -(_seraskier_). The latter, a thorough soldier and a sterling patriot, -distinguished for the great energy and decision of his character -as well as the impetuosity of his temper, had occupied the highest -military posts in the country, and had been repeatedly exiled from -Constantinople by the Sultan. He was particularly feared and disliked -by Mahmoud Nedim, who had procured his banishment each time that -he had been made Grand Vizier. Although not sharing all Midhat’s -constitutional views and professing more confidence in the efficacy -of the sword than in the saving grace of popular institutions, he had -lent a willing and energetic support to his colleague’s views as to the -indisputable necessity of deposing the Sultan as a preliminary to any -attempted amelioration in the condition of the State. - -As soon as the final resolution of Ministers was arrived at, and -before any commencement of execution could be given to it, it was -indispensable to obtain a _Fetva_ (authoritative decree) of the -Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Hassan Hairullah, the highest authority and mouthpiece -of the Sacred Law, in order to give legal validity to the act of -deposition. Accordingly the following _Fetva_ was issued for the -deposition:— - - - “If the Chief of the Faithful gives proof of mental derangement; if - he displays ignorance of State matters; if he employs the public - revenues for his personal expenditure, beyond what the Nation and - the State can support; if he introduces confusion into political - and spiritual concerns, and if his continuance in power becomes - injurious to the nation, may he be deposed?” - - Answer: “The Cheri pronounces ‘Yes.’ - - “Signed by the humble - - “HASSAN HAIRULLAH, - - “To whom God grant His indulgence. - - “_Djemaziel Evel_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (30_th May_ 1876.) - - -Armed with this _Fetva_, Ministers decided on the immediate execution -of their plans, the details of which, it was agreed, should be left to -the Grand Vizier, to Midhat, and to the Minister of War. - -There was a slight divergence of views between Midhat and the -Seraskier with reference to the form of procedure which should -accompany the deposition. Hussein Avni inclined to a simple military -_pronunciamento_, whereas Midhat wished to give the consecration of -popular sanction to the act. For this purpose he proposed that the -Softas and the population of Stamboul should be convoked _en masse_ to -the Noure‐Osmanieh Mosque, where they should set forth the griefs of -the nation and demand a change of _régime_; and that on this demand -being refused or ignored, they should proceed at once to the execution -of the decree of deposition. The majority of Ministers inclined to -this latter method of proceeding; but a circumstance occurred which -necessitated a change of plans and determined the abandonment of the -proposal for a popular demonstration. - -The 31st May was chosen for the execution of the plan agreed upon. On -the eve of that day information reached Midhat from a woman of the -Palace that the Sultan had had wind of the affair, and that the whole -plot was about to be discovered. This was corroborated by the fact that -twice that same day Hussein Avni had been peremptorily summoned to the -Palace, although on the first summons he had pleaded illness as a -reason for disregarding it. - -It was decided thereupon by the Ministers to anticipate the hour fixed -upon, and to proceed at once with the execution of their design. - -At midnight accordingly, of the 30th of May, Mehemet Rushdi and Midhat, -accompanied each by a single attendant carrying a lamp, proceeded to -Sirkedji to embark on a _caïque_[11] for Pachalimani on the Bosphorus, -the residence of Hussein Avni. It was a pitch‐dark night with rain -falling in torrents, and it was with some difficulty that they reached -the place of rendezvous. Here they found Hussein Avni anxiously waiting -for them, and after a hurried interview in which the final dispositions -were made, they separated to their respective posts. Hussein Avni -started for the palace of Dolma‐Bagtche, whilst Rushdi and Midhat -proceeded to the Seraskierat. - -It had been decided that the Ministers and high civil and military -dignitaries should assemble at the War Office and await the arrival -of Prince Murad, whom Hussein Avni had undertaken to conduct there in -person; and that as soon as he should arrive, the proclamation and -investiture of the Prince as the new Sultan should take place. It -was further arranged that immediately on the arrival of the Prince a -bonfire should be lit on the tower of the Seraskierat, as a signal to -the fleet of what was taking place, and thereupon a Royal salute should -be fired by Kaisserli Ahmed’s ironclads, to announce to the whole city -the commencement of a new reign. - -Hussein Avni, proceeding in the direction of the Palace, was, according -to preconcerted arrangement, met by Suleiman Pasha, to whom the -delicate task of executing the measures necessary to be taken at the -Palace had been entrusted. - -Suleiman Pasha, marshal in the army and director‐in‐chief of the school -of military cadets at Pancaldi, the trusted lieutenant and right‐hand -man of Hussein Avni, himself a strong partisan of Midhat Pasha and -the young hope of the Reform Party, was the very man to carry out an -operation requiring careful preparation and unflinching resolution for -its successful execution. - -The troops in the barracks of Tash‐Kishla and Kumuch‐Suyou had already -received their orders from Redif Pasha, the commander of the _corps -d’armée_ of Constantinople, and had been so posted as to blockade all -approaches by land. The fleet of ironclads under the personal command -of Kaiseli Ahmed, the captain Pasha, had taken the same precautions by -sea, so that nothing remained but to disarm the sentinels and _corps de -garde_ along the immediate approaches to the Palace. Suleiman, taking -with him a selected body of military students from Pancaldi, under the -command of Ahmed Bey (colonel) and Bedry and Rifat Beys (captains), -after successfully performing, without disturbance but not without some -opposition, the delicate operation of disarmament, hastened to the -apartments of Prince Murad. Although the Prince had been made aware of -the intentions of the Ministers, and had acquiesced in their general -arrangements, it had been found impossible to acquaint him with the -change of date resolved upon. He, therefore, fearing some surprise or -treachery, hesitated for some time before he could be induced to comply -with Suleiman’s urgent request that he should immediately join Hussein -Avni, who was waiting for him in a carriage at the gates of the Palace -to drive him to the Seraskierat, where his proclamation and investiture -as the new sovereign were to take place. At one moment it looked as if -the solemn drama about to be enacted would have to be played out with -the part of the “Prince of Denmark” omitted. - -Having surmounted this unexpected difficulty and despatched Murad on -his way to the Seraskierat, Suleiman proceeded to discharge the second -and more distasteful part of the mandate confided to him. Making his -way to the Imperial apartments, and overcoming the hesitation of -the attendants by presenting an order signed by all the Ministers, -he peremptorily demanded to be immediately led into the presence of -the Sultan. The demand being at last complied with, he proceeded to -communicate to Abdul Aziz the justification of his intrusion, and read -to him the _fetva_ of the deposition. Whilst the Sultan and Suleiman -were engaged in parleying, the big guns of Ahmed’s ironclads were heard -booming in the distance. Abdul Aziz at once took in the import of the -firing, and from that moment yielded to the inevitable. He prepared -to comply with the order communicated to him to quit the Palace of -Dolma‐Bagtche for that of Top‐Kapou, which had been assigned as a -residence for him. - -The new Sultan confirmed all his Ministers in their posts, addressing -the following letter to the Porte:— - - -_To my Grand Vizier and very patriotic Mehemet Rushdi Pasha_— - - “By the favour of the Almighty and the will of my subjects, we - have ascended the throne of our ancestors, and by reason of your - patriotism and ability in the discharge of your duties as Grand - Vizier, we confirm you and all your colleagues in your former posts. - The numerous difficulties experienced for some time past both in our - domestic affairs and foreign relations, have produced uneasiness in - the public mind, and caused detriment to the material and territorial - interests of the country. The necessity of amending this state of - things and of adopting remedial measures such as shall insure the - happiness and secure the confidence of our subjects, imposes itself - imperatively upon us; and to effect these purposes, it is absolutely - necessary to organise the administration of the State on a basis - of stability and justice. Our exclusive attention will be directed - to this end, and for this purpose we desire that our Ministers, - after due deliberation, shall submit to us for our approbation their - views on the means by which, whilst respecting the laws of the Cheri - and of Justice, the organisation of our Empire in accordance with - the wants and requirements of our people can be effected, with the - view of procuring to all our subjects alike, without distinction - or restriction, the completest liberty compatible with order; and, - moreover, that our Ministers shall communicate to us their views - on the application of such just laws and regulations as shall be - calculated to consolidate and unify the national and patriotic - sentiments of all our subjects. It is clear, moreover, that in order - to obtain these objects, it is indispensable to reorganise the - Council of State, the Ministers of Justice, as well as of public - Institutions and of the Finances, as well as other departments - of State; and it is, moreover, evident that one of the principal - reforms of all will consist in establishing on a sound foundation - the financial situation of the Empire, and in taking steps that no - expenditure shall be tolerated that shall not have been provided for - by the Budget of the State, by which measures it may be hoped that - public credit and confidence will be restored. In order to help to - obtain this result, we hereby diminish our Civil list by the sum of - £T300,000, and surrender to the State the coal‐mines of Heraclia and - the other mines and manufactories appertaining to the Civil list; and - we recommend that like economies shall be effected in all the various - branches of the administration, so as to establish an equilibrium in - our finances. Our liveliest desire is for a continuance of intimate - relations with all the friendly Powers, by the strictest observance - of treaty obligations, and all our efforts will be directed to this - end, and we pray the Almighty to crown them with success. - - “9 _Djemaziel Evel_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (2_nd June_ 1876.) - - -Besides the retention of their portfolios by all the Ministers, Kemal -Bey (the best known and most distinguished poet and litterateur -of Turkey) and Zia Bey (equally celebrated as a poet and patriot) -were appointed as his private secretaries, and Sadullah Bey (well -known for his liberal sympathies and opinions) made chief of the -Sultan’s secretariat—important guarantees for the smooth working of -the machinery of State, and security against the revival of the old -pernicious intrigues of the Palace against the Ministers of the Porte. -Murad had, moreover, undertaken to promulgate the Constitution prepared -by Midhat and his colleagues at the earliest date compatible with the -despatch of urgent public business. - -So far everything seemed to favour the Reformers. A revolution of the -most fundamental character, involving the destruction of autocratic -power in Turkey, and carrying the promise of a Constitution which would -lay the foundations at any rate of stable government in the country, -effected not only without bloodshed or disturbance of any kind, but -with the assent and approval of all classes and creeds in the land, and -with a new sovereign on the throne known sincerely to share the views -of his Ministers and the aspirations of his people, all this seemed to -ensure the prospect of healing the wounds of the much afflicted land of -the Osmanli, and of opening up a new era of progress and prosperity in -the East. - -But suddenly a cloud, not bigger than a man’s hand, lowered over the -destinies of the country, and from this time the stars in their courses -fought against Turkey, and violently set back the date of the promised -era of prosperity. - -On the eventful night of the 30th‐31st May, during the drive with -Murad to the Seraskierat, Hussein Avni had perceived that the Prince -was suffering from violent nervous excitement, and these symptoms -were still further accentuated in the return journey to the Palace of -Dolma‐Bagtche after the ceremony of investiture was over—so much so -that Midhat Pasha, who accompanied him, thought it prudent to remain in -the Palace, without quitting it, for three days. The physicians called -in consultation did not at first take a grave view of the case, and -sanguine hopes were entertained that, in a short time, by pursuing -the regimen of repose and hygiene recommended by these authorities, -Sultan Murad would rapidly recover his health and be able to discharge -the duties incumbent on him. Dr Lamsdorf of Vienna, the celebrated -specialist, made a very favourable diagnosis of the case. A happy issue -of this most unfortunate and inopportune malady was now generally -hoped for and expected, when two startling events occurred in rapid -succession, each seriously aggravating and affecting the Sultan Murad’s -nervous condition of health, and together fatally compromising the hope -of rapid recovery. - -The first of these tragedies referred to was enacted in the Palace of -Tcheragan, five days after the dethronement of the late Sultan. Abdul -Aziz, whose imperious temper could ill brook the change of destiny -that had overtaken him, had already made one or two unsuccessful -attempts, which were with difficulty thwarted, to throw himself out of -the windows of the Palace. On the morning of the 5th June, he asked -for a pair of scissors with which to trim his beard. On the attendants -demurring to comply with this request, the Valide Sultan ordered the -scissors to be given to her son. Shortly after this, the ladies of her -suite, looking out of a window of a corridor that commanded a view on -the room occupied by the late Sultan, saw him sitting quietly in an -armchair with his back turned to the window; but shortly afterwards, -perceiving that his head had dropped on his lap, they ran to the door -and tried to open it. Finding it locked, and fearing a catastrophe, -they ran screaming to the Valide Sultan and informed her of what they -suspected. Orders being given to break into the room, they found Abdul -Aziz sitting in the posture already described, and in a pool of blood -flowing from two wounds in his arms, evidently caused by the scissors, -which had fallen beside him on the floor. The physicians, who were -hastily summoned, could only confirm the apprehension that life was -extinct, and the Ministers, immediately apprised of the fact of the -tragedy, ordered an immediate examination of the body to be made by -all the available medical men in Constantinople, hastily summoned to -draw up an official report on the subject. Seventeen medical men of -all nationalities, comprising all the most distinguished in the city -and in the Embassies of the great Powers, signed a unanimous report to -the effect that death was undoubtedly due to suicide, and handed the -following certificate:— - - - “The year 1876 A.D., on the 23rd of May, O.S., the 4th of June, N.S., - or the year of the Hegira, the 11th of the month of Djemazi‐el‐ewel - 1293, Sunday, at 11 o’clock A.M., we, the undersigned doctors of - medicine, namely, Marco Pasha, Nouri Pasha, Julius Millingen, - Caratheodori, Sotto, Dickson, Marroin, Nouridjian, Spadare, Vitalis, - S. Spagnolo, Marc Markel, Jatropoulo, Miltiadi Bey, Abdinour Effendi, - Mustafa Effendi, Servet Bey, Mehmed Bey and Jacques de Castro, - being summoned by the ministry by order of His Imperial Majesty - to ascertain the cause of the death of the ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz, - proceeded to the guard‐house situated near the Imperial Palace - of Tcheragan. There we were ushered into a chamber on the ground - floor and found a body lying on a mattress on the floor. The body - was covered with a new white linen cloth. On removing this cloth - we recognised the ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz. All the parts of the body - were cold and bloodless, pale, or covered with coagulated blood. - The corpse was not rigid, the eyelids were partially unclosed, the - corneæ were slightly opaque, the mouth partly open. Linen cloths, - soaked in blood covered the arms and legs. On lifting the linen - coverings on the arms we discovered a gash near the joint of the left - arm five centimetres long and three centimetres deep. The edges of - the wound were hacked and irregular. The direction of the wound was - from above to below, and from inside to outside. The veins of this - region were cut, and the cubital artery at its emerging point was - three‐fourths severed. At the joint of the right arm we discovered a - wound, slightly oblique, also hacked, two centimetres long and one - centimetre deep. On this side the wounds were only in the smaller - veins; the arteries were intact. - - “We were shown a pair of scissors ten centimetres long, very sharp, - one point of which bore a small lateral projection near its summit. - The scissors were stained with blood, and we were told that the - ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz had with these scissors inflicted upon himself - the wounds above described. - - “We then proceeded to the residence of the late Sultan, where we were - ushered into a large chamber looking on to the sea. There we found in - the corner of a sofa, placed near a window, a pool of blood spread - over that article of furniture, and on the matting of the floor a - great quantity of coagulated blood in one mass, and further several - stains spread over the room. - - “From what precedes we are unanimously of opinion:— - - “1. That the death of the ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz was caused by the loss - of blood produced by the wounds of the blood‐vessels at the joints of - the arms. - - “2. That the instrument shown to us could certainly produce such - wounds. - - “3. That the direction and nature of the wounds, together with the - instrument which is said to have produced them, lead us to conclude - that suicide had been committed. - - “In witness whereof we have accordingly drawn up and signed the - present minute of proceedings at the guard‐house of Tcheragan on the - day, month and year aforesaid. - - “_Signed_: - - “Dr Marco, Nouri, A. Sotto, Physician attached to the Imperial - and Royal Embassy of Austria‐Hungary; Dr Spagnolo, Marc Markel, - Jatropoulo, Abdinour, Servet, J. de Castro, A. Marroin, Julius - Millingen, C. Caratheodori; E. D. Dickson, Physician of the British - Embassy; Dr O. Vitalis, Physician of the Sanitary Board; Dr E. - Spadare, J. Nouridjian, Miltiadi Bey, Mustafa, Mehmed.” - - -The body was transferred to Top‐Kapou and buried in the mausoleum of -Sultan Mahmoud. - -Ten days after the tragedy at the Palace of Tcheragan the news of -which had deeply affected Sultan Murad, another quickly followed, in -some respects of a still more startling character, and calculated to -prostrate still further a mind already unhinged. - -A Circassian captain, formerly aide‐de‐camp of the Sultan Abdul Aziz, -one Hassan by name, on whom certain suspicion of violent intentions -rested, had been ordered to Bagdad, and on his showing signs of -recalcitrancy, he was imprisoned for insubordination by orders of -Hussein Avni, the Minister of War. Feigning submission, he was released -after two days’ detention. On the 15th June, during a Cabinet Council -which was being held at the house of Midhat Pasha, and at which all the -Ministers were present, Tcherkess Hassan, armed with no less than six -revolvers, forcing the consigne without much difficulty, managed to -penetrate into the room where the Council was sitting, and advancing -straight up to Hussein Avni, discharged a barrel of a revolver at -him, and turning sharply on Reshid Pasha, the Minister of Foreign -Affairs, shot him dead on the spot. The Minister of Marine, Kaisserli -Ahmed, threw himself on the assassin and tried to disarm him, but he -was immediately stabbed with a poniard that Hassan carried in his -left hand. Hussein Avni, although severely wounded, managed to make -his way to the staircase, but Hassan, following him, struck at him -furiously in the neck with his dagger and despatched him. Returning to -the Council room he discharged his revolvers promiscuously all around -him, smashing the chandelier suspended in the middle of the room, and -consequently plunging the room into darkness. It was this that probably -saved the lives of the remaining Ministers, for Kaisserli Ahmed, though -wounded, and Mehemet Rushdi, and Halid succeeded in escaping into -an adjoining boudoir, where they barricaded the door against their -furious assailant, who, having despatched the War Minister, seemed -chiefly bent on wreaking vengeance on the Minister of Marine. Midhat -escaped by a miracle, and by slipping off his coat, the sleeve of which -he left in the hand of Hassan who had seized it in the darkness. One -of Midhat’s servants, Ahmed Aga, on hearing the firing, had rushed -into the room and tried to seize the assassin from behind, but Hassan -turned sharply on him and shot him dead. The same fate attended Chukri -Bey, the aide‐de‐camp of the Minister of Marine, who also rushed in to -the rescue. At last a guard of _gendarmerie_ appeared on the scene, -and a regular fusillade ensued between the Circassian at bay and the -_gendarmes_ reinforced by a picket of soldiers; it was only then, after -a regular pitched battle, that this determined criminal was at length -overpowered and seized. - -He was very soon afterwards tried, and hanged in due course, stoutly -denying to the last that he had any accomplices. - -The effect of these compound tragedies on the mind of the Sultan Murad -was disastrous. His recovery, sanguine hopes of which had been held -out by Dr Lamsdorf, the famous specialist summoned from Vienna to give -his opinion on the state of the Sultan’s health, seemed destined to -be indefinitely postponed. Two parties, holding distinct views on the -situation and the manner it should be dealt with, now showed themselves -among the Ministers and the high Court officials. Mehemet Rushdi -especially, the old experienced vizier and the majority of Ministers -well aware of the favourable disposition of Sultan Murad towards the -cause of reform, and very averse to taking a plunge in the dark, leant -to the opinion that patience should be exercised and reasonable time -given for the recovery of the Sultan’s health. - -But another and very active party had in the meantime been formed, of -which Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin Pasha (the Sultan’s brother‐in‐law) -was the moving spirit, and which included, together with some high -Palace officials, one or two of the influential marshals, such as Redif -Pasha, the commander of the Constantinople _corps d’armée_ and under -the influence of Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin. This party—as far as it -could be said to have been based on any particular political opinions, -and not on the simple ground of ambition and the desire to exercise a -preponderating influence in the future _régime_—consisted of the men -who had acquiesced, and even participated, in the dethronement of the -late Sultan, but did not share, and some of them were even bitterly -opposed to, the constitutional views advocated by Midhat and the -reforming party. Borne along by the current of events which they would -have been impotent to resist, they would have constituted a helpless -minority in the State without power or influence, if they had had to -do with a reforming Sultan on the throne, a palace where men like Zia -Bey, and Kemal Bey were the guiding spirits, and the party of reform in -strong possession of the Porte. The prospect, however, of being able -to change the occupant of the throne and place their own candidate -upon it afforded them the precious opportunity of upsetting the whole -edifice of reform, of themselves seizing the chief power of the State, -and turning the revolution that had been accomplished to their own -exclusive advantage. It was less a victory of reaction than a triumph -of ambition. - -Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin was a very ignorant and uncultivated man, -and though careless and without a conviction in respect to political -opinions, he enjoyed the reputation of being neither careless nor -indifferent with respect to matters of personal or pecuniary concern to -himself. On the other hand, he was endowed with great, almost brutal, -determination of character, and was utterly reckless as to the means -of carrying out his ends. His position of Damad (brother‐in‐law to the -Sultan) gave him great influence in the Palace, and at the same time -secured him weight in the Councils of the State. He was the very soul -of the anti‐reform conspiracy. - -Having described Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin, the character of his -lieutenant, Redif Pasha, can be described in a sentence: he was Damad -Mahmoud _in petto_. Whatever qualities distinguished the master were -conspicuous in the lieutenant, and only in a less degree, inasmuch -as he was physically of a somewhat less robust nature. He had, like -Mahmoud, lent himself with all the weight of his military position to -the dethronement of Abdul Aziz, but he viewed with an evil eye the -advance of reform, and still more the triumph of the reformers. - -These two men practically constituted the central power of the -conspiracy, for those who co‐operated with them were scarcely admitted -into the inner councils or secret plans of the Duumvirate, although -themselves the willing participators in the conspiracy. - -Among them was Djevdet Pasha, Minister of Justice, who, during all the -stirring events of the Vizierate of Mehemet Rushdi, had been lying low -in the Cabinet waiting for the opportune moment to show his colours and -take part in the overthrow of the ministry. - -Whilst enumerating the instruments of Mahmoud’s ambition, it would be -impossible to omit the names of two other men who, although they had -not yet emerged into the notoriety which they were soon to enjoy, were -indispensable tools of Mahmoud’s ambition, and powerfully contributed -to the success of his plans. These were the two Saïds. The one was -brother‐in‐law of Mahmoud, and destined for the important post of -first aide‐de‐camp to the Sultan Abdul Hamid. He was generally known -as “Ingless Saïd Pasha,” for his having been educated at Woolwich, -and though entirely wanting in initiative or political convictions, -was naturally of a frank and loyal disposition, not deficient in -energy, and an invaluable coadjutor in carrying out the views of his -brother‐in‐law. With Redif Pasha he formed the third member of the -Triumvirate, which Mahmoud intended should, during the succeeding -reign, govern the country. The other Saïd, of whom a great deal more -will have to be said hereafter, was known, on account of his small -stature, as “Saïd Kutchouk” (small), and when he reaches the dignity of -Pasha, it will be necessary to distinguish him from the other Saïd by -this appellation. He was supposed to be the _âme damnée_ of Mahmoud, -especially by Mahmoud himself, who destined him for the important -confidential post of First Secretary to the Sultan. - -Without any doubt, Damad’s plans were well conceived, and his net was -well spread. The post of Vice‐Sultan he reserved for himself. - -Behind these were marshalled the whole phalanx of Reaction, and the -Konak of Mahmoud become the Cave of Adullam of all the malcontents. - -The means of action were not wanting to the conspirators in this -respect; indeed, the material to their hand was only too abundant. -A sovereign of unsound mind is not recognised by the Ottoman -Constitution. The girding of the Padishah with the sword of Osman, as -an essential part of the ceremony of investiture, was to the Ottoman -sovereigns what the sacred oil of Rheims was to the kings of France, -and this ceremony had not taken place. - -No Sultan, moreover, had ever before absented himself from attendance -at the mosque on Friday, and the Selamlik that follows. The public -anxiety and excitement on the subject were genuine and universal. -Public affairs, too, were suffering: the Constitution was, in a double -sense, suspended; the new Constitution could not be promulgated, -and the old Constitution, such as it was, could not be worked; the -mainspring of the machinery of State was deranged. Foreign diplomacy, -too, was beginning to take an active part in the matter. The -ambassadors and envoys from foreign States were asking to whom, and -when, they could present their credentials. The Russian Embassy—that -seemed to have better information relative to Prince Hamid’s character -than Ministers themselves—was particularly persistent and active in -this respect. It was evident that the crisis could not be indefinitely -prolonged. - -In these circumstances, it was resolved by Ministers that Midhat should -go to Muslou‐Oglou, where Prince Hamid, heir presumptive to the throne, -resided, in order to ascertain by a personal interview with him whether -Ministers could rely on his co‐operation to carry out the important -reforms that they had in hand, should it become absolutely necessary to -remove Murad from the throne, and in that event, to agree to certain -clear and definite stipulations with the Prince as conditions of their -support. - -These stipulations were the following:— - -1. To promulgate without delay the new Constitution. - -2. To act in matters of State only with the advice of his responsible -advisers. - -3. To appoint Zia Bey and Kemal Bey his private secretaries, and to -make Sadullah Bey the head of the Palace Secretariat. - -The importance attached by Midhat and Rushdi to this last condition -was very great. It afforded a guarantee against those intrigues of -the Palace which had ship‐wrecked so many schemes of reform, and -prevented, so far as was possible, a renewal of that mute opposition -between the Palace and the Porte which had existed for centuries, and -had paralysed the efforts of so many Ministers. - -At this historical interview at Muslou‐Oglou Prince Hamid evidently -“played a deep game” with Midhat Pasha. He promised all and more than -all that was asked of him. He pretended to opinions more advanced -than the most advanced of his Ministers, and in favour of even a more -democratic Constitution than the one elaborated. The other condition he -accepted without demur. - -On receiving these clear and emphatic declarations, Midhat returned -to Stamboul and reported the result of his interview to the assembled -Ministers, who thereupon resolved to take the decisive step and put -Prince Hamid on the throne in the place of his brother Murad. - -As on the occasion of the dethronement of the Sultan Abdul Aziz, it was -necessary to obtain a _Fetva_ from the Sheik‐ul‐Islam to the effect -that the contemplated step was in accordance with the Sacred Law. -Mehemet Rushdi thereupon demanded an official report from six principal -physicians in Constantinople—of whom four belonged to the Embassies of -the Great Powers—who, after examination of Murad, handed to him the -following certificates:— - - - “On the 31st of the month August, 1876, Chaban 11: 1293 Hegira, we - have made a report on the health of His Majesty Sultan Murad, and - come to certain conclusions which we hereby confirm, and add thereto - the following opinion, viz. that even should the Sultan Murad after a - long lapse of time, contrary to expectation, recover his intellectual - faculties, these can never recover their normal condition.” - - “(Signed) CASTRO. - - AKIF. - - DICKSON, _Physician to English Embassy_. - - MARROIN, _Physician to French Embassy_. - - MUHLIG, _Physician to German Embassy_. - - SOTTO, _Physician to Austro‐Hungarian Embassy_.” - - -Thereupon Mehemet Rushdi made a speech to the people gathered together -to hear the report of these physicians at the Palace of Top‐Kapou. - - - “Our sovereign, the Emperor Murad,” he said, “has been enabled - to reign for only twelve days, but during that time he has been - afflicted with an illness which, in spite of all the efforts of human - science, has shown no amendment. His intellectual faculties are - in a state of great feebleness, and the physicians pronounce them - incurable. Nevertheless we have waited for the expiration of the - legal delay, and this delay has now expired. This is the sum total - of the truth of the matter. Let us be informed of what, under such - circumstances, the law of the Cheri dictates.” - - -The assembled crowd expressed its sense of the justice of these words, -and the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Hassan Hairullah, gave the following _Fetva_:— - - - “If the Commander of the Faithful is suffering from mental - alienation and if the exercise of his function is thereby rendered - impracticable, can he be deposed? - - “Answer: The Cheri says ‘Yes.’ - - “(Signed) HASSAN HAIRULLAH, - - “To whom God grant His indulgence. - - “12 _Chaban_ 1293, _Hegira_.” - (1_st September_ 1876.) - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -ABDUL HAMID SULTAN - - -The act of dethronement of Sultan Murad V. was now accomplished. On -Thursday, 1st September 1876, Prince Hamid, surrounded by all the great -Civil and Military dignitaries of the State, descended the Grand Rue -of Pera on horseback, on his way to Top‐Kapou at Stamboul. The people -thronged in large crowds to see the procession, but dazed by the series -of dramatic events that were so rapidly succeeding one another, they -viewed the spectacle with silence and without enthusiasm. There seemed -a feeling of anxiety in the air as of the prescience of future evils. - -From Stamboul the Prince passed in a State _caïque_ to the Palace of -Dolma‐Bagtche. Monday, the 15th of the month Chaban, was fixed for -the reception of the Biat (first ceremony of the investiture), and on -that day a deputation of notabilities of Finance, accompanied by the -chiefs of the five non‐Mussulman communities, headed by Jean Lorando, -presented the Sultan elect with an address of congratulation in the -name of the city of Galata, and to this the Sultan made the following -reply:— - - - “I thank you for your congratulations; I have only one desire, and - that is the progress of our country and peace for all our subjects. - They will perceive by the logic of facts the fulfilment of the - promise of the reforms made to them. They, too, on their part, - must, in order to enjoy these privileges, give proof of the strict - observance of the duties incumbent on them.” - - -To his Ministers he made a short speech, counselling union and -agreement among themselves as the condition and symbol of union among -all the subjects of the empire, and “counselled and ordered” them to -prove their union by their acts. - -The following Thursday, 18th of the month Chaban, was fixed for the -great ceremony of investiture. On the morning of that day Abdul Hamid -embarked in a _caïque_ for Eyoub, the suburb on the Golden Horn, where -the sword of Osman and the other sacred relics are kept, and on his -passage thither he was saluted by the guns of the fleet anchored there, -and the shout of the sailors manning the yards, “Padishahim tchok -Yasha!” - -After the important ceremony here was over, and the investiture of the -new Padishah was thus completed, he proceeded, according to usage, to -the mausoleum of Selim I., the founder of the Ottoman Caliphate, and -thence to the mausoleum of Abdul Medjid, his father and the father -of Murad, and lastly to the Palace of Top‐Kapou, where the mantle of -the Prophet and the sacred Banner are deposited; and at night, the -ceremony of this important day being over, he returned to the Palace of -Dolma‐Bagtche, where the ceremony of the investiture was completed. - -Girt with the sword of Osman, Hamid II. reigned over Turkey, and the -dark gloom of the Hamidian epoch was now about to settle over the land -of the Osmanli. - -On leaving the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche that night old Mehemet Rushdi, -turning to his colleagues, said to them: “We have been in a great hurry -to get rid of Murad. May we never have cause to repent what we have -done.” - -With these quasi‐prophetic words on his lips, feeling no doubt that -a new era of struggles was about to open for which younger men were -required, the veteran Grand Vizier, who had piloted the country -through one _coup d’état_, and had very unwillingly assisted at a -second dethronement, in consideration of his great age and feeble state -of health, requested to be relieved of the duties of Grand Vizier. -His request was granted, but three months after, Midhat, universally -designated for the post, was nominated as his successor. These three -months were passed under the Grand Vizierate of Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, -but it was Midhat who was leader of the Cabinet, and Mehemet Rushdi was -only the mouthpiece of Midhat, until the latter finally replaced him on -the 16th December 1876. - -The first audience accorded by the new sovereign to foreign envoys -was to Count Zichy, the Austro‐Hungarian Ambassador, accompanied by -the Secretary of his Embassy. Safvet Pasha, the Minister of Foreign -Affairs, was present. The audience lasted one hour, and turned -exclusively on the affairs of Herzegovina, the ambassador laying -stress on the gravity of the events passing there, the anxiety and -expenses that disturbances on its borders caused the Dual Empire, -and exhortations to the new sovereign to listen to the advice of the -friendly Powers. All this was, as we have seen, in the strictest -conformity with the _rôle_ that Austria had been playing for two years. -Having set light to the gunpowder in her neighbour’s house, she quoted -to that neighbour the familiar proverb, “Proximus ardet Ucalegon,” and -warned him of the consequences. - -The next audience was granted to the Russian Ambassador, General -Ignatieff, recently returned from St Petersburg with the last -instructions from his Court. The tone that the ambassador and envoys of -Russia, the Strogonoffs, and Mentchikoffs, and Ignatieffs, had rendered -familiar to the Porte on its communications on critical occasions, was -not absent on this occasion: - - - “His Majesty the Emperor, my master, officially informed of Your - Majesty’s accession to the throne, has conferred on me the signal - honour to represent him at Your Majesty’s court. The friendly - relations of the two countries may continue on the condition of the - interests of both being assured. His Majesty the Emperor cannot - view with indifference what is passing in the Ottoman Empire, - possessing, as it does, the commercial routes of the Black Sea and - the Mediterranean, and a portion of the inhabitants of which is of - the same religion as his own. - - “It is to the interest of our country that peace should reign in - Turkey, and my country desires that late sad events should not be - renewed, and that peace should be assured. His Majesty the Emperor is - aware of the difficulties and critical moments that accompanied the - accession of Your Majesty, and is convinced that the troubles will - disappear, and that the re‐establishment of peace in the interior - will be secured. His Majesty the Emperor prays for the success of - Your Majesty.” - - -To this speech the Sultan made answer in a few appropriate words: - - “More even than the Emperor of Russia ... I desire the progress of - Turkey, peace in my provinces, and my most ardent desire is to secure - the happiness of my people.” - - -Hardly had Abdul Hamid mounted the throne than the conflict between -the two parties already described, commenced. The first act of the new -reign was to appoint the _personnel_ of the Imperial Household. Damad -Mahmoud Djelaleddin Pasha was named Grand Marshal of the Palace, and -Saïd (Ingless) Pasha, first aide‐de‐camp to the Sultan. To these no -objections had been raised or conditions imposed. Their duties had -reference to what might be considered the more strictly household -functions of the Palace, and their appointment lay within the exclusive -domain of the sovereign’s personal choice. But it was very different -with the office of First Secretary to the Sultan (or his successor) -inasmuch as this important functionary has always been the right hand -and mouthpiece of the sovereign, and the person by whom and through -whom all communications pass between Ministers and the Sultan; and -through the confidential character of his office, and his ready and -continual access to the person of the sovereign, has always enjoyed a -position of exceptional importance, hardly second to that of the Grand -Vizier himself. It was for this reason that Midhat, attaching such -importance to the worthy occupancy of this post, had not only laid -stress on the necessity of its being filled by a functionary in harmony -with the views of Ministers, but had actually laid down as one of the -three conditions to which Prince Hamid was required to subscribe at the -interview at Muslou‐Oglou, that Sadullah Bey, Zia Bey and Kemal Bey -should be chosen as occupants of the post of Secretary respectively. In -spite of his formal acceptance of this condition, the Sultan informed -Midhat Pasha on his very first visit to the Palace, that he had -appointed Saïd Bey (Mahmoud’s man) as his First Secretary. Astounded at -this breach of faith, and aware of its significance—although perhaps -not recognizing the full import of it—Midhat strongly remonstrated -with the Sultan and urged a reconsideration of the appointment; but in -spite of the remonstrances and prayers of his Ministers, the Sultan -remained unmoved, and Midhat eventually acquiesced. - -It is easy enough to be wise after the event and to see that Midhat -ought to have put his foot down on this question and accepted the -decisive battle thus offered him by the Sultan; that it ought to have -been clear to him that this was only the first contest in a campaign -that would decide the fate of Turkey during the whole of the coming -reign, and that the first blow would probably decide the issue in the -campaign. But our perspective of things is of course better than was -Midhat’s. By the light of all the subsequent events that have unrolled -themselves before our eyes, we now know the character of all the actors -in the drama which was commencing, especially of the principal actor, -and of this very First Secretary, who was the appropriate subject of -the first contention. We can now appreciate the character of Damad -Mahmoud Djelaleddin, the backbone and arm of the reaction; of some of -the Ministers who had been feigning for months past to support Midhat’s -views and were only waiting the moment to betray him; and can recognise -the existence of a matured and carefully laid plot to upset reform by -crushing the reformers—all these things are palpable and clear to us -in the broad daylight of subsequent events; but they were scarcely -surmised or imagined at the time we are now dealing with. The important -citadel of the Palace was delivered, with all its defences, into the -hands of the conspirators, and the Palace as a whole was organised -for the express purposes of the reformers. This strong position being -once firmly secured, the new Sultan could afford to show his hand with -little disguise. He could not yet afford to treat with Midhat; it would -have been clumsy to do so at once, for Midhat in opposition would have -been a force with which he would have had to reckon, and, moreover, -he and the Constitution were both necessary as a means of combating -the conference that was assembling; but short of a rupture with his -Grand Vizier, which was to be studiously avoided, he could afford to -emphasize more and more his opposition to the policy of Midhat, so that -when the moment arrived he could strike a decisive blow with effect, -and with less fear of the consequences. - -Subjects of contention between them were not far to seek. The speech -from the throne, written by Midhat, which was a _pronunciamento_ -of the policy of a new reign inaugurated under such exceptional -circumstances, and looked for with great eagerness, was revised by -the Sultan beyond recognition; the essential sentences were omitted, -others of quite incomprehensive character substituted in their place. -The keynote of the original was “a new Regime, the Constitution, and -Reform”; this was changed, and meaningless colourless phrases took its -place. - -In order to give the reader an exact idea of the art displayed in this -transformation, the speech actually delivered on this occasion is -here appended, and the omitted sentences of the original, placed in -parentheses: - - -“HATTI HUMAYUN. - -“_On ascending the Throne_. - - “My illustrious Vizier, Mehemet Rushdi Pasha,— - - “By the Divine will my elder brother, Sultan Murad V., vacated the - throne, and according to the law of succession We have mounted the - throne of our Ancestors. - - “Appreciating your great qualities, your ability and experience - in the affairs of State, We confirm you in the functions of Grand - Vizier and of President of the Council of Ministers (avec le titre - de Premier Ministre), and direct all Our Ministers to keep their - respective posts. Confident in the assistance of the Almighty, We - will pursue Our object of strengthening Our Empire, and of making - all Our subjects, without exception, participate in the blessings of - liberty, peace, and justice; We trust that Our Ministers will help us - in the realisation of Our wishes (for Turkey ranks among the great - Powers, and in order to attain this object and to march on a footing - of equality with its neighbours in the progress of the sciences, - she must needs follow the same methods; and as the Constitutional - system is one of the principal causes of the progress of Nations, _We - hereby declare this system of Government to be adopted by Us_, whilst - holding strict account of the laws of the Cheri and the customs of - Our people.) No one who casts a glance at the causes of the critical - condition of affairs to‐day, can fail to recognise among the various - and numerous factors two principal ones, viz. the non‐observance of - the strict laws of the Cheri, and the capricious and wilful actions - of men. If the disorganisation that has for some time reigned in the - affairs of State has latterly greatly increased; if our financial - operations no longer inspire confidence; if our Courts of Justice no - longer command respect, if Our Empire, with its vast capacities for - commerce, industries and agriculture, and of every kind of progress, - has profited by none of these things—if, in fine, all the efforts - that have been made to insure liberty and peace for Our subjects - have remained fruitless, this comes from the non‐observance of the - laws and regulations; hence the necessity, whilst pursuing the noble - object of assuring the happiness of Our subjects of commencing in - the first place by the strict observation of existing laws, and of - those which shall be elaborated and proclaimed in strict accordance - with the laws of the Cheri and the wants of Our subjects, and by - keeping a strict eye on the expenditure and revenues of the State, in - order so to gain public confidence. (Each administrative department, - therefore, must act prudently and abstain from useless expenses; and - likewise with respect to the Household and other expenses of the - Imperial Palaces, these shall be diminished and reduced to what is - strictly necessary; and the Civil list of the Princes of the Imperial - family shall also be reduced, and their amount shall be paid directly - by the Minister of the Finances; and We make over to this same - Minister, as reduction from our Own Civil list, the sum of £300,000, - and We hereby fix the expenses of our Palace at the sum of £30,000 - per month). - - “The necessity of convoking a general assembly compatible with the - habits and customs and capacity of Our population being more and more - recognised and felt, Our Ministers will carefully and minutely study - this question and submit their report on the subject to Our sanction. - (In order to elaborate the Constitutional laws in conformity with - the needs of Our population and their customs and usages and the - law of the Cheri, We command our Ministers of State, the learned - doctors of the law, and all those whose knowledge and experience can - contribute to the perfection of the common work to unite in Council - to express their opinions on the subject, and that on their report - being approved by the Council of Ministers, it shall be submitted for - Our approbation.) Further, the confusion in the affairs of State, - resulting as it does from the incapacity of certain functionaries - in their posts, and from the frequent and unnecessary changes in the - personnel, it is Our desire that from the present time, according to - their different ranks, all office‐holders shall be chosen according - to their merit and capacity, and shall be irremovable without - serious reason, and that each of these shall be responsible for the - proper execution of his allotted duties. Moreover, Our attention - is directed to the question of public instruction, and seeing that - European nations have acquired the prosperity that they enjoy by - means of public instruction, We desire that all Our subjects, without - distinction of classes, shall be able to profit by the benefits of - knowledge, each according to his personal capacity; (and in order - that the progress of the country may produce the happiness of all - its subjects alike, and in order to inculcate these ideas, We decree - the foundation of schools in which instruction and education shall - be common to all), and with this object We desire that the credits - allotted to public education shall be increased, in order that - without loss of time we may endeavour to realise this programme. - In order, too, that the civil and financial administration of the - Provinces may be restored to their normal condition, We must without - loss of time endeavour to institute an organisation in the Provinces - resembling as much as possible the Central organisation. - - “(It is also absolutely necessary that the laws regulating the - levying of tithes, taxes and indirect contributions shall be placed - on a just and equitable basis, and all Our efforts will be directed - to prevent any derogation or abuse in the execution of these laws. - The buying and selling of slaves being contrary to the prescriptions - of the Sacred Law (Cheri), We hereby enfranchise the slaves and - eunuchs of Our Palace, and declare that henceforth all trade in - slaves, whether purchase or sale, is hereby formally forbidden in Our - Empire, and a date will be fixed for the gradual emancipation of all - existing slaves, and special measures will be adopted to prevent any - return of slavery.) - - “Since last year, owing to malevolent instigations, Bosnia and - Herzegovnia have been in a state of insurrection, and the revolt - of Servia is now added as an outcome of this insurrection, so that - the blood of the children of our common country is being spilt. The - continuation of such a state of things is a subject of profound - sorrow to Us, and Our most sincere desire is to put an end to it by - the employment of the most energetic measures. - - “Our treaties with foreign Powers having been renewed and recognised - by Us, it will be Our aim to cultivate still further the friendly - relations already existing with them. - - “May the Almighty, our common Ruler and Master, grant through His - mercy and goodness, success to our efforts. - - “_Saturday_, 22 _Chaban_, 1292, _Hegira_.” - (9_th September_ 1876.) - - -The points of contention between the Palace, or the Sultan (which now -become synonymous expressions), and Midhat were all contained in germ -in the foregoing variations in the first speech from the throne. - -(1) In the very first sentence of the Hatti Humayun of inauguration -the Sultan had cut out a passage which would have introduced a change -to which Midhat attached some importance—“my Grand Vizier with the -title of Prime Minister.” Midhat desired to abolish the title of Grand -Vizier and to substitute for it that of Prime Minister, a change -which would have entailed as a consequence the collective, instead of -the individual, responsibility of Ministers. What the first Minister -would lose in dignity and personal influence would be acquired by the -Ministry collectively, and would thus consolidate the component parts -of the Constitution. Midhat was well aware that this post of Prime -Minister would require strengthening and developing for some time in -Turkey, in view of the power and influence which the Throne derived -from the very nature of the traditions and sentiments of the Ottomans, -and the position of Islam in the world. - -The purport and tendency of the proposal did not escape the new -sovereign, and, faithful to his own views and interests, he simply -cancelled the sentence and rejected the proposal. - -(2) Midhat had placed in the mouth of the Sultan the following phrase: -“As the Constitutional system is one of the principal causes of the -progress of nations, we hereby declare this system of government to -be adopted by Us, whilst holding, etc.”—instead of which, after some -colourless commonplace sentences about the non‐observance of laws and -regulations and pursuing the noble object of assuring the happiness -of our subjects, he speaks of the necessity of convoking “a general -Assembly compatible with the habits and customs and capacity of our -population” (which might mean anything or nothing according to the -estimate of their capacity), and he orders his Ministers carefully and -minutely to study this question (which they had done for a year past), -and submit the report to his sanction. - -(3) In connection with the same important subject Midhat had proposed, -for the purpose of elaborating the Constitutional laws, the convention -of a Grand Council composed of the Ministers of State, the Doctors of -the Law, and all those whose knowledge and experience entitled them -to a voice in the country, to express their opinion on the subject, -and that on their report being revised by the Council of Ministers it -should be submitted to the approbation of the Sultan. - -This proposal evidently meant business, and would not only have fixed -a limit of time for the inauguration of the new Constitution, but -would have given it the _imprimatur_ of all that was enlightened and -worthy of respect and attention in the empire. The Sultan rejected the -sentence _in toto_. - -(4) Midhat, who was deeply concerned by the actual condition of Turkish -Finances, and thoroughly convinced that the first step in setting -this right must be the exercise of rigid economy in all branches of -the administration, and who, moreover, had experience of all that had -taken place in the reign of Abdul Aziz, did not hesitate to propound -to Abdul Hamid what his predecessor Murad had unhesitatingly accepted, -viz., that the expenses of the household and of the Imperial Palace -should be diminished and reduced to what was strictly necessary, and -the Civil list of the princes of the Imperial family should be in like -manner reduced, and their amount paid directly by the Minister of -Finance, and he left it to the sovereign to make over a sum that he -should fix himself for the monthly expenses of the Palace. - -The Sultan omitted the whole paragraph. - -(5) Midhat attached the greatest importance to the question of mixed -schools in the provinces where Christians and Mussulmans lived -together. The reader will recollect (p. 40) that when Governor of -the provinces of the Danube he desired to establish this system in -Bulgaria, and it was this very proposal which excited the anxiety and -stirred the energies of the vigilant Ignatieff to defeat the proposal -and obtain the dismissal of the Vali. - -The Governor of Bulgaria—who now became for the second time the Grand -Vizier of the empire—desired to make this cherished scheme general in -all the provinces of the empire, and in the inaugural speech he had -placed in the Sultan’s mouth words that signified the adoption of this -measure and its inauguration in the empire, “in order that the progress -of the country may produce the happiness of all its subjects alike; and -in order to inculcate these ideas, _We decree the foundation of these -schools_, in which instruction and education shall be common to all.” - -Instead of this categorical declaration the Sultan substituted the -colourless proposal: “We desire that all Our subjects, without -distinction of classes, shall be able to profit by the benefits of -knowledge, each according to his personal capacity,” which will bear -the exact sense that anybody may choose to attribute to it. - -We shall very shortly see what practical sense the Sultan himself -attributed to it. - -(6) Midhat desired to abolish the slave trade, which he considered -a scandal and a disgrace to the empire, and incompatible with its -pretensions to a high place in the ranks of civilised nations. -He proposed, therefore, in this inaugural speech to proclaim its -abolition, and that the Sultan should inaugurate the change by -enfranchising all the slaves in the Palace. The Sultan cut out the -whole paragraph. - -With such a radical difference in the whole point of view from which -the Palace clique and the new Grand Vizier regarded the situation, it -was clear that occasions for serious conflict would not be wanting, nor -would be long in manifesting themselves. They arose indeed at once, -and it will be seen that each subject of contention was implicitly -contained in the divergence of views manifested with reference to the -speech from the throne that has just been analysed. - -The question of the Constitution naturally occupied the foreground -in these disputes. The Sultan, as has been seen, refused to submit -its provisions to a Grand Council to be summoned _ad hoc_, lest it -should receive, as it undoubtedly would have received, this important -sanction. He preferred that Ministers should be its sole sponsors, -which would leave him free to deny subsequently that its details had -been stamped with the seal of national approval. From the very first -days of his accession he had shown the greatest anxiety on this subject -of the Constitution, and no wonder: it was what the Magna Charta was to -John of England—the curb and limit of arbitrary power and exaction. - -Knowing that Midhat was its chief champion, it was with him that -he entered into negotiations on the subject, even before the actual -resignation of Mehemet Rushdi Pasha. The following significant letter -signed with his own name (instead of through the usual vehicle of the -First Secretary’s signature) was the warning shot fired across the -enemy’s bows:— - - -_Letter addressed by the Sultan to Midhat Pasha on the eve of his Grand -Vizierate._[1] - -“_To my illustrious Vizier, Midhat Pasha_. - - “We have made ourselves acquainted with the Constitution which you - unofficially forwarded to us, and we have noticed in it passages - incompatible with the habits and aptitudes of the nation. Our desire - is to assure the future of the country by just administration, and we - cannot but appreciate all efforts towards that end. And one of the - objects to which we attach much importance is that of _safeguarding - the Sovereign rights_ by a new organisation drawn up with regard to - the needs of the people. We desire therefore that the Constitution - should be discussed by the Council of Ministers, and should be - revised in the manner referred to above. Communicate our greetings to - our Grand Vizier and show him this order. In any case we expect from - your patriotism that your efforts shall tend towards the object we - have in view, and demand that this Irade shall be kept secret between - our Grand Vizier and yourself. - - “ABDUL HAMID - - “9 _Zilkade_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (25_th November_ 1876.) - - -_Reply._ - - -_To the First Secretary of His Majesty._[12] - - “EXCELLENCY,—As it was impossible for me to thank His Majesty for - the favours and the many proofs of goodwill with which he overwhelms - me every day and every moment, I am entirely unable to testify my - gratitude for the signal honour, so disproportionate to my deserts, - which I have received in the reply of an autograph letter from His - Majesty, inviting me to furnish certain explanations of the text - of the Constitution unofficially forwarded to His Majesty. As to - the contents of the report which has been submitted, I myself also - recognise that the majority of the articles require to be modified - and changed, and I think it is not necessary to say that if this - text has been submitted to His Majesty as an incomplete rough draft, - it was simply with the intention of correcting it later according - to the views and wishes of His Majesty. This report has been drawn - up and completed by the Commission convened for the purpose by - Imperial command, and, as the time has come when the text should - be studied by the Council of Ministers, the terms of the Imperial - Irade have been communicated to His Highness the Grand Vizier. Now, - urged by fidelity to my Sovereign and my love for my country, I feel - it incumbent upon me, and have the courage to be of opinion that - there are two methods of extrication from our present position. The - first consists in putting into execution, before the meeting of the - Conference, the reforms for our home government that were promised - and proclaimed to all the Powers, and the time needed for so doing - would be three or four days at the outside. The second method is to - accept the proposals formulated by the Powers, and to make up our - minds to live henceforth and for ever under their tutelage. If the - first method is not adopted, or even if its promulgation is delayed - and retarded until after the meeting of the Conference, the second - becomes inevitable. My attachment to my Sovereign and my love for my - country force me to give utterance to these ideas. - - “I am.... - - “MIDHAT. - - “11 _Zilkade_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (27_th November_ 1876.) - - -The inner meaning of the words “safeguarding the Sovereign rights” -contained the pith and kernel of the conspirators’ views and -intentions. It had direct reference to a clause which the Sultan -desired to have inserted in the text of the Constitution, or rather -(and the difference is very material) to a rider which he desired to -be added to a clause (the 113th), referring to the declaration of a -state of siege in disturbed districts. The purport and intention of -the clause would naturally govern its different branches. It could not -possibly be supposed to apply to Ministers themselves, inasmuch as the -Constitution specially and elaborately provided for their trial and -punishment in clauses 31, 32, and 34 of the text. In spite, however, -of the provisions and safeguards which were to hedge and limit the -exercise of this prerogative, Midhat had long combated the insertion -of this rider to the 113th article. Anxious above all things, however, -to get the Constitution promulgated not later than the first sitting -of the Conference, and not as yet fully grasping the character of the -man he was dealing with, he listened to the explanations and glosses -offered with reference to this rider, and finally, though reluctantly, -consented to its insertion in the text of the Constitution. - -It is easy to see now that this was the second error of tactics -committed by Midhat. “Put not your trust in princes” is an especially -wise injunction when you do not know the character of the princes you -are dealing with. If Midhat had forced the Sultan Hamid—as he might -have done, if he had been less trustful and more strenuous—to observe -strictly the terms of the treaty of Muslou‐Oglou that Prince Hamid had -agreed to as a condition of his mounting on the throne at all, Midhat -would never have been banished, and the Constitution would never have -been strangled. Good men are rarely as determined and strenuous as bad -men. It is a pity, for half the political ills of the world come from -this weakness on their part. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -SECOND GRAND VIZIERATE OF MIDHAT PASHA - - -On 19th December 1876, three months after the accession of Abdul Hamid -to the throne, Midhat was appointed Grand Vizier. His nomination to -this post was again welcomed with great rejoicing in Turkey, and gave -Europe generally hopes of the accomplishment of some reforms. Sir Henry -Elliot addressed the following despatch to Lord Derby:— - - -“_Sir H. Elliot to the Earl of Derby_. - - “CONSTANTINOPLE, 19_th December_ 1876. - - “MY LORD,—Midhat Pasha has been appointed Grand Vizier in the place - of Mehemet Rushdi Pasha. The importance of this appointment at this - moment is very great. Midhat Pasha is beyond question the most - energetic and liberal of the Turkish statesmen, and a man of action, - although his decisions are sometimes hasty. - - “He has always advocated the equality of Mussulmans and Christians, - and wishes for a constitutional control over the power of the Grand - Vizier as well as of the Sultan. He is opposed to centralisation, - and in favour of giving the provincial populations much control over - their local affairs. - - “He has at times spoken strongly to me against the grant of special - institution in the Slav Provinces; but he is a man who listens to - argument, and may, perhaps, be brought to see the necessity of it - under the present circumstances. - - “He is disliked by the old Mussulman party, but is regarded as the - hope of the Mussulman reformers and of the Christians. - - “He used formerly always to wish to follow the advice of Her - Majesty’s Government, but I am not aware what his feelings towards - England are at this moment.[13] - - - “I have.... - - “HENRY ELLIOT.” - - -Midhat pointed out to the Sultan, in a letter addressed to Saïd, the -danger of the delay and procrastination that would be caused by too -prolonged discussion on the text of the Constitution; further, that -the text which had been submitted to the Sultan was such as had been -decided upon by the Commission appointed by His Majesty himself, and -that that text, after having been submitted to His Majesty as it came -from the hands of the Commission, was now, together with His Majesty’s -observations on it, being considered by the Ministers as a final -stage, requiring at most three or four days’ deliberation, and that -any longer delay before its actual promulgation would assuredly raise -in the minds of the friendly Powers a doubt as to the sincerity of the -Turkish Government in the work of the reform; and he insisted, finally, -that, in order to convince them of this sincerity, it was essentially -desirable that the promulgation of the Constitution should take place -before the date fixed for the assembly of the Conference. - -At the very first Ministerial Council under Midhat’s presidency as -Grand Vizier, held at the house of Mahmoud Damad—a significant -circumstance in itself—the conspirators showed their hand. When the -subject of the Constitution and its promulgation came under discussion, -Djevdet Pasha, Minister for Justice, and Mahmoud’s man, who had -hitherto been “lying low” awaiting developments, suddenly sprang upon -his colleagues the proposal that the whole question of the Constitution -should be indefinitely adjourned, on the pretext that with the change -that had taken place in the occupancy of the throne it was no longer -necessary. The indignation and wrath of Midhat can easily be imagined -at the audacity and perversity of this audacious proposition; he -apostrophised his colleague in no sparing terms, and pointed out to him -that the sole ground and justification of the solemn act of deposition -to which they had lent their countenance was the necessity of having -the Constitution promulgated; and he made Djevdet and Mahmoud, and -any other weak‐kneed colleague who might be inclined to support their -views, very clearly understand that he would throw up his office and -retire into private life if the slightest hesitation was shown on their -part with respect to this essential matter. By this uncompromising -firmness he dispelled any illusion that might have been harboured that -a frontal attack on the Constitution, with Midhat at the helm, could -be of any avail, and the opposition feigned acquiescence in the Grand -Vizier’s views. The incident, however, was not the less significant, -and ought to have warned Midhat of what was secretly preparing in the -councils of the conspirators. - -It has been said, among other equally groundless and disingenuous -criticisms, that “Midhat’s Constitution,” as it has been called, was a -simple device to defeat the Conference that was about to assemble. One -single fact, vouched for on an authority that will not be disputed, -absolutely disposes of this calumny. Sir Henry Elliot, referring to -these very matters, distinctly says that Midhat Pasha and his friends -had informed him that they were working for the promulgation of a -Constitution, and explained their views fully to him, twelve months -before there was any question of a conference at all: “This was more -than a year before its promulgation, when it was declared to have been -invented to defeat the Conference then sitting at Constantinople!”[14] - -That Midhat and his friends used the fact of the promulgation as a -weapon to oppose the decisions of the Conference is likely enough; -but this was perfectly fair dealing, and a legitimate weapon to make -use of. Another proposition which is not true, and is proved to have -been false, is that the Constitution was invented for the purpose of -defeating the Conference. It is abundantly evident that if there had -been no Conference at all, the Constitution would none the less have -been elaborated and its promulgation insisted on. - -Another disingenuous and captious criticism passed on the Constitution -by its enemies is the implication contained in the expression “Midhat’s -Constitution,” as if it was a “one‐man’s” Constitution, and not the -work of what may be called the national mind—that is, the majority -of the best minds in it. That Midhat had a great deal to say in its -elaboration, and still more in its promulgation, in spite of the -unconcealed opposition of the Sultan, and the Palace, and the whole -phalanx of reaction behind them, there can of course be no doubt -whatever, and to his eternal honour be it said; but that it was a -“one‐man’s” work, in the sense that it was not the expression of the -wants and wishes of the nation, is disproved by all the circumstances -connected with it. Chakir Effendi, one of its warmest partisans, was -one of the most learned, distinguished and highly esteemed Ulema at -Constantinople; it was he who headed a deputation of Ulemas and doctors -of the law, to congratulate Midhat immediately after the ceremony of -promulgation was over. The most enthusiastic champions of both Midhat -and the Constitution were the Softas, or body of students, numbering -several thousands, of all the _medresses_ (schools and universities) -in Constantinople, the future generation of the educated mind of the -nation. The provinces, without exception, were in favour of it. The -important city of Adrianople sent a congratulatory address to Midhat, -which the Sultan would not allow to be published in the papers. The -instinct of the masses looked upon it as the one resource in the -dire straits of the nation. The very fact that, with an opposing -Sultan clinging to his “sovereign rights,” and a bitterly hostile and -determined Palace clique, and in spite of all the means at the disposal -of Turkey’s nearest and most powerful neighbour unscrupulously put -into action, the Constitution ever saw the daylight, and actually -lived for a twelvemonth in such an environment, is the very strongest -evidence that can possibly be adduced of its inherent vitality, and -an undeniable proof that it was something more than a “one‐man’s” -Constitution. - -The Constitution, although the principal, was not the only subject of -contention between the new Sultan and his Vizier. There were questions -of persons, questions of money, questions of education that divided -them irreconcilably. The Sultan, who had no doubt fixed on Edhem Pasha -as the pliable instrument that he would need after the Conference -was over, and when the work of getting rid of Midhat had to be gone -through, desired to elevate one who, in his opinion, “was not quite the -person for a very high position,” to a post whence subsequent promotion -to the very highest position would seem a little less incongruous. -He accordingly selected Edhem Pasha for the post of President of the -Council of State, the important office concerned with the elaboration -of the laws of the country. Midhat’s candidate was Sadik Pasha, whose -competency was beyond dispute. Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin wished to -have Djevdet Pasha, his faithful henchman—whom we have already seen -at work—nominated to this post, but even the Sultan thought his -knowledge and intellectual capacity altogether too circumscribed. -The accompanying letter shows the strong insistence of the Sultan -on his own intention. He had the great advantage over Midhat which -conspirators always have, viz., of having his plan of campaign with -a distinct aim already settled, and knowing therefore beforehand the -strong position which it was necessary to occupy on the field of battle. - -Midhat, ignorant of the game that was being played, sacrificed point -after point in it, considering their importance with reference to -public affairs secondary to that of having the Constitution promulgated -as soon as possible. - -The following letter makes these points clear:— - - -_To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier._ - - “HIGHNESS,—After you had left the Palace, His Majesty sent for me - and questioned me as to the cause of the delay in the nomination - of Edhem Pasha as President of the Council of State. I told His - Majesty that the Irade (order) relative to that appointment had - been communicated to your Highness yesterday, and that probably the - visit of the French Envoy to your Highness was the cause of the - delay in my receiving an answer to the communication, and I told His - Majesty that the only motive of your opposition to the appointment - was the incapacity of Edhem Pasha to fulfil the duties of a post - to which were confided the constitutional functions of elaborating - the laws; that as for Sadik Pasha, whom you proposed for that post, - there could be no doubt that his nomination would add a useful - person to the Ministerial Councils. At that moment Damad Mahmoud - Djelaleddin was called in, and he expressed the same opinion, but - proposed that Djevdet Pasha should be appointed President of the - Council, and that Edhem Pasha, whose incompetency you objected to, - might fill the post of Minister of Justice. On this His Majesty made - the following declaration: ‘I am not acquainted with Edhem Pasha, - in spite of his services to my father, but I have now learned to - appreciate his abilities; I intend therefore to profit by everybody’s - capacities, and _although Edhem Pasha is not quite the person to - occupy a very high position_, I think nevertheless he is capable - of performing the duties of President of the Council of State. The - knowledge and learning of Djevdet Pasha are very limited, whereas the - accomplishments and capacity of Edhem Pasha are great in comparison - with his. In a word, I shall be glad if His Highness the Grand - Vizier will acquiesce in my wishes, and will to‐morrow propose his - nomination to me. Write and tell him so.’ This is the reason why I - have written at length to you on the subject.—I have the honour to - be, - - “(Signed) SAÏD. - - “6 _Zilhidje_, 1293, 1 _o’clock, Hegira_.” - (22_nd December_ 1876.) - - -Another and still more serious difference of opinion, relative to -persons, arose concerning Zia Bey. This person, one of the most -distinguished litterateurs and poets Turkey possessed, who had been -appointed private Secretary of the Sultan Murad, and whose nomination -to the same post by the present Sultan had been made an article of -the treaty between Midhat and Prince Hamid at Muslou‐Oglou, was -suspected of inspiring certain articles in the Turkish paper _Istikbal_ -which threw doubts on the Sultan’s sincerity with reference to the -Constitution. These articles gave great offence at the Palace, and were -considered of dangerous tendency. The Sultan determined not only to -proceed against the paper, but also to remove Zia Bey, at any price, -from the capital. - -The accompanying letter will show the feelings of the Sultan on the -subject: - - -_To Midhat Pasha._ - - - “HIGHNESS,—The Imperial Irade (written order) relative to the - nomination of Zia Bey to the post of Ambassador at Berlin, was - communicated to your Highness yesterday evening, and His Majesty - has just asked me if the proposed nomination had arrived, and on - my reply in the negative His Majesty ordered me to insist upon it, - adding the following observation: ‘Zia Bey is very ambitious, and - if he had known how to profit by this quality with a view to his - advancement and his future, he would have succeeded in obtaining - a post here suited to his capacity; but this person has never yet - shown any stability of character or fixity of purpose, and when - anything occurs contrary to his views and wishes, he is in the habit - of weaving intrigues in the matter, which is not favourable to his - prolonged sojourn in Constantinople. His removal, moreover, from - the capital cannot but facilitate for the Grand Vizier the exercise - of his functions in freeing him from this kind of obstacle. These - observations of mine are no exaggerations; but if on the one hand Zia - Bey’s individual merit is only mediocre, the people are naturally - attracted by these critics and attend to their criticisms, and in - this way lend an importance to these polemics which they do not - intrinsically deserve. As for the despatch of Zia Bey to Berlin, the - Government is resolved to take the same steps at Berlin as it has - determined to take at Paris, London, and Vienna, and to endeavour to - gain the sympathies of Prince Bismark (_sic_), and if Zia Bey succeed - in this, he will have shown his _savoir faire_, earned the gratitude - of the State, and by the fact itself shown his aptitude for foreign - affairs, and then his further promotion will be justified. Moreover, - his selection will provoke no opposition on the part of the Court - of Berlin.’ On account of these considerations His Majesty orders - this nomination to be submitted to him as soon as possible. It is, - moreover, by Imperial command that I have written to you at such - length on the subject, and have repeated what has already been said; - and His Majesty desires that you will carry out these injunctions by - to‐morrow at the audience you will have with His Majesty. - - “I have the honour to be, - - “(Signed) SAÏD. - - “12 _Zilhidje_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (28_th December_ 1876.) - - -In the meantime the population of Constantinople, who have been -represented by interested critics as indifferent about the Constitution -and reform, hearing of the proposed exile of this champion of the -Constitution and reform, determined to prevent his departure from -the capital by electing him as one of their representatives in the -new Parliament. Consternation is not too strong a term to describe -the feelings that this proposal excited in the Palace. Zia Bey had -an influence among the people of the capital. What if his presence -among them in the Parliament should checkmate all the plans of a -carefully hatched conspiracy? The following letter clearly reveals this -consternation:— - - -_To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier._ - - “HIGHNESS,—His Majesty has just read in the paper _Istikbal_ that - the population of Constantinople have decided to elect Zia Bey as - their representative, and that a petition signed by several thousand - persons will be addressed to the Palace with a view of retaining Zia - Bey in the capital. Thereupon His Majesty declared categorically - that the candidature of Zia Bey as deputy was not acceptable; that - numerous acts proved the participation of Zia Bey in acts against his - Sovereign; that the constitution forbade the entry into Parliament of - individuals compromised in any way.[15] - - “‘It is to be observed that this person has had recourse to - various methods, including the intervention of the Press and other - contrivances, to gain popularity for himself. Although these - proceedings have constituted no claim on his part for favourable - consideration from the Government, the rank of Vizier has been - conferred upon him, and the post of Governor‐General in one of the - most important vilayets, viz., Syria, simply in order to comply with - the request of the Grand Vizier. But Zia Bey, far from exhibiting - any gratitude, has sought more than ever to exercise an influence in - the Capital, through his position as Vizier, by announcing in the - _Istikbal_ that he is one of the originators of the Constitution, - which was, in fact, promulgated by our desire with the co‐operation - of a few patriots. We have consequently directed the Grand Vizier - to proceed against Zia Bey in such matter as may seem proper to - him.’ Such was the declaration of His Majesty. His Majesty further - criticised the action of the _Istikbal_, which, without reason, - has just published the famous letter of Mustafa Fazil Pasha, and - calls your attention to the fact of that paper, though suspended - indefinitely, having reappeared. His Majesty considers it urgent to - find means to put an end to such doings in the Press. - - “I have the honour to be - - “(Signed) SAÏD. - - “24 _Zilhidje_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (9_th January_ 1877.) - - -As the concluding passage of this letter shows, the Sultan, whilst -banishing Zia Bey, determined, _pour encourager les autres_, to -proceed with all possible vigour against the Press. There was to be no -faltering in so grave a matter. For this purpose the _Istikbal_ was to -be suspended, and a Draconian law against the Press prepared “within -three or four days,” although by Article 12 of the Constitution this -matter ought to have been left to be dealt with by the Parliament. - -The following letters speak for themselves:— - - -_To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier._ - - “HIGHNESS,—His Majesty, after having made the remark to me that - the contents of the article ‘The Future of Islam,’ published by the - _Vakit_, and especially the words underlined, were calculated to - lead astray public opinion, and referring to an interview with your - Highness yesterday evening on the subject of the Press, orders your - Highness to inform him of the measures you intend to take against - the Editor of this particular paper, for having published facts - calculated to make a bad impression, and, moreover, to propose to him - a competent person ... as Director of the Bureau of the Press, in the - place of the present functionary, who has been guilty of inattention - and negligence, and must be nominated to some other post. - - “As the Press, basing its pretensions on the liberty it enjoys under - the Constitution, does not cease to publish all sorts of things, His - Majesty, with a view to putting an end to abuses, and placing a curb - on the license of the newspapers, commands your Highness to give the - necessary orders in the proper quarter to complete within the delay - of three or four days, the law on the Press, referred to in the - Constitution. - - “I have the honour to be - - “(Signed) SAÏD. - - “15 _Zilhidje_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (31_st December_ 1876.) - - -_To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier._ - - “HIGHNESS,—With reference to the measures to be taken against the - Editor of the _Vakit_, I presented to His Majesty the note sent by - your Honour last night on this subject. Whilst accepting the spirit of - your observations, and even granting that the article in that paper - was not in itself seditious, it is not the less a fact that that paper - published, without any plausible justification, a statement to the - effect that the _Fetva_ of Sheik‐ul‐Islam is sufficient to depose a - Sultan, a declaration calculated to prompt the people to a seditious - movement, and to nullify the conditions and safeguards on which the - promulgation of the _Fetva_ depends, teaching the people that all - power is attached to the individual will of the functionary who issues - the _Fetva_. If such acts are tolerated, the papers will not fail to - profit by the license, and to abuse it, and His Majesty orders that - the Imperial Irade issued against the _Vakit_ and its Editor shall - be executed as soon as possible by way of example; the present law - with respect to the Press being sufficient for this purpose. Further, - the journal _Istikbal_, in its number of last Tuesday, published a - long article to the effect that the delay in the promulgation of the - Constitution, which was elaborated and ready for promulgation in his - reign, had caused all kinds of ills, and this article corroborates - the facts above referred to; and it is with a view to preventing the - Press, either from ignorance or evil intention, from adopting a line - of reasoning in contradiction to the views and intentions of His - Majesty, that His Majesty commands me, with a view of emphasising his - views on the subject, to send you a copy of the incriminated article. - - “I have the honour to be, - - “(Signed) SAÏD. - - “18 _Zilkidje_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (2_nd January_ 1877.) - - -Two other subjects of grave difference were the cause of a good deal -of fencing between Midhat and the Palace. The one was the position -of Galib Pasha, Minister of Finance, whom Midhat was determined to -remove from the post of Minister of Finance; the other had reference -to mixed education in the State schools, a subject on which Midhat had -always held very strong views. But as the foreign envoys in the capital -were now demanding the convocation of the official meeting of the -Conference, it was determined to postpone the final resolution on these -subjects till after the Conference was over. - -The preliminary difficulties being at last overcome, or at least their -discussion postponed till after the Conference was over, the date for -the proclamation of the Constitution, with the Sultan’s famous rider -inserted in the text, like the fatal gift of the evil fairy in the -fable, was finally determined on. - -On the morning of the 23rd December, 1876, in the big open space in -front of the Sublime Porte, facing the apartments reserved for the -Sultan, a large platform was erected, profusely decorated with Turkish -flags. Hither all the notabilities and Ulemas and Ministers were -convoked to hear the promulgation of the new Constitution which, in the -view of its promoters and supporters, was to inaugurate a new era for -the sorely tried empire of the Osmanli. It might indeed have been a day -marked in red, the greatest date in Turkish history. As it was, it was -only the first act of a stupendous comedy. - -The notabilities were now assembled, and in spite of a downpour of -rain, an immense crowd of people came to witness and applaud the -ceremony. The troops lined the road between Sirkedji and the Sublime -Porte, and along it, at mid‐day. Saïd Pasha, the first Secretary to -the Sultan, in full uniform, preceded by a military band, arrived at -the Sublime Porte, bearing the Sultan’s letter (_Hatti Humayun_) of -promulgation, addressed to the Grand Vizier Midhat Pasha, and the text -of the Constitution. The letter ran as follows:— - - -_Rescript_ (_Hatti Humayun_) _of the Sultan promulgating the Ottoman -Constitution_. - - - “MY ILLUSTRIOUS GRAND VIZIER, MIDHAT PASHA,—The power of Our Empire - was lately declining. Foreign affairs were not the cause of this, but - men had strayed from the right path in the administration of home - affairs, and the bonds that attached Our subjects to the Government - had been relaxed. My august Father, the late Sultan, Abdul Medjid, - granted a Charter of Reform, the _Tanzimat_, which guaranteed, in - accordance with the sacred law of the Cheri, life, property, and - honour to all. - - “It has been in consequence of the salutary effect of the _Tanzimat_ - that the State has, up to the present time, been able to maintain - itself in security, and that We have been enabled to found and - proclaim this day the Constitution which is the result of ideas and - opinions fully expressed. - - “On this auspicious occasion I desire to recall with a feeling of - special devotion the memory of My late august Father, who has been - rightly considered the regenerator of his country. I doubt not that - he would have himself inaugurated the Constitutional era that we are - about to enter this day, if the period of the promulgation of the - _Tanzimat_ had been adapted to the necessities of our own times. But - it has been to Our reign that Providence has reserved the task to - accomplish this happy transformation, which is the supreme guarantee - of the welfare of Our peoples. I thank Heaven for allowing me to be - its instrument. - - “It is evident that the principle of our Government had become - incompatible with the successive modifications introduced into our - internal organisation, and the increasing development of our foreign - relations. Our most earnest desire is to cause the disappearance of - all obstacles to the full enjoyment by the nation of all the natural - resources it possesses, and, in a word, to see Our subjects put into - the possession of rights which appertain to all civilised society, - and to be united together in a common bond of progress, union, and - concord. - - “In order to attain this object it was necessary to adopt a salutary - regular organisation, to safeguard the inalienable rights of the - Governing body by the abolition of faults and abuses of all kinds, - _which result from illegality—that is to say, from the arbitrary - power of one or more individuals_: to accord the same rights and - to prescribe the same duties to all the members of the several - communities composing our Society, and to enable them all to profit, - without distinction, by the blessings of liberty, justice and - equality—these being the only possible methods of guaranteeing and - protecting the interests of all. - - “From these essential principles flows the necessity of another - eminently useful work: viz., that of connecting Public Right with a - deliberative and constitutional System. That is the reason why in the - Hatt that We promulgated on Our accession to the Throne We declared - the urgency of creating a Parliament. - - “A special Commission composed of the highest dignitaries, Ulemas and - functionaries of the State, has carefully elaborated the basis of a - Constitution, and this again has been studied and approved by Our - Council of Ministers. - - “This fundamental Charter confirms the prerogatives of the Sovereign; - the civil and political equality of Ottomans before the law; the - responsibilities and duties of Ministers and Officials; the complete - independence of the Tribunals; the efficient balancing of the Budget, - and lastly, the decentralisation of provincial administration, - whilst preserving the decisive action and the powers of the Central - Government. - - “All these principles, _in strict conformity with the dispositions of - the Cheri_, as well as to Our aptitude and aspirations, are equally - in harmony with Our generous desire to assure the happiness and - prosperity of all Our subjects, which is Our Supreme wish. - - “Confiding in the Divine Grace and in the intercession of the - Prophet, I am now placing in your hand this Constitution after having - invested it with My Imperial sanction. With the assistance of God, it - will immediately be applied to all portions of Our Empire. - - “Therefore, it is My decided will that you shall publish it, and - shall see that it shall be executed, from this day forth. - - “You must, moreover, take the promptest and most efficacious measures - to proceed with the study and elaboration of the laws and regulations - mentioned in this instrument. - - “May the Almighty deign to accord success to all those who work for - the salvation of the Empire and the Nation. - - “Given this 7th of Zilhidje 1293, Hegira.” - - (23_rd December_ 1876.) - - -The reading of the _Hatti Humayun_ concluded, the First Secretary -ceremoniously handed the Grand Vizier the text of the Constitution, -after reverently raising it to his lips. The Grand Vizier received -it with the like ceremony, and then handed it to the Grand -Referendary,[16] Mahmoud Bey, who read it to the assembled people, -while thousands of fly‐leaves bearing the text of the Constitution were -distributed in all directions. - -After the text was read, Midhat made a speech, expressing gratitude -to the Sultan for the graciousness of this act in promulgating the -Constitution, the immense importance of which he proceeded to point -out to the people. When he had concluded, the Mufti of Adrianople -offered up a prayer, and all the people cried “Amen,” and a salute of -101 guns from the Seraskierate announced to the whole city that “the -Constitution” was proclaimed. - -The Ulemas with the Sheik‐ul‐Islam (Hairullah Effendi) at their head; -the Christian clergy with their patriarchs; the Ministers; the learned -and distinguished Chakir Effendi, followed by the Softas and students; -the representatives of all the corporations, and the populace of -the capital, with flags bearing the inscription “Liberty,” came to -congratulate Midhat, at his own residence, on the new era of liberty. -In the evening the mosques were illuminated, and the people, carrying -torches, paraded the streets, crying, “Long live the Sultan and -Midhat Pasha!” Telegrams of congratulation were received from all the -provinces of the Empire, expressing the joy felt at this great event. -In short, the whole populace was in a state of rejoicing; the Palace -of Bechiktashe was the only place not illuminated. The Sultan was -indisposed. - -Although it was contrary to custom for a Grand Vizier to pay an -official visit to the religious communities, Midhat Pasha went the -following day to the Greek and Armenian Patriarchs and to the Jewish -Chief Rabbi, to thank them for their expressions of rejoicing at the -new Constitution. He was received with enthusiasm by the patriarchs, -and the Christian populace threw flowers in his way. The Grand Vizier -made speeches in which he declared that he recognised no distinctions -between Mussulmans and Christians, as they were all children of the -same country, urging that all should work together as brothers to -promote the progress of their country, under one flag, and by the aid -of the new liberty pronounced by His Majesty the Sultan. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE CONFERENCE AND MIDHAT’S EXILE - - -The day fixed for the first plenary meeting of the Conference of -Constantinople was the same as that chosen for the promulgation of the -Constitution. That there was a purpose in the simultaneous occurrence -of the two events admits of no doubt; but to conclude from that fact, -as has been disingenuously argued, that the Constitution was a mere -device to defeat the ends of the Conference, is, of course, absurd, and -has been conclusively disproved. - -On the 23rd December (1876), accordingly, the envoys and -plenipotentiaries of the Great Powers met in the handsome building -of the Admiralty on the Golden Horn, in the large hall that had been -prepared for their reception, to discuss with the Turkish envoys -the condition of the Christian provinces of the empire. There were -present, Count Zichy and Baron Calice representing Austro‐Hungary; -Count Chaudordy and Count Bourgoing representing France; Baron Werther -representing Germany; Lord Salisbury and Sir Henry Elliot representing -Great Britain; General Ignatieff representing Russia, and Edhem Pasha -and Safvet Pasha representing the Empire that was to be placed on the -dissecting table. - -Scarcely had the preliminary formalities been concluded, when from -across the Bosphorus, at the Seraskierate, was heard the booming of the -first gun that announced the proclamation of the new Constitution. -Thereupon a somewhat dramatic scene—that, no doubt, had been arranged -beforehand—was enacted. Safvet Pasha arose in his place, and, -addressing the assembled plenipotentiaries, said: “Gentlemen, the -cannon that you hear across the Bosphorus notifies the commencement -of the promulgation by His Majesty the Sultan of a Constitution -guaranteeing equal rights and constitutional liberties to all the -subjects of the Empire alike; and in the presence of this great event, -I think our labours become superfluous.” - -This little speech of the Turkish Envoy was received by the assembly in -chilling silence. The somewhat theatrical _coup_ had evidently missed -its effect. After a few moments’ dead silence, General Ignatieff moved -that the Conference should proceed with the business of the day. The -proceedings themselves were not lengthy. The envoys of the Great Powers -had been a whole month in Constantinople holding unofficial meetings -among themselves, from which the Turkish delegates were studiously -excluded; and the programme to be followed and the policy to be -enforced had all been arranged before the official meeting took place. -The object of this somewhat unusual proceeding was clear. Turkey was -to be given to understand that it had to do with a veritable Concert -of Europe, which, however much it might minimise the demands made by -one of the Powers interested, would insist unanimously on substantial -concessions from the Porte, and that the latter must in consequence -dismiss any hope or expectation of dissensions or jealousies breaking -out between the Powers. - -The achievement of this unanimity was intended as the master‐stroke of -Lord Salisbury’s policy. He did not imagine then, though he probably -has realised it since, that the _rôle_ he was playing at Constantinople -had been carefully prepared for him at Vienna, and that the success -of his efforts was simply the triumph of Count Andrassy’s policy. -What remained for the Conference to do was, not to discuss measures, -but to formulate decisions. There was, at any rate, this advantage in -such a summary method: the agony would not be prolonged. The business -of the Conference began, like a Dutch auction, with a maximum opening -bid on the part of the Russian envoy. He proposed the autonomy of -the province of Bulgaria, the appointment of a Christian Vali, the -formation of a national militia, and the confinement of Turkish troops -within the limits of certain fixed fortresses. The Turkish envoys -having declared these proposals entirely inadmissible and beyond -the sphere of discussion, the proposal was modified to what General -Ignatieff designated “un minimum extrême et irreductible,” viz., that -Bulgaria should be endowed with a special privileged government, and -with an international commission to watch the administration, and that -the appointment of its Governor should be submitted to the approval -of the Great Powers. To this proposal, again, the Turkish envoys -demurred, pointing out that the examples of Servia and Roumania, to -which special privileged governments had been conceded with the other -special arrangements now proposed for Bulgaria, were not encouraging -precedents for a repetition of a similar experiment in Bulgaria: that -the Mahomedan population in the above‐named States had not been treated -with the equality and liberality promised and stipulated for, but had -found themselves under the necessity of emigrating _en masse_ from -those countries, and that even the extreme concessions made to these -States, removing all shadow of pretext for complaint, had not deterred -them from joining the enemies of the Empire, or intriguing against it -whenever the opportunity occurred. - -Eventually, after a heated and rather academical passage of arms -between Edhem Pasha and Count Chaudordy, a further modification -was made in the proposals, but not without a protest from General -Ignatieff, who said: “You are plucking all my feathers out of me,” to -which Count Chaudordy replied, with pregnant truth, “You will always -have plenty left, General.” The finally irreducible minimum proposed -was to the effect that a Consular Commission should be appointed to -aid the local authorities, and that the Valis of the three provinces, -Bulgaria, Herzegovina and Bosnia, should be appointed subject to the -assent of the Great Powers, during the first five years. - -The Turkish envoys, however, could not agree to this proposal either. -They pointed out that the appointment of the Consular Commission was -an infringement of the sovereign rights of the nation, _which it was -beyond their competence to acquiesce in_, and that over and above -this difficulty the proposal was open to the practical objection that -an exceptional situation created for those provinces would cause -discontent in all the other provinces of the empire, and lead to -unrest, and probably disturbance, in some of them; and they again -pointed out that the moment seemed singularly ill‐chosen for insisting -on special privileges for a portion of the Empire, when the Sultan had -just promulgated a charter containing the largest possible measure -of liberty and equal rights to all his subjects without distinction -throughout every portion of the Empire. - -This declaration of _non possumus_ on the part of the Turkish delegates -was followed by a most violent speech from General Ignatieff, -immediately after which the assembly broke up without even listening -to the protest that the Ottoman delegates were prepared to make to the -speech of the Russian envoy. - -The last modified proposal was embodied in an Ultimatum delivered to -the Porte by the envoys collectively, to which an answer was required -within a week. At the expiration of that time, if the answer was not -satisfactory, they declared their intention of quitting Constantinople. - -On the news of what had occurred becoming known, the conduct of the -Turkish delegates was generally approved of throughout the Empire. -Christians and Mahomedans vied with each other in sending patriotic -addresses to the capital, and a battalion of Christian volunteers was -raised, at their own expense, and marched to the Servian frontier, -where they distinguished themselves greatly, let it be said in passing, -by their courage and devotion. - -Midhat, in the meantime, by the Sultan’s order, had convened a Grand -Council of 237 persons, composed of all nationalities and notabilities, -to whom the final propositions of the Conference were submitted. - -Midhat made a speech to the notabilities, in which he pointed out the -consequences of the rejection of the terms in question, and told them -clearly that unless they were prepared to face this _ultima ratio_, -they had no alternative but to accept the terms of the Conference. -After listening attentively to this speech, the Grand Council, by a -practically unanimous vote, amidst very considerable enthusiasm decided -on the rejection of the Ultimatum. The foreign envoys accordingly -left the capital on 20th January (1877). So ended the Conference of -Constantinople. - -It is necessary here to recall the fact that Midhat during the -Conference sent the patriot Odian Effendi to London to communicate -to Lord Derby the occurrence which had recently taken place in his -country, and to add that as the Powers had not insisted on the carrying -out of the proposals formulated by Russia, which were found to be -impracticable in the present condition of Turkey, it was hoped that -the Powers would take the new Constitution under their protection, and -see to its execution in practice. The following despatch from Lord -Derby to Lord Salisbury and Sir H. Elliot shows the result of this -step:— - - -_The Earl of Derby to the Marquis of Salisbury and Sir H. Elliot._ - - “FOREIGN OFFICE, - - “10_th January_ 1877. - - “MY LORD AND SIR,—Odian Effendi called upon me this afternoon by - appointment, and spoke to me again of the impossibility which his - Government felt of accepting the proposals made to them in the - Conference. - - “There might, he said, be concessions on both sides in regard to the - reforms, but the question of the guarantees would still remain, and - offered insuperable difficulties. - - “Under these circumstances he was anxious to make a personal - suggestion, which he thought might offer a mode of arrangement, and - which he understood that Midhat Pasha was ready to adopt. It was that - the Constitution recently decreed by the Sultan should be brought - to the cognizance of the Powers in a form which should make its - execution a matter of international obligation between the Porte and - them, and that the organisation of the provincial administrations - to be drawn up by the Turkish Ministers should, after receiving the - approval of the Powers, be made a portion of the general plan, and - embodied in the same agreement. - - “The whole system of reforms granted by the Sultan to his subjects - would thus be placed under the guarantee of the Powers, who would - have a right to watch over the manner in which it was carried out. - - “Odian Effendi wished to know whether this proposal would be - favourably received by Her Majesty’s Government, and whether I - thought there would be any use in the Porte bringing it forward in - the Conference. - - “I told Odian Effendi in reply that there was a manifest - inconvenience in discussing here the questions which at the same time - were in process of negotiation at Constantinople. I must therefore - refrain from expressing an opinion upon the plan which he had - mentioned to me. - - “If it was to be proposed by the Turkish Government, this must be - done by them at Constantinople, and upon their own responsibility.[17] - - “I am, etc., - - “(Signed) DERBY.” - - -Hardly had the foreign envoys departed from the capital, and the doors -of the great hall at the Admiralty been shut behind them, when the -Palace proposed to put the match to the mine that had been carefully -laid for the reformers. - -Within a fortnight of the departure of the Plenipotentiaries, matters -were brought to a climax. Two subjects of contention between Midhat and -the Sultan had been reserved for further discussion when the Conference -should be over: the position of Galib Pasha and the question of mixed -schools. Either would serve for a _casus belli_. - -Midhat had resolved on the dismissal of the complaisant Minister of -Finance, who had, _proprio motu_, doubled the amount appropriated -to the Civil list by the simple device of paying it in gold; there -were other counts, too, against the Minister which necessitated this -measure. One was the specific charge of irregularities in the accounts -of the Treasury, which, although Midhat did not attribute them to -malversation on his part, were nevertheless, in his opinion, proofs -of great negligence in the supervision of the business of his office. -The other was a general charge of incapacity as Minister of Finance, -especially revealed in his tactless method of issuing Treasury bonds, -thereby causing an excessive and alarming depreciation in the paper -of the State. The Sultan had agreed to the dismissal of Galib, but he -desired to have him forthwith appointed Senator, whereas Midhat -insisted on a preliminary examination of the accounts of his office. -It will be perceived at once that there was a great deal more in this -dispute than met the eye, and that it accounted for the bitterness of -the feelings entertained against Midhat at the Palace. The following -letter, if read between the lines, will throw some light on the -questions at issue:— - - -_To the First Secretary of His Majesty Saïd Pasha._ - - - “EXCELLENCY,—By an Irade of our august Master, the nomination of - his Excellency Galib Pasha as member of the Senate has just been - adjourned. The delay on my part in making you acquainted with the - motives which have determined me to remove Galib Pasha from the - Ministry of Finance, whilst abstaining from any reflection whatever - on his personal integrity, only emphasises the responsibility of - Galib Pasha in the matter of finance. It is manifest that that - faithful servant of the State, in conformity with the orders - of our august Master, would not hesitate to admit his share of - responsibility, and in order to put an end to a discussion which has - no precedent, he should certainly claim an investigation, and submit - to its consequences, whatever sacrifices it might entail; but since - explanations are demanded of me, I hasten to give them as shortly as - I can. In order to judge whether or not Galib Pasha is competent to - administer the Finances of the State, it seems to me sufficient to - refer to the fall in the value of paper money. - - “The paper of the State, fifteen years ago, amounted to twenty - millions (£T), and yet its depreciation never reached more than - 50 to 60 per cent, compared to gold, although its circulation was - then limited to the radius of the town of Constantinople, and it - was not received in payment of taxes. At the present time, although - the amount issued does not amount to four millions, and there is no - limit imposed to its circulation in the Empire, and it is accepted in - payment of taxes, the depreciation amounts to 70 per cent. This state - of things is the result of the carelessness and neglect on the part - of the ministers of Finance. The depreciation, moreover, has given - rise to venality and corruption on the part of functionaries in the - Provinces, and to excitement and unrest, in consequence, in public - opinion. - - “We have no accusation to make against the probity and honesty of - Galib Pasha, nor any complaint on the score of the obligation under - which we lie, of issuing bonds to realise the sum necessary, in - gold, for exportation to Europe for war purposes. But seeing that an - issue of paper money, to an amount necessary for the realisation of - £T100,000 only, is sufficient to cause a still further depreciation - of the paper and rise in gold, the Minister of Finance is in duty - bound to take such steps and employ such means as shall, as much as - possible, prevent or mitigate this consequence. For instance, he - should take a portion of the sum required from the receipts of the - Treasury, in gold, and issue the remainder of the sum in paper, with - such prudence and precaution as to avoid financial panic by all means - in his power. But Galib Pasha seems incapable of appreciating such - measures, and the finances of the State have suffered in consequence. - - “Such a state of things implies a grave responsibility, and as it is - somebody’s duty to fix this responsibility, the functionary on whom - devolves these particular duties would necessarily be the person to - assume it. But it is also the duty of the person who happens to be - Grand Vizier to superintend the general march of affairs, and to take - steps to prevent all maladministration. - - “In the report made by Galib Pasha, which was read before the Council - of Ministers, he declares himself incapable of finding a remedy for - this state of things. And when an official makes such a declaration, - it is impossible to keep him in the exercise of those functions - without sharing the responsibility with him. It is on these grounds - that we have based our opinion as to the necessity of replacing him. - - “The day after the issue of the Imperial Irade approving this - decision, His Excellency Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin Pasha advised us - to recommend Galib Pasha for some other post; but it so happens that - not only are the accounts in the treasury with reference to this - paper money defective, but whereas we thought that only one million - of paper money out of the proposed seven millions had actually been - issued, we now find that two millions have in point of fact been - issued. - - “I thought it therefore proper, as I informed you in my letter of - the 14 Moharem, 1294, to keep Galib Pasha in the office of Finance - until all his accounts were put into proper order. In the discussion - on these matters in the Council of Ministers, on the 6th day of - Moharem, Galib Pasha informed us that he had made arrangements with - some private bankers for the purchase of £T90,000 in gold against - £T210,000 paper. This enormous depreciation, which could be accepted - only in the event of the extremest urgency, seemed to us beyond all - limits of reason. - - “Whatever may be the personal honesty of an official, yet when such - irregularities take place in his Office, it would seem more proper to - request him first to put his accounts in order before appointing him - off‐hand to another position of trust, such as the Senate. - - “On consideration of the whole matter, we are convinced that just as - Galib Pasha’s incompetence involves no reflection on his honesty and - probity, so the matter of the £T90,000 which I have just mentioned - is far from revealing any desire on his part to conceal the real - situation of affairs. - - “Hence the only reasons why we have requested a delay in the - nomination of Galib Pasha to the Senate are founded on his own - declarations last Wednesday before the Council of Ministers. - - “Although this little matter is scarcely worthy of so lengthy an - explanation, I have made it simply on the demand addressed to me to - furnish explanations on the subject, and in order to comply with the - Imperial commands. - - “I will only, in conclusion, beg you very particularly to be good - enough to bring these details to the notice of His Majesty, if he - should express his desire to be made acquainted with them. - - “Receive, Excellency, etc.,— - - “MIDHAT. - - “9 _Moharem_ 1293, _Hegira_.” - (25_th January_ 1877.) - - -The other question held in reserve was that of the mixed schools, -a measure to which, as we have seen on several occasions, Midhat -attached the greatest importance, as a means of welding together the -different elements of the nation. He desired to make a beginning by -applying it to the military academies of the Empire. The eve, possibly, -of a great war, in which the nation might require the service of -all her sons, seemed to him the most opportune moment conceivable -for the application of this most important reform. He accordingly -pressed it on the Sultan. He was met by the ordinary Fabian tactics -of the Palace—procrastination, promises, delay. The Sultan demurred, -temporised, first gave and then withdrew his consent, and a long -discussion ensued between them on the subject. The dispute culminated -in the following Memorandum, addressed by Midhat in the name of the -Ministry, to the Sultan, through the usual channel:— - - -_To the First Secretary of His Majesty Saïd Pasha._[18] - - - “YOUR EXCELLENCY,—All sincere friends of Turkey continue to - urge us—as did Mr Thiers quite lately—in the actual condition - of affairs, to give proofs to Europe of our sincerity and good - intentions. This very day a despatch from Musurus Pasha informs - us that Lord Derby congratulates the Imperial Government on the - dissolution of the Conference, which he considers as a success for - Turkey. At the same time Lord Derby urges us to conclude peace with - Servia as soon as possible, and to make a beginning in carrying out - those articles of the Constitution, and those propositions of the - Conference, that are susceptible of immediate application. And whilst - we, taking these friendly counsels into very serious consideration, - are working with a view of putting into operation without delay the - Firmans concerning reforms, an Imperial Irade, promulgated yesterday, - prohibits the admission of Christians into the military schools, - which a preceding Irade had authorised. Now, such a prohibition is - calculated seriously to compromise, from the very beginning, an - important reform that the whole world expects from the Constitution, - and it is natural that obstacles of this kind should discourage and - paralyse the efforts that we are constantly making to serve our - country with devotion. We therefore regret sincerely that of all - the questions which are now placed on the order of the day to be - studied by the Council, this important one alone remains in suspense, - and we regret it all the more inasmuch as the explanations that - we addressed to His Majesty on the subject yesterday morning have - remained unanswered. I therefore appeal to the Imperial goodwill, - and beseech His Majesty to bring to bear on this question all the - forethought and attention that it deserves. - - “(Signed) MIDHAT. - - “8 _Moharem_ 1294, _Hegira_.” - (24_th January_ 1877). - - -Worn out by these tactics, Midhat determined to bring the matter to -an issue, and make it what would be called a Cabinet question, and -addressed to the Sultan the following letter:— - - - “SIRE,—The object of promulgating the Constitution was to abolish - Absolutism, to indicate Your Majesty’s rights and duties, to define - and establish those of Ministers; in a word, to secure to the nation - complete and entire liberty, and thus by a common effort to raise the - condition and position of the country. - - “Contrary to what had occurred in the case of former _Hatti Humayuns_ - promulgated thirty years back, the new charter was to subsist and - receive its full application after the present political crisis - should be at an end; for our object in promulgating that Constitution - was certainly not merely to find a solution of the so‐called Eastern - Question, nor to seek thereby to make a demonstration that should - conciliate the sympathies of Europe which had been estranged from us. - - “Allow me, Sire, to offer a few observations on this subject. In the - first place, Your Majesty, who is responsible before the nation for - your acts, is bound to be acquainted with your duties as well as - with your rights and prerogatives. It is, moreover, indispensable - that Ministers should have the certain conviction of being able to - accomplish their tasks, and that we should be able to free ourselves - from that habit of servile flattery which has debased our people and - ruined the country during the last four centuries. - - “I am animated by a profound respect for the person of Your Majesty. - But basing my conduct on the ordinances of the Cheri (sacred law), - I am bound to withhold obedience to the commands of Your Majesty - whenever they are not in conformity with the interests of the nation; - otherwise the weight of my responsibility would be too heavy for me - to bear. The dictates of my conscience that command me to conform - my acts to the salvation and prosperity of my country impose an - imperative obligation on me; and the judgment of my country, which is - what I respect and cherish most, forbids me to act otherwise. - - “I desire earnestly that no shadow of a suspicion should cross the - mind of Your Majesty, and I dread, as I have already said, to find - later on that I have sinned against my own conscience and deserved - the malediction of my countrymen. It is this very apprehension that - forces me to submit those considerations to Your Majesty. It is - indispensable, Sire, that the Ottoman nation should have the power - to reform and administer their country, according to the law. It is - unnecessary for me to point out or explain to Your Majesty all that - is contained in this phrase. I humbly pray and beseech Your Majesty - to have confidence in me and my colleagues in the accomplishment of - our difficult task, in which patriotism and love of our country are - our only motives and inspiration. - - “I trust that I have not as yet committed any act compromising the - responsibility that I feel, and I desire that the nation should be - imbued with the sense of our responsibility towards it, otherwise no - satisfactory result can ever be attained. - - “It is now nine days, Sire, since you have abstained from giving a - favourable answer to my petition. You thereby refuse to sanction laws - indispensable to the welfare of the country, and without which our - whole previous work will be rendered futile. Whilst Your Majesty’s - Ministers are engaged in endeavouring to restore the governmental - edifice which has with so much difficulty escaped total ruin, surely - Your Majesty would not willingly add to the work of destruction. - - “If Your Majesty should in consequence of the above named opinions - consider it your duty to relieve me of my functions as Grand Vizier, - I would pray Your Majesty to confide them into such strong hands as - shall be able to reconcile the principles and ideas of Your Majesty - with the necessities of the country and the gravity of the situation - in which the Empire finds itself placed to‐day.—I am, Sire, Your - Majesty’s humble servant, - - “MIDHAT. - - “18_th January_ 1293, _O.S._” - (30_th January_ 1877.) - - -For three days he abstained from going to the Palace. - -The Sultan, who was now prepared for extremities, sent Safvet Pasha -to him to inform him that all he demanded would be granted and to -request him to come to the Palace. Safvet Pasha, Minister for Foreign -Affairs, and one of the Turkish delegates at the Conference, was not -what would be called a strong Minister. He was prone to conciliation -and compromise rather than energetic measures and resolutions; but he -was essentially an honest man: duplicity and treachery were absolutely -foreign to his nature. If on this occasion he was intended as an -instrument of duplicity, it was practised at his own expense, and -he was merely an unconscious tool. Midhat, however, demurred to the -invitation, and required the necessary Irades to be issued on the -matters pending with the Palace, before he resumed his functions as -Grand Vizier. Thereupon the Sultan sent his first aide‐de‐camp, Saïd -(Ingless) Pasha, to him, to assure him that the Irades were ready, if -he would, on the Sultan’s order, accompany him to the Palace. Midhat -went. He perceived on his way an unwonted display of troops in the -district of Tavshan Tashi, where his Konak was situated, but he was not -aware then, on the night of the 4th‐5th February, that the Imperial -Yacht _Izzeddine_ was moored close to the marble steps leading up to -the terrace of the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche. If he had perceived it and -guessed its purpose, it was too late to retreat, or to escape the snare -laid for him. On his arrival at the Palace he was shown into a small -ante‐chamber and told to await the Sultan’s orders. - -The first aide‐de‐camp soon returned with the Sultan’s order to deliver -up his seal of office, and to accompany him. - -He then conducted him on board the _Izzeddine_, which, with steam -already up, immediately weighed anchor and steamed off in the -direction of the Sea of Marmora with Midhat on board. The Captain of -the _Izzeddine_ had sealed orders, which he was only to open in the -Sea of Marmora. These orders were, that he should wait for twenty‐four -hours in the Bay of Tchekmedje, and if he received no telegram within -that space of time, he was to conduct Midhat to any European port on -the Mediterranean that the ex‐Grand Vizier might select. No despatch -arriving, he proceeded on his course to Brindisi, where he landed -Midhat. - -That the forcible banishment of the Grand Vizier was a violation of -the letter as well as the spirit of the Constitution promulgated and -sworn to by the Sultan, has never been seriously denied. The “reason -of State” urged would obviously cover any act of arbitrary power -whatever. It was for the express purpose of putting an end to such an -arbitrary _régime_ that the Constitution was framed and insisted on. -The flimsy pretext put forward, that it was in accordance with the -113th Article of the Constitution, will not bear the most superficial -examination. The power therein conceded to the Sultan was in a rider -to a clause declaring a state of siege when the safety of the State -required it, and the purport and limits of the clause must necessarily -govern the subsidiary provisions of the clause itself. Not only could -a rider of this description not bear the interpretation sought to be -placed upon it, but other substantial clauses of the Constitution -directly forbade the exercise of any such arbitrary power, and provided -for the elementary right that no man should be punished except after -due trial. But further: clauses 31, 32, and 34 contained special and -minute provisions for the arrest and trial of Ministers guilty of -treason or malversation, so that both positively and negatively, in its -substantial provisions and in its omissions, the banishment of Midhat, -with its attendant circumstances, was as clear a violation of the -Constitution as the _coup d’état_ of the 2nd December 1852 in France. - -But political morality and good faith and patriotism apart, it must be -allowed that the tactics pursued by the Palace were, _qua_ tactics, -very cleverly devised. If the Sultan had struck at the Constitution as -well as the champion of it; at reform at the same time as the reformer, -he would undoubtedly have raised a storm in the country which would -have immediately endangered his throne; but by striking down the father -and pillar of the Reformers he practically killed reform, and put the -Constitution at his mercy as certainly as if he had suppressed it -then and there; and whilst pretending himself to champion both reform -and the Constitution, he managed to play the _rôle_ of Wat Tyler -successfully, and to take the sting out of the blow, and conceal the -full meaning of the act that he had just committed. There was a party -in Constantinople, to which personal ambition was not a stranger, -who imagined that Midhat was not essential to the cause of the -Constitution, and that Abdul Hamid II. was sincere in his protestations -of reforming ardour. Some were of good faith, and some were simply -moved by ambition. Both very soon discovered their mistake, and in -various distant provinces found leisure to reflect and repent of their -confiding innocence. - -The Palace, although they had hazarded this great _coup_, did not feel -at all secure as to the effect it might produce on the population of -Constantinople, in spite of all the measures of precaution that had -been taken; and the order given to the captain of the _Izzeddine_ to -remain twenty‐four hours at anchor in the bay of Tchekmedje, was with a -view, in case of a serious rising in the capital, of recalling Midhat -and persuading him to resume his functions—until a more convenient -opportunity arose. The Palace was playing for safety. - -Stunned by the suddenness of the blow, entirely unprepared for any -concerted action, and distracted by reports industriously spread, the -people did not rise, and the Palace breathed freely. It had gained a -complete victory. - - * * * * * - -Between the breaking up of the Conference and the breaking out of the -war, the sequence of diplomatic action can be very briefly narrated. -On the 19th January 1877 Prince Gortchakoff issued a Circular to the -Powers, which can be summed up in the question, “What are you going to -do about it?” One particular phrase, however, in this document must be -noted. He says that the agreement in the Berlin Memorandum not being -unanimous, and the crisis being aggravated, among other causes, by the -revolution in Constantinople, the Cabinets recommenced negotiations, -and, on the initiative of England, agreed upon a basis and guarantees -to be discussed at a Conference at Constantinople. There is very little -doubt that this revolution in Constantinople—which had the avowed -object of checking absolutism and giving the Turkish people guarantees -for good government—was in the eyes of Russia an aggravation of the -crisis, and justified, and even necessitated, in her opinion, hostile -action against Turkey. That Russia, who had undertaken the championship -of liberty and progress among the inhabitants of a neighbouring empire, -should be confronted by the establishment of institutions far more -liberal and advanced than anything her own people were allowed to dream -of; and that there should be sitting at Constantinople a Parliament, -the very name of which was a terror and nightmare at St Petersburg, was -without question an intolerable grievance. - -_À propos_ of this, the famous despatch of Count Pozzo di Borgo, of -November 1828, to M. de Nesselrode, may be read with profit: - - - “When the Imperial Cabinet examines the question as to whether the - moment had arrived to take up arms against the Porte, some doubts - as to the urgency of this measure might exist in the minds of those - who had not sufficiently meditated on the effects of the sanguinary - reforms that the Ottoman Chief had just executed with terrible - energy. But now the experience that we have just had ought to unite - everybody in favour of the line then adopted. The Emperor has put - the Turkish system to the proof, and His Majesty has found in it a - commencement of material and moral organisation which hitherto it has - never possessed. If the Sultan has been enabled to oppose to us a - more lively and sustained resistance whilst he had scarcely collected - the elements of his new plans of reform and improvement, how much - more formidable should we have found him if he had had time to give - them more consistency and solidity?...” - - -The whole policy of Russia towards Turkey is contained in the above -despatch. The Cabinets of the Powers did not immediately answer Prince -Gortchakoff’s Circular of the 19th January. General Ignatieff took a -circular journey round Europe and felt the pulses of its Governments. -On the 13th March, Count Schouvaloff handed to Lord Derby the draft -Protocol which it was proposed to submit to the signature of the -Great Powers, so as “to terminate the incident.” In this interview, -the Russian Ambassador urged in favour of this course the unfortunate -result that would ensue if shades of difference of opinion were to -manifest themselves in the replies of the various Cabinets to the -Russian Circular, which might be a determining cause to induce Russia -to seek for a solution _either by means of a direct understanding with -the Porte_, or by force of arms. - -Lord Derby does not seem to have requested the Russian Ambassador -to explain the above oracular utterance. There was more in it than -he perhaps imagined. Another remarkable expression fell from Count -Schouvaloff at this interview, and one which shows that he did not -give himself the trouble, in his interview with the English Minister, -to maintain even the appearance of consistency. “_As a period of some -months would not be sufficient to accomplish these reforms_, it would -be preferable,” etc. But this was Mr Disraeli’s and Lord Derby’s -contention, though not sustained, for postponing diplomatic action, and -the Turkish Ministers were never tired of urging it as a good and valid -reason for deferring the Conference altogether. - - -The Protocol that was signed at London on the 31st March 1877 was -certainly, as compared with the Protocol of the Conference, a very -colourless document. After recapitulating certain recent diplomatic -acts and taking cognisance of certain others, in view of certain -indications, “the Powers propose _to watch carefully_ by means of -their Representatives at Constantinople, and their local agents, the -manner in which the promises of the Ottoman Government are carried into -effect.” It concluded by saying: “If their hopes should once more be -disappointed, and if the conditions of the Christian subjects of the -Sultan should not be improved in a manner to prevent the return of -the complications which periodically disturb the peace of the East, -they think it right to declare that such a state of things would be -incompatible with their interests and those of Europe in general. In -such case, they reserve to themselves the right to consider, in common, -the means which they may deem best fitted to secure the well‐being of -the Christian population and the interests of the general peace.” - -This Protocol was accompanied by two remarkable declarations, annexed -to the Minutes of the Meeting at the Foreign Office at which the -Protocol was signed—the one on the part of the Russian Ambassador, the -other on that of the English Minister. - -The latter was to the effect that, in the event of the object for -which the Protocol had been signed, viz., reciprocal disarmament and -peace, not being attained, the Protocol in question should be regarded -as null and void. - -The declaration by the Russian Ambassador was in the following terms:— - - “If peace with Montenegro is concluded, and the Porte accepts the - advice of Europe and shows itself ready to replace its forces on a - peace footing, and seriously to undertake the reforms mentioned in - the Protocol, let it send to St Petersburg a special envoy to treat - of disarmament, to which his Majesty the Emperor would also, on his - part, consent. If massacres similar to those which have occurred - in Bulgaria take place, this would necessarily put a stop to the - measures of demobilization.” - - -The Porte thought fit, perhaps unnecessarily, inasmuch as its adhesion -to the Protocol was not required, to make on the 9th April 1877 a -most elaborate and spirited answer to the position taken up by the -signatories of that document. - -It pointed out that the efforts of the Powers were exclusively directed -to what they considered the well‐being of one portion only of the -Sultan’s subjects, whereas the reforms which the new Constitution -aimed at introducing did not bear a special or exclusive character in -regard to province, race, creed or language. That the small account -which the Powers seemed to have taken both of the great principles of -equality and justice which the Turkish Government sought to introduce -into the internal administration, and of its rights of independence and -sovereignty, was deeply to be regretted. That Turkey as an independent -State could not submit “to be placed under any surveillance, whether -collective or not.” That the Treaty of Paris explicitly declared the -principle of non‐intervention. That Treaty which binds the other high -contracting parties as well as Turkey, cannot be abolished by a -Protocol in which Turkey has taken no part. And as for the last clause, -the Government of the Sultan saw in it “a proceeding of intimidation -calculated to deprive their action of all merit of spontaneity, and a -source of grave complication for the present as well as for the future.” - -With reference to the declaration of the Russian Ambassador annexed to -the Protocol, the Porte very pointedly remarked that “as regards the -disorders which might break out in Turkey and arrest the demobilization -of the Russian army, the Sultan’s Government, while resenting the -offensive terms in which this idea has been expressed, believes that -Europe is convinced that the disorders which have disturbed the -tranquillity of the provinces were due to external agitation; that -the Imperial Government cannot be held responsible for them, and that -consequently the Russian Government will not be justified _in making -the demobilization of its armies depend on such contingencies_.” - -This last paragraph pointed out a serious practical difficulty that -confronted the Ottoman Government with reference to the proposal -for demobilization. Russia was supposed to be able to mobilise her -armies in eight days: at any rate, it was a question of days with her. -Turkey, on account of her geographical position, and the nature of -her organisation, required several months to effect this object. If, -therefore, after making the greatest sacrifices in order to collect her -forces, she were now to dismiss them to their distant homes, and Russia -were allowed, on a pretext indicated by herself, to remobilise her own -army, Turkey would be caught at the greatest possible disadvantage, and -would then be completely at the mercy of her unscrupulous opponent. And -nothing would be easier than for Russia, employing the means at which -she had shown herself an adept, to excite troubles which would give her -the very justification which she sought for a systematic attack on the -now defenceless Ottoman Empire. The Porte had had experience of this -very same line of action and of argument in respect to Servia. On the -2nd November 1876, Sir H. Elliot writes to Lord Derby that “General -Ignatieff told me this morning that he has been directed by his -Government to inform the Porte that they would consider any excesses -committed by the Turkish troops as a violation of the armistice; -and one of the secretaries of the Russian Embassy was desired this -afternoon to tell me, further, that the General had orders at once to -leave Constantinople upon any violation of it occurring,” and he adds, -“a ready pretext for a rupture appears thus to be prepared.”[19] - -On the 19th April 1877, Prince Gortchakoff issued another Circular -announcing a declaration of war against the Ottoman Empire, and -concluding with the following most remarkable sentence: “In assuming -this task, our august Master fulfils a duty imposed upon him by the -interests of Russia, whose _peaceful development is hindered by the -permanent disturbances of the East_.” - -Commentary would spoil this choice bit. The lamb was troubling the -stream. - -On the 1st May, Lord Derby made a most caustic and merciless reply to -the Russian Circular. - -After pointing out that the Porte had never wavered “in affirming its -intention of carrying out the reforms already promised,” which was the -avowed object of the Powers, and that by patience and moderation on -both sides these objects might still have been attained, and that it -was the presence of large Russian forces on the frontiers of Turkey, -“menacing its safety, rendering disarmament impossible, and exciting a -feeling of apprehension and fanaticism among the Mussulman population,” -that constituted a material obstacle to internal pacification and -reform. It went on to say, that the course on which the Russian -Government had entered involved graver and more serious considerations. -It was in contravention of the stipulation of the Treaty of Paris -of 30th March, 1856, by which Russia and the other signatory Powers -engaged, each on its own part, to respect the independence and the -territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire, and further, that they -had, as late as 1871, signed a declaration at the Conference of London, -affirming it to be “an essential principle of the law of nations -that no Power can liberate itself from the engagements of a Treaty, -nor modify the stipulations thereof, unless with the consent of the -Contracting Parties by means of an amicable arrangement.” It concluded -by saying, in reference to the pretension that Russia was acting in the -interest of Great Britain and of the other Powers, that it felt bound -to state in a manner equally formal and public that the decision of the -Russian Government was not one that could have their concurrence or -approval. - -Nothing could be more logical or reasonable, but it was not logic or -reason that could keep the Russian armies on their side of the Pruth. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -MIDHAT PASHA IN EUROPE - - -The exile of Midhat Pasha to Europe, after his sensational downfall -from power on 5th February 1877, caused very much excitement in Europe. -The Emperor of Austria is reported to have exclaimed, “Good Heavens! -these Turks are incorrigible!”; while M. Thiers said, “Turkey’s most -inveterate enemy could hardly have devised such a diabolical piece of -advice to give to the Sultan.” The Cabinets lost all hope of seeing -reforms introduced into Turkey. The English, as well as the greater -part of the European Press, showed their sympathy towards the ex‐Grand -Vizier and their discontent with the Sultan. Amongst the Russian -newspapers the _Golos_ of St Petersburg, 9th February 1877, whilst -clearly showing the interest that Russia had in the disgrace of Midhat -Pasha, yet expressed its opinions in the following manner:— - - - “The end of the Turkish Empire in Europe has come. All that is now - wanted is patience, and waiting is not difficult, since war is - impossible with a State which will perish more quickly by the effect - of its internal crisis than through a foreign army. Russia will - have time enough to save the Christians from the misfortune that - might befall them through the fall of Turkey. It is now more to the - advantage of Russia, as well as of the Christians, to wait and see - how the course of Turkish decay will shape itself than to prolong the - process of dissolution by interference.”[20] - - -The exile of Midhat, and the consequent change in the Ministry, also -caused the very greatest commotion throughout the greater part of the -Turkish population.[21] But the Sultan had taken every precaution -against the possibility of any insurrection on the part of the people -in favour of the exiled Grand Vizier, and he hastened to assemble -Parliament, in order that he might gain the credit of being considered -even more liberal than his Grand Vizier; and to show that the -downfall of Midhat by no means involved the abolition of the recently -promulgated Constitution, he opened Parliament. - -The opening of the new Parliament had been fixed for the 1st March, -but owing to the fact that many of the deputies from the more distant -provinces had not arrived in the capital, the ceremony was adjourned -till the 4th March. On that day Parliament was opened with great -ceremony by the Sultan in the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche. - -On the right of the throne stood the Ministers and high functionaries, -the Chiefs of the Christian communities, and members of the Council of -State; on the left, the Ulema, and Cadi, and Heads of the High Courts -of Justice, with the Generals of Division; behind these the pages of -the Court. Behind the throne were the Foreign Representatives, and -interspersed between the groups on the right and left of the throne -were the Senators and Representatives in the Parliament. The Sultan -entered, dressed in black, and stood by the throne with his hand on his -sword, whilst his First Secretary read the following Opening Speech:— - - -_The Sultan’s Speech._ - - “SENATORS AND DEPUTIES,—GENTLEMEN,—The difficulties and dangers - which our general situation presents cannot be compared to any of - the crises through which the Empire has hitherto passed. I was - obliged, first of all, in order to guard the rights of the Empire, - to augment the effective force of our armies at various points, - and to call under arms 700,000 combatants. Next I considered it a - duty to try, by means of essential reforms, to put an end, with - God’s help, to the disorder of the situation, and thus to insure - our future in a permanent fashion. It is evident that, thanks to - the resources with which Providence has endowed our country, and - the aptitudes of our subjects, a good administration would enable - us in a short time to make considerable progress. If we have not - reached the level of progress of other parts of the civilised - world, the cause of this must be traced to the instability of the - institutions necessary to the State, and of the laws and regulations - issuing therefrom. This instability proceeded from everything, - being in the hands of an absolute Government, which disregarded the - salutary principle of common deliberation. The progress effected - by civilised States, the security and wealth they enjoy, are the - fruit of the participation of all in the enactment of laws and in - the administration of public affairs. This is why we thought it - necessary to seek in that course the means of arriving at progress, - and of enacting and enforcing laws adopted by the common consent of - the population. For this purpose I have granted and promulgated the - Constitution. By the promulgation of the Constitution, I have not - simply designed to invite the population to share in the direction - of public affairs; I have had the firm resolution of employing the - deliberative system as an effective means for the amelioration - of the administrative system of the country, to preserve it from - maladministration and absolutism. Irrespective of these fundamental - advantages, the Constitution guarantees the unity of the governed, - and confirms the principle of the welfare and fraternal solidarity - of the population; for our illustrious ancestors, having, by God’s - grace, extended their possessions and aggrandised the Empire, have - combined under their rule a large number of peoples. These peoples - being of various nationalities and religions, it was desirable that - a uniform law should unite and protect them all. I give thanks to - Divine Providence for this legitimate aspiration being at length - realised. Henceforth all my subjects will be considered children of - the same country, and will be placed under the protection of one law. - They will be designated by the name borne by the illustrious race - of the Founders of the Empire—a name associated with the glorious - annals of a history of 600 years. I have a firm conviction that from - this moment all my subjects will unite their efforts to make the - name Osmanli retain the force and power hitherto surrounding it. - I am therefore resolved, in view of this ideal and these reasons, - not to deviate from the course which I have just adopted, and ever - to adhere closely to it. I expect from you a real and intelligent - co‐operation, in order to derive legitimate benefit from the - Constitution, which is based on justice and the public security. I - have deemed it necessary to insure to all the advantages of liberty - and equality, to abolish the system of arbitrariness, to enact - and execute laws adopted in common accord with the population, - and, lastly, to found our administrative system on constitutional - and liberal principles. It is in order to realise this sincere - desire that I have created and convoked your body, composed of the - Senate and Chamber of Deputies. It now devolves on you faithfully - and honestly to fulfil the legislative duties intrusted to your - patriotism. In this task you should not be influenced by any personal - considerations, but have in view only the faithful maintenance of - the safety and welfare of the State and country. The improvements - which we now need, and the reforms in all the public services, are - of the highest importance. The gradual application of these measures - depends on the accord which shall prevail among you. The Council of - State is engaged in framing Bills which will be submitted to you. In - the present Session you will have before you Bills on the Standing - Orders of the Chamber, the Electoral Law, the General Law respecting - the Vilayets and the Government of the Communes, the Municipal Law, - the Civil Code of Procedure; the laws relative to the re‐organisation - of the Tribunal and the mode of promoting and superannuating Judges, - the Law concerning the functions and retiring pensions of all public - functionaries in general, the Law of the Press, that respecting the - Court of Accounts, and, lastly, the Budget Law. I desire that these - different Bills be successively studied and discussed. You will have - especially to occupy yourselves with the re‐organisation of the - Tribunals, the only safeguard for the rights of everyone, and with - the formation of the _gendarmerie_. In order to attain this end, it - will be necessary to augment the amount of special grants for these - two branches of the Service. As you will see from the Budget which - will be submitted to the Chamber, our finances are in an extremely - difficult situation. I recommend you, above all, to adopt common - measures adapted to meet the difficulties of the situation and to - restore our credit. You will have moreover, to take measures to - insure the supply of funds required for urgent reforms. One of the - greatest wants of our Empire and of our subjects is the development - of agriculture and industry, and the progress of civilisation and - of public wealth. This result can only be obtained by means of the - development of public instruction. Measures with the object of - improving educational establishments, and of fixing the programme of - studies, will be submitted to the Chambers in the Session of next - year. The Imperial Government attaches the greatest importance to - the choice and appointment of the functionaries who will be called - upon to apply and execute the above‐mentioned laws and those which - will be ultimately promulgated for the working of the Constitution. - Since my accession to the Throne I have given particular attention - to this question. It is for this reason that I have decided on - instituting, at my own expense, a special school for the education - of administrative officials. As stated by the published organic - regulations of that school, they will be admitted to the highest - administrative and political posts. The pupils will be selected - without distinction of religion, from all classes of my subjects. - Their promotion will be according to the degree of their capacity. - For nearly two years we have had to face internal complications. - During this period, especially during the hostilities with Servia and - Montenegro, our faithful subjects have given proofs of patriotism, - and our troops have done, at the price of great suffering, acts of - courage and bravery which I profoundly appreciate. In all questions - we have only had the defence of our rights in view. The efforts we - have made for this purpose have had the result of restoring peace - with Servia. As to the decision we shall take in the negotiations - with Montenegro, it will be referred to your deliberations at their - first sitting. I advise you to be prompt in deciding. Our relations - with friendly Powers are still marked by that courtesy and deference - which are among the most precious rules for our State. Several months - ago the Government of England proposed the meeting of a Conference in - our capital for the consideration of the present questions. The bases - proposed being also supported by the other Great Powers, our Sublime - Porte consented to the meeting of the Conference. Though a definite - understanding was not obtained in that Conference, we have given - proofs of our sincere desire to defer to the wishes and counsels - of friendly Powers. As to the causes of the non‐agreement of the - Conference, these lay rather in the form and the mode of execution - than in the substance. I thoroughly appreciate the imperative - necessity of continuing the efforts for progress, by which so much - has already been achieved, from the origin of the _Tanzimat_ till - this time, in all branches of the administration, and in the general - condition of my Empire. All our efforts still tend towards that - object. But on this occasion I considered it my duty to preserve the - country from all attacks on its honour and independence. Time will - prove the sincerity of our intentions. Our desire being in all cases - to maintain our rights and independence, we adopt also for the future - the same line of conduct. I rejoice to think that the proofs of - moderation and sincerity furnished by our State, before and after the - Conference, will have served to strengthen the bonds of friendship - and sympathy which unite my Empire to the Concert of European Powers. - May the Almighty deign to grant success to our common efforts!” - - -Thus, against his will, the Sultan had been obliged to keep his word -and to open the Chamber of Deputies, but he now left no means untried -in order to deprive the people of the privilege which he had just -granted them. It so happened that events occurred which furnished -him with certain opportunities, of which he took advantage with the -greatest astuteness, and which were very much to the detriment of the -nation. - -The refusal of the Porte and of the Grand Council to accept the -propositions formulated at the Conference had placed Turkey in an -exceedingly critical position, although the whole civilised world, with -the exception of Russia and the Sultan Abdul Hamid, were convinced that -this refusal was of no great importance, since the solemnly proclaimed -Constitution had assured the Empire that the necessary reforms should -be made, and that the maladministration should be brought to an end. -Nevertheless, the fall of Midhat, of the very man to whom the empire -owed this Constitution, gave rise to doubt as to the execution of -the promised reforms. On 19th April, Prince Gortchakoff sent out his -Circular to the Powers, and on the 24th of April hostilities were begun -by Russia. - -Public opinion in Turkey was thus entirely engrossed by the danger -with which the empire was threatened from outside, and was no longer -able to concentrate itself on the changes that were taking place in -the internal government. All minds were excited at the near approach -of Russia, and were unable to occupy themselves in the maintenance of -those rights which had been conferred by the new charter. The Sultan -was thus able to attain his object, and finding no longer any obstacle -to his will, he closed the Parliament and exiled the few deputies who -dared to raise their voice in protest. - -The war declared by Russia was the necessary result of the policy -which Abdul Hamid had proposed to follow. Having exiled Midhat Pasha, -and closed Parliament without having executed a single reform, he was -equally obliged to crush every liberal tendency in order that he might -monopolise the supreme power, and spared no effort to rid himself of -every force that was capable of thwarting his designs. He now began -to get secret information as to the opinions of all the principal -Ministers and Generals, and took care at once to deprive of all power -those whom he feared might be dangerous to him. The contradictory -instructions that he gave to the Generals, the absurd military orders -that he issued from his Palace of Yildiz, were transmitted after -reports which attributed revolutionary designs to certain of his -Generals—designs which they were far from cherishing—had reached him. - -It was in consequence of these suspicions on the part of the Sultan -that the Commander‐in‐Chief Abdul Kerim and the Marshal Suleiman Pasha -were brought before a Council of War and condemned, _not_ on account of -faults committed, but simply because one of these two chief officers -had participated in the deposition of the Sultan Abdul Aziz, and the -other was known to have liberal opinions. - -The Sultan’s efforts were crowned by the Treaty of San Stefano. The -Circular of Prince Gortchakoff, which had appeared in the Official -Journal of St Petersburg on the 9th April 1877, showed that what Russia -had wished to obtain from Turkey by the Conference of Constantinople, -differed but very little from the conditions which she imposed on the -Porte in the Treaty of San Stefano, a fact to which Lord Salisbury -rendered due justice in his despatch of 1st April. - -Although the Cabinet of Great Britain had firmly stated its intentions -of not entering into the quarrel, the general interests of Europe -and the special interests of England were so deeply involved in the -dispute, that it was impossible for that Power not to be obliged -sooner or later to take some share in the proceedings. The intervention -of England, although unhappily it came rather late in the day, led to -the Congress of Berlin, which blotted out the Treaty of San Stefano. - -As Midhat Pasha, however, played no part in the Russo‐Turkish War, nor -in the events that followed, we will pass over them, and relate the -vicissitudes of his journey in Europe, including the interviews which -he had with the heads of States and celebrated politicians. - -Midhat arrived at Brindisi, 11th February, 1877, and after a few days’ -rest left for Naples, where he had at first wished to live, withdrawn -from the world and its capitals. The following statement, which we -reprint from the _Neue Freie Presse_ of Vienna, was made by him on the -future of the Constitution:— - - - “It is not despotism which, by my banishment, has reacted against the - constitutional _régime_. That is not at all the case. Montesquieu has - taught us that the creation of a constitution is very difficult and - takes much time. A sovereign prince, accustomed to absolute power, - can only be persuaded little by little to abandon his prerogatives, - that being necessary to the constitutional _régime_. It is a - difficult task, frequently interrupted by contrary currents, but for - all that one need never despair of reaching the goal, for with time, - patience and perseverance success is attainable. It is not in the - person of the Sultan, nor yet through his present Ministers, that I - see danger for the Constitution, but rather in the want of character - and of courage so often to be found in those who are the Sovereign’s - Councillors, and who, instead of acting according to their - convictions, seek their own advantage in hiding the truth. I have - never hesitated about giving my opinion to the Sultan, whoever he - might be, whenever it happened to differ from his; I have always done - so with the greatest respect, but also without the least reticence. - Many a misfortune might have been avoided in this world of ours if - there had not been a great lack of men, capable of placing the whole - truth before their Sovereign. - - “The danger to the Constitution lies, not in the lack of goodwill, - but in the ignorance as to how to manage the mechanism. The - Governmental form of despotism reminds me somewhat of a primitive - mill, which may be turned by the force of water, or may equally - be turned by its wheel. Constitutional Government also resembles - a mill—but one that is put in movement by a complicated and - artistically constructed mechanism. A knowledge as to how to work - this machine and to keep it in movement is absolutely necessary. - Thus, we must hope that the men of experience who find themselves at - the head of affairs at Constantinople will not put the machinery of - the new mill in motion, in accordance with the ideas and routine of - the primitive mill. Constitutional Government cannot have the customs - and the men of the Despotic system as its motive power. Reshid Pasha, - our great reformer, was one day reproached for employing young men - who had only just left college; he replied that it was right that it - should be so, as neither one man alone, nor yet ten, could possibly - do everything, and that it was therefore necessary to prepare a fresh - staff of administrators. This has always been my idea, and whenever I - have seen many rivals around me, I have delighted in the thought that - it was to the profit of my country. - - “If a man would render real and genuine services to his Sovereign and - his Nation, he must be _patriotic_, and very much depends upon the - way in which each person interprets this word. As for me, I consider - that man to be a true patriot who, renouncing his own private - interests, devotes himself morally and physically to one supreme - aim—the welfare of his country. One must be willing to renounce - everything—to be ready at a moment’s notice to sacrifice happiness, - family, and life itself for what one realises to be the good of the - Fatherland. - - “I have frequently been in a position in which I might have remained - Minister, or have acquired vast wealth, and so have been able to end - my days in the midst of luxury and covered with honours. But such is - not my idea of patriotism. - - “The esteem, love and sympathy of my nation have been always valued - by me far above all other favours and all the splendours of this - world. I could not remain a Minister when my Sovereign refused to - allow me to act as I thought necessary for the honour and welfare of - my country, and I prefer poverty and exile to the swords of honour, - the diamonds and highest favours; and to be held in esteem by my - compatriots is to me the proudest and keenest satisfaction.” - - -Events in the East having now begun to assume a more and more -threatening aspect, Midhat felt he could not possibly remain in -inactivity at Naples, in the face of all the troubles that assailed his -country. He went to Paris, and thence he crossed to London. He was the -subject of the warmest welcome in each of the two capitals. Although -an exile, he worked his hardest to find some favourable issue, and -to deliver his country from the risk she ran in the Russian War. His -friendly relations with Lord Beaconsfield and with the other English -statesmen did not fail to produce some good effects in helping to save -his country from an unjust war. When he had seen that the English -Government were disposed to offer their good office for the promotion -of an honourable peace, he left London for Vienna, where he was granted -an audience by the Emperor Francis Joseph. On receiving news of the -resistance offered by the Turkish army to the Russians, he addressed -the following telegram to the Sultan Abdul Hamid:— - - -_To H.M. First Secretary, Saïd Pasha._ - - “During my stay in London, I have tried to employ all my feeble - efforts in favour of the Empire’s cause, and to obtain an honourable - peace. I flatter myself that I have achieved some results. Now that - I am at Vienna I am desirous of acting in the same way, subject of - course to the approval of His Imperial Majesty, but it naturally goes - without saying that in order that my efforts may be crowned with any - measure of success, I must be to some extent acquainted with His - Majesty’s plans, so that guided by the intentions of the Government, - I may, to the best of my ability, render those services which are - necessary in the crisis through which we are passing.—I am, etc., - - MIDHAT.” - - (1877.) - - -The Sultan informed him in reply that he would never accept peace, and -he would refuse to listen to any _pourparlers_ on this subject, and -that he did not hesitate to declare that any man who should contemplate -such a step was far from being a true patriot. - -Midhat Pasha, seeing that peace was impossible, returned to London, -where he never wearied of striving by every means in his power to -be of assistance to his country. The Sultan, on his side, was doing -his best to vilify Midhat’s name in his own capital, and it is this -that elicited the following letter from him to the Grand Master of -Ceremonies, Kiamil Bey. - - -_To Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of Ceremonies._ - - “DEAR SIR,—I am thoroughly aware of how anxious you must be to avoid - a correspondence with me in my present disgrace, but I must ask your - indulgence for the few lines that I find myself obliged to address to - you. - - “It has been brought to my knowledge that the publication of a letter - in one of the newspapers of Constantinople has given rise to various - attacks directed against me. I know very well that if an exile, - instead of seeking for indulgence and pity, dares to make use of - the language of criticism as to the acts of the Government, in such - a way as to provoke the enmity of certain personages, he will not - even be able to avoid hurting his friends. But as these observations - only relate to the defence of my own personality, it would be better - to pass them over in silence, for there is no greater crime than - to be occupied with one’s own individuality whilst the State is in - the midst of such serious dangers. I believe that no one who has - studied my letter can deny that it only contains the absolute truth. - If there is a certain crudeness to be found therein, it comes from - the truth of the words. If I have been able to remain indifferent to - the attacks of my enemies, who for more than a year have done their - best to injure me in the eyes of His Majesty by inserting articles - and pamphlets against me in the newspapers, it is also in my power - to bear with patience the vexatious attacks against my character. - But no one must be surprised that the right of nationality which I - possess in common with thirty‐six million fellow‐countrymen prevents - me from keeping silence whilst our country is in the midst of such - terrible vicissitudes, and our Ministers are involved in such great - difficulties. Yet time presses, and the perilous situation, which - has been dreaded for more than forty years, draws nearer and nearer. - It is therefore the duty of every child of the country to let his - complaint be heard and to lay his fears before his Sovereign. Those - to whom the door of access to the Sovereign is closed must naturally - employ every possible means by which their words may reach him. It is - high time to realise that to place the truth before a Sovereign is - an act of fidelity, and to hide it is a felony. Recent events have - successively shown us the faults of those who are opposed to the wise - measures which had been recognised by our Sovereign as necessary to - save the Nation and the Government, and, putting aside all personal - enmity, I am tempted to believe that they will profit by the goodwill - of our august Sovereign and devote all their efforts to the good - of the country. I end this letter with a request to you to be - indulgent towards my expressions, which are free from all adulatory - emphasis.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_27 Zilhidje 1294, Hegira._” - (_November 1877._) - - -The Sultan, beginning to fear lest his former Grand Vizier’s sojourn in -Europe should prove a danger to him, decided to recall him. We publish -the following correspondence which passed between the Grand Master of -Ceremonies and Midhat Pasha on this subject, and which resulted in the -return of the latter to Turkey and his tragic death. Midhat committed a -great error in accepting the reversal of his exile, an error which has -cost the Party of Reform at the very least twenty years of progress. - - -_Letter from Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of Ceremonies, to Midhat Pasha, -in exile._ - - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—His Majesty having questioned me some time ago on - Your Highness’ situation, I replied that you were wandering, sad and - dispirited. As to your means of subsistence, I stated that you were - living on what you borrowed. His Majesty, on whom these facts made - the deepest impression, and who was much touched, shed tears and - wished to send Your Highness at once the sum of £T1000, to provide - for your absolute necessities. But I took the liberty of saying - that it was first of all necessary to ask how the money should be - sent, and also if you would wish to appoint someone to draw it—and - then to act accordingly. What I have just related to you is only - known to His Majesty, Your Highness, and to me, and must be kept - secret. His Majesty even went so far as to say—‘The poor man was - deceived.’ As to Your Highness’ present situation, it may come to a - happy termination through a correspondence with your humble servant, - according to the Imperial desire. I shall await with impatience the - immediate reply of Your Highness to this letter, as well as a letter - of thanks for the favour which Your Highness has received from His - Majesty. - - “I am, etc., - - “KIAMIL. - - “_13th‐25th November 1293_ (1877.) - - “_P.S._—His Majesty repeatedly enjoined that all that I have just - told you should be kept secret.” - - -_Letter from Midhat Pasha in reply to Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of -Ceremonies._ - - - “MY VERY DEAR SIR,—I have received your letter of November 13th. I - was at first surprised and astonished to find that a friend, who ever - since my departure from Constantinople had taken care not to send me - even a simple greeting, should now have the courage to write me a - letter with his own hand; but after having read it I understood the - motive. Thank you for having wished to attract the Imperial kindness - towards me, and for having replied—‘He wanders, sad and dispirited’ - to the question that His Majesty kindly put to you. But at the same - time I must point out to you that these words are used for the - unhappy and the bewildered. If His Majesty has sent me away from - Constantinople and exiled me to Europe, it was in order to put an - end to the calumnies which were spread against me in Constantinople, - where my presence caused a certain amount of anxiety. As it is - neither in keeping with the dignity of the State nor yet with the - Imperial will that a man who has occupied the highest rank in the - Government, and who has so frequently received the public proofs of - the Imperial favour, should be treated as one who wanders bewildered - through foreign countries, I think you would have been nearer the - truth and also have better pleased His Majesty had you said, ‘Midhat - Pasha has retired to Naples, where he is praying for the happiness of - the Sultan.’ - - “As to the rest of your letter, I must beg you to excuse me before I - begin to comment on it. You know that I am the son of Hadji Echref - Effendi, and that I have no other protector than God. I have worked - very hard to acquire knowledge and virtue, but I have not succeeded. - I own that my capacities and accomplishments are inferior to those - of my colleagues. Now, if under these circumstances I have still - been able to reach a rank so much above my merits, it can only be - thanks to my plain dealing; and all the difficulties that I have - met with during my life, are entirely due to my having spoken the - truth.... What has happened, and to what is it due that I have been - deceived? It was necessary that there should be a Sovereign at the - head of the State after the Sultan Abdul Aziz, and, in accordance - with the law, he was succeeded by the Sultan Murad. He became - ill—was deposed—and, still in accordance with the law, the Sultan - Abdul Hamid ascended the throne. It has been recognised that he - manifested a sincere desire and also the necessary capacity to lead - the State into the paths of progress; he showed much esteem for - everyone, and his esteem and benevolence for me were prodigious. In - the report which the late Mustapha Fazil Pasha laid before the Sultan - Abdul Aziz, it is stated that the truth is always the last to gain - admittance into the palace of Sovereigns, and indeed this is the - case. But the more dangerous the word of truth, the more profitable - is the result when it is spoken to the Sovereign in the hope of - serving the State. This is the reason why, subordinating my private - opinions to the public interests, I have never failed to speak the - truth, and have never hesitated to point out clearly which was the - way of salvation, and which path would lead to the destruction of our - country. Men of evil intention have, I know, made use of this as a - weapon against me, but all the events of to‐day are proving one by - one how just were my words. Unhappily, there are certain personages - who, instead of trying by every means to save their country in - the present dangerous situation, think only of their own private - interest, and desiring to preserve their prestige, have committed - serious faults, which are incompatible with humane feeling and quite - impossible to correct. And by these acts not only have they created - a bad name for themselves, but they have been the principal cause - of the destruction of the empire. I can, however, only be grateful - to His Majesty, and ever since my departure from Constantinople, - wherever I have been, I have never ceased to repeat with fervour - how good are His Majesty’s intentions. Those who know the constancy - of my words and deeds will realise that there is no other course - possible to me. My most ardent desire at present is to see my country - delivered from the horrors of war—my own personal consideration can - only hold a secondary place in my thoughts.—I am, dear Sir, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_28th November 1293, O.S._” - (_10th December 1877._) - - -_Letter from Kiamil Bey, in reply to Midhat Pasha._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—I hope that Your Highness has perfectly recognised - from the tone of my letter from what source it came. I was expecting - to hear some expressions of gratitude from Your Highness, but - your reply has in no way fulfilled this expectation, and you have - ruthlessly exposed the real state of affairs without giving the least - consideration to the shades of meaning in my expressions. This has - been a great grief to me, and has diminished the hope I had of seeing - you aiding the course of progress. In certain circles it is suggested - that Your Highness may be waiting for a change in the Khalifat. I - have been in Egypt for some months for change of air, and if you - should wish to answer me, I would beg you to address your letters to - me in Egypt.—I am, etc., - - “KIAMIL. - - “_24th December 1293, O.S._” - (_6th January 1878_). - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE RETURN OF MIDHAT PASHA TO TURKEY - - -After having received the most sympathetic welcome in Europe, and -above all, in London, during a period of seventeen months, Midhat -Pasha yielded to the Sultan Abdul Hamid’s invitation and returned to -Turkey, thereby disregarding the wise advice given him by his friends -both at home and abroad, but declaring that he would sooner die in his -own country than in a foreign land. He refused to accept any office, -and only desired to be allowed to live quietly with his family, far -from all politics and public affairs. He fixed upon Crete as his place -of residence. During his exile in Europe he had seen the Sultan Abdul -Hamid enter into the paths of despotism—giving power to those men -who had done nothing in the past, and banishing from the capital all -those who were his partisans and who had striven to establish a rule -of justice and of progress. He had seen his country menaced by every -danger, and had observed the manœuvres of those ambitious statesmen -who only sought for their own personal interests in the Sultan’s -despotism and in their country’s decadence. He had seen the destruction -of all he had worked for, had seen the Constitution he had done so much -to establish deprived of every authority, and become only a name in the -official records. - -The position that Midhat occupied after his return to Turkey, may be -considered as an exile imposed upon him by the Sultan. Abdul Hamid -was anxious to keep him in Turkey, but at the same time did not dare -to keep him there in inactivity, fearing lest the leader of the -Liberal Party should once more begin to occupy himself in obtaining -the necessary measures for opening the Chamber of Deputies. He was -well aware that Midhat, as the Governor of a province, would devote -himself entirely to its re‐organisation, and would therefore have no -time in which to concern himself with central administration. Thus, -in accepting the Governor‐Generalship of Syria and of Smyrna, it will -be seen that Midhat played no political _rôle_. Forced as he had -been to accept these posts, he occupied himself completely in their -administration and in the good management of their current affairs, -thoroughly realising his position as an exile. - -Before returning to Turkey, Midhat Pasha went to the Island of Crete, -as his future residence. The Sultan granted his request, and sent a -cruiser of the Turkish Fleet to Syria, which landed him at Candia on -11th September 1878; the Imperial yacht _Fuad_ was also commanded to -transport his family to the island. - -The Cretan population, Mussulmans and Christians alike, gave him the -warmest and most cordial of welcomes; the foreign fleets which were in -the bay fired salutes when he disembarked. - -This enthusiastic reception, this spontaneous manifestation on the -part of the foreign fleets, made the very worst of impressions on -Abdul Hamid, whose fears were, moreover, increased by the continual -intrigues of Midhat’s enemies. At one time there was some question at -Constantinople of nominating Midhat Pasha as Governor‐General of the -Island of Crete. One of his friends (an English subject, whose name -we may not divulge) sent him the following letter, written at the -invitation of the British Ambassador, Sir Henry Layard:— - - - “CONSTANTINOPLE, _3rd October 1878_. - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—I have had an interview with our Ambassador this - morning. His Excellency assures me that for the last four months he - has tried by every means in his power to act on the Sultan’s mind, - in order to persuade His Majesty to believe in your fidelity and - devotion to his throne. Sir Henry Layard has assured me that he has - incontestable proofs, that whilst Your Highness was in power, a - certain individual, who dined every evening at your table, was in the - pay of General Ignatieff, and repeated to the General every day all - that you had said the night before. His Excellency has asked me to - tell you that His Majesty is always surrounded by Russian emissaries, - who do all in their power to influence him against you, and therefore - he is obliged to use the greatest prudence in speaking to His Majesty - of Your Highness. The Ambassador expressed to me his very great - regret that you had refused to accept the thousand pounds that the - Sultan had offered you. He also wished me to tell you, _in strictest - confidence_, that there had been some question of nominating you - Governor‐General of Crete, and that he prevented this nomination, - being convinced that you would do no good in the Island, and that - the insurrection instead of diminishing will only increase later on. - Besides this, he told me that his desire is that Your Highness should - occupy a higher post, where you would render very great services - to the Government. He said that he was very anxious to meet you - somewhere and to speak with you, but that at the present moment he - sees no possibility of such an interview; in the meanwhile, if Your - Highness would put yourself into correspondence with him, there is - nothing that would give him greater pleasure than to receive news of - you. - - “Such, Your Highness, is the _résumé_ of our conversation. I left - with the conviction that the Ambassador sees the immense difficulty - of introducing any reforms into the country without Your Highness’ - co‐operation. Your opinion on the policy of England, and on the - manner of introducing reforms into this country, would, I am sure, be - very much appreciated by his Excellency, and therefore, if you see - fit to write to the Embassy, you may count on my honour that no one - in the world will know that you are in correspondence with Sir Henry - Layard.—I am, etc.” - - -No event worthy of record took place during the short time that Midhat -passed in the island of Crete. As he had wished, he lived peacefully -in the midst of his family, not occupying himself directly with the -affairs of State. - -At the end of a month, Midhat Pasha received a telegram from the -Palace, which nominated him Governor‐General of the vilayet of Syria. -He was compelled to accept this new post, and embarked with his family -on board the Imperial yacht _Fevayid_ for Beyrout. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -MIDHAT PASHA, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SYRIA - - -The arrival of Midhat Pasha in Syria was greeted by the population -with as much enthusiasm and sympathy as in Crete. Compelled to -accept this new position, Midhat, without losing hope of obtaining -better results, and without taking into consideration that this -post of Governor‐Generalship was a distinct loss of position after -the high posts which he had occupied, began at once to study the -general situation of the country, and the improvement which it would -be possible to introduce there, as he had already done in the other -vilayets. He introduced the most urgent reforms in the administration, -which he discovered to be in a state of complete anarchy. He founded a -School of Arts and Crafts, and an Orphanage, he increased the public -safety, constructed high‐roads, which diminished the long distances -that separated the capital of the vilayet from the outlying districts, -and contributed to the construction of a line of tramways which -connected the town of Tripoli, in Syria, to the port of Mina. - -However, the population of Syria, composed as it is of people -of diverse races and religions, who are always at enmity with -each other, had preserved their ancient manners and customs. The -overwhelmingly difficult task of creating a complete union between all -these jarring elements, and of strengthening the Ottoman Supremacy -in the country—where the minds of the populace were excited by -foreign influences—consisted at first in the re‐organisation of the -administration, in Judicial and Financial Reforms, and, finally, in -insisting upon the absolute integrity of the officials. - -Meanwhile, the Sultan Abdul Hamid allowed his original bitterness -against Midhat Pasha to increase, and although addressing the most -flattering words to him, he refused to sanction every single scheme of -reform brought forward by him. The more the people showed their very -great sympathy towards the Governor‐General, so much the more furious -was the Sultan at his growing popularity. In order to prevent Midhat -from gaining the friendship of the people by introducing the required -improvements, Abdul Hamid took care to appoint as officials in Syria -those men who would be capable of opposing his projects on every side. -Such was the hostile conduct of the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha, who was -in command of the Fifth Army Corps, and also of General Djémil Pasha. - -The absence of harmony which existed between the officials of the -province, and the Sultan’s delay in sanctioning his schemes, finally -obliged Midhat to tender his resignation in the following telegrams, to -which the Sultan replied in the most hypocritical language. - - -_To Ali Fuad Bey, H.M. First Secretary._ - - - “Worn out, physically and mentally, by a service to the State which - extends over nearly forty years, and taking into consideration my - old age, which renders me incapable of serving any longer, I beg - His Majesty, as a favour, graciously to accept my resignation of - the Governorship of Syria, and to allow me to return, as soon as - possible, to my house at Constantinople, or to Metelin, or else to - some habitable district of the Syrian coast, where I may settle down - with my family and spend my remaining years.—I am, etc., - - “(Signed) MIDHAT. - - “_7th October 1295, O.S._” - (_19th October 1879._) - - -_To the Grand Vizier, Saïd Pasha._[22] - - - “Having reached a condition, when mentally and physically I can - render no further services to the State, I had some weeks ago - prepared my resignation and was going to send it in, for urgent - reasons, when your nomination to the Grand‐Vizierat retarded my - action. But the appointment of Mahmoud Nedim Pasha[23] to the - Ministry of the Interior has decided me to present it at the Palace. - I inform you of this in advance, so that my resignation, following - on your appointment as Prime Minister, may not be misinterpreted. I - beg you will support my petition, and be my intermediary in helping - me to get permission to end my days in some suitable place, with my - family.—I am, etc., - - “(Signed) MIDHAT.” - - -_Reply from H.M. First Secretary._ - - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—His Majesty has taken note of Your Highness’ - resignation of the Governorship of Syria. - - “The success which has attended Your Highness in the vilayet of Syria - has been reported to His Majesty by Sir Henry Layard, who has just - returned from his travels in Syria. His Majesty was on the point of - sending you his congratulations, and of asking you what measures - should be taken for the application of those reforms in which you - encounter some obstacles. The arrival of your resignation has caused - regret to His Majesty. You declare that the principal reason of - your resignation is your advanced age, but as Your Highness is well - aware, the longer an official has served, so much the greater will - be his experience and his competency. Now, just at the moment when - the State is on the point of reaping the fruits of Your Highness’ - long experience and high efficiency, your decision to withdraw from - public affairs cannot agree with the sentiments of your well‐known - patriotism, and His Majesty would not, at present, be able to - reconcile himself to placing on the unattached list, a servant as - capable and experienced as Your Highness. Consequently, the reasons - of your resignation are not admissible. His Majesty orders me to beg - that you will address yourself directly to the Palace, if you have - complaints to formulate.—I am, etc., - - - “(Signed) ALI FUAD. - - “_10th October 1295, O.S._” - (_22nd October, 1879._) - - -_Reply._ - -_To Ali Fuad Bey, H.M. First Secretary._ - - “EXCELLENCY,—I have received the cipher telegram of the 10th - October, 1295, and I humbly thank His Majesty for the questions - which he has deigned to address to me; my request is occasioned by - the weakness of my body and by the responsibility imposed upon me - by the state of the vilayet. All the services of the vilayet are in - disorder; the localities, as well as the population on the coast, are - almost entirely under foreign influences, and the interior of the - country, ever since the war, has been undermined by insurrections, - which paralyse all the efforts of the State to bear on the abolition - of the dissensions and revolts, in order to secure to the population - a measure of repose and justice under the ægis of the State, by - taking into consideration the exigencies of the localities and the - requirements of the inhabitants. While this state of affairs exists, - the enforced application in this vilayet of such reforms as those - imposed in the vilayets of Konia and of Angora has only succeeded - in alienating still further the population from the Government, and - caused it to sympathise still more strongly with the foreigners. - Moreover, even the power to assure the security of the Province is - in the hands of the Military Administration, yet the responsibility - thereof has been assumed by the Vali, which is not in the least in - agreement with any known rule, and the disputes which may arise - from this system can only add to the other mismanagements, and as - the vilayet cannot go on for more than six months or a year in this - manner, I find myself obliged to resign my functions. I am proud of - sacrificing my life for His Majesty, in any service or in any country - whatsoever. There exists only one means to effect the improvement of - the state of the Province, and that is the appointment of a capable - and honest Vali, to whom would be accorded full power to apply all - the administrative and financial reforms, as well as the works of - public utility according to the exigencies of the locality and of the - populace, and according to what was done in the vilayet of Bagdad, - the military force must be placed in the hands of the Vali in order - to concentrate all the converging powers to this sole aim. I only - venture to make these proposals on the strength of the invitation - given me by the Imperial command.—I am, etc., - - “(Signed) MIDHAT. - - “_11th October 1295, O.S._” - (_23rd October 1879._) - - -_Telegram in reply, from H.M. First Secretary._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—Your reply telegram, which has only just arrived, - has been submitted to His Majesty, who was much gratified to hear - that you declare yourself proud to be able to sacrifice your life - in His Majesty’s service. I have been ordered to communicate the - imperial compliments to you, and to inform you that in two or three - days someone from the Palace will start for Syria, charged to furnish - you with the instructions and Irades relating to the contents of Your - Highness’ telegram.—I am, etc., - - - “(Signed) ALI FUAD. - - “_12th October 1295, O.S._” - (_24th October 1879._) - - -Thus it is seen that Abdul Hamid refused to accept the resignation of -Midhat Pasha, but Midhat gave him the choice between his resignation -and the desired reforms, and sent the Grand Vizier long schemes for the -general re‐organisation of the province. - - -_To the Grand Vizier, Saïd Pasha._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—Exhausted after a continuous service of the State - of nearly forty years, and further weakened by my age which is - nearly sixty, my sole desire, prior to my return from Europe, was - to withdraw myself from all public affairs. The permission, which - I obtained from His Majesty, to live in the island of Crete with - my family, was the favour which I most desired. But His Majesty, - recollecting my former services and deigning to believe that I should - be able once more to devote myself to the work, was graciously - pleased to appoint me to the Governorship of Syria. Although worn out - both mentally and physically, I could but bow in gratitude before the - imperial will, and trusting in Divine support I took up my duties. - - “Thirty years ago I had already filled the office of Secretary in - this vilayet, and twenty‐seven years ago I had been there on a - temporary mission. Thus I had a certain knowledge of the manners - of the inhabitants. Judge therefore what was my surprise, on my - return there, to discover a complete change in the Administrative - and Political Government of this province. As France was protecting - the Lebanese, England found herself obliged to protect the Druses; - the Americans were founding schools etc., in the Djebel Noussairi, - in order to create there a sphere of influence for themselves. - Whilst the Germans, under the name of _Colonies_, were peopling - Palestine with German emigrants, the Spaniards, who cherished - analogous schemes, had constructed a school and a church at Jaffa, - in order that they might have their share. All these influences - produced the very worst effect on the country, for one party of the - Christians cherish a dream of union with Lebanon, whilst another - party are seeking foreign protection, and meanwhile the Mussulmans - can only marvel at the disorder. Now, although it is incumbent upon - the State to reassure public opinion and to put an end to all these - exterior influences, yet, on account of the exigencies of the war, - the only orders sent from the Central Authority consist of demands - for money, and for men for the Army. This state of things has opened - the door to every abuse under the sun, and both law and order have - been completely neglected. The officials of every rank, with some - few exceptions, only seek their own personal interests, and the - result of this, on the manners of the inhabitants, is so disastrous, - that murders and robbery are the order of the day, and there is no - security to property. To go no further than Tripoli, in Syria, during - the last four years I myself have seen no fewer than ninety cases - of murder, theft and pillage in the districts of Akiar and Safna - alone; and not one single case has ever been brought to judgment. - The thieves and brigands remain unpunished or are released, whilst - innocent people are detained, without being previously tried, and - are subjected to penalties varying from eight to ten years. I have - myself, this time, liberated several prisoners of this category, - and I abstain from mentioning the administration of the districts - dependent on the Kaimakam of Dehle. - - “As to the financial state of the province, it is most deplorable, - and, as I have already had the honour of showing you, in a previous - letter, the public revenues are reduced to one half; the country has - been ruined by the tithes, and the depredations of the Army have - desolated that which remained. The disastrous effect of the paper - money having been to reduce the revenues by one half, one is appalled - at the acknowledged deficit. This enumeration is a faithful _résumé_ - of the state of the vilayet, a state of which foreigners are the - first to complain, whilst at the same time, they are just those who - have the greatest political profits to gain from the continuance - of these disorders. It is quite certain, that if this condition of - affairs is not brought to an end, the Great Powers will place the - administration of the vilayet of Anatolia in the hands of foreign - officials, under the pretext of the introduction of reforms. And, - as the schemes of foreigners for Syria are well‐known, to accept - their conditions, based upon the maladministration denounced by the - European newspapers, would only increase public opinion in their - favour, and cause their pretensions to be sustained by the Cabinets - of Europe. - - “Ever since my arrival, I have done all in my power to bring some - order into the affairs of the vilayet and to avoid the dangers I - have detailed above. With your support, the question of the central - district might be arranged, but the improvement of the province - is not even then accomplished. There still remains the great - difficulty of establishing the financial condition of the vilayet on - an equitable base, of improving the Tribunals, and, above all, of - putting an end to the extortions of the officials, who, in addition - to the loss they occasion to the Treasury, do still more to discredit - the Government in the eyes of both the natives and of the foreigners. - In a word, it would be necessary, at all costs, to reassure public - opinion by the application of existing laws. - - “The actual state of things having reached this point, the laws, - which are at present being deliberated upon in the Council of - Ministers, should be elaborated and applied in all the provinces of - the Empire, taking into consideration the manners and customs of each - province. - - “It would be a complete mistake to believe that this state of things - can continue, and it is quite insupportable to me to know the remedy - for the evil and yet not to be able to apply it, and above all to - acquiesce wittingly in the harm caused by the present administration. - - “I feel myself obliged once more to submit the above observations to - Your Highness.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_17th March 1295, O.S._” - (_29th March 1879._) - - -Abdul Hamid, however, although he promised Midhat to apply these -measures of amelioration, which he considered indispensable, refrained -from giving his sanction to them, and the troubles which broke out, in -the middle of all this, between the Druses and the Arabs of Hauran, -obliged Midhat to keep his office in order to prevent the conflict from -taking a turn which might have led to foreign intervention. The causes -of these troubles and the attitude of the Palace and of the Government -are shown in the following correspondence with Midhat Pasha. - - -_Telegram sent to the Grand Vizier, by Midhat Pasha._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—It is necessary to give Your Highness details of - the affair of Hauran, for which you ask in your telegram of the 3rd - October. The Djébéli Druse (Druse Mountain) and the valley of Ledja - are inhabited entirely by the Druses. Since the events in Egypt - these people have completely lost all respect for the Government, - to which they no longer furnish any troops, or taxes, but all the - crimes and misdeeds committed in the neighbourhood arise from their - insubordination and opposition to authority. Last year they captured - the English post, and those people who attacked the caravan at - Iki‐kapoulu this year, and killed two men, are also Druses. Some - of the stolen cattle have been found at Djébéli Druse, but it has - been impossible to punish the authors of the crime. This district - being exempt from all taxation, it has become the haunt of brigands, - and of all those who wish to live as such; those who have committed - a crime, deserters, or good‐for‐nothing Druses from Lebanon, all - have sought refuge here for the last five or six years, until the - mountain is crowded with them. It is they who attacked Hauran, put - the inhabitants to flight, and up to the present moment they have - conquered seventeen villages. They provoke quarrels and massacres - for the most trivial causes, in order that they may be able to lay - hands on other villages in succession. The Arabs of Hauran, having - now adopted the Druse tactics, had entered into alliance, at the - beginning of the present occurrence, with the inhabitants of Adjloun, - of Kounitara, as well as with other Arab tribes, and were prepared - to march against the Druses. The officials who were sent to the - place were able to prevail upon the Hauranians, by their counsels, - to abandon their plans and to obey the orders of the Government, - but they insisted on those Druses who had been guilty of acts of - brigandage being brought to justice and punished. The Druses, - meanwhile, will listen to no representations, and remain with a - force of several thousand armed men, in the face of the Hauranians. - Although we learn that the Commandant of the troops which were sent, - has been in communication with the Druses, in order to bring them - back under control, we are not sufficiently well acquainted with the - result, and for further details you should apply to the Marshal Ahmed - Eyoub Pasha.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_6th October 1295, O.S._” - (_18th October 1879_). - - -_Cipher Telegram from the Grand Vizier to Midhat Pasha._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—The English Ambassador has just been to see us, - on account of the events which are taking place among the Druses, - which he deeply regrets, and he has made the same communications to - the Minister for Foreign Affairs. It is of course a well‐known fact - that England offers a moral protection to the Druses, whilst France - does the same to the Maronites. Whilst the English, on one hand, are - scarcely pleased with the measures which have been adopted against - the Druses, yet on the other side there are the representations made - to Your Highness by the British Consul, to the effect that France - would have to bring a formal complaint if the increasing looting - by the Druses continues, as it is very hard on the Maronites. In - short, although the Druses are behaving abominably, it is not in - keeping with the justice of the State to leave them unpunished, and - yet, although their system of brigandage dates from time immemorial, - an opportune moment in which to teach them a lesson has never been - found. Supposing that the troops sent to safeguard the security of - the Empire were sufficient to end the whole affair, it is certain - that the continuation of the conflict between the Druses and - Hauranians could have no good result to the Empire. Consequently the - best means, in our opinion, by which to put an end to this affair, - consist in postponing the subjection of the Druses until the period - of the complete re‐organisation of the vilayet, and we must resign - ourselves to acting solely as arbitrators between the Druses and - Hauranians, to bring about an amicable arrangement. Your Highness - tells us that the Hauranians would refuse to accept the indemnity - that the Druses offer them. This may at first sight seem a difficulty - in the way of mediation by the Government, yet it is necessary to - induce the Hauranians to accept this indemnity, in order to prevent - the shedding of blood, and to avoid the multiplication of vexatious - incidents which might bring on political complications. - - “If by chance the above arrangement cannot be brought about, Your - Highness is then authorised to suggest to the Hauranians the total - payment of the indemnity demanded by the State, informing the - public that it is among the pacific intentions of the Government to - have recourse to this solution of the matter, in the sole aim of - abolishing the enmity which exists between its two subject races. - - “Necessary instructions as to the departure of the required troops - have been given to the War Office. I think it is my duty to add, that - in case the affair cannot be amicably arranged, it would be well to - have recourse to the influence of the leading men on either side, - this being a method, the efficacy of which has been already proved, - and if it were necessary Your Highness might go in person to the - scene of conflict. - - “In short, we beg that Your Highness will employ every means for - conciliation, and we anxiously await the news of the closure of this - incident, without having to seek the intervention of coercion.—I am, - etc., - - “SÄÏD, - - “_Grand Vizier_.” - - “_13th October 1295, O.S._” - (_25th October 1879_). - - -_Reply from Midhat Pasha to the Telegram from the Grand Vizier._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—In reply to your telegram of 13th October, it has - been shown in my previous communications that the incident of Hauran - was caused by a quarrel between the inhabitants of two villages, on - account of a girl, and this quarrel spread until it attained its - present serious proportions. Since it is quite impossible to remain - a passive spectator in face of a force of between three and four - thousand individuals, all armed and ready to kill each other, we - first of all sent officials, then gendarmes, and finally regular - troops, in order to prevent a collision between the two parties, and - we ended by calling in the Sheiks—proposing that they should come - to some amicable arrangement. The Hauranians thereupon insisted that - those Druses who were guilty of having killed some of their tribe - unjustly should be brought up to justice, or else, since they are the - more numerous, that the State should permit them to march against the - Druses. On the other hand the Druses declare that it is contrary to - their customs to be given up to justice, and fearing lest they may - thereby create a precedent, they refuse to surrender the culprits; - at the same time they have taken up their position in front of the - troops, and cut off the water‐supply that was used by the Army. They - are thus prepared to offer a strong resistance, and at the same time - are pillaging the villages which are inhabited by both Mussulmans and - Christians. Yesterday they devastated four villages, killed two of - the inhabitants, and after having wounded several others, they slew - four more whom they met on the road. We have sent many special envoys - to them, trying to impress upon them the necessity of surrendering - at any rate some of the twenty‐five criminals to the Government, and - they have at last consented to pay an indemnity, which was intended - to go to the families of those men who had been assassinated. The - Hauranians, however, will not hear of any such solution. One thing - is certain: it is quite impossible for us, after what has already - occurred, to leave the Hauranians at the mercy of the Druses, without - running the risk of creating very grave political and administrative - dangers. Consequently, if Your Highness can succeed in finding any - other method than that of the employment of an armed force, we shall - do all in our power to execute it successfully.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_14th October 1295, O.S._” - (_26th October 1876._) - - -_Telegram from the Grand Vizier to Midhat Pasha._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—Since your advice coincides with ours that the - Druse question should be amicably settled, it is necessary to take - immediate steps towards obtaining a good result and preventing any - recurrence of these incidents, and this without having recourse - to military assistance. It would be very helpful to have the - co‐operation of those who by their influence would be able to quiet - down the minds of the people. Your Highness’ presence in these - districts would create a good impression. We therefore beg that Your - Highness will let us hear of your departure and of the means you - intend to adopt. From the telegram from the Marshal to the Minister - of War, it appears that the Druses have fired on the gendarmes whom - General Djémil Pasha had sent to that district in order to try and - re‐establish peace, and that on a Captain being killed, the gendarmes - retaliated, and that a battle took place. As this is not at all - expedient, Your Highness is particularly requested to put an end to - all reprisals. - - “The Minister for War has stated that two battalions of regular - troops, and three battalions of reserve (with munitions of war) are - just starting for Beyrout, on the steamer _Mevridi‐Nousret_.—I am, - etc., - - “SAÏD, - - “_Grand Vizier_.” - - “_16th October 1295, O.S._” - (_28th October 1879._) - - -_Reply to the Grand Vizier from Midhat Pasha._ - - YOUR HIGHNESS,—The troops were not sent to Hauran with the - intention of fighting with the Druses, but, as my last telegram - explained, more than four thousand men, from one part and another, - had armed themselves and were prepared to attack, and as, under these - circumstances, the Government was obliged to interfere, it was simply - to prevent bloodshed and to procure justice for those who had been - injured. Your Highness is not unaware that those officials, who were - punished in 1276 (1860), owed their disgrace to having failed to - execute their duty conscientiously. - - “Although the re‐establishment of order at Djébéli‐Druse might be - obtained as the natural result of our action, yet for the moment, - this would be of only a secondary interest; and since Your Highness - recommends us not to force it to this point, it may be possibly - obtained in the future. - - “It is as Your Highness remarks: the Druses having always lived in a - state of brigandage, have been treated differently from others, and, - until now, I have tried to manage them with due recognition of this - fact. Some of the Druse Chieftains who were at Damascus have been - sent to the disturbed districts on a mission of peace. But they only - joined the others, and have committed criminal acts. Without taking - into consideration the treachery of these men, our one aim has been - always to find some means of ending this conflict without calling in - the aid of the Military, and we were awaiting the reception of the - Druse Chieftains from Mount Lebanon, who, through the negotiations - of Rustem Pasha, had offered themselves as mediators between the - belligerents. But yesterday, at a distance of only three‐quarters of - an hour from the camp of the Imperial Army, the inhabitants of Hauran - began once more to fight with those of Ledja. As soon as this news - reached the camp, a company of gendarmes and two companies of regular - troops were sent to the spot to try and separate them. But the Druses - immediately fired upon the Imperial troops, killing two gendarmes - and wounding an officer. On that, General Djémil Pasha joining them, - with two companies of regular troops, the Druses killed a captain - and fifteen soldiers, and the battle lasted until midnight. From a - telegram that the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha received this morning, - it appears that Djémil Pasha has returned to the camp, with all his - troops. - - “After this incident the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha gave the - necessary orders to concentrate the remaining military troops. Holo - Pasha will be sent, with a member of the Administrative Council of - the vilayet, to try and persuade the belligerents to lay down their - arms. But to bring this business to an end, with moderation, one will - be obliged to drive the Druses from their positions in Hauran. The - arrival of the promised troops is quite indispensable.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_17th October 1295, O.S._” - (_29th October 1879._) - - -_The Grand Vizier to Midhat Pasha._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—The report of the Minister for War, and the - telegrams which have been exchanged relating to the question of the - Hauran Druses, have been read at the Council of Ministers. After some - deliberation it has been decided to settle this question in a pacific - manner, and to invite Your Highness to go in person to the affected - districts, to hasten the departure of the troops which have been - demanded, and that the Minister for War should give Marshal Ahmed - Eyoub Pasha the necessary orders, so that he may be in agreement with - the ideas of Your Highness. The importance of the Question and the - wishes of the Sublime Porte being settled by the correspondence which - has passed up to the present, Your Highness is requested to go to the - camp and to bring this matter to a peaceful close.—I am, etc., - - “SAÏD, - - “_Grand Vizier_.” - - “_22nd October 1295, O.S._” - (_4th November 1879._) - - -_Reply from Midhat Pasha to the Telegram from the Grand Vizier._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—Since the Druse Question must, in conformity with - His Majesty’s orders, be brought to a pacific termination, may I beg - that you will leave to me the choice of means to be employed, and - wait patiently for a few days longer. You may have every reliance - that the matter will be ended without having recourse to arms, and in - a manner worthy of the prestige of the State and of the Army.—I am, - etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_23rd October 1295, O.S._” - (_5th November 1879._) - - -_From Midhat Pasha to H.M. First Secretary._ - - “YOUR EXCELLENCY,—The Druse Question has at last come to an - end, with the arrival of the Sheiks yesterday at Damascus. They - are anxious to solicit the protection of our august master. The - Government having insisted on the extradition of those individuals - who were implicated in the assassinations of Basr‐el‐Houreiri, the - four men who survived the skirmishes have been accordingly delivered - up to the authorities, and they are now in prison, waiting to be - brought before the tribunals. This fact is full of promise for the - future, for, hitherto, the Druses have never been accustomed to - deliver to the authorities those criminals who have sought refuge in - their midst. I must now devote myself to the consideration of the - future condition of the Druses, which is of great importance. - - “As there is now no further need for the battalions of Reserve, - recently sent, they have been sent back, and we have decided, with - the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha, that the battalions now at Hauran and - at Damascus shall be returned.—I am, etc., - - MIDHAT. - - “_29th October 1295, O.S._” - (_11th November 1879._) - - -Midhat Pasha, who had withdrawn his resignation, with the express -purpose of not leaving the province in a state of turmoil, and in order -to bring the Druse Question to a suitable and lawful termination, -succeeded thus in re‐establishing peace, in a manner that was -honourable to the Government, in spite of the unjustifiable conduct -of the Sublime Porte and of the Palace. But Midhat, perceiving the -impossibility of working satisfactorily with the Government, once more -sent in his resignation, in the following telegrams:— - - -_Telegram sent to the First Secretary, enclosing the Resignation of -Midhat Pasha._ - - “With respect to my proffered resignation of October last, His - Majesty condescended to issue an Irade, which made me decide to wait - patiently for some time longer. Now that the question of the Druses, - which was the reason of the refusal of my request, has been settled, - and the conditions of the vilayet are absolutely normal, I humbly beg - that my resignation may be accepted by His Majesty, on account of the - reasons which render my position untenable.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_18th May 1296, O.S._” - (_30th May 1880._) - - -_H.M. First Secretary to Midhat Pasha._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—Your telegram, dated 18th May 1296, has been - presented to His Majesty. If there has been any delay as to the - departure of the personage who was charged to communicate the - Imperial instructions to Your Highness, and to receive your exact - replies, it has been occasioned entirely by the difficulty he has - experienced in quitting his post. And it is very difficult to find - any one who possesses the same qualities, to replace him. You must - not attribute the non‐execution of the Imperial promise to any other - cause. In your telegram you say that your resignation arises from - causes which are not unknown to His Majesty. In one of your later - telegrams these causes resolve themselves into two principal ones: - of which the first consists in Your Highness’s advanced age, and the - other in the difficulties you encounter in the Administration of the - Province. The first reason cannot be accounted as valid, by a servant - who is devoted to his country and Sovereign, and whose chief desire - should be never to renounce the honour of serving the State. As to - the extension of power, a special order will soon be published on - the duties of Governor‐Generals, so that this second reason of your - resignation will no longer have any force. His Majesty expresses a - desire to know positively if Your Highness wishes to resign from any - other cause, independent of those already cited. - - “ALI FUAD. - - “_19th May 1296, O.S._” - (_31st May 1880._) - - -_Telegram from Midhat Pasha in reply to H.M. First Secretary, Ali Fuad -Bey._ - - “YOUR EXCELLENCY,—Besides those causes cited in your telegram - replying to my request for permission to retire, I may also mention - the difficulties presented by the application of the new laws, - and the insults to which I am exposed on all sides, on account of - which I find myself obliged once more to entreat His Majesty for - his indulgence. As I said six months ago in one of my letters, I am - firmly resolved to sacrifice my life in the service of His Majesty, - and as my life is nearing its end, the few years that remain are of - but little importance. But there is something that is dearer and - still more sacred than life—that is honour. - - “It is quite possible that there may be some reason of which I am - not aware, for the formalities which have occurred, and for the - present situation, but, from my humble point of view, and from my - most inward conviction, everything seems to combine to wound my - honour, as much in what concerns the administration of the vilayet - which has been confided to my care, as in my private capacity. Now, - as it is pardonable that I should desire not to tarnish my honour, - which I have preserved unspotted during a service of more than - forty‐five years, I have decided to protest no longer, but to retire. - I, therefore, take the liberty of once more referring this subject to - our magnanimous sovereign.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_21st May 1296, O.S._” - (_3rd June 1880._) - - -_To Midhat Pasha, from the First Secretary, Ali Fuad Bey._ - -[_Confidential._] - - “YOUR HIGHNESS’ telegram of 21st May, 1296, has been submitted to - His Majesty. All the world knows how highly His Majesty has always - regarded your honour, and Your Highness, from the Humanitarian - point of view, can only recognize and approve the justice of this - observation. For many years Your Highness has rendered the greatest - services to the State, you occupy the highest rank in the Vizierat, - and are one of the greatest dignitaries and Statesmen of the Empire, - and His Majesty informs you that he will guarantee your honour and - consideration, as well as your reputation. - - “If the difficulties, which you declare you have encountered in - the application of the new laws, refer to the judicial laws, that - must arise from the incapacity of the officials in the Judicial - Department. Without criticising the fundamental significance of the - laws, Sir Henry Layard has also represented to His Majesty, in a - report, the difficulty that would be encountered in applying these - laws, for want of competent officials, and, although every one - recognises the necessity of the adoption and promulgation of these - laws and regulations, yet the rumour of Your Highness’ resignation - has immediately given rise to criticisms, which were delivered here - yesterday evening by several personages. As you know, one of the - very first reforms, the execution of which is to be desired, and - even the principal reform to be executed, is the re‐organisation of - the Courts of Justice. But the difficulties involved in carrying - out these reforms place the Government in a very awkward position. - Your Highness is begged to draw up a note stating the changes that - are necessary, in the opinion of Your Highness, who has so great an - experience both in Civil Administration and also in judicial laws, - and to place this note in the hands of a capable official—one who - possesses your full confidence—that it may be presented to His - Majesty. You will also make use of this capable official, possessing - your confidence, in your correspondence with the Palace. As our - principal aim must be always to serve the State and our Sovereign - with all fidelity and devotion, Your Highness is requested not - to pay any attention to tale‐bearing, which is unworthy of any - consideration, and not to allow yourself to be affected by it. His - Majesty appreciates your actions, and sends you his friendliest - Imperial greetings. - - “I am, etc., - - “ALI FUAD. - - “_23rd May 1296, O.S._” - (_5th June 1880._) - - -_Midhat Pasha to Ali Fuad Bey._ - - “The most precious and the most welcome part of your telegram of - 23rd May being the expression of the Imperial goodwill towards me, - I must first of all offer you my humble thanks. As to the other - matters, your Excellency is not unaware that not only do I recognise - in principle the necessity and the benefit of the new laws, but I - am, above all, one of the chief advocates of judicial reform. As - was mentioned in the Imperial telegram conferring the Governorship - of Syria upon me, the local manners and customs must be taken into - consideration with regard to the new organisations. But the new - laws, instead of embodying these recommendations, have been drawn - up on exactly the old lines, and when I suggest that with a slight - modification these laws might be ameliorated, my observations are - systematically ignored. This state of things has produced a result - quite the opposite of that intended, and the greater part of the - new laws, as well as the older ones, remain in disuse. The general - situation is therefore most strange and peculiar. - - “To this disorder must be added the difference which exists between - the civil and military authorities, which have ended by becoming - hostile to each other. A country such as Syria, which is full of - troubles and intrigues, both internal and external, is in crying - need of a military force, yet every time that we demand an armed - force we meet with a deliberate refusal, or the troops which have - been sent are withdrawn without reason, or else our official - letters remain unanswered. Now, although it is possible that this - results from the inimical system which has been adopted against me - personally, yet, undoubtedly, the Government and the country are - the principal sufferers from it; and when it comes to six months - passing without the governor and the marshal of a vilayet meeting, - one can imagine the state of affairs in the province. Again, the - grant for the gendarmes and the salaries of the officials having - been reduced, these measures have struck a blow at the security of - the country, and have driven the officials to corruption, whilst - the judicial system which has been adopted by the tribunals towards - criminals has weakened public confidence. This state of things being - well known, the orders which arrive daily never fail to put all the - responsibility on the Governor. Now, it is impossible to accept this - situation, nor can I, in a telegram, give an explanation of all - these difficulties, but, in conformity with the Imperial Irade, a - confidential official is on the point of starting, commissioned to - give you the amplest information. I shall strive for patience until - his return.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_25th May 1296, O.S._” - (_7th June 1880_). - - -Quite apart from all this question, the Sultan Abdul Hamid was far -from being satisfied with Midhat Pasha’s sojourn in Syria. The Syrians, -realising the good that he had done to the country, were loud in their -expressions of gratitude, which gave offence to the Sultan. The cries -of “Long live Midhat Pasha!” in the streets, and the interviews of the -British Ambassador, Sir Henry Layard, with the Governor‐General during -his travels in Syria, all augmented the fears of the Palace. Midhat’s -enemies then put into circulation the rumour that Syria would soon -become an autonomous principality, and that Midhat Pasha would receive -the title of Khedive. - -Abdul Hamid then informed Midhat that he declined to accept his -resignation, that he wished to see him continue his services to the -State, and that he appointed him Governor‐General of the vilayet of -Smyrna. The Syrians addressed a petition to the Palace, begging that -Midhat might remain at Damascus, but the Sultan paid absolutely no -attention to this act on the part of the Syrian population, and Midhat -found himself compelled to start off for his new post on board the -Imperial yacht _Izzeddine_, which had been sent for that purpose. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -MIDHAT, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SMYRNA - - -The vilayet and town of Smyrna were then, like other provinces of the -Empire, in a state of lamentable disorder. It is quite certain that the -Sultan, who had refused to apply the necessary reforms in Syria, had -never sent Midhat to Smyrna with the intention of putting a stop to the -administrative anarchy existing in that part of his dominions. Midhat, -although well aware that the aim of all these machinations was only to -paralyse his activity, could not forget the duties and responsibilities -which the Governor‐Generalship placed on his shoulders. - -There were a quantity of liberated convicts of every foreign -nationality in Smyrna, who daily committed all manner of theft and -crime; the sense of terror in the province was so great that no one -dared venture abroad in the streets after night‐fall. Midhat Pasha -formed a corps of police, in imitation of the European police, a -force which at that time did not exist in Turkey apart from the -_gendarmerie_. He showed the same activity here as in the other -vilayets, and succeeded, after several arrests, in establishing public -security. He widened the streets of the city, and founded a School of -Arts and Crafts, as well as an orphanage, which still exists under the -name of “Islahané.” - -On the other hand, the Sultan never renounced his aim of ridding -himself of Midhat, and four or five months after his arrival in Smyrna, -Abdul Hamid decided to strike a mortal blow at him, in once more -raising the question of the sudden death of his uncle, the ex‐Sultan -Abdul Aziz, whose suicide in the Palace we have already related (see -p. 89). This suicide had not only been verified by eye‐witnesses, but -also by the report of all the doctors of the foreign embassies at -Constantinople, and above all by the statement of Dr Dickson, doctor -at the British Embassy, a fact which has been confirmed by Sir Henry -Elliot, who was the then English Ambassador, and who wrote an account -of the deposition and suicide of Abdul Aziz, which appeared in the -February number of the _Nineteenth Century_ in 1888. Now, after a lapse -of four years, the Sultan asserted that his uncle had not committed -suicide, but that he had been assassinated, and that the murder had -been perpetrated by Hussein Avni Pasha, the Minister for War (who was -himself murdered in Midhat’s house, in 1876, by Cherkess Hassan), and -by his two brothers‐in‐law, Mahmoud Djelaleddin and Nouri Pashas, and -that _other personages of high rank_ (an allusion to Midhat, Mehemet -Rushdi Pashas, and to the Sheik‐ul‐Islam—Haïroullah Effendi) were -implicated in the affair. In fact the two brothers‐in‐law, Mahmoud -Djelaleddin and Nouri Pashas, were arrested in Constantinople, and the -news of a fresh trial of the assassins of Abdul Aziz was noised abroad -by the European Press.[24] - -The Turkish Press, inspired from the Palace, addressed praises to -the Sultan, and some newspapers—amongst others the _Terdjumani -Hakikat_—actually went so far as to advise Abdul Hamid to arrest every -one who had played any part in the affair of Abdul Aziz. - -By this time the Sublime Porte had lost all authority, and the enemies -of the Constitutional Party had increased very considerably. Mehemet -Rushdi Pasha, the former Grand Vizier, and colleague of Midhat, had -been condemned to pass his remaining years on his estates near Manissa; -the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Haïroullah Effendi, a follower of Midhat, had been -exiled to Mecca. The few Liberals who remained in the capital had all -been sent away into the provinces, either as officials or as exiles. -Only the partisans of Abdul Hamid and those who had changed their -opinions and who now ranged themselves on the side of despotism—such -as Ahmed Midhat Effendi—were to be found in Constantinople. Ahmed -Midhat Effendi, who had been one of Midhat Pasha’s most ardent -followers, now heaped all the lowest slanders upon him, through the -pages of the _Terdjumani Hakikat_, asserting that Abdul Aziz had been -murdered, and that the culprits must be arrested. - -Midhat Pasha was in receipt of the most alarming news from his friends -at Constantinople, and also from abroad; he was told that his life -was in great danger. His only reply was: “I have no reason to be -alarmed nor to fly from Turkey. I have laboured for the good of my -country, and I have nothing with which to reproach myself; if others -see reason to blame me, I am always ready to reply before a tribunal.” -He took no further steps than to write a letter to the Grand Vizier, -protesting against the baseness of Ahmed Midhat Effendi, Editor of the -_Terdjumani Hakikat_. The letter is as follows:— - - -_From Midhat Pasha to the Grand Vizier._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—The number of the _Terdjumani Hakikat_, dated - 5th December, 1296, after stating that the Editor of a newspaper, - published at Athens, and directed against the Imperial Government, is - Essad Effendi, who was exiled to Damascus, but who has since sought - refuge in Greece, goes on to insinuate that in producing this paper - he has my moral and pecuniary support. The same week, explanations - are given in the _Messenger_, both in French and English, of these - calumnies, and this is done in the most peculiar manner, my name - being mentioned. The baseness of the Editor of the _Terdjumani - Hakikat_ is well known to the whole world. As to Essad Effendi, - all who have seen him at Damascus will be able to estimate these - erroneous publications at their true value. I think there is no more - for me to add on this subject, for if I said anything, it would be - according to the rules to bring an action. But these publications - are not only hostile to me personally. It is beyond all question - that the publication, in a foreign land, of a newspaper, directed - against the Imperial Government, with the material and moral aid that - I am reported to have furnished, constitutes a crime; consequently, - how can you leave such a man at the head of so important and - vast a vilayet as that of Smyrna? Such a state of things does - much to destroy the prestige of the State, and all the more so, - because of the confirmation of these slanders by the newspapers of - Constantinople, which are under the orders and surveillance of the - Sublime Porte. It seems to me wiser to send in my resignation, than - to give rise to such a state of affairs, so that the honour and - consideration of the State may be preserved intact. This course is, - moreover, in keeping with the decision, reached by me some time ago. - Nevertheless, I feel it my duty that I should first of all seek Your - Highness’ advice on the subject.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_25th December 1296, O.S._” - (_7th January 1881._) - - -However, the Sultan, who wished to put an end to Midhat, decided -finally to arrest both him and Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, who was then at -Manissa. The arrival in Smyrna of the aides‐de‐camp, General Hilmi -Pasha and Colonel Riza Bey (at present Minister of War), with their -suites, gave the first warning to the Governor‐General, who ordered -his men to watch the acts and movements of these aides‐de‐camp, and -very soon reached the conviction that these emissaries had come with an -order to arrest him. - -Among the men who had been charged by Midhat to get the aides‐de‐camp -to talk about the manner in which the arrest was to be made, was a -police agent, an extremely intelligent man, who, disguised as a rich -merchant, was lodging in the same hotel as Hilmi Pasha, chief of the -mission. Hilmi Pasha, at the end of a good dinner, had allowed to -the pretended merchant that he had come to Smyrna by the Imperial -command, and that his object was to arrest the Governor‐General, but -that he was waiting for further instructions before carrying out his -instructions. Midhat, in order to be prepared for any occurrence, -had ordered a secret door to be made, and one of the steamers of the -Compagnie Joly was retained in the harbour, ready to carry him off -abroad. One evening the above‐mentioned agent came and warned him that -Hilmi Pasha had been called to the Telegraph Office, and that, after -a long conversation with the Palace, he had re‐entered the hotel, had -put on his uniform, and gone straight to the barracks. It was asserted -that among the orders he had received, he had been instructed to kill -Midhat and to massacre his family. Indeed, one of Midhat’s servants, -named Nezir, had been bribed, and it was arranged that before the -Governor’s house was occupied, he should fire off a revolver on the -troops, and thus give the signal for the massacre. In support of this -theory, it is interesting to note that after Midhat Pasha’s exile the -said Nezir entered into the service of the Yildiz Kiosk, and received -a considerable salary. Besides this, one of the chamberlains of the -Sultan Abdul Hamid, Bessim Bey, who died some time ago in disgrace, -whilst still in the service of the Palace, assured a member of Midhat’s -family that Hilmi Pasha was not only entrusted with the arrest of -Midhat, but that the Sultan had given him a positive order to have -him killed in the tumult which was to be adroitly brought about, and -to massacre his whole family, men, women and children. It was on this -account that General Hilmi had bribed Nezir, so that the public might -believe that Midhat had refused to obey, and that he had fired upon the -soldiers. - -On the receipt of this news from his agent, Midhat Pasha, without -losing his _sang‐froid_, sought out his family and acquainted them with -the position of affairs. He advised them to be resigned, and informed -them of his intention of quitting Turkish soil from the moment that his -life had been threatened. As midnight struck, three cannon‐shots rang -out from the barracks (in Turkey this is the method employed for giving -the alarm of fire), but Midhat understood only too well that it was -done with the express purpose of distracting the attention of the mob. -At the same moment he left his house by the secret door, accompanied -by his secretary, and stole down to the quay; but perceiving that the -quays were blocked by sentinels, he hailed a carriage, and recollecting -that the English Consul, Mr Dennis, was not in the town, he told them -to drive to the French Consulate, and there begged for protection. -Meanwhile, the soldiers, who had forced their way at the point of their -bayonets up to the doors of the first floor, now demanded to speak -with Midhat Pasha, and were informed that he had just left. This reply -being absolutely unexpected, they were convinced that he was hiding -in one of the rooms. Hilmi Pasha gave orders that the house should be -searched, and that all the servants should be thrown into prison. The -troops entered, breaking down the doors, and recommending the ladies -not to move, they made an exhaustive search, even tearing up the -flooring. At this moment, by way of fulfilling his cowardly promise and -giving reason for a massacre, Nezir, hiding himself behind a mattress, -tried to fire off his revolver, but one of the servants, realising the -peril, tore the weapon from his hand. - -After a minute search that lasted for several hours, and during which -no trace of either Midhat nor yet of his papers had been discovered, -Madame Midhat, seeing that the officers and soldiers had no intention -of withdrawing, sent for General Hilmi and informed him that in the -case of the troops remaining in the house, she would open the windows -and call in the help of the people. This terrified the General, for he -had received orders not to give rise to a revolution, and he dismissed -the soldiers, only remaining himself with one or two officers. A few -hours later the police informed General Hilmi that Midhat was at the -French Consulate, and he thereupon went thither, and had it surrounded -on every side. The French Consul‐General, Monsieur Pélissier, had sent -a telegram to the French Ambassador at Constantinople, informing him of -all that had taken place. On seeking refuge at the French Consulate, -Midhat had invited the consuls of all the Great Powers to attend; -had acquainted them with the danger from which he had escaped, and -had begged them to insist on a guarantee that he should be judged by -a High Court. Meanwhile, he received a telegram from Constantinople -begging him to surrender, and assuring him that no injustice should be -done him, but that if he refused to do so, then he would be considered -guilty. - -There are two versions given of this memorable occurrence of the spring -of 1881; and these two versions are so much the more important, because -they affect the truth of the fact whether the Government of the French -Republic delivered up Midhat Pasha, who had sought refuge in the -French Consulate, to the Sultan, or whether he surrendered of his own -accord on receiving the telegram from Constantinople. The fact that he -had caused a secret door to be constructed in a hidden corner of his -house, and that a steamer had been kept in readiness in the harbour, -all proves that Midhat had intended flight. Not having succeeded in -his design of reaching the sea, he had sought refuge at the French -Consulate, and he had implored the assistance that France might easily -have rendered him. It is to be presumed that the ambassador, after -having asked for instructions from Paris, and having explained to the -Government the Sultan’s insistence, may have informed Midhat that he -could not effectually protect him. Not having any definite proof on -this subject, it is impossible for us to certify anything. The opinions -of the European Press were very divergent. We reprint the telegrams -sent by the correspondent of the _Times_ from Constantinople, dated -19th May and 21st May, 1881, which give the fullest details.[25] - -Midhat Pasha had been perfectly well aware of what would happen. He -knew the plots that had been formed against him, and when his friends -had invited him to leave Turkey, by the boat which had been got ready -to take him aboard, he replied, “I shall never give way before the -insinuations of the Sultan. I shall never allow the world to say that I -fled because I was guilty and that I feared the Sultan. I shall resist -until the last moment, and if I then see that my life is in danger, I -may perhaps have recourse to the means you offer.” It was this same -state of mind which led him to think of embarking, when the soldiers, -under the command of General Hilmi Pasha, surrounded his house, and -by their attitude showed plainly the danger in which both he and his -family were placed. On realising the impossibility of carrying out -this plan, he had taken refuge at the French Consulate, and had asked -the Consuls of all the Powers that their respective Governments should -demand a public trial, and had declared “that he gave himself up to -judgment, trusting to the good faith of the telegram which he had -received from Constantinople.” - -For the honour of France, we are inclined to believe that Midhat -surrendered to the Ottoman authorities of his own accord. It is -scarcely credible that France would have delivered Midhat Pasha to the -Sultan, the more so because Gambetta, who was then in power, had been a -great friend of his. - -The Sultan had been anxious to have Midhat arrested when he was still -Governor‐General of Syria, but so great was his popularity in that -Province, that Abdul Hamid was reluctantly obliged to relinquish his -design, for fear of provoking a revolution. - -The day following the arrest found the town of Smyrna still strictly -guarded by the troops, and no one was permitted to go about the streets -for fear of any demonstration. The terrified inhabitants closed their -shops, and all business was suspended for twenty‐four hours. Midhat -was retained as a prisoner in the barracks, until the arrival of the -Imperial yacht, which brought over the new Governor‐General, the high -judicial dignitaries, and also the Minister Djevdet Pasha. He embarked -quietly in the midst of the general emotion, and duly arrived at -Constantinople. Whilst waiting for the assembling of the High Court, -the little pavilion in the “Yildiz Park” called “Malta Kiosk,” was -assigned to him as his place of residence by the Sultan. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -THE TRIAL OF MIDHAT PASHA - - -As we have already stated, Midhat Pasha arrived at Constantinople in -one of the Imperial yachts, accompanied by the Minister and the high -judicial dignitaries. He was kept in the pavilion of the “Malta Kiosk,” -which is situated within the park of Yildiz. In accordance with his -desire that he might be given a public trial, and that the conditions -on which he had surrendered to the Ottoman authorities from the French -Consulate should be observed, a High Court was formed by the Sultan -Abdul Hamid. But the tickets of admission to the meetings were issued -in such a manner that the Turks who wished to be present at the trial -had to renounce their intention, for fear of attracting the ill‐will of -the Sultan, or else, those who were followers of Midhat, had to pose as -his adversaries in order to be able to hear and understand the manner -in which he was to be condemned. The Diplomatic Corps was present, but -many foreigners found difficulty in obtaining admittance. Only a few -correspondents of the foreign newspapers were admitted, and amongst -the representatives of the Turkish Press only those who were faithful -adherents of the Sultan. - -We possess no special information on the subject of the trial, and -that which we have been able to collect from those persons who were -present at the debates gives us no further details than those which the -_Times_ correspondent (present at the Trial) sent to his newspaper. We -publish, therefore, by permission of the proprietors of the _Times_ the -most interesting portions of their reports, together with some extracts -from the debates in the Houses of Parliament on this subject, in order -to give the reader some idea of this most memorable mock trial. - - - “_Constantinople, 28th June._—The great State trial which began - yesterday, and of which I have already forwarded you a summary - of the proceedings, presented an interesting and picturesque - spectacle. Around the Malta guard‐house, situated in a large open - space immediately outside the Imperial park of Yildiz Kiosk, a - goodly number of soldiers were posted at short distances from each - other, and all persons not provided with a ticket of admission - were prevented from approaching the building. The few who had - been fortunate enough to obtain tickets, found on approaching the - Guard‐House a large green oval tent, and adjoining it a considerable - space enclosed by a canvas screen and covered by an awning. One side - of this tent was occupied by a bench, on which sat the judges, three - Mussulmans and two Christians, in black frock‐coats _à la Turque_ - and red fezes, presided over by a grey‐bearded Ulema called Sourouri - Effendi, in a black robe and white turban. To the right and left - of the judges sat the Public Prosecutor, the secretaries, and the - subordinate judicial functionaries, and behind them stood several - Imperial aides‐de‐camp and Palace servants. Below the bench, in a - trench cut for the purpose, sat on cane chairs the ten prisoners, - Mahmoud and Nouri Pashas (both brothers‐in‐law of the Sultan), two - ex‐functionaries of the Palace, three officers of the Guard, two - professional wrestlers, and a Palace watchman. Behind each of the - prisoners stood a common soldier. The side of the tent facing the - bench was left open, so that the spectators, seated on rows of chairs - under an awning, immediately behind the prisoners, could witness - the proceedings. Among the audience, comprising about one hundred - and twenty people, were the Persian Ambassador and other members of - the Diplomatic Body, several high officials in and out of office, - a score of Imperial aides‐de‐camp, a few officers of the Palace, - several Ulema in flowing robes and white or green turbans, and the - representatives of the Press to a limited number. The spectators - might have been considerably increased, for behind them were more - than a hundred chairs unoccupied. - - “The first formality was the proving of the prisoners’ identity, - and immediately thereafter the indictment was read by three of the - prosecutors, which may be briefly stated as follows:—A few days - after the dethronement of Abdul Aziz, Mahmoud Damad, and Nouri - Damad, engaged two professional wrestlers and a Palace watchman - to assassinate their ex‐Sovereign, promising them £100 each and a - monthly pension of three pounds, as appears from the accounts of - the Civil Lists. The crime was committed with the assistance of the - Chamberlain, Fahri Bey, while Ali and Nedjib Beys, who had introduced - the assassins into the Palace, mounted guard with drawn swords at the - door of the room. As there was at that time a Supreme Commission, - composed of Mehmed Ruchdi, Midhat, Hussein Avni, the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, - and Mahmoud Damad, and as no important orders could be given without - the concurrence of this Commission, it may be assumed that all its - members must have been _cognizant_ of Mahmoud and Nouri’s criminal - proceedings, and it is for this reason that Midhat is among the - accused. - - “When the indictment setting forth this theory had been read, the - President, in a quiet and dignified manner, began to question the - prisoners. The first called upon to state what he knew, was Mustapha, - the wrestler, a man of ordinary size and not presenting any signs - of abnormal muscular development. His face was of a common type and - betrayed no symptoms of emotion as he related, in plain, unvarnished - terms, how he had cut open the ex‐Sultan’s veins with a knife - given to him for the purpose by Mahmoud Damad. His description, - accompanied by slight and significant gestures, was brutally - graphic, and made a strong impression on the spectators, more than - one of the older men in the audience giving vent to their feelings - of horror by audible exclamations. Mustapha’s account was fully - confirmed by Hadji Mehmed Pasha, who declared that together with - the Chamberlain Fahri Bey and Djezairli, he had hold of Abdul Aziz - whilst the crime was being perpetrated. Djezairli, who had made a - full confession in his preliminary examination, was then questioned, - and retracted what he had previously said. Fahri Bey, a young man, - with long fair moustache, delicately‐cut effeminate features, - and of tall and slender build, was next examined, and denied the - statements of the wrestler and his companion. In a tremulous tone, - which gathered firmness as he proceeded, he described, from his - personal observation, the mental condition of Abdul Aziz after his - dethronement, and obstinately insisted that the dethroned monarch - had committed suicide. The other prisoners, without endeavouring to - explain how the Sultan’s death occurred, successively maintained - their own innocence, and found more or less plausible answers for all - the questions put to them by the judges. Mahmoud Damad Pasha, a tall - stout man, with regular and handsome features and large dark eyes, - found most difficulty in replying, and his deep gruff voice showed - more than once signs of great emotion; but he denied emphatically and - indignantly the accusations brought against him by the wrestlers and - others. About two o’clock Midhat was introduced and took his seat - by Mahmoud Damad’s side. His hair and beard had become much whiter - since I last saw him, four years ago, and his complexion was still as - morbidly florid as before, but he seemed well, and sought to conceal - his emotion by stroking his beard, and arranging his notes, from - which he was preparing to speak. Starting up suddenly and leaning on - the back of his chair, he made a short speech, in which he declared - himself happy to have been cited before the public tribunal, and he - rendered justice to His Majesty’s sentiments of equity in causing - the affair to be carefully examined. To all the questions about the - Supreme Commission, of which he was a member, and which must have had - cognizance of the intended assassination, he replied emphatically - that such a Commission existed nowhere except in the imagination of - his accusers, and that all matters of State were considered by the - regular Council of Ministers. When reproached by the presiding judge - for not having immediately ordered a searching inquiry, he admitted - that he had been guilty of this sin of omission; but at the same - time he maintained that all the other Ministers were in this respect - equally guilty. On the subject of his having sought refuge in the - French Consulate his answers, though extremely ingenious, were not - so satisfactory. Unlike the other prisoners, Midhat withdrew from - the Court as soon as he finished what he had to say, and after his - departure a number of witnesses were called for the Prosecution. - The chief of these were three young men who had seen the crime - perpetrated in the way the wrestlers described, and the wife of a - certain Ali Bey, who, being at that time one of the ladies of Abdul - Aziz’ harem, had witnessed some of the incidents connected with the - assassination. One of the most interesting witnesses was a frail, - white‐bearded Mussulman, in an old‐fashioned costume, who related in - a faltering voice, that he had washed the body of Abdul Aziz, and - noticed a small wound in the region of the heart. The Court rose - about half‐past seven o’clock without the witnesses having been - cross‐examined. The proceedings will be continued, and possibly - terminated, to‐day.” - - - “_Constantinople, 28th June._—The trial of the persons charged with - the assassination of Abdul Aziz was resumed to‐day. After the counsel - for the prisoners had concluded their addresses, the judges decided - that the two prisoners Mustapha (the one a gardener and the other an - athlete), Fahri Bey and Hadji Mehmed, were guilty of the murder, and - that Ali Bey, Nedjib Bey, Midhat Pasha, Nouri Pasha and Mahoud Damad - Pasha were accomplices, being privy to the crime. Sentence will be - passed to‐morrow.” - - - “_Times_,” _30th June 1881_.—“_Constantinople, 28th June._—The - second day’s hearing of the case against the persons accused of - the murder of Abdul Aziz, the ex‐Sultan, lasted for eight hours. - Several additional witnesses appeared for the prosecution. Among them - was Ibrahim Edhem Effendi, who acted as intermediary between the - Ministers and the ex‐Sultan, and who described the harsh treatment to - which the latter was subjected. - - “The case for the defence was then opened. Four advocates appointed - by the judicial authorities spoke very feebly on behalf of the - prisoners. Mahmoud Damad was justly dissatisfied with his counsel, - and defended himself, and, notwithstanding evident signs of illness, - refuted some of the accusations brought against him. Midhat Pasha - was then called, and the President Sourouri Effendi, after remarking - that Midhat had accused him of personal enmity, retired from the - bench, leaving his colleague, Christoforides Effendi, to direct the - proceedings. The ex‐Grand Vizier, who had taken such a prominent - part in the dethronement, defended himself for more than an hour - against the charge of complicity in the assassination. Thoroughly - conversant with the new laws of judicial procedure, he pointed out - several mistakes which had been committed, and demanded permission to - cross‐question the witnesses as well as the prisoners who had made - confessions; but all his demands were refused by the Court. Finding - himself thus fettered, he took his stand on the solemnity of the law, - and declined to defend himself any further. - - “The President, after three times vainly inviting him to proceed, - declared the hearing closed, and retired with the other judges - to deliberate. Their verdict was, as had been foreseen from the - beginning, that all the prisoners were guilty, but in different - degrees. Four were declared guilty of premeditated assassination; - five, including Midhat and the Sultan’s two brothers‐in‐law, were - condemned as accomplices; and the two remaining prisoners were placed - in the category of aiders and abettors. - - “The Court will re‐assemble to‐morrow morning to pass sentence. - According to the Ottoman code, premeditated assassination entails - capital punishment, while the lesser degrees of crime are punished by - various terms of penal servitude.” - - - _29th June._—“The remarks and the bearing of Midhat Pasha at - the trial yesterday produced, on the whole, a very favourable - impression on the public, and it was not difficult to perceive that - he still enjoys a certain popularity even among good Mussulmans. As - numerous Palace spies were present, the Ottoman officials carefully - endeavoured to hide any latent sympathy with the accused, but some - of them did not altogether succeed. More than once Midhat replied - very appositely in a half‐ironical tone, which was much appreciated - by the audience. All the details were at once transmitted to the - Sultan, and Sourouri Effendi doubtless congratulated himself on - having removed the Imperial displeasure from his own shoulders to - those of his colleagues. As yet no evidence has been produced proving - Midhat’s complicity, but it is not likely that he will be acquitted. - Considering that the trial has been prepared, and is being conducted - under the immediate influence of the Palace, which is filled with - Midhat’s enemies, it would be absurd to expect impartiality and - independence in the judges. I happen to know many curious facts - tending to show how absurd such an expectation would be, and I may - mention one by way of illustration. Yesterday morning, immediately - before the trial began, Sourouri Effendi had a long private audience - with the Sultan, and received from His Majesty certain instructions - as to how the proceedings should be conducted. The most interesting - part of the proceedings at the State trial yesterday was the incident - which terminated in Midhat Pasha’s refusal to continue his defence. - The facts are briefly as follows:—The President invited the accused - not to continue his defence and to intrust that duty to his counsel. - Midhat replied that he would defend himself, because he had not been - allowed to confer freely with the counsel officially appointed. He - justified his flight to the French Consulate at Smyrna, pointed - out numerous errors in the procedure, expressed astonishment at - such grave accusations being founded on such insufficient evidence, - reproached the Public Prosecutor with having accepted the testimony - of the eunuchs, who, professing to have seen the crime committed - without denouncing it, should be themselves in the dock, and - ridiculed the testimony of Marco Pasha, the chief physician of the - Palace at that time, who professed to have seen from the Asiatic - side of the Bosphorus what took place at the Palace on the European - shore, and yet could not see a wound said to have been inflicted on - the body of Abdul Aziz in the region of the heart. He then demanded - that the Court should examine the prisoners and witnesses in his - presence, as he was not present at the previous examination, and - requested that the Embassy doctors who examined the body should - be summoned, offering to defray the necessary expenses at his own - cost, in order to compare their report with that of Marco Pasha. On - the demand of the Public Prosecutor, the Court retired to consider - Midhat’s request, and decided to grant it on condition that the - prisoners should not be interrogated separately. To this reply Midhat - opposed the text of the Code of Criminal procedure, and demanded its - application, declaring that he must question those who had given - evidence, in order to prove that they had committed perjury. The - President answered that the article in question in the Code referred - to witnesses, and not to the accused, and declared that if any person - had committed perjury it would be for the Court to punish them - hereafter. - - “Midhat maintained that the prisoners who accused him should be - regarded as witnesses against him, and considering, therefore, the - decision of the tribunal as a miscarriage of justice, he declined to - defend himself further, adding in a bitter tone, that he would derive - little practical advantage from the punishment of a false witness - after he was in his grave. The Court again retired for deliberation, - and on returning after a few minutes, the President declared that - Midhat’s request could not be granted. The prisoner, having three - times declined to continue his defence, the President declared the - proceedings at an end, and the Court retired to deliberate, returning - after about an hour with a verdict of ‘Guilty’ against all the - accused. The Court will meet again this morning at eleven o’clock - to pronounce judgment, when this extraordinary, sensational trial, - conducted as I reported, will come to a close.” - - - _Later._—“Judgment was delivered this morning in the cases of the - persons convicted of the murder of ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz. Nine of the - accused, including the Sultan’s two brothers‐in‐law and Midhat Pasha, - were condemned to death. The remaining two accused were condemned to - penal servitude. - - “All the prisoners gave notice of appeal.” - - - _Reuter’s Telegram._—“_Constantinople, 29th June._—The Court - pronounced judgment and delivered sentence of death upon Midhat - Pasha, Mahmoud Damad Pasha, Nouri Pasha, Ali Bey, Nedjib Bey, Fahri - Bey, Hadji Mehmed, Mustapha the Wrestler, and Mustapha the Gardener. - - “Izzet and Sayd are each sentenced to ten years’ penal servitude. The - prisoners have eight days allowed them to give notice of Appeal, and - the indictment and document connected with the trial will be sent to - the Court which will try the Appeal.” - - “_Times,” 4th July 1881._—“_Constantinople, 1st July._”—In - telegraphing about the recent State Trial, I have been - hitherto working under serious restrictions, which I was not - allowed to mention in my telegrams. All telegraphic despatches - on the subject had to be submitted to the authorities, who - naturally prevented the transmission of anything that might - be disagreeable to the Palace. In the circumstances, it - was, of course, impossible to criticise the proceedings, - or even to give a full account of what took place. I have - now, fortunately, an opportunity of communicating with you - freely, and I hasten to declare that the trial was little - better than a parody of European judicial procedure, which - has justly roused the indignation, not only of foreign - observers, but also of many Turks, who have an elementary - conception of justice and fair play. In a trial in which the - political element was so prominent, the first condition to - be observed was complete neutrality of the Palace, and this - condition was most grossly violated. It was at the Palace that - the preliminary investigation was made, under the immediate - personal direction of the Sultan, who is an interested party. - It was at the Palace that the prisoners were confined, judges - chosen, and even the counsel for the defence appointed, - without the prisoners themselves being consulted. It was - at the Palace that the accused were examined and various - unjustifiable means were employed to extort confessions from - them—as, for example, when the Grand Eunuch, one of the three - highest official personages of the Empire, struck with his - fists and otherwise maltreated the Chamberlain, Fahri Bey, - when under examination, in the presence of His Majesty. It - was in the Palace, and under the immediate influence of the - Sultan, that the amount of the punishment for the accused was - considered and decided. It was in the Palace that Sourouri - Effendi, the President of the Tribunal, had a private - audience with the Sultan, immediately before the opening of - the proceedings, while a Palace dignitary appealed to the - counsel for the defence in a cajoling, half‐plaintive tone, - to refrain, in the fulfilment of their duty, from adding - to the Sultan’s already numerous embarrassments! Lastly, - it was in the immediate vicinity of the Palace that the - trial was held. Soldiers of the Palace garrison surrounded - the Court, aides‐de‐camp and other Palace officials were - present, while eunuchs and other confidential messengers - were constantly passing to and fro between the Palace and - the tribunal. A certain amount of publicity was allowed with - regard to the trial, for a few tickets were distributed among - the Diplomatic Corps and leading representatives of the - Press, but there were at the same time serious restrictions - and difficulties. The date of the trial was kept strictly - secret until a few hours before the proceedings began, and - newspaper correspondents, nearly all of whom are imperfectly - acquainted with, or entirely ignorant of, the Turkish language - and judicial procedure, were not allowed to take a dragoman - with them, though three‐fourths of the space reserved for - the public remained all the time unoccupied. I made personal - representations on this subject to some influential officials, - but they all declared positively that no more tickets could - be given. To the few who were admitted, I must say the - greatest courtesy and consideration were shown by the Imperial - aides‐de‐camp and the masters of the ceremonies, but the - powers of these gentlemen were very limited. With regard to - the restrictions placed on telegraphing I have already spoken - above. - - “It is hardly necessary to say, that with the all‐pervading influence - of the Palace, there could be no independence or impartiality on the - part of the judicial functionaries, and no zeal in the counsel for - the defence; but there was something worse than this. The ardent - desire of nearly all concerned to gain the Imperial favour by - securing the condemnation of the prisoners in general, and of Midhat - in particular, caused certain gross violations of the guarantees - provided by the Criminal Code. I may mention a few facts by way of - illustration. Sourouri Effendi, who had in the secret preliminary - inquiry directed the case for the Prosecution, and who is well - known to be one of Midhat’s bitter personal enemies, appeared at - the trial as President of the Tribunal. He says, privately, by way - of exculpating himself, that in the preliminary inquiry he never - signed any official documents, and that during the trial of Midhat he - ceded his presidency to one of the other judges; but these specious - arguments increase rather than diminish his moral guilt. He refrained - from signing official documents simply in order to avoid giving - occasion for an appeal _en cassation_, and his making a distinction - between Midhat and the other prisoners entailed new violations of - judicial procedure, for it prevented Midhat from being present during - a great part of the trial. Besides this, the distinction was more - specious than real, for by procuring the condemnation of the other - prisoners, he impliedly secured Midhat’s condemnation likewise; - and though he did not sit on the bench when Midhat was present, - he joined his colleagues in the consulting‐room when the ex‐Grand - Vizier’s demand for permission to cross‐question the witnesses - was considered and rejected. Not content with having a devoted - adherent like Sourouri in the President’s chair, the Palace further - controlled the proceedings by Raghib Bey, one of the Sultan’s private - secretaries, and Djevdet Pasha, the obsequious Minister of Justice, - who is one of Midhat’s personal enemies. These two personages sat - behind the judges on a bench, and secretly gave directions in moments - of hesitation and difficulty. I can state this without fear of - contradiction, for during one of the sittings I was myself on the - bench, and carefully observed what was invisible to the audience. The - conduct of the Public Prosecutor was naturally in keeping with that - of the chief judge. I am assured by eye‐witnesses that he entered - the consultation‐room when the judges had retired to consider their - verdict, but as I did not see this with my own eyes, I refrain from - drawing any conclusion. Another act of his, however, may be commented - on, because it took place in public. Midhat’s attitude during the - preliminary investigation seemed to indicate that he would seek to - obtain the Imperial clemency by raising no difficulties, and by - making no serious attempt to defend himself at the trial; and as none - of the other prisoners were sufficiently conversant with the law to - embarrass the Prosecution, it was hoped that the proceedings might - be hurried through in a single sitting. These plans were prevented - by Midhat’s energetic action on the first day of the trial, and it - was then considered necessary to find some means of effectually - crushing him. A convenient instrument was at hand in the person of - a certain Rifat Effendi, who professed to have heard Midhat say one - day in Damascus that it was necessary to put Aziz out of the way, - because otherwise he might have returned to power and have strangled - the Minister who had deposed him. As Rifat was not in the list of - witnesses, he could not be called without due notice having been - given to the Court; but the Public Prosecutor overlooked this little - formality and called him next day. When Midhat heard this new and - unexpected piece of evidence, he very soon disposed of it, and was at - no pains to conceal what he thought of Rifat’s character, conduct and - motive. - - “A few words now to show how the prisoners were treated. According - to the Code of Criminal Procedure the accused has a right to choose - his own advocate, and to have free communication with him. In the - present trial the advocate was chosen by some anonymous personage - in the Palace, without the accused having been consulted as to the - choice, and free communication was not allowed. On this subject - Midhat asserts that he saw his counsel only twice. On the first - occasion they had only time to read about an eighth part of the - indictment, and on the second they were favoured with the presence of - Raghib Bey, one of the Sultan’s private secretaries, who listened to - all that was said. Worse than this, with prodigious ingenuity each - advocate was entrusted with the duty of defending prisoners belonging - to different categories and employing mutually contradictory modes of - defence. Refik Effendi, for example, was ordered to defend on the one - hand Mustapha the Wrestler—who confessed his own guilt, and accused - Fahri of having taken an active part in the assassination—and on the - other hand the said Fahri, who maintained that Abdul Aziz committed - suicide. In like manner Shukri Effendi had to defend on the one - hand Midhat, and on the other hand Nouri Pasha, who endeavoured to - exculpate himself at Midhat’s expense. The idea of crippling the - defence in this ingenious way is exquisitely Oriental, and rendered - almost superfluous the half‐pathetic, half‐menacing exhortation - made to the advocates at the Palace that they should refrain from - adding to the Sultan’s numerous embarrassments and trust to His - Majesty’s clemency. Equally Oriental and characteristic is the fact - that the learned gentlemen who undertook the so‐called defence on - such conditions, showed no signs of being ashamed of themselves. - It is hardly necessary to say that they carefully abstained from - cross‐questioning the witnesses and sifting the evidence, and did not - object when the President and the Public Prosecutor assumed important - facts without proving them. - - “With regard to the way in which Midhat was threatened, it is - difficult to speak without using strong terms of indignation. Not a - particle of carefully sifted evidence against him was produced, and - he was refused means of defending himself against the unsubstantiated - assertions of his accusers, though he proved from the Code that he - was asking no more than he had a right to demand. If his sentence - is carried out, his execution will be simply a judicial murder, - perpetrated from motives of political vengeance and personal enmity. - As for the other prisoners, I cannot pretend to say whether they - really committed the crime with which they are charged, but I can - unhesitatingly assert that their guilt was not legally proved. - - “The judicial inquiry, which has thus been brought to a close, - was instituted, as I informed you at the time, for the purpose - of removing and frightening possible conspirators, and thereby - preventing a revolution for the future; but it may be doubted whether - in the long run it will have the desired effect, for I noticed - that even among Ottoman subjects, surrounded by Palace spies, the - feelings of indignation were sometimes stronger than those of fear.” - - - _“Times,” 7th July 1881._—“_Constantinople, 5th July_—The appeal - of the prisoners condemned for the assassination of Abdul Aziz will - shortly be considered by the Court of Review, and it is almost - certain that in spite of the gross irregularities and flagrant - illegality of the proceedings the sentence will be confirmed. - Immediately after the close of the trial on Wednesday, the judges - of this Higher Court were summoned to the Palace and received their - instructions, which will, of course, be followed, irrespective of all - considerations of justice and equity. The possibility, therefore, - that the judgment may be annulled and a new trial ordered, may be - left out of account, and the only practical question that remains - is whether the Sultan will have the sentence carried out. For some - days the general opinion at the Palace was that the nine who had - been condemned to death would be all executed, but I have now very - good reason to believe, as I informed you on Sunday, that those who - did not actually take part in the assassination will have their - sentence commuted to imprisonment for life at Taïf, near Mecca. This - unexpected clemency is to be attributed, at least in part, to the - excitement and indignation which the mode of conducting the trial - has produced both in Pera and Stamboul. The Sultan learned that - the Embassy Dragomans had unanimously condemned the proceedings as - irregular; that the Ambassadors had telegraphed in this sense to - their respective Governments; that the newspaper correspondents had - unsparingly described and criticised the way in which the proceedings - had been conducted, and that even in Stamboul, among good Mussulmans, - the trial had produced an impression very different from what was - intended. In these circumstances His Majesty perceived that it would - be dangerous to have the sentence carried out, and he determined to - commute it. At the same time, in order to counteract the conviction - that the whole story of the assassination was an invention, rumours - were propagated, through the local Press and other channels, that - nearly all the accused had made partial confessions. The _Vakyt_, for - example, published yesterday mutual recriminations between Mahmoud - and Nouri, and to‐day those of Midhat and Mehemed Rushdi. All such - stories must be accepted with great reserve, for they are certainly - told, and possibly invented, for the purpose of prejudicing - public opinion against the prisoners. In spite of these efforts to - supplement defective legal evidence, many people, and among them the - mother of Abdul Aziz, and some of the doctors who examined his body, - still hold to the conviction that there was no assassination and - that Abdul Aziz committed suicide. Without endorsing this opinion, I - can confidently assert that the trial has by no means cleared up the - mystery. The semi‐official announcements that the _Valide Sultana has - thanked the Sultan for having brought the assassins to justice are - untrue, for she has all through the inquiry obstinately maintained - that her son perished by his own hand, and that she was partly to - blame for having given him the famous scissors_.” - - “I am now in a position to explain why the prosecution showed such - anxiety to get Midhat condemned, and employed such unjustifiable - means for this purpose. It may be remembered that some months ago the - Sultan was greatly alarmed by a revolutionary propaganda, of which - the chief instigator was believed to be the ex‐Khedive. A judicial - functionary, who has since taken a prominent part in the trial, - was ordered to make an inquiry, and came to the conclusion that - Midhat was implicated in the propaganda. The conclusion was probably - erroneous, but it made a strong impression on the Sultan’s mind, and - from that moment Midhat’s fate was decided. As no legal proofs of his - complicity in the seditious agitation could be produced, other means - had to be employed for getting rid of him, and the regicide inquiry - was used for this purpose.” - - - _“Times,” 11th July 1881._—“_Constantinople, 10th July._—During - the last few days representations have been twice made to the - Sultan by the British Ambassador concerning the State trial. It is - believed at the Palace that Lord Dufferin acted on the first occasion - spontaneously, and on the second occasion by the express orders of - Lord Granville. The later communication is said to be couched in - strong terms, urging His Majesty for his own sake to refrain from - carrying out the sentence of the tribunal. The Sultan has received - also a telegram from the Ottoman Embassy in London, in which Musurus - Pasha describes the unfavourable impression produced by the trial in - England, and implores His Majesty to prevent at least the capital - punishment being inflicted.” - - - _“Times,” 28th July 1881._—“_Constantinople, 26th July._—Since the - judgment was pronounced at the State trial considerable hesitation - and embarrassment have harassed the Sultan and given rise to - numberless exaggerated and contradictory rumours, which I have - thought it undesirable to report at the time of their production, - because they were in some cases manifestly without foundation and - in others largely improbable. During the last few days, however, - an attempt has been made on the part of the Sultan to lessen his - responsibility in the matter, through the instrumentality of a Grand - Council, comprising the highest dignitaries of the State both in - and out of office. The Council contained twenty‐seven members, of - whom five were ex‐Grand Viziers, fourteen were Ministers in and - out of office, and eight were Ulemas. We now hear that in that - solemn assembly, which sat at the Palace for three days, opinions - were divided, and finally an important minority courageously voted - against carrying out the extreme penalty of the law, especially in - the case of those of the accused who had not confessed, and against - whom no positive proof of guilt had been elicited at the trial. - This minority is said to have included most of the more prominent - members, viz.:—four Grand Viziers and the present Prime Minister, - three Ministers in the Cabinet, one of the most influential high - ecclesiastics, and one former Minister. The majority is said to - have voted in the sense of a confirmation of the judgment given - at the trial, subject, of course, to the exercise of the Imperial - clemency. It included ten Ministers in office, most of them specially - antagonistic to Midhat Pasha, and seven Ulemas. The Sultan has - chosen to adopt the opinion of the minority and to decide that the - accused shall be banished for life. It is not quite clear why, in - the circumstances, His Majesty should have chosen this course; for - it was supposed that the Council had been called together with a - view to make it share the responsibility of the signature of the - death‐warrants, which His Majesty hesitated to sign without the - direct sanction of the great officers of State. The repugnance of - the Sultan to have criminals executed is well known, and since his - accession he is said never to have sanctioned a single capital - sentence. While securing the removal of the criminals to some - distant and safe locality, where they will be powerless to work - harm, he avoids at the same time the issuing of the fatal decree, - so repugnant to his feelings. Much must be attributed to the action - of our own Government. Brilliant, indeed, has been the commencement - of the mission of Lord Dufferin, who has already gained much favour - in public opinion here both native and foreign. Considering the - popularity and prominent personal value of at least one of the - accused Pashas, the impression that his life has been saved through - the intervention of the British Ambassador tends to remove much of - the popular clamour which had lately become so loud against British - influence, and it is a significant sign of the times that one of the - semi‐official Turkish organs publishes to‐day an article advocating a - close alliance between England and Turkey. A few months ago this same - officially inspired print loudly proclaimed that England’s friendship - was more hurtful to Turkey than the enmity of any other Power.” - - - _“Times,” 1st August 1881._—“_Constantinople, 30th July._—The - Sultan is greatly disappointed with the result of the State trial. - He expected that the proceedings would have received the approval - of public opinion, both in Turkey and in Western Europe, and he - finds that the reverse has been the case. The Court of Appeal, as - I ventured to predict, confirmed the sentence; but the Ulemas, - who are the custodians and expounders of the Sacred Law, made an - evasive reply to the questions addressed to them, and in the Grand - Council, composed of Ministers and other great personages, there was - a large and influential section of members who recommended that the - capital sentence should not be carried out. Both in the Assembly of - Ulemas and in the Grand Council the proceedings were very curious, - as showing that, even under the present reign of terror, there are - a few men who have the courage to maintain openly opinions which - they know to be unpalatable in the highest quarters. The obsequious - Sheik‐ul‐Islam, for example, who wished to cover the illegal - proceedings by art, encountered a determined resistance from the - Mufti Emini, whose duty it is to give a written decision to any legal - questions which may be addressed to him. The old man said in a calm - decided tone: ‘During my long life, I have never willingly given an - unjust decision, and now, when I have one foot in the grave, I shall - certainly not begin to deviate knowingly from the path of right. - The accused have been tried and condemned by a Civil tribunal, - according to laws and a procedure with which we have no professional - acquaintance. If we are to give a decision, the case must be tried - again from the commencement, according to the procedure prescribed by - the Sacred Law. To the question as it at present stands, the Sacred - Law provides no answer, and consequently no _fetva_ can be issued.’ - - “Similar courage was shown by some of the civil functionaries, - especially Haireddin Pasha, who, with his usual frankness and - fearlessness, condemned the proceedings of the Criminal Tribunal - in no measured terms. The ex‐Grand Vizier, Safvet and Kadri, spoke - more cautiously in the same sense. Osman, Mahmoud Nedim, and - Djevdet, Minister of Justice, were in favour of having the sentence - executed. Soubhi Pasha tried to find a middle course. He admitted - that irregularities might have been committed by the Tribunal, but - at the same time maintained that the Council had no power to reverse - the decision. This argument was tersely refuted by Haireddin, who - reminded his colleagues that they were called upon, not to reverse - the decision, but simply to give advice regarding the exercise of the - Imperial clemency. The Sultan, as you have heard, has commuted the - capital sentence as far as his two brothers‐in‐law are concerned, - on the ground that these personages acted according to stringent - superior orders. In this way one of the objects for which the trial - was instituted is attained more completely than by executing the - accused, for the ex‐Sultan Murad, who is supposed still to have - adherents, is thereby represented as being the real culprit.” - - * * * * * - - _Parliamentary Debates, 1st July 1881._—“Mr M’COAN asked the - Under‐Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether any other report - than that published at the time had been received from Dr Dickson - (page 90), physician to Her Majesty’s Embassy at Constantinople, and - a member of the Medical Commission, who examined the body of the - late Sultan Abdul Aziz immediately after his death, of the result of - such examination, and, if there be, whether he will lay it upon the - table of the House; and also, whether in the interests of justice - and humanity, and in view of the report made at the time by such - Medical Commission, it is the intention of Her Majesty’s Government - to interpose its friendly good offices at the Porte, or directly - with the Sultan, to save Midhat Pasha, and any or all of the other - persons convicted with him yesterday of complicity in the alleged - murder of Abdul Aziz, from execution of the sentences severally - passed upon them. He desired to express, before the question was - answered, his absolute distrust of the capacity and probity of the - members of the Turkish court which conducted the recent trial; and, - from his own personal knowledge, he accepted all the responsibility - of stating that they were persons not entitled to the respect of - Europe, or of that House. - - “Sir CHARLES W. DILKE—Sir, the substance of a report by Dr Dickson - was laid before Parliament (_Turkey_, No. 3, 1876), and no further - report has been received. Lord Granville is in communication with - Lord Dufferin with regard to the recent State trial; but it would be - premature to make any announcement at present.” - - * * * * * - - _4th July 1881._—“Earl DE LA WARR asked the noble Earl the Secretary - of State for Foreign Affairs whether any information could be given - with reference to the trial of Midhat Pasha, which was now proceeding - at Constantinople. He was quite aware that this was a question of - great delicacy as regarded interference on the part of Her Majesty’s - Government; but it could not be otherwise than a matter of deep - interest to their Lordships, and to the country generally, to know - that all that was possible was being done to insure a just trial, - as upon the issue of the trial might depend the life of a great and - distinguished statesman. - - “Earl GRANVILLE—My Lords, I have been in communication with Lord - Dufferin on this subject, which is exciting great interest in Europe. - Of the trial I have received no authentic report, and it would - clearly not be right for me to express any official opinion upon it. - I am not, at the present moment, able to give your Lordships any - further information on the subject.” - - - _7th July 1881._—“Mr STAVELEY HILL asked the Under Secretary of - State for Foreign Affairs whether he had any information from - Constantinople, with regard to the fate of Midhat Pasha. - - “Sir CHARLES W. DILKE—I can give no information upon this subject. - The telegrams which have passed, up to the present time, do not show - what are Lord Dufferin’s views; but representations are being made.” - - - _11th July 1881._—“Viscount FOLKESTONE (for Mr Staveley Hill) - asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether Her - Majesty’s Ambassador at Constantinople has been instructed to call - the attention of the advisers of the Sultan to the allegations of - the grave irregularities in the trial of Midhat Pasha, and to urge - upon His Majesty that the execution of that distinguished statesman - upon the result of such a trial may be regarded as a judicial murder - brought about by political rivals. - - “Mr M’COAN asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs - whether the Christoferides Effendi who presided at the recent trial - of Midhat Pasha is identical with the person of the same name who, in - May 1871, was an employé of the Turkish Ministry of Police. - - “Sir CHARLES W. DILKE—Sir, with regard to the first question, I - have to say that this is a somewhat delicate matter. I have already - said that communications are passing. Looking to the object which - the hon. Member has in view, it would not be wise that I should make - any public statement at the present time. The second question I must - answer in the affirmative.” - - - _21st July 1881._—“Mr M’COAN asked if there was any truth in the - newspaper report of that day that Midhat Pasha was to be sent in - exile to a place near Mecca. - - “Sir CHARLES DILKE said that up to four o’clock that afternoon no - telegram had reached the Foreign Office to that effect.” - - - _22nd July 1881._—“Mr M’COAN asked the Under Secretary of State for - Foreign Affairs if he had received any information with regard to the - execution of the sentence passed on Midhat Pasha. - - “Sir CHARLES W. DILKE said that within the last forty‐eight hours - they had received no further information from Lord Dufferin on the - subject. - - “Mr M’COAN said in view of a telegram of peculiar significance - published that morning, and which seemed to point to an almost - immediate decision in regard to the sentence passed at the recent - State trial at Constantinople, he must plead the urgency and gravity - of the case if he trespassed upon the time of the House for a few - moments, and would, if necessary, conclude with a motion. The case - was, shortly, this:—One of the most noted figures in European - politics, a statesman of the highest antecedents and reputation - (‘No!’), at least, for an Eastern statesman, had been tried in a way - notorious to the House, and his life at that moment was trembling - in the balance. He did not say that Her Majesty’s Government could - bring any more pressure to bear on the Porte than they had done - with reference to the subject. He was aware of the delicacy and - difficulty, probably the impracticability, of any Government putting - pressure upon the Sultan, except in the way of friendly intercession, - which so far, had had no effect. He therefore now wished to elicit - from the House its opinion in reference to the recent trial and the - action of the Turkish Government with respect to it, and he had - reason to believe that such expression of opinion would have the best - possible effect at Constantinople. Midhat Pasha, after passing a - distinguished official career, became Governor of Bulgaria, which he - found overrun with brigandage, and in such a state that the revenue - could not be collected. In a few months he put down brigandage, - caused the revenue to be collected, and, under his rule, Bulgaria - became one of the most prosperous provinces of the Turkish Empire. - One of his most persistent opponents was the Russian Ambassador. - Midhat was doing everything to revive European confidence in Turkey, - and as that did not suit Russian views, General Ignatieff became his - most persistent enemy, and intrigued against him. - - “Mr NEWDEGATE rose to order. He submitted that the Honourable and - learned member was asking the House to give an expression of opinion - upon a motion for adjournment, which was placing the House in a false - position, because it was precluded by its own forms from giving an - opinion on that subject on a motion of adjournment. - - “Mr SPEAKER said that, as the House was aware, the only question on - which the judgment of the House could be taken on the motion for - adjournment was whether the House should or should not adjourn. - - “Mr M’COAN said he would make his observations very brief. - Subsequently Midhat Pasha became Governor of Bagdad. It was said by - some that Midhat Pasha was a poor man, and therefore, presumably, - an honest man; by others that he was a rich man, and therefore, - presumably, a corrupt man; and he was sorry to say that a very high - authority—the Prime Minister—had given expression to the latter - opinion in an article he published. This, however, he knew: that - though the revenues of the provinces he governed, passed through - Midhat Pasha’s hands, he returned from each of them a poor man—in - one case not having sufficient funds to pay his own and his retinue’s - travelling expenses, and in another not being possessed of £500. - Afterwards he became Grand Vizier, and his famous Constitution - elicited from Liberal politicians everywhere praise and admiration, - and it was no fault of his that that admirable scheme did not become - an organic law of Turkey. He failed in his efforts to reform the - Administration, and to turn corrupt misrule into good government. - Subsequently, both in Syria and Smyrna, he carried out the same - principles of administrative reform. He was undoubtedly a party to - the deposition of the Sultan; but it was widely believed that he - was no party to his death, if he did not die by suicide. The Under - Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs had admitted that the Report - of the Medical Commission was in favour of the opinion that the death - was caused by suicide. Dr Dickson, the physician to the English - Embassy at Constantinople, joined in that opinion, and had assured - him (Mr M’Coan) that after the most careful examination of the body - he was clearly of opinion that it was a case of suicide. But what - happened at the so‐called trial? Why, that two of the doctors, who - had as Commissioners certified that it was a case of suicide—Marco - Pasha and Dr Castro—actually at the trial gave evidence to the - effect that, in their opinion, death had been caused by murder. Such - evidence was worthy of the tribunal before which it had been given. - In a reply to a question put by him, the Under Secretary of State - for Foreign Affairs had stated that the President at the trial had - been formerly an employé of the Municipal Police at Constantinople, - and that he had himself positive knowledge of the corruption of the - man when he held a judicial position. He had also evidence, though - not so direct, that this same person had continued to be one of the - most corrupt judicial functionaries in the service of the Porte; and - also evidence, less direct still, that the other members of the Court - which tried the State prisoners were of no whit better character. - No European community, therefore, would hang a dog upon the finding - of such a tribunal. He knew that Her Majesty’s Government could not - interfere directly, and that an unofficial or indirect appeal on - the part of Her Majesty’s Ambassador might have no effect, but he - was proud to know that no other opinion in Europe could have such - an effect upon the Porte, or in the Palace, as that of the House of - Commons, because it was thoroughly understood there that such opinion - reflected that of the country, and so influenced the action of the - Government. He begged to move the adjournment of the House, in the - hope that such opinion would be expressed on behalf of an innocent, - distinguished, and falsely condemned statesman. - - “THE O’DONOGHUE seconded the motion. - - “Motion made and question proposed.—‘That this House do now - adjourn’—(Mr M’COAN). - - “Sir H. DRUMMOND‐WOLFF said he would not follow the last speaker - in criticising the trial that had taken place at Constantinople, - a trial which he thought would not be considered satisfactory in - this country. He would not make an appeal to the right honourable - gentleman at the Head of the Government to interfere in regard to - the trial; but he would remind him that upon more than one occasion - the interference of the British Government had saved the lives of - men who had been condemned to death in Turkey. He trusted that the - Premier would see his way to take some steps to bring the influence - of Her Majesty’s Government to bear upon the Porte, with a view of, - at any rate, reducing the sentence passed on Midhat Pasha. He was a - man of what was called a very liberal mind, and had discharged his - duties in a remarkably impartial manner, and with much enlightenment, - considering the difficulties under which he had had to labour. He - ventured to suggest that the Premier would be doing a graceful act in - using his great influence on behalf of this unfortunate man. - - “Mr ASHMEAD BARTLETT said it was remarkable to notice the intense - interest taken in Turkish Pashas by the honourable gentleman, who - had lost no opportunity hitherto of denouncing them. The trial had - by no means been so unfair as was represented, and the evidence - against most of the accused was very strong. Everyone sympathised - with Midhat Pasha, who was a great statesman and patriot, and it - would be a most unfortunate thing if the trial resulted in his - death. He doubted, however, if there was any danger of that. The - present Sultan was a most humane and kind‐hearted man—and neither - Midhat Pasha nor the other two Ministers who were condemned with - him were in danger of execution. He thought the question might be - safely left to the discretion of Her Majesty’s Government without - any formal expression of opinion by the House. It would be most - unfortunate if any representations were made on behalf of the other - condemned Ministers, Mahmoud Damad and Nouri Pashas, who were openly - corrupt, and were guilty of almost every possible offence against the - interests of their country and of civilisation. It would be a matter - of rejoicing if they could be brought to justice. It would be better - if representations were made diplomatically by the Government without - the direct interference of the House; and although the influence of - the British Government was much less than it used to be, he had no - doubt they would have due effect. - - “Mr GLADSTONE—I do not know that much advantage would be gained - by a prolongation of the discussion. In answer to the appeals - made, especially by the honourable Member for Portsmouth (Sir H. - Drummond‐Wolff), I think I can state very briefly what is a very - simple matter—namely, the limits of action laid down for us, and - the fact that we have not scrupled to act within them. Those limits - were necessarily narrow. I was sorry to hear the honourable gentleman - who made this motion introduce statements of so pointed a character - respecting the individuals who have been called upon to conduct - the inquiry. He may be quite warranted in all he says; but it is - perfectly impossible that we can know that, and it is perfectly - impossible, in justice to those individuals, to go in this House into - the circumstances of which he speaks. If the trial be bad, an attempt - to re‐try the case in an Assembly of this kind, with the view to an - expression of opinion on the definitive merits of the case, would - likewise, be open to much objection. - - “The real state of the case is this—Have we a right of intervention - in a matter of this kind? Clearly we have none. I use the words - ‘right of intervention.’ But there are considerations of policy and - humanity which have, on various occasions, led to representations, - more or less formal, which are in the nature of interference - with private affairs, but which are grounded on a sincere and - dispassionate anxiety, in the first place, for the general - principles of humanity and justice, and, in the second place, for - the interests of the great Power in whose counsels you appear to - intervene. Unquestionably, though we have no power to pass a final - sentence on the nature of the proceedings in Constantinople, there - has been a public opinion in regard to these proceedings, both in - Constantinople and Europe generally, such as to make us believe that - it would be greatly for the interest of the Sultan of Turkey were - he moved to pursue a humane and liberal course. Recognising these - facts, we have not scrupled to act upon them. So early as 4th July - instructions were sent to Lord Dufferin to use the least obtrusive, - but, at the same time, the most confidential, direct and effective - means to make the kind of representations which we desired to be - made. Lord Dufferin has, I think, with as much tact and delicacy as - are in the possession of any man, and with, at the same time, as much - good feeling and zeal, acted readily upon these instructions, and - has, to the best of his power, made representations in the general - sense I have described. We have no doubt whatever that a lenient - and a considerate course will give satisfaction to the enlightened - opinion of Europe, and will be greatly for the interests and peace of - Turkey. Having said that, I think I had better add no more. I see no - advantage in implicating or attempting to pass judgment on anyone. - We have stood on the purely general consideration I have described; - and I believe the House will be disposed to think, on the general - statement I have made, that without any special merit on our part, we - have discharged our duty. - - “Mr J. COWEN said he was sure the House had listened with - satisfaction to the humane and generous observations of the Prime - Minister. He trusted his hon. friend, the Member for Wicklow, having - elicited such an expression of opinion, would be content, and not - push his motion to a division. He entirely sympathised with him - in the course he had pursued. It was desirable that the British - Parliament should have an opportunity of recording its opinion of the - very exceptional proceedings under the name of law that had recently - taken place at Constantinople. Midhat Pasha was a distinguished - Turkish Pasha. He had served his country ably and honourably in the - highest offices the Sultan could confer. He had proved himself to - be a friend of England and of progressive principles. He (Mr Cowen) - had the privilege of his acquaintance, and he could confirm the - high character that the hon. Member for Wicklow had given him. He - recognised the delicacy of the position, and he could appreciate the - difficulties that the Premier had referred to. To interfere with the - action of the Turkish Courts, however they were constituted, might - be regarded as trenching upon the freedom of an independent State. - If representations were made in a too emphatic way, they might be - resented by the Sultan, and have the very opposite effect than was - designed. This was a possibility which they should all bear in mind, - and of which the Government, no doubt, were conscious. They should - remember also that it was impossible for the House to review the - proceedings of the Constantinople tribunal. They might have their - opinions; but they were not, and could not, be informed of all the - details. But still, admitting all this, the English Government had - on other occasions interceded with foreign rulers on behalf of - fallen statesmen or popular leaders. There were many instances in - history where there had been such friendly interference; and they - had, therefore, the warrant of precedent for doing what was now - suggested. He trusted that the Government would—with all the energy - that they felt themselves justified in using, but at the same time, - with the necessary friendliness—intercede on behalf of Midhat - Pasha. The Prime Minister had said that instructions to that effect - would be sent to Lord Dufferin, and the House and the country would - feel satisfied that any appeal by him would be supported by a man - of great ability, high character, and of generous spirit. Having - called attention to the subject and made this representation, he - would advise that the matter be allowed to rest in the hands of Her - Majesty’s Government. - - - “Mr M’COAN asked leave to withdraw the motion.” - - - _29th July 1881._—“Lord STRATHEDEN AND CAMPBELL, in rising to ask - the Government whether their influence at Constantinople is being - exercised to arrest proceedings in the case of Midhat Pasha, said he - hoped that in the absence—which he regretted—of the noble earl the - Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, some member of the Government - would be able to give an answer to his question. No doubt all the - members of the Government knew what answer to give, because the Prime - Minister really decided these matters, and his colleagues must be in - possession of his views. The fate of Midhat Pasha was a question in - which the people of this country took great interest. There was no - doubt that he had not had a fair trial, and obstacles were put in the - way of his defending himself. There was little doubt that Abdul Aziz - had put an end to his own life; and he thought that the public law of - Europe, about which so much had been said of late years, should be - put in motion on his behalf. It might be said that public law would - be an obstacle to exercising influence to arrest proceedings in the - case; but if that were so, public law had been set at nought by every - ambassador whom the Queen had employed at Constantinople recently. - - - “Lord STANLEY OF ALDERLEY said he regretted the course which the - noble lord had taken as damaging to his consistency, since he usually - respected the law of nations; but now he asked the Government to do - something which was quite contrary to it. He was not only asking them - to obtain a commutation of the sentence passed on Midhat Pasha, but - to arrest proceedings. A month ago the noble lord intimated that the - Foreign Secretary had not the control of the Foreign Office, but that - the Prime Minister had; and the Prime Minister had stated in ‘another - place’ that this was a case in which the Government had no right - to interfere. The noble lord should have been satisfied with that - answer. When Midhat Pasha was Grand Vizier he was responsible for - what was going on at Constantinople; and after the time that Sultan - Abdul Aziz Khan’s death took place, he did not institute any enquiry - into any of the circumstances that had surrounded it. No doubt, it - was unfortunate that in the recent trial the Ottoman Government - had adopted European forms, and it would have been better if the - Turkish Government had followed their own forms of trial in this - case. However, he had no doubt that substantial justice had been done - to Midhat Pasha. The present question was, moreover, unnecessary, - because the sentence had already been commuted, and Midhat Pasha was - going into a healthy climate, where there need be no fear on account - of his health. Midhat Pasha was a good administrator in Bulgaria, - but he had been too much praised for what he had done, and, on the - whole, he was an ignorant, rather than a learned man. However, in - Midhat Pasha’s present situation, he would rather not make further - observations upon his administration of affairs. There was no ground - for any alarm in regard to the country to which he was banished. - - - “The Earl of KIMBERLEY said he was sorry that his noble friend the - Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs was not present to answer the - question of the noble lord. As to the actual form of the question, - he agreed with his noble friend opposite (Lord Stanley of Alderley) - that it would be an extraordinary interference on the part of one - Government to exercise its influence upon another, in order to arrest - proceedings which the latter had thought it necessary to take in - regard to an accusation against a subject of that Government. But - probably his noble friend desired to know what course had been taken - by Her Majesty’s Government in the whole matter; and what he had - to say was that in a question of so much delicacy, involving the - internal Government of the Porte, and touching the Sultan himself, - Her Majesty’s Government had not thought that it would be desirable - to exercise any direct advice or interference; but feeling, as they - did, an interest in this matter, they had been able, through Lord - Dufferin, in a perfectly private and unofficial manner, to express - their wish that it might be the pleasure of the Sultan to deal with - this matter in a merciful spirit. He was not in a position to state - that it had been officially notified that the sentence passed upon - the incriminated Pashas had been commuted; but he had good reason to - believe that the statement in the newspapers alluded to, that the - sentence had been commuted to banishment to Arabia, was true.” - - -The result of the humanitarian intervention on the part of the English -Government was that the death sentence on Midhat Pasha was changed to -one of imprisonment for life. - -The Sultan Abdul Hamid knew far better than any one else that Midhat -was innocent, and that Abdul Aziz had committed suicide, as was fully -proved by the Medical report; if Abdul Hamid had had genuine proof on -which to accuse Midhat before the eyes of Europe and the law, nothing -could have prevented the death penalty from being executed, since he -had sworn to put an end to Midhat Pasha. Although the Sultan was thus -foiled in his attempt to put away Midhat by form of law, he did not -relinquish his intention, but sought other clandestine means to attain -it. How this was accomplished, will be proved by documents in the -following pages. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -EXILE OF MIDHAT PASHA - - -The Sultan, yielding to the humane intervention of England and Europe, -named the town of Taïf, in Arabia, as the place of exile for Midhat -Pasha. Taïf is a town situated to the south of Mecca, and is renowned -for its verdure and for its surrounding fortress. Midhat Pasha, Damad -Mahmoud Djelaleddin and Nouri Pashas, with the other prisoners, were -taken by a special steamer and landed at Djeddah, and reached Taïf by -way of Mecca. The Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Haïroullah Effendi, who had been on a -pilgrimage to Mecca when he was accused of being an accomplice in the -alleged murder of Abdul Aziz, had been imprisoned at Taïf, where Midhat -found him on his arrival. - -After the banishment of Midhat, his family were detained in exile -in Smyrna, and his son and daughter sought refuge from any possible -contingency at the British Consulate, where they remained for three -months, returning to their mother when the storm of these events had -passed. Two years after his exile, Midhat sent his family the most -alarming information in his letters, of which we give a translation. -These letters were carried to Smyrna by men who were the devoted -friends of the family, and who made the journey for that express -purpose. - - -_Translation of an Autograph Letter from Midhat Pasha (from the Prison -of Taïf) to his Family._ - - “MY DEAR FAMILY,—Nearly a month ago I sent you a letter through - Saïd Bey—the last that I was able to write before this—in which - I gave you the list of the numbered letters which I had previously - sent you. A week after, I became ill with an abscess on the right - shoulder‐blade. Later on, this was diagnosed as being anthrax. It - caused me very great suffering. The only doctor here is quite a young - man, without any experience. My companions in exile,[26] seeing my - condition, became very uneasy, and, without consulting me, took upon - themselves to address a letter to the Governor of Mecca, asking that - a doctor might be sent here. But they did not receive any reply - from this personage, who, however, had just received through an - aide‐de‐camp sent from Constantinople the firman bestowing on him the - rank of marshal, and also strict secret orders that we must perish, - either by starvation or by some other means. - - “To this end the Vali chose Major Bekir Effendi, who was charged with - our surveillance and with the execution of this mission. As soon as - he arrived, Bekir dismissed our servants and cooks and reduced our - rations. I was in bed, suffering from the pain of this abscess, when - Bekir came and told me the orders he had received, which he did in - a severe voice, with a rough tone and without the least touch of - feeling. He told us that we must be contented with a little soup and - with vegetables, which would be served to us in one of those bowls - used by the soldiers, and that we were strictly forbidden to procure - other food than that which was provided for us. At the same time he - forbade us to have our linen washed, a task which each one of us must - perform for himself. Besides this, he took away the inkstand, pen - and paper that was at our disposition, and everything necessary for - correspondence. Luckily, I had burned your letters, although they - contained nothing compromising, but complications might have arisen - from them if they had fallen into their hands. - - “This part of his mission accomplished, Major Bekir had the wife and - child of Haïroullah Effendi, who were occupying a separate house, - sent off to Mecca that very night. Our servants and cooks followed - very soon afterwards. - - “The treatment to which we are submitted is one means of many to - get rid of us. For my companions have always been accustomed to - luxury and ease, and even though hunger may oblige them to eat the - poor food given to the soldiers, their health cannot endure such a - regimen, and they will certainly end by succumbing, but only after - how much suffering and misery! I cannot give you an idea of the - melancholy into which they are plunged. They are constantly praying - Heaven for their deliverance. As to me, what I find the most painful, - is being deprived of my servant, whom they removed by force, and - whose attentions were more than ever necessary to me at a moment when - my state of health has got so much worse. - - “The refusal of the Governor‐General of Mecca to send a doctor, and - the speech and most unjustifiable conduct of Bekir, contributed not a - little to the aggravation of my condition. I had no other consolation - than the hope of quitting this life and of at last succumbing to - the sufferings that I endured. But it cannot be helped; the supreme - hour has not yet come, and I must still suffer. I had lost all hope, - although Heaven in its mercy often reserves consolations for the - unhappy, and relief for their sorrows. - - “I was thus in despair of ever getting well, when, thanks to the - care of my companions, who applied a poultice, the abscess burst - and continued suppurating for a fortnight. Since then the pain has - diminished and the wound is beginning to heal. At the moment when - Haïroullah Effendi’s wife and child, and our servants also, were - embarking at Djeddah for Constantinople, a telegraphic order caused - them to return to Taïf in company with Major Bekir. Thus, when on the - point of becoming free, these unhappy beings were once more cast into - prison. - - “This is a brief statement of our situation, and if no change takes - place in the conditions of our existence, it will be very difficult - for me to send letters as hitherto. The linen, food and money that - you wish to send me will never reach me. Perhaps you could find some - one who might be able to send me my false teeth. Give up any idea - of sending me money, for we are now forbidden to buy any really - nourishing food, such as meat, vegetables, rice, etc., and as to - coffee, coal, and soap, I have plenty of money to buy those. I - embrace you all affectionately. - - “(Signed) MIDHAT. - - “_8th Djemazi‐ul‐Ahir, 1301_” (1883). - (_Year of the Hegira._) - - - “_P.S._—Every morning they bring a bowl of soup for eight people, a - dish of radish leaves or something of that nature; in the evening - we all assemble round these bowls and those who are very hungry are - obliged to eat from them; the others content themselves with a piece - of bread kept back from the day before. Those who have money buy - soap and coal, and heat water for washing their linen. Those who are - without the necessary means use water mixed with cinders. As to me, - who have no teeth, I live on bread‐soup. The abscess is nearly cured, - but my weakness is very great. As I have already told you, all these - means are taken with the sole aim of destroying us. Time will show - who will be the first to give me the _coup de grâce_.” - - -_Another Autograph Letter from Midhat Pasha._ - - “MY DEAR WIFE, MY BELOVED DAUGHTERS, MY DEAR SON ALI HAIDAR,—This - letter is perhaps the last that I shall ever write you; for, as - I told you in my two preceding letters, it is now proved that - in modifying our regimen and in depriving us of all means of - correspondence, they have no other aim than that of getting rid of - us. Besides which they have tried to poison us. - - “Ten days ago, my servant Arif, whom I had ordered to buy some milk - through one of the officers, discovered when he was boiling it that - it was poisoned. Four days after this, Arif, having bought some meat, - prepared it in the evening and placed it in his room. In the morning - we perceived that the metal of the saucepan bore traces of poison. - Several days afterwards they poisoned the water in the jug from - which we drink. All these attempts have been foiled by the attention - and watchfulness of the servant. Seeing this want of success, they - will try other means. We are surrounded by very dangerous people; - especially Major Tcherkesse Bekir, one of the college companions of - the famous Tcherkesse Hassan,[27] who was sent two years ago from - Constantinople to keep watch over us. This Tcherkesse Bekir has, as - accomplices, three non‐commissioned officers, who lodge with us. - Every day the most sinister orders are transmitted to the Vali, - Osman Pasha (Governor of Mecca), who in return for his services - has received a Marshal’s bâton. Yesterday there arrived Colonel - Tcherkesse Mehemet Lutfi, always with the same orders. We are face - to face with very great danger and are threatened with the blackest - designs; I believe that there is little hope that we shall escape. - Perhaps even before receiving this letter you will learn the news - of my death. In this case it is useless to suffer great affliction. - May the merciful God pardon us our sins! And if we are destined to - succumb, there can be no greater happiness than to be martyrs in a - holy cause. - - “My supreme desire is that you should live in peace, united around - the family hearth. May the Almighty God have you in His Holy keeping! - - “(Signed) MIDHAT. - - “_10 Redjeb 1301, O.S._” - (_24th September 1883_). - - -Madame Midhat had these facts brought to the knowledge of Lord -Dufferin, at Constantinople. At the same time the Duke of Sutherland, -who was going to Constantinople, passed through Smyrna and went to see -Midhat’s family, assuring them that he would do all in his power to -persuade the Sultan to give Midhat Pasha his liberty. Lord Dufferin -made representations to the Ottoman Government, and charged the -Dragoman belonging to the British Consulate at Djeddah to procure news -of Midhat’s health from the Grand Shereef of Mecca. The Grand Shereef, -Abdul Mutalib Pasha, assured the Dragoman that Midhat was perfectly -well.[28] But the Sultan, terrified at the relations between the Grand -Shereef Abdul Mutalib and the English Dragoman, accused the former of -holding secret relations with England, with a view to saving Midhat -and combining with him against his person; he therefore disgraced him, -throwing him into the fortress of Taïf. It was on this account that -Midhat, without knowing the real reason, wrote the following letter to -his family on the arrest of the Grand Shereef:— - - -Another Letter from Midhat Pasha to his Family. - - “MY DEAR FAMILY,—Two days ago a very strange event occurred. During - the night of 30th August, at midnight, the house of the Emir of - Mecca, Shereef Abdul Mutalib (who was then in residence at Taïf), was - suddenly surrounded by four battalions of Infantry and four guns. - At daybreak he was torn from his bed and conducted to the fortress - where we are imprisoned. He has been replaced in his office by the - Shereef Abdullah Pasha. It is believed that Abdul Mutalib will be - sent to Constantinople or elsewhere. He is accused of having kept - up a correspondence with the English. The fact that this personage, - who, in his anxiety to please in a high quarter, caused us so much - suffering, is now thrown into a wretched hole of a prison, is a very - great example. However, we can only pity his fate, when we think of - his great age—he is a hundred—and that he is a descendant of the - Prophet. - - “(Signed) MIDHAT. - - “_2nd September 1299, O.S._” - (_14th September 1882._) - - -Whilst the Sultan was assuring England of his good intentions, he was -at the same time maturing his tyrannical plan of execution. Damad Nouri -Pasha had already died—mad; but it was extremely difficult to put a -Sheik‐ul‐Islam to death on a false accusation, and above all before the -“Softa” (Theological Students and Ulemas, of whom he is the Supreme -Head); for this reason, Haïroullah Effendi was placed on one side. -The Vali of Hedjaz—Marshal Osman Nouri Pasha—received an order by -special envoys to see to the execution of the murder. On the 26th of -April, 1883, they entered Midhat’s room during the night, and by means -of a cord they strangled him in his bed without the least resistance. -Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin Pasha attempted to defend himself, but was -overcome by brute force. An eye‐witness of the crime, Haïroullah -Effendi, sent a letter of condolence to the family of Midhat Pasha, of -which we publish a translation. - - -_To the Honourable Family of Midhat Pasha._ - - “I humbly present my most respectful homage to Madame and - Mesdemoiselles Midhat Pasha, and also to his son Ali Haydar Bey, with - the expression of my profound regret and sympathy on the occasion of - the death of our beloved master, Midhat Pasha. May the Almighty grant - them as great a measure of happiness as there are grains of dust in - the earth that covers his martyred remains. - - “You will have heard of his tragic death and of the circumstances - under which it occurred. His Highness did not succumb, as has been - announced in the newspapers, to the illness from which he was - suffering. It is true that he had anthrax, but it was not bubonic. - The truth is that in the same night and at the same moment both - Midhat Pasha and Damad Mahmoud Pasha were strangled. May the Divine - clemency and blessing be upon them. - - “There are many things that I ought to tell you, but I dare not write - more fully, as I am in dread of our persecutors. Kindly let me hear - that you have received this letter, and do not divulge the name of - him who sent it. If you have anything that you wish to ask me you can - write to me. - - “Half of the Pasha’s possessions have been stolen by the employés, - the rest has been sent to Constantinople. - - “The servant, who so faithfully served our lamented Midhat Pasha, is - well worthy of being helped. The Pasha, shortly before his death, - left him £T100. He gave me a note signed to this effect, which I - enclose to you, begging that you will send the poor man the money. - - “I beg you, Madame and Mesdemoiselles, to accept the expression of my - respectful affection. - - - “HASSAN HAÏROULLAH. - (_ex‐Sheik‐ul‐Islam._) - - “TAÏF, _15th Zilkade, 1301_” (1883). - - -Wishing to render a last service to his country, the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, -Haïroullah Effendi, also sent to the Reform Party a record of the -details of this assassination, which is contained in the following -chapter. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -DETAILS OF THE ASSASSINATION OF MIDHAT PASHA, ACCORDING TO -INFORMATION DERIVED FROM HAÏROULLAH EFFENDI. - - -In the course of the third year of his exile at Taïf, Midhat Pasha had -a large tumour on his right shoulder. The doctor, who was permitted -to attend him, was a certain Nashid Effendi, who delayed a fortnight -before diagnosing it as anthrax, and who, being ignorant of all modern -surgical knowledge, did not even perform the necessary operation, -alleging the age of the Pasha as a cause for this omission. - -This infamous and unworthy conduct on the part of the doctor was, at -first, explained in two ways: as he had only just left the School of -Medicine, perhaps he had not sufficient experience, or perhaps he was -acting under superior orders of those who were desirous of the death -of the invalid. But what is certain is that Damad Mahmoud Pasha, -companion in exile of Midhat, having no confidence either in the -capacity or honesty of Nashid, and fearing lest he had some criminal -design, sent a telegram to the Governor‐General of Hedjaz, residing at -Mecca—Osman Nouri Pasha, who is now Marshal and Aide‐de‐camp to Abdul -Hamid—in which he implored him to send another doctor, accusing Nashid -of incapacity. But Osman Nouri had not even the politeness to reply -to him. However, fortunately the anthrax burst of itself, and it was -always this same Nashid, accompanied by an officer, Captain Ibrahim -Aga, who dressed the wound. The state of health of the invalid, which -grew worse from day to day, was caused probably by the treatment to -which he was submitted. It must be said that it is almost by a miracle -that the wound healed eventually, thanks to a different but altogether -rudimentary treatment, which was tried. - -The doctor made a report to the Governor‐General after each visit, and -that official never failed to transmit it regularly by telegraph to -Yildiz Kiosk. - -One day Nashid, after dressing the wound with Ibrahim, suddenly asked -Midhat Pasha, to the general consternation, if it were really true that -in Europe criminals were now only executed by means of chloroform. This -question, simple enough in itself, gave more than one person cause for -reflection. - -Major Bekir[29] of the Third Battalion, 10th Regiment, who was -specially charged with the surveillance of the prisoners, had gone -away some days previously to Mecca and Medina. It was with very great -surprise, therefore, that we saw him enter Midhat Pasha’s room with the -doctor and Ibrahim. When asked the reason of his sudden return, Bekir -replied simply, with extraordinary cunning, that it was only to arrange -certain affairs of the garrison, in the first place, and secondly, to -collect the taxes in the villages situated on the side of Tarié. He -added that he was getting ready for this journey on the receipt of a -special order from the _Muchir_ (Marshal). - -This was a bare‐faced lie, and we shall see further on what was in -reality the mission with which he was charged. - -The sixth day after the arrival of Major Bekir was a Friday, and, as -usual, the servants belonging to the prisoners, accompanied by a -guard, went to the mosque in the town for the Friday prayer. Arif Aga, -servant to Midhat Pasha, remained by his suffering master. - -On their return, Major Bekir stopped them all before the _caracol_ or -guard‐room, and not seeing Arif Aga amongst them, had him at once sent -for. - -Arif refused to obey this order, alleging that he could not leave his -invalid alone. When the Pashas perceived that Bekir insisted, they told -the orderly to fetch him, in order that they might learn the reason -of this inexplicable affair. Bekir, on receiving this communication, -jumped up, and going to Midhat Pasha’s room in the _kalé_ (fortress), -declared in a haughty, insulting manner that the servants would be -dismissed from their service, that in future they would have to be -contented to eat from _caravanas_, and that they would no longer be -allowed to purchase eggs, cheese, nor olives, only tobacco; and last of -all, that they would now be forbidden to present any further requests -to the Sultan. - -Such was the arrogant language employed by Bekir. Later on, changing -his tone, he added with less impertinence that he was charged with a -special mission, and that he had received an order to send Haïroullah -Effendi’s wife (who was living in the town with her baby) first of all -to Mecca, and thence to Constantinople. This was most alarming news to -many, for it all pointed to secret plots. However, there was no other -course open than to await the end with resignation. - -Damad Mahmoud Pasha, who was of a very hot‐blooded disposition, and -who easily got angry, lost patience, and replied to the explanations -of Bekir by demanding that at least the dismissed attendants might be -allowed to return to them in order to settle their accounts. Bekir, -now become almost amiable, replied that this would be contrary to the -orders he had received, but in order to do them a service, he would -take the responsibility upon himself and allow the servants to come, -accompanied by a guard. - -The servants, after their accounts had been settled, were lodged in a -room near the principal door of the barracks. The cooking utensils, -pens, paper, and ink‐stands, which until then had been placed at the -disposition of the Pashas, were now taken from them. Bekir, in order to -make the preparations for his travels, spent the night at the barracks. - -Midhat Pasha had more than once filled the office of Grand Vizier, and -had rendered eminent services to his country. The manner in which they -treated him shocked me, for even under these circumstances, taking into -consideration his age and the weak state of his health, they might have -shown him some consideration. - -A hospital attendant, a soldier, who was completely ignorant of the -habits of the Pasha, was now appointed as his servant. Nevertheless, -Midhat Pasha, we must allow, whilst we render homage to his energy, -submitted to all these humiliations with the greatest calm, and even -with indifference. - -On the 8th of April, a Sunday, Bekir visited Midhat, undoubtedly with -the intention, after some conversation, of taking the latest news to -the Pasha at Hedjaz, for that same day he was going to leave for Mecca, -taking with him the wife of Haïroullah, his child, the servants, and -the cooks. - -“Are you going now?” asked Midhat Pasha of Bekir. - -“Yes, in a few hours,” he replied; “if you have any communications to -make me, will you kindly do so now?” - -“Very well! Listen to me attentively. His Majesty, Abdul Hamid, has -recently raised the Vali to the rank of Marshal, and I congratulate -the latter with all my heart. You know, however, all the services -that I have rendered my country; no one can deny them. You are not -ignorant of the distinguished posts I have successively occupied. -Now, you see how I am treated; I see nothing before me except the -most gloomy prospect, and it is through you that they will get rid -of me. You will be the instruments, and each of you, most probably, -will be promoted; the officer will become colonel, the colonel will be -gazetted as a general, and so on; but remember that you may die after -Abdul Hamid. If you die before, your titles will be inscribed on your -tombs; but if the contrary occurs, then I am convinced it will be quite -otherwise. Pause now, examine your conscience, calculate your own moral -and material interests, and without looking so far ahead, whilst His -Majesty is still alive, just think for a moment what has become of the -Chief President of that arbitrary tribunal which condemned me in so -cowardly a manner, without any tangible proof. It is quite true that -Sourouri Effendi was appointed _Cadi Asker_; but was he not exiled -soon afterwards, under the title of Governor of Manissa. As to Djevdet -Pasha, the second President, he is, as everyone knows, deprived of his -functions, and is now at home—a disgraced man. Think of these events, -and you will form a correct idea of the situation. I see that some -crime is overhanging me. Remember the verse of the Koran which says: -‘Whosoever kills shall be punished with hell and eternal tortures.’... -We are all deserving of chastisement at the hands of Divine Justice. -And now that you know my opinion, will you communicate it faithfully to -the Vali?” - -Bekir grew pale, but plucking up courage, replied: “I have been present -at several battles; but, apart from war, I have never even cut off the -head of a fowl.” The conversation coming to an end, Bekir went out of -the prisoner’s room, and at once started on his journey to Mecca, -accompanied by the individuals we have already mentioned. - -On the seventh day after his departure—a Friday evening—we saw him -return to Taïf. To the general surprise he reinstated the servants in -the Pashas’ service. After a few days Haïroullah’s wife also returned -from Djeddah with her baby and the cook. Haïroullah ordered his servant -Ibrahim to look after his household in the town, and contented himself -with the services of a common soldier. - -The day after his return Bekir once more made his appearance in the -Pashas’ quarters, saying that a new Irade had just been telegraphed -ordering a diminution of the prisoner’s rations and the dismissal of -the cooks. He also presented the greetings from the Vali, who would, -nevertheless, allow them to purchase from the bazaar all that they -needed. - -Why this toleration? What did it mean, coming after the diminution -of the rations and the dismissal of the cooks? Bekir replied to this -maliciously, stating that such a duty was most unpleasing to him, but -that as a soldier he was compelled to obey his superiors, although he -regretted to be unable to act otherwise. - -At this time, Midhat Pasha was fortunately almost entirely cured of his -illness, but they still continued to telegraph daily the state of his -health to the Governor‐General. - -One day Midhat Pasha sent his attendant to the town to buy some milk -from a milkman named Echreff. Immediately on learning this, one of the -officers, told off to guard the prisoners, a certain Nouri, wished to -accompany the soldier to the milkman’s house. On arriving at their -destination, they asked for the milk. Echreff declared that he had only -three _kilos_ of milk, which had been ordered by the General, but -that he would give them one _ock_ at once if it were for the Pasha. -Nouri accepted this offer, and ordered the soldier to take it to Daïra. -This most unexpected and unusual amiability on the part of Nouri was -noticed, and gave rise to suspicions. - -During the Pasha’s illness, it was Saïd Bey, another prisoner, who -watched over the food prepared by Midhat’s servant, Arif Aga. Saïd Bey -at once took care to examine the can that contained this milk, and -noticed to his surprise that the colour of it was unnatural. He tasted -a small spoonful and found that the milk had a bitter flavour that -hurt his throat. Saïd mentioned this fact to several people who were -present, and especially to the lieutenant, Mehemet Aga, and they all -tasted it—some of them even had to keep to their beds for several days -afterwards, having been so imprudent as to take a sufficient quantity -to upset their system. - -When this was related to Midhat Pasha, he at once sent for Mehemet Aga, -and with much self‐restraint spoke to him as follows: “I sent to‐day -for some of the same milk as that ordered by the Binbashi (Major). It -has been found to contain verdigris; this has been proved by all those -who drank it; I believe that you also tasted it.” - -Mehemet acknowledged that the milk had been very much adulterated. -Midhat, still preserving his _sang‐froid_, continued: “Since this is -the case, why do you not go to the Binbashi (Major) and warn him to be -careful not to drink it.” - -The officer went away hurriedly, and soon after returned, saying: -“That the Binbashi was going to send for the milkman, that he intended -to investigate the matter, and that if it were deserved, a severe -punishment would be inflicted. That he meant to get to the bottom of -the whole business.” - -But we learned later on that before Mehemet went to inform the -Binbashi, this latter was in the garden of the military hospital, -surrounded by his confidants, whom he asked from time to time if all -had gone off well! If the milk had been drunk, and if it had proved -efficacious. - -At the same time we were told that several soldiers who had drunk -the Binbashi’s milk had become ill. This, undoubtedly, was nothing -but a rumour which had been purposely spread, and has never received -confirmation from any trustworthy source. - -A sample of this milk was sent to the Binbashi to be analysed by -the doctors. The only reply he made was: “That they had not got the -necessary apparatus for analysis!” This is absolutely incredible. - -In order to save appearances, Bekir sent for Echreff, the milkman, -and remonstrated with him. But Echreff, on his side, protested most -vehemently. Besides which all his cans were in good condition. He -insisted that the milk must have been contaminated by some medicament -after it had left his dairy. - -Thus the incident was closed, for the Binbashi did not follow up the -affair, which he wished to be forgotten. - -Another time a strange fact was again noticed. It was when Arif, -Midhat’s servant, was still in his service. He always passed his nights -in the Pasha’s room, having first of all locked up his own, in which he -frequently kept the food he had prepared for the following day. - -Arif perceived one morning that the lids of his saucepans had been -disturbed, and that their contents presented an unusual appearance. He -immediately told Midhat of his extraordinary discovery, and the Pasha -sent at once for Damad Mahmoud and the other prisoners, begging them -to examine the saucepans. After a summary examination they ascertained -that some foreign matter had been introduced. The perpetrator of this -odious attempt remained as much unknown as he who had put the verdigris -in the milk. The contents of all the saucepans were given to the dogs -and cats, but as these animals were none the worse, we thought that -this foreign matter could not have been a poison. However, after the -assassination of Midhat Pasha we learned that the sub‐lieutenants -Mehemet and Nouri, getting in one night by the window, had managed to -poison all those dishes of which Midhat Pasha would have partaken the -following day. These two gentlemen made a complete confession of this -crime some time afterwards. - -During this time there was an honest soldier, Mehemet Yosgad, whose -duty it was to prepare the coffee. We now know that it was suggested to -him more than once that he should give poison to the prisoners, mixing -it with their coffee. However, as this honourable man firmly refused to -commit this crime, others had to be found who would undertake it. - -Mahmoud Pasha, who was very fond of coffee, began to give up drinking -it, and no longer smoked his _narghilé_, but in order to show his -confidence in honest Mehemet, he never refused coffee that had been -prepared by him. - -Another time it was noticed that the water which was kept in a _baradé_ -had a most offensive smell. The jar was broken, and very great -precautions were taken thenceforth. - -Major Bekir was a thoroughly bad man, and extremely cunning. He took as -many precautions about the crime he was about to commit as he did about -his accomplices. So far all attempts at poisoning had failed; other -means must be employed! - -On the 9th of Redjeb, 1301 (23rd April 1883, O.S.), a Sunday, a -detachment of cavalry, with two guns, arrived at Taïf, under the -command of a Circassian colonel belonging to the 53rd regiment of the -7th Army Corps. Mehemet Lutfi at once chose out about forty of the -strongest soldiers and increased the prisoners’ guard. - -Before the arrival of Mehemet Lutfi, Bekir had several times called -Hadji Chukri Aga, Mahmoud Pasha’s servant, into his own private room -very late at night, when every one was asleep, and kept him there in -trivial conversation; but he had never dared to confide the secret to -him, nor to ask his help, for Chukri was not the kind of man to become -his accomplice, or to commit a crime against his benefactor. - -As has been stated above, the colonel reorganised the prisoners’ guards -after his own manner. The same day he sent for Arif Aga in order that -he might have the incident of the milk explained to him, but in reality -he proposed to Arif that he should poison his master. - -“The poison is ready,” he said, “and if you succeed in making Midhat -drink it, you will receive very great rewards from His Majesty the -Sultan. Another man has been commissioned to kill Damad Mahmoud, but -if you are willing to undertake that as well, your recompense shall be -doubled. If ever you divulge the secret you will be killed.” - -The promised reward amounted to £T1000 for the death of Midhat, and -£T600 for that of Mahmoud. - -Arif was a devoted and faithful servant, besides being a good -Mussulman. He not only refused the rewards, but, disregarding all -intimidations, protested strongly against the cowardly and unworthy -schemes that they had formed against his master. He hastened also to -relate to Midhat and to Mahmoud Pasha all that had been said to him. - -These two Pashas, deeply moved by this communication, held a long -consultation together, but to no purpose. What could they do? For -a long time now they had foreseen very clearly that their end was -approaching, if not by one way, then by another. - -The colonel, who had not thought fit to pay them a visit, appeared very -much preoccupied. - -On the second night after his arrival he had the prisoners’ quarters -surrounded by numerous soldiers, and gave special orders to those who -formed the inside guard. On Tuesday evening, he wished to end the whole -affair, but circumstances obliged him to put off the execution until -the following night. Ibrahim Aga, the captain, and three lieutenants -sent for Arif Aga, and told him plainly that owing to a command -received from the Palace of Yildiz Kiosk, they were obliged to put an -end to Midhat, and that as Arif had refused to poison him, they hoped -that at least he would have a little good sense and open the door of -the Pasha’s room about midnight; and that if he refused this little -service they would know what steps to take. - -Poor Arif Aga, maddened by hearing of the odious crime which was about -to be committed against his beloved master, sprang up in rage and -cried frantically to these wretches: “Oh no! I will never do what you -suggest—I will never open the door! I will not be your accomplice! I -am afraid of my conscience and of Allah!” - -They were beginning to ill‐treat him, but at that moment the prisoners -happened to be going to their separate rooms. Midhat, who was on his -way to his bedroom, was descending the stairs when he heard the voice -of his faithful servant crying out over and over again: “Master, do not -go down; return to your friends at once, and spend the night with them. -These cowards are meaning to assassinate you!” - -Midhat Pasha went up the stairs again, re‐assembled the prisoners, -and informed them of this sinister occurrence. Just then one of the -officers went to tell the colonel what had happened. He ordered that -Arif should be arrested and the prisoners all separated. The faithful -servant was dragged off to the barracks, where he was imprisoned, -whilst an officer, Memiche, was sent by the colonel to separate the -prisoners and to try and calm their fears. - -“The colonel,” said Memiche, “presents his compliments to you all, -and begs that you will withdraw to your separate bedrooms, as the law -requires.” To this command Midhat and Mahmoud replied that they would -only be separated by force. They sent for Ibrahim, who arrived somewhat -troubled by the turn of affairs. They also requested to speak with -Bekir, in order to obtain some explanation of this matter. The major -arrived, and entering the room, said—“That good‐for‐nothing Arif -doesn’t know what he’s talking about. It looks as if he were doing all -this in order to get sent away, unless he is quite out of his mind.” -The Pashas could not succeed in hiding their anxiety, for everything -foreboded the approaching crime. - -“At the present moment,” continued Bekir, “no such order exists. But -we are soldiers, and therefore owe unquestioning obedience to our -superiors. Be quite at ease! Do you think that anyone would be afraid -of you whilst you are in our safe keeping?” - -He then began to swear by all that he held most sacred in the world -that there was no cause for them to fear. Meanwhile Arif Aga was being -tortured for having divulged the secret. - -Midhat passed the whole of that night with Ali Bey, another prisoner. - -Colonel Mehemet Lutfi and Major Bekir remained in the room overlooking -the principal entrance to the barracks, whence they directed the -operations. The soldiers were given the same orders as on the -preceding night, and cartridges were distributed amongst them. - -A captain and three lieutenants were placed in the prisoners’ quarters -to superintend operations, and two soldiers, bare‐footed for the -occasion, and with bayonets fixed, were stationed at the door of each -prisoner’s room. - -About six o’clock,[30] Hadji Chukri Aga, Mahmoud’s servant was awakened -and transferred to the barracks, where he was imprisoned. - -Colonel Mehemet Lutfi remained in the barracks, whilst Major Bekir -directed the assassination from the officers’ room.[31] - -We have stated above that Ali Bey was sharing Midhat’s room. At -about half‐past six (1.30 A.M.) the door was forced open, and Ali Bey -was dragged from the room. Then they strangled this old man, who was -incapable of offering any resistance. - -On bursting in the door of Mahmoud’s room, they threw round his neck -a soaped cord, which had been specially prepared, for they were aware -that he possessed very considerable muscular strength. Mahmoud made a -most desperate resistance, giving vent to piercing cries. They tried -every means to hasten his death, with such ferocity that even the -animals in the neighbourhood trembled at the sound of his heartrending -cries for help. But soon the screams of anguish died away. - -A few moments after, two corpses, wrapped in sheets, were transported -to a room in the hospital. The perpetrators waited until the day broke -before digging their graves in the cemetery, set apart for soldiers, -which lies outside the fortifications. There these two martyrs repose -in their eternal sleep. - -Even the religious ceremonies were not carried out with regard to the -funeral—doubtless, in order that the secret might be better preserved. -They knew not that Time is the Revealer of all things! - - * * * * * - -Midhat Pasha had recovered completely from his indisposition. One -evening, a little while before his assassination, after a lengthy -meditation, he had said to his friends: “I am thinking of death. The -pain thereof only endures for five minutes. But I do not know what kind -of death may be the least painful. Perhaps poison, or a bullet, or -death at the end of some illness. My body, sixty year old, is worn out. -Why live beyond this age if it be only to suffer! I should have been -happy if my illness had carried me off. But what can I do? The hour -has not struck yet. Several innocent people are prisoners here on my -account, being obliged to mount guard over me; I should have liked to -give them back their liberty.” - -Finishing these reflections, he once more returned to his sad and -harrowing meditations. - - * * * * * - -Immediately after the horrible execution, that same night, the doors -and locks were all repaired, and two days later the belongings of the -Pashas were taken into a room in the barracks. During two consecutive -days several subordinates kept going in and out of this room, removing -small objects. - -Terror had reigned in the hearts of all the prisoners during the -assassination. The following day the sentinels were removed, and when -the prisoners went to make their morning prayer they embraced and took -a last farewell of each other, bursting into tears and awaiting their -turn with resignation. The reign of terror still continued, and every -word and gesture gave rise to suspicion. - - * * * * * - -Thus ends the faithful translation of the document sent by Halroullah -Effendi, ex‐Sheik‐ul‐Islam. We have preserved all its originality. - - - - -APPENDICES - - - - -APPENDIX A - -THE NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE BERLIN NOTE AND THE CONFERENCE OF -CONSTANTINOPLE - - - The effects of the Bulgarian troubles on British policy were clearly - visible. England, that had hitherto been favourable and friendly - to Turkey; that had counselled against the Consular Commission of - August 1875; had adhered to the Andrassy note of December (1875) only - at the express request of the Ottoman Government (on the 13th June - 1876); had pressed reforms upon Turkey as a means of forestalling - the designs of the enemies of the Ottoman Empire,[32] and had firmly - refused to adhere to the Berlin Memorandum, now took up a slightly - altered position. This nuance was clearly perceived in a despatch - from Lord Derby to Sir H. Elliot of the 25th May 1876, in which he - said: “In the course of conversation with Musurus Pasha, I took - the opportunity of suggesting to His Excellency that it would be - undesirable that the Turkish Government should misunderstand the - attitude of Her Majesty’s Government in regard to the proposals of - the Berlin Conference. Her Majesty’s Government had declined to - join in proposals which they thought ill‐advised, _but both the - circumstances and the state of feeling in this country were very - much changed since the Crimean War_, and the Porte would be unwise - to be led, by recollections of that period, to count upon more than - the moral support of Her Majesty’s Government in the event of no - satisfactory solution of the present difficulties being found.”[33] - It will be seen later on that even this attitude of benevolent - diplomatic neutrality was not entirely preserved by the British - Government at the Conference of Constantinople or the negotiations - that led up to it. - - “The three Northern and allied Powers” were evidently disconcerted by - the turn matters were taking at Constantinople. It seemed impossible - to present a comminatory note to a new Sultan and a new Government - established by a revolution, the very purpose and aim of which was to - introduce practical reforms in the country, without a certain delay - demanded by equity and even decency. They determined to make it as - short as possible. - - In spite, however, of strenuous efforts to conceal the fact, - differences had arisen among “the allied Courts,” or rather between - the two principal parties interested. Russia was in favour of an - occupation of the three disturbed provinces, with a view to the - eventual establishment of autonomies on the model of Servia and - Roumania. Austria was dead opposed to both propositions. There is no - doubt that she had been working up to an occupation by her own troops - of Bosnia and Herzegovina as the mandate of Europe—up to the time of - the Bulgarian insurrection; but now that such an occupation would be - accompanied by a Russian occupation of Bulgaria, she entirely changed - her mind. If a joint occupation took place, the last state of those - provinces would be worse than the first. At present she had the - strategical advantage of position over Russia, but Russia in Bulgaria - would have it over her. She was firmly opposed to joint occupation. - Neither would autonomy suit her. The establishment of autonomous - provinces, placed under the guarantee of the Great Powers, would make - the absorption by herself of these coveted possessions impossible. - Count Andrassy put his foot down against both these proposals. - - A very active interchange of ideas consequently took place during the - whole of the month of June between the two Empires, and it was here - that the full value of a third partner, the disinterested broker, was - revealed. Russia evidently meant business, for Servia, which was, as - Consul‐General White explained, absolutely in her hands, now (1st - July 1876) formally declared war against Turkey, and invaded the - Ottoman territory. Montenegro followed her example. In the latter - case it was rather a superfluous or _ex post facto_ formality. - - A knot had occurred worthy of the interposition of the gods, and on - the 8th July a meeting was arranged at Reichstadt between the Emperor - Francis Joseph and the Czar. Of course it is only in Homeric times - that accounts of the interviews of Olympic gods were vouchsafed to - men, and simple mortals have to content themselves nowadays with - being told the results of these interviews. The result of this - particular interview was “very satisfactory.” According to Sir A. - Buchanan, “the Emperor and Count Andrassy returned last night (10th - July 1876) _greatly satisfied_ with the interview of Reichstadt.” - “The Emperors parted on the best terms; they agreed to maintain the - present principle of non‐intervention, reserving for the future the - expediency of coming to an understanding with the Great Powers, - according to circumstances which may arise.”[34] So, according to - this authority, the Emperor of Austria returned to Vienna “greatly - satisfied” with doing nothing. It was scarcely worth while going all - the way to Reichstadt for that. It was, however, generally supposed - in well‐informed chancelleries in Europe at the time, and subsequent - events greatly corroborated the surmise, that the Emperor had - something else to be greatly satisfied about than what was vouchsafed - to Sir A. Buchanan. - - It was said that two specific points had been formally agreed upon - between the rulers of these two military Empires, in presence - of the threatening aspect that affairs were assuming. (1) That, - should affairs in the East eventuate in war between Turkey and - Russia, Russia would, under no circumstances, seek any territorial - acquisition _in Europe_. (2) That Bosnia and Herzegovina should be - considered within the exclusive sphere of Austria’s influence, and - that Russia would not actively oppose any arrangement with respect - to them that Europe might propose. All the rest would be left to - their respective chancellors, each would retain his liberty of action - and pursue the policy he deemed the best, certain that nothing that - could happen in the way of differences of opinion between them could - bring about a rupture between the two Empires. The middle term of an - agreement had evidently been found. “British interests” would pay the - bill, and the desertion of Bucharest would be avenged. - - By a curious coincidence, on the same day (8th July) that this - historical interview took place, there appeared in the _Daily News_ - the famous “atrocity article” that set all England ablaze and - started the greatest orator of the day on his crusade against the - “unspeakable Turk.” - - The indirect effect on English policy of this crusade and the - atrocity meetings all over England that followed it, was seen in the - nuance already noticed, between the terms of the despatch of the 25th - May and that of the 25th September, which was the prelude to the - Conference where it was still further accentuated. - - July was destined to bring an aggravation of trouble on the Turkish - Empire and anxiety on Turkish Ministers. Austria chose this moment - (1st July) to shut to Turkey the port of Klek, through which the - Turkish army in Herzegovina received its chief supplies. It is not - necessary to enter here into the question of international right - involved in this matter. This turned on the interpretation of ancient - treaties with the Venetian Republic, and on the boundaries of the - “enclaves” in Dalmatia, and these questions had, by mutual consent, - been left dormant for long years between the Austrian and Ottoman - Governments. Suffice it to say that a _modus vivendi_ had been - arrived at between the two Governments in 1853 (“in the hope that - an amicable arrangement will intervene relative to the question of - the enclaves of Klek and Suttorina”), and had subsisted ever since. - For Austria, after leaving the question of right in abeyance for - twenty‐three years, to choose that particular moment when the maximum - of inconvenience would be thereby caused to the Ottoman Government, - was a high‐handed proceeding of the most unfriendly nature, and - could only be justified on the principle of _la force prime le - droit_. At any rate, it finally exploded the pretext of “her deep - and earnest anxiety” for the pacification of these provinces which - she was continually putting forward as the motives of her diplomatic - actions, as well as all pretence of friendly dispositions towards the - Porte. The energy displayed by the new Government at Constantinople - in sending reinforcements to the scene of action, and the success - attending these efforts, were perhaps the real motive of this - unqualified act, for in consequence of that energy, things were not - going well with the insurrection, and new factors would have to be - imported to keep it going. - - Accordingly, at the same time the port of supply for the Turkish - troops was closed, Montenegro and Servia declared war on the Porte - (1st July 1876). (As far as the first‐named principality was - concerned this formality was rather superfluous _ex post facto_ - formality.) Ever since the “intimate relations which had existed for - two years back” between the Courts of Vienna and Cettinje, Montenegro - had never ceased to carry on war against the Ottoman troops. Indeed - her mountaineers, together with the Grenzers and Dalmatians, had - been the mainstay of the “rebellion.” Only as, nominally, peaceful - relations had never been interrupted, the Turkish Commanders were - debarred from following the rebels on Montenegrin soil, and Russia - had drawn a taboo round Montenegro, and forbidden, under penalty of - war, the invasion of that land, and Mr Jomine, the Russian diplomatic - agent at Cettinje, was, with his Austrian colleague, the confidential - adviser of the prince. - - As far back as January 1876, Sir H. Elliot had informed Lord Derby of - “the system employed by the Montenegrins in aid of the Herzegovinian - insurgents. All the men (in Montenegro), capable of bearing arms, - are considered to be soldiers, and are made into battalions of 600 - men. The commanders and majors of these battalions, who are called - commanders and pod‐commanders, receive pay; the remaining officers - and men are unpaid. When an expedition is contemplated, each man - takes with him potatoes and bread, if he has any, for five days, and - a reserve of provisions from each village is carried by women or - baggage horses. The Austrian Committees, having provided surgeons - and medicines, hospitals and ambulances have been organised in some - villages on the frontier. The prince furnishes all those who join - the insurgents _without authorisation, but he sends one‐fifth of his - effective forces into the Herzegovina. Not to overtire these poor - people, His Highness takes care to change them at the end of each - expedition, or when their provisions are exhausted. Reforms alone, it - is stated, will never put an end to the insurrection, and force is of - no avail so long as the insurgents and their Montenegrin friends have - only to cross the frontier to be in safety._”[35] - - As for Servia, Consul‐General White had for months past warned - his Government of what was preparing, and of the wholesale influx - of Russians into the Servian army, nor had Prince Milan made any - disguise of the fact of the likelihood of his being drawn into the - _mêlée_, but a certain almost comic jealousy existed between the - rulers of these two little principalities, lest the one should steal - a march on the other, and acquire a better right to the title of the - “liberator of the Slav race.” - - They consequently agreed to declare war on Turkey together. As - Servia, confident in her new levies, was now determined to act, - Montenegro could not afford to be behindhand, however much it might - have suited her to continue the particular mode of safe warfare that - she had, for twelve months, been indulging in. - - In spite of the new levies, military matters did not progress to - Prince Milan’s satisfaction. The fact was that a new spirit had - been infused into Ottoman Councils by the new ministers, and large - reinforcements of regular troops under competent generals had - been hurried to the Servian frontiers and despatched into Bosnia. - The consequence was that victory did not attend the Servian arms, - and, after the loss of an important position near Deligrad on the - 24th August 1876, barely two months after the pompous declaration - of war, Prince Milan “with the approval of his ally, the Prince - of Montenegro,” requested the good offices of the Powers for a - suspension of hostilities. All Europe eagerly seconded this request, - and although a formal armistice was never concluded, a _de facto_ - suspension of hostilities took place. It is unnecessary to detail the - negotiations that followed. - - The Porte very naturally desired that an agreement on the basis of - peace should precede or accompany an armistice, otherwise it would - lose all the advantages of its present military position. Servia - wanted an armistice without any basis of peace. When at last, in - consequence of the insistence of Europe, the Porte agreed to this, a - dispute arose about the duration of the armistice. The Porte proposed - six months to give ample time to negotiate a permanent settlement, - and England adhered to this view of the matter. Servia would have - none of it; one month or nothing. She was moving on safe ground, - for she knew well that Europe had taken the negotiations out of - her hand and would never allow a renewed attack upon her. Russia - strongly insisted on the shorter term, and when, in order to solve - the difficulty, England appealed to the honest broker at Berlin, he - proposed as a compromise an armistice of six weeks. - - These _pourparlers_ occupied about a month, and when they seemed to - be on the point of being settled, as usual by the Porte yielding in - the matter, it was found that Prince Milan had changed his mind, and - would have no armistice at all. - - What had occurred in the interval to account for this change of front? - - On the 24th September, Consul‐General White writes to Sir Henry - Elliot[36] “that the last six weeks have produced an important change - in the affairs of Servia. The Civil Government has ceased to have - a voice in public affairs; the presence of Russian officers, some - of them officers of the Imperial Guard, the courage and enthusiasm - with which they are animated, the growing influence of the Slavonic - Committees through their agents, have all given a warlike tone to - what is called public opinion here.... The Russians present here say - openly that it is their aim and object to prevent the conclusions of - peace.” And again, on 4th October 1876, he writes to Lord Derby:[37] - “It may be interesting for your Lordship to hear that money appears - abundant in the Servian Exchequer, and although the Ministers deny - that it is derived from Russian sources, it is quite impossible to - account in any other way for its origin.” - - But something more particular must have occurred to encourage Prince - Milan to order on the 26th September, the very next day on which - the suspension of hostilities terminated, a general attack on the - Turks in the Morava Valley. What was it? On the 28th September - 1876, Mr Malet (afterwards Sir Edward Malet), writing from Rome to - Lord Derby,[38] states that Sig. Melegari, the Minister for Foreign - Affairs, in order to convince him “of the imminence of the danger to - the Ottoman Empire” read the following paper to him, as coming from - Livadia, adding that England alone was able to avert the execution of - the design by “compelling” the Porte to acquiesce in His Lordship’s - demands. The paper was dated 26th September, and ran as follows: “The - Emperor has sent General Soumarakoff to Vienna with instructions to - propose a peace, should Turkey attempt to evade the armistice, upon - conditions that would suit all the Powers, viz. Austrian military - intervention in Bosnia, Russian military intervention in Bulgaria, - and the joint entry of all the squadrons of the Levant into the - Bosphorus. These steps appear to us indispensable in order to bring - the Porte to its senses, to prevent war, and save the Christians from - a general massacre.”[39] - - This _grandis epistola a Capreis_ which frightened Mr Malet so - much that he immediately telegraphed its substance to Lord Derby, - and which was, no doubt, intended to frighten Lord Derby, had no - chance at all of being accepted at Vienna, and if the constant and - continuous intercourse between the three Northern “and allied Powers” - was to any purpose at all, it is quite impossible that the nature of - the reception it should meet with there, should have been ignored. It - could therefore only have been intended as a “spur” to the Foreign - Office, and it succeeded admirably in its intention. - - It is scarcely worth while to waste many words over the proposal - from Livadia. Austria feared nothing so much as a joint occupation - with Russia. It would have been a guarantee exacted from her for - her own eventual simultaneous retirement, which would have upset - all her plans. Nor was England yet brought up to concert pitch. But - the notice had served its purpose. England, a little timorously, - and with the best intentions towards Turkey, and with the general - approval and even applause of Europe,[40] had undertaken the lead - in proposing terms to Turkey as a basis of pacification. As early - as the 11th September Count Schouvaloff in an interview described - “(1) The _status quo_, speaking roughly, both as regards Servia - and Montenegro. (2) Administrative reforms in the nature of local - autonomy for Bosnia and the Herzegovina. (3) Guarantees of some - similar kinds (the exact details of which might be reserved for later - discussion) against the future maladministration of Bulgaria.”[41] - - Ten days later, on the 21st September, Lord Derby, having in the - meantime secured the agreement of the Austrian Government[42] to - these proposals, these terms were forwarded to Sir H. Elliot for - communication to the Porte. The second condition relating to Bosnia - and Herzegovina was amplified by the important stipulation “that the - Porte should undertake, _in a Protocol to be signed at Constantinople - with the Representatives of the mediatory Powers_, to grant, etc.”[43] - - Sir H. Elliot, in obedience to positive instructions, went to the - utmost limit of friendly pressure[44] to induce the Porte to accept - these conditions. The Porte, on its side, showed the greatest - possible desire to meet the wishes of the English Ambassador.[45] - The term “local autonomy,” and still more the form of a Protocol - demanded, were the two most serious obstacles to an understanding. - So great was Sir H. Elliot’s influence on the Turkish Minister, - and so great was their confidence in England’s loyalty, that an - understanding was almost arrived at when the news of General - Soumarakoff’s Mission reached the Porte. On the 4th October, the new - Turkish Government telegraphed to the Ottoman Ambassador in London - an indignant protest against the proposals of which that envoy was - the bearer, and concluded by saying: “If the Sublime Porte has, - though challenged (by Servia), not made use of her victory, she will - never forget that she is still an independent State, and that she - owes it to herself to choose an honourable death rather than the - dismemberment and partition of her States.”[46] - - This incident did not facilitate Sir H. Elliot’s task. On the day - following the 5th October, Lord Derby instructs Sir H. Elliot to - inform the Porte that it is intended that the armistice should be - followed by a Conference, and that if an armistice for not less than - a month is not granted, the Ambassador was to quit Constantinople and - leave Turkey to its fate.[47] - - On the 8th October, the Porte asks the very pertinent question - whether, in the event of the conditions being accepted, a Conference - would still be proposed.[48] No answer seems ever to have been given - to this important question. - - The Turkish Ministers now submitted the question of the armistice - to a Grand Council, which acceded to it for five months.[49] On the - 13th October, in a long telegram to Musurus Pasha, the Porte makes a - last despairing attempt to stay the decision for a Conference, which - it says “will at least give rise to the danger of certain impulses - on which head we have the right to be anxious, and which in reality - would be of no use. The five months’ armistice would leave ample time - for the Powers to exchange explanations and observations without - any Conference. During this time, the work of internal reform would - go on, and Europe would have the opportunity of being edified as to - the serious and practical character of the promises of the Imperial - Government,” and concluded by saying, referring evidently to the - negotiations with Sir H. Elliot, “I hope His Lordship will agree - with us in preventing the question, _which was just beginning to - look brighter_, thanks to so many sacrifices and efforts, from being - turned into a path of new difficulties and perils.”[50] - - If it had not been for the Soumarakoff Mission, and the scare it - created in the Foreign Office, it would have been an inexplicable - mystery why Lord Derby, abandoning negotiations carried on by Sir H. - Elliot, which “were just beginning to look brighter,” should have - hurriedly fathered this proposal of a Conference. If the Soumarakoff - Mission was only intended to secure this point, it was most eminently - successful. Anyway, from this time forth, Lord Derby stuck grimly - to a Conference. Without a Conference there was no salvation. The - question, however, of the duration of the armistice was not yet - settled, and as England, having accepted six months, could not - recant, General Ignatieff arrived from Livadia to settle it. - - But here an incident occurred of a too charmingly amusing character - to be passed over in silence. _La note comique_ is never entirely - absent from these negotiations. Lord Adolphus Loftus, Her Britannic - Majesty’s Ambassador at St Petersburg, received leave in the middle - of October to go to the Crimea, whither the Russian Court had - removed, and where Prince Gortchakoff, the Chancellor, was slaying, - in order to be nearer the official source of diplomatic information. - On Friday, the 27th, accordingly, he arrived at Yalta, accompanied - by Mr Egerton of his Embassy. On Sunday, the 29th, he had an - interview at Orianda with Prince Gortchakoff, “who received him very - cordially, and after some friendly remarks, the conversation turned - to Constantinople.” After stating that the state of affairs there - was grave, the Chancellor expressed “a hope that the question of - the armistice was arranged, the Porte having, on the advice of Sir - H. Elliot, yielded to the considerations in favour of the shorter - term.” His Highness further stated “that General Ignatieff had been - instructed to be yielding and conciliatory on the subject of the - armistice.” - - Two days after this, _i.e._ on Tuesday, the 31st October, Lord A. - Loftus “met” Prince Gortchakoff, who, in answer to the question - whether there was any news from Constantinople, replied that there - was, but “that he preferred that the Emperor should communicate it.” - Lord A. Loftus’s audience with the Czar had been arranged for the - next day, 1st November, but was subsequently postponed till the 2nd. - Between the accidental meeting with the Chancellor and this audience, - Lord A. Loftus received the _Journal de St Petersbourg_ of the 31st - October, in which he read that General Ignatieff had presented that - day an ultimatum to the Porte to conclude an armistice with Servia, - and had required an answer within forty‐eight hours. So that the - English Ambassador, having traversed the whole length of Europe in a - four days’ journey with a secretary of his Embassy attached to him, - in order to be near the fountain of official information, would have - received the news two days sooner if he had stayed at home! - - We will let Lord A. Loftus describe his audience on the 2nd at - Livadia, himself: “I had an audience with the Emperor of Russia - to‐day at Livadia, when His Majesty was pleased to receive me with - his customary kindness and cordiality (_sic_). After some gracious - enquiries after my family, His Majesty at once opened on the Eastern - question. His Majesty stated that he had that morning received a - telegram from Constantinople announcing the probable acceptance of - the armistice, and he read to me another telegram reporting that - orders had been already sent by the Porte to their commanders to - suspend military operations. This, His Majesty observed, was very - satisfactory. On my observing on the _sudden change which had taken - place between the Sunday when I had seen the Chancellor and the - following day when the ultimatum was despatched_, His Majesty said - that this had been caused by the intelligence he had received of the - complete discomfiture of the Servian army, and his fear that it might - be followed by similar atrocities to those which had occurred in - Bulgaria....”[51] - - It would indeed be a pity to spoil the uniqueness of this _tableau_ - by any superfluous commentary, but a despatch from Sir H. Elliot - at Constantinople, dated on the same day as this audience (2nd - November), throws some further light on this already luminous - incident. “In the course of conversation this morning with General - Ignatieff, I remarked that I understood that he had returned from - Livadia with instructions to present his ultimatum. He answered - _that he had brought it with him_ with a discretionary authority to - withhold it if he thought desirable. _This is a rather different - version_ from that which he had previously given to my colleagues - and myself, when he told us on Tuesday (31st October) that he _had - received the ultimatum two days before_, and that he had taken on - himself the responsibility of withholding it, but had now imperative - orders to execute his instructions. It is impossible to doubt - that he had kept his Government fully informed of the progress of - his negotiations with the Porte, or that they were perfectly well - aware that his own proposals had been accepted with very trifling - modifications, upon which an understanding could very easily be - arrived at. It is evident enough that the sudden sending in of the - ultimatum was decided upon in the hope that by an immediate cessation - of hostilities, and the acceptance of an armistice, the fall of - Alexinatz would be averted. The capture of the Servian positions at - Junis made it certain that “the occupation of Alexinatz and Deligrad - would soon follow, and the only hope of saving the Servians and the - Russian Auxiliary troops from this mortification lay in the chance of - stopping the Turks before they had time to reap the fruits of their - success.”[52] - - But, independently of the object lesson in veracity that this - narrative inculcates, it gives the measure of the value attached by - the Emperor of Russia to the European concert, and the degree to - which it was likely to hamper his own liberty of action whenever he - thought proper to liberate himself from it. The _procédé_ with regard - to the British Ambassador only concerns the British Government. - - The Porte had yielded to the ultimatum. - - In the meantime negotiations for assembling a Conference continued. - The Czar had expressed to the English Ambassador “a very earnest - wish that the Conference should meet with the _least possible - delay_, and that instructions should even be immediately sent by the - several Governments to enable the Ambassadors at Constantinople to - deliberate _at once_ on the necessary preliminaries of peace.”[53] - Prince Gortchakoff, too, _expressed his anxious wish_ that on the - arrangement of the armistice _no time should be lost_ in organising a - Conference.[54] - - But Austria was coy. The term “local autonomy” accompanied by no - matter what gloss, seriously perturbed her; and yet this was the - very point on which Russia insisted the most. In reporting his - conversation with Prince Gortchakoff at Orianda, Lord A. Loftus - said: “It is evident to me that Prince Gortchakoff does not wish to - make the question of the armistice the ground for a rupture with the - Porte, and that he _looks to the question of the ‘autonomy of the - three Provinces’ as being the important deciding point of peace or - war_.”[55] - - Until Count Andrassy received guarantees that no kind of _political_ - autonomy was meant, he would have nothing to do with a Conference, - and it was only when, after a good deal of fencing, this guarantee - was at last accorded him, that he gave his consent to the proposal. - - Although there had been a serious proposal to exclude Turkey from - the Conference to be held in her own capital to decide on the - administration of her provinces, the cynical incongruity of the - proposition had procured its rejection, and now the Porte was asked - to adhere to it. Without any illusion, since Russia’s ultimatum, - as to whither the Conference would lead, the Porte, on the 18th - November, with the sanction of a Grand Council, gave her assent to a - proposal, the rejection of which would have meant immediate war. - - In the course of the six months that intervened between the 13th of - May (date of the Berlin Note) and the meeting of the Conference in - December, an apparent contradiction seems to manifest itself between - the “intimate alliance” of the three Northern Powers (which for the - purpose of these negotiations means between Austria and Russia), and - the frictions and disagreements between their respective Governments. - On no less than five points did this disagreement manifest itself: - (1) as to whether Turkey should be coerced into an armistice, pure - and simple, with Servia, or whether a basis of peace should, at the - same time as the armistice, be proposed;[56] (2) as to inculcating - prudence of conduct on Servia;[57] (3) as to the joint occupation - with Russia of the Turkish provinces;[58] (4) as to the “autonomy” of - the revolted provinces;[59] (5) on the question of the Conference.[60] - - On the other hand, we have seen Count Beust calling at the Foreign - Office to assure Lord Derby that never was the alliance of the three - Northern Powers so “intimate”; we have the meeting of Reichstadt, and - General Soumarakoff delivering an autograph letter from the Czar to - the Emperor of Austria, and we have a very mysterious communication - from Lord A. Loftus on the 15th August 1876, in which he says: “In - speaking of Austria, Prince Gortchakoff again repeated to me that - he had fully discussed the question of a pacification with Count - Andrassy, and _that they were entirely agreed on all points and for - all eventualities_. ‘I can state no more,’ said the Chancellor, ‘but - that much I can tell you, as I have done to your Colleagues; and I - can add that our Ambassadors at the other Courts know no more than - you do.’ This language,” continues Lord A. Loftus, “though, perhaps, - satisfactory ... is mysterious, and we can only unravel the mystery - by conjectures.”[61] - - Perhaps the mystery, as Lord A. Loftus calls it, is not so mysterious - after all. A reference to what took place in another diplomatic - discussion in 1859 will help to unravel it without the aid of much - conjecture. In that year Mr Disraeli startled the House of Commons - by informing it, on the faith of information on which he relied, - that there was a secret treaty between Italy and France for the - cession to the latter Power of the provinces of Savoy and Nice. Lord - Palmerston denied the existence of any such treaty, and twitted Mr - Disraeli with having discovered a mare’s nest. When Mr Disraeli’s - information was proved to be substantially correct, Lord Palmerston - explained that there had been no treaty but a mere _pacte de famille_ - agreed upon on the occasion of the marriage of the Princess Clotilde - to Prince Jerome Napoleon. The mystery that puzzled Lord A. Loftus - is easily unravelled. There was undoubtedly a distinct and specific - understanding between the two Emperors; but none between their - Governments; so that Lord Derby could, on the 20th October, write to - Sir A. Buchanan that “The Austro‐Hungarian Ambassador called upon - me to‐day, and informed me, by order of his Government, that the - reports which have been recently, and are still, current as to the - existence of a secret understanding _between the Austrian and Russian - Governments_ are absolutely unfounded.”[62] In countries and ages - where the letter of a declaration is considered more important than - its spirit, such hair‐splitting distinctions may pass current. At any - rate, they serve their purpose. - - - - -APPENDIX B - -THE INSURRECTION OF HERZEGOVINA AND BOSNIA, AND THE BERLIN NOTE - - - On the 2nd July 1875, Consul Holmes, writing to Lord Derby from - Bosna‐Serai, says:[63] “I have the honour to report to your Lordship - that there is disturbance in the Herzegovina. Early last winter some - 164 of the inhabitants of the district of Nevesinje left their homes - and went into Montenegro. After remaining there some months, however, - they petitioned the Porte to be allowed to return to Nevesinje. The - Governor‐General advised the Porte to reply, that, as they had chosen - to leave their country for Montenegro, they might remain there. The - Government, however, decided to grant their request, and allowed - them to return. Shortly afterwards they appeared in revolt, declared - that they were oppressed, refusing to pay their taxes or admit the - police amongst them, and they have been endeavouring by intimidation - to cause their neighbours in the surrounding districts to join them. - The Mutesarif of Mostar invited them to come to that place to state - their grievances, which he assured them would be redressed, but they - refused, and the Governor‐General tells me that they cut to pieces - a man quite unconnected with them, who had gone to Mostar to seek - redress for some grievance, and threatened with the same fate any - within their reach who should do so in future. The Governor‐General - informs me that at present he has no intention of sending troops - against them, but will prevent their efforts to extend their revolt - by surrounding those districts with policemen, and he will probably - send some of the notables of Serajevo to endeavour to bring them to - reason.” - - In a subsequent despatch dated a week later, Consul Holmes adds - that “Haidar Bey and Petrarchi Effendi, two notables of Serajevo, - were sent to communicate with the rebels, but before they reached - Nevesinje they found that the rebels had forced and persuaded many - others to join them, and had attacked and captured a caravan of - twenty‐five horses on the road from Mostar to Nevesinje, belonging - to some merchants of Serajevo, laden with rice, sugar, and coffee, - which they carried off to the village of Odrichnia. At the same time, - they murdered and decapitated five Turkish travellers, named Salih, - Hassosunovich, Marich, Sarnich, Ali of Nevesinje, and another whose - name is not yet known, a native of Erassni. One of the insurgents, - named Tschoubate, at the head of some three hundred followers, drove - away forty Zaptiés placed in the defile of Stolatz, and, separating - into small bands, have, for the moment, interrupted the various - roads in the neighbourhood. One band is stationed out at the bridge - over the Krappa, and renders the road between Mostar and Meteorich - unsafe. The detached bands of insurgents are endeavouring to force - others to join them by burning the houses of those who refuse to do - so, and by other means of intimidation. The Governor‐General has - received telegrams from Mostar signed by the two Commissioners and - the Mutesarif and Commander of the troops at Mostar, stating these - facts; also that the headless bodies of the Turks have been recovered - and burnt. Under these circumstances, the Commissioners hesitated - to continue their journey; and the authorities at Mostar state that - great excitement prevails throughout the Mussulman population, who - are impatient to attack the insurgents and avenge the savage murders - of their co‐religionists, whose decapitation has particularly roused - their feelings, and requesting five battalions to keep order.”[64] - - The methods adopted by the insurgents were the same as those adopted - in Bulgaria, and wherever an organised attempt at insurrection was - made in the Ottoman provinces by agents _provocateurs_ and foreign - bands with a view to provoke the Mussulmans to deeds of retaliation - which would be exploited by the Committees and excite indignation in - the world. It will be remembered that when Midhat Pasha was Governor - of the Danubian vilayet (p. 43), the band that crossed into Bulgaria - from Sistovo began by massacring five Mussulman children between the - ages of eight and twelve. When the Consuls, sent on a peace message - to the insurgents visited Nevesinje, they “found all the Eastern part - of the town towards the plain and all the bazaar, burnt and in ruins. - Dead bodies were lying in various corners unburied; and we noticed - the head of a boy in one of the streets blackening in the sun. A - little Turkish girl was brought to us, wounded in the throat, and we - were told that an insurgent was on the point of cutting off her head - when she was snatched from him by one less bloodthirsty, and allowed - to escape.”[65] - - Another aim of the insurgents was to force an emigration _en masse_ - into Austrian territory by promises that they should be well fed and - cared for by the Austrian authorities until favourable conditions - were secured for them. Montenegro, too, was let loose on Turkey and - well supplied with the sinews of war. It was determined at Vienna - that no time should be lost in “putting their pin in the game,” and - in taking the lead in negotiations that must necessarily precede - an occupation. The principle of interference once admitted, all - the rest would follow in due course. On the 24th August 1875, Lord - Derby writes to Sir H. Elliot that: “Her Majesty’s Government have - had under their consideration your telegraphic despatch of the 20th - inst., in which you report that a proposal, _concerted at Vienna - by the three Northern Powers_, had been made to the Porte by their - Ambassadors. Your Excellency states that they propose that Consuls - should be delegated by the Embassies to proceed to the scene of - the insurrection and inform the insurgents that they must expect - no support or countenance from their Governments. They are also to - advise the insurgents to desist from hostilities, but to make known - their complaints to a Commission.... The proposal is favourably - received by the Porte, and the Grand Vizier (Mahmoud Nedim) had just - been to beg you not to stand aloof.... Her Majesty’s Government - consent to this step with reluctance, _as they doubt the expediency - of the intervention of foreign consuls. Such an intervention is - scarcely compatible with the independent authority of the Porte - over its own territory, offers an inducement to an insurrection as - a means of appealing to foreign sympathy against Turkish rule, and - may, not improbably, open the way to further diplomatic interference - in the internal affairs of the Empire._”[66] Prophetic words on the - part of Lord Derby. Of course the consular farce came to nothing. - The rebels would not even meet the Consuls. Facts were more eloquent - than words, and they had their cues from the Committees. Now was - the time, if the Powers had been in earnest, to shut the Dalmatian - frontier to the rebels, as they had undertaken to do. We shall see - how Austria fulfilled this part of the bargain. Instead of occupying - themselves in the slightest degree with this part of the business, - they immediately set about concocting another diplomatic move. - - On 11th December 1875, the Austrian Ambassador, Count Beust, called - on Lord Derby, and said that “The Turkish Ministers had hitherto - directed their energies exclusively to the task of preventing - anything which could be construed into an interference of any kind - with the internal affairs of Turkey. This standpoint, however - respectable it may be, has the disadvantage the Austro‐Hungarian - Government considered, of prolonging a regrettable state of things, - and therefore of aggravating the danger. _Negotiations respecting - the affairs of the East are now being carried on between Vienna and - St Petersburg_, the result of which will be communicated as soon as - an agreement has been arrived at, to Her Majesty’s Government, not - in the light of an accomplished fact, but for their consideration, - and for them to state their own opinions on the propositions agreed - upon.”[67] - - On the 3rd January 1876, Lord Derby received from Count Beust a - copy of the famous despatch, which goes by the name of the Andrassy - Memorandum, of the 30th December 1875, which, after stating that - the three Courts of Austria‐Hungary, Russia, and Germany, after - exchanging their views on this subject, “have united for the - purpose of employing in common their efforts for pacification, - and this object appeared too much in conformity with the general - wish for them to doubt that _the other Cabinets when invited to - associate themselves in the movement_, through their representatives - at Constantinople, would hasten to join their efforts to ours,” - proceeded to recommend to the Porte the following five points:— - - (1) Full and entire religious liberty. - - (2) Abolition of the system of farming the taxes. - - (3) A law guaranteeing the produce of direct taxes being employed in - the interest of the provinces. - - (4) The institution of a special commission composed of an equal - number of Christians and Mussulmans, to control the execution - of the reforms. - - (5) The improvement of the position of the rural population. - - And in submitting these proposals to the English Minister, Count - Beust added that “they were not regarded by his Government in the - light of mere good advice. _They wanted a pledge_ that the reforms - that they recommended should be carried into execution, failing - which, they would not undertake to use their influence with the - Christian population to advise them to lay down their arms.”[68] And - in another interview, the next day, he spoke again of an “explicit - engagement” from the Porte, adding that “there could be no doubt that - the postponement of the pacifying influences of the Powers _even - by single days_ might in the present state of affairs be fraught - with incalculable danger.”[69] The Austrian Government, however, - repudiated any idea “of armed intervention, and stated that it had - no desire to constitute itself guardians of the peace beyond its own - frontiers,” and that if the Porte accepted, and the insurgents did - not submit, “then the Porte would be left to subdue them by force - of arms, and that they (the insurgents) would be prevented from - obtaining the support derived by them from exterior aid.”[70] - - This was six months after the so‐called insurrection had broken out, - and had been all the time “obtaining continuous support from exterior - aid,” and three months after the Consular Commission, which had been - obtained from the Porte by a formal promise to shut the frontier to - the rebels if they refused the advice of the Consuls. Lord Derby, - after distinctly stating that he would be no party to any pressure - being brought to bear on the Porte to carry out these reforms, and - having ascertained that the Turkish Government desired England’s - adhesion to the Note, consented to support it at Constantinople. - - In connection with this famous Memorandum, it is interesting to - note an interpolation that took place in the Hungarian Diet on 11th - March with respect to it. In answer to Deputy Pollit, Mr Tisza, the - Minister President, stated “in the answer to the question as to - whether the Hungarian Government approves of the intervention, _there - is no question of intervention, but only of good advice_, which had - been given in concert with the European Powers, and which had been - accepted in the most friendly manner by the Porte.... In answer to - the question as to the action of Hungary if the pacification was not - effected, and if Servia intervened, _such an eventuality was most - improbable_ ... but in that case the policy of the Empire would be - guided by the interests of Europe.... With reference to the question - of the refugees, the Empire had not disregarded the interests of - humanity ... as was shown by the subvention amounting to nearly - 1,000,000 florins which had been already given to them.... The - speaker concluded by expressing a hope that the House would accept - his explanation.” If they did, they were easily satisfied, these - Hungarian Deputies. Not a word about the capital question of shutting - the frontier to the rebels. Servia, too, was arming to the teeth, and - was to declare war on Turkey three months later. - - We shall see the literal fulfilment of this prediction. Bosnia - was the first to follow suit with the Herzegovina. On the 8th - February 1876, Sir H. Elliot writes to Lord Derby: “The Porte is - much disturbed by the unsatisfactory account received from the - Governor‐General of Bosnia, who has applied for fresh troops. _Bands - supposed to consist of old Grenzers are stated to have passed the - Save from Austria at four different points, but have been repulsed. - The body which invaded Bosnia is stated to have consisted of 400 or - 500 men all well‐armed._ Much excitement is said to prevail on both - sides of the Servian frontier, and apprehensions are entertained - of an aggression from that quarter. Reschid Pasha tells me that - Count Zichy has given him, on the part of Count Andrassy, the - strongest assurance ... that measures shall be adopted to prevent the - recurrence of such acts, and has promised ... that those who have - taken part in them shall be disarmed and _internés_.”[71] - - It would be difficult to carry intentional bad faith further. All - this time, notes and memorandums were flying about the Chancelleries - of Europe to force the Porte to give guarantees for suppressing - an insurrection which was being organised and fed by bands “all - well‐armed” across a friendly frontier, its suppression being thus - rendered materially impossible. As well might one try to extinguish - a conflagration, over an unlimited area, that was being continually - fed by petroleum springs, the sources of which could not be got - at. Nor let it be supposed that to guard such a line of frontier - was impossible. The rebels had it all their own way. And so had - the Diplomatists of the “Allied Courts of Berlin, Vienna, and St - Petersburg.” Russian Committees were joining their efforts to - Austrian. - - On the 14th February 1876, Sir H. Elliot writes to Lord Derby: “The - accounts of the encouragement given to the insurgents at Ragusa - greatly exceeds all that I was prepared for. The Russian Consulate is - the open resort of the insurgent chiefs; their correspondence is sent - to the Consul, who is a party to all their projects, and associates - himself intimately with them. He does not appear to make any attempt - to conceal the part he is playing, for on the occasion of the death - of the chief Maxima, in one of the late encounters, the Russian flag - at the Consulate was hoisted at half‐mast, and M. Jomini himself - joined the funeral procession. - - “Some of the wounded when asked why they continue the struggle when - the Porte is ready to grant all their demands, have answered plainly - that they are bound to go on as long as they are told by Russia to do - so. The assurances given at St Petersburg of the wish of the Imperial - Government that the insurgents would lay down their arms, must - naturally go for nothing as long as its official Representative, with - whom they are in communication, encourages them to go on.”[72] Pretty - plain speaking this! and Austria that continued the “exequatur” to - a foreign Consul, acting thus on its territory towards a friendly - Power. So gross and palpable was this assistance given by Austria - to the insurgents, whilst pretending all the time to be so keenly - anxious for its suppression, that Lord Derby thought it necessary - on the 10th March 1876, to give the following instructions to Sir - A. Buchanan, the English Ambassador at Vienna: “I have to inform - Your Excellency that it has come to the knowledge of Her Majesty’s - Government, through Her Majesty’s Ambassador at Constantinople, - that the Porte had received information that a severe fight took - place on the Dalmatian frontier on the 4th inst., and that on the - following day, the combat was renewed by a force said to be _700 - strong, who came from Austrian territory with large supplies of - ammunition, and that this having occurred so immediately after the - assurances of the Austro‐Hungarian Government that their frontier - would be officially guarded_, has caused great discouragement to - the Turkish Government, and it is feared that the effect of it in - Montenegro will be very mischievous, and I have therefore to request - Your Excellency to call the serious attention of the Imperial - Government to this matter.”[73] But these remonstrances, which were - evidently sincere and well‐meaning, had not the very slightest effect - at Vienna. The Hungarian Chancellor was always ready to give any - amount of assurances and promises to the credulous Sir A. Buchanan. - On the 3rd April 1876, Sir H. Elliot was obliged to write again: - “I learn that the Porte has received information of the passage - of considerable bands _said to be accompanied by two pieces of - artillery_ from Dalmatia and Croatia, into the north‐western district - of Bosnia.”[74] And further, on the next day, 4th April, he writes: - “A telegram from the Governor‐General of Bosnia, which has been read - to me by Reschid Pasha, gives a very alarming account of the state - of things in that province. _Armed bands are passing freely from the - Austrian territory_, and there are symptoms indicating a probable - insurrection of the populations along the rivers Save and Una. The - Governor‐General states that he has been unable to re‐establish the - line of telegraph along the Save, _as the workmen are continually - fired at from the Austrian bank of the river, and his remonstrances - addressed to the Austrian authorities have been unattended to_.”[75] - The reason why Austria was not content to confine her operations - to Herzegovina, but had extended them to Bosnia, was clear. The - Porte was succeeding, in spite of all difficulties, in pacifying - the former, and as the Berlin note was being drawn up at Berlin for - the three “Allied Powers” and would be presented in a month, such a - precipitation would derange all their plans. - - The following despatch of Sir H. Elliot of 7th April 1876 clearly - indicates this state of things. “The enclosed report from Mr Sandison - of the account received at the Porte from Haidar Effendi (the Turkish - Commissioner) gives a very serious aspect to the state of affairs - in Bosnia. It is evident that the Austro‐Hungarian Government _have - failed lamentably in their engagement to guard their own frontier, - and by means of well‐armed bands coming from their territory, a - formidable insurrection has been excited in districts which have - hitherto remained quiet. Although the news received from the - Herzegovina is good, and gave hopes of a pacification_, it would be - too much to expect that the movement in Bosnia should not produce its - effect in the districts which have been so long in insurrection.”[76] - - In the month of May we arrived at another stage of the business. It - is time that diplomacy should register another point of “terrain - acquis.” On the 4th May 1876 Lord Derby, writing to Sir A. Buchanan, - says: “The Austrian Ambassador called upon me this afternoon and - placed in my hands for perusal a despatch which he had received from - his Government. The purport of the despatch was to state that there - is _an entire agreement between the Governments of Austria, Germany - and Russia as to affairs in the East_, and that any reports that may - have been circulated to the contrary are simple inventions.”[77] - - The purport of making this communication could be no other than a - warning to all whom it may concern, that they could join or not - join the “European Concert,” as they thought proper. It would make - no difference to the European Concert. It was a notice certainly - calculated to open the eyes, even of the blind, to what was going on. - - As the fact of armed bands could not be disputed, it was obviously - the interest of Austria to endeavour to throw the blame on others, - Montenegro and Servia especially. We shall come to these little - - States later, but _à propos_ of shifting the blame on Servia, there - is a very significant despatch from Consul‐General White, dated - Belgrade, 28th April 1876. “The Prince (of Servia) takes no pains to - conceal that, more than ever, he considers a collision with the Porte - as within the range of possibilities; but he continues to disclaim at - the same time any intention to act as the aggressor. He pointed out - to me the other day that the portion of Bosnia which is conterminous - to Servia has been entirely free from armed bands since last - November, when the Papas Zarko was repulsed into Servia, _whilst the - insurgents who had within the last few weeks made their appearance - on the river Unna between Bihatch, Novi and Kostainitza, were all in - proximity to the Austrian frontier_, and he defied anyone to show - that Servia had been instrumental in fostering insurrection in that - department of Bosnia, though he added that such an accusation had - been made somewhere, evidently alluding to Austrian Authorities.”[78] - The explanation of these apparent mysteries was really simple enough. - Servia was reserving herself for Bulgaria, which was within the - sphere of her action, as she herself was within the orbit of Russia’s - influence, and she had no intention of playing Austria’s game for - Austria’s sole benefit. - - Unless strongly backed by Russia, Servia knew well enough that - Austria, posted in the conterminous province of Bosnia, would be a - most awkward neighbour, and render any hope of future independence - on her part purely illusory. Turkey’s yoke would be light indeed - in comparison to that of Austria, if she were surrounded on three - sides by the Kaiserlich. A great deal of the apparent contradiction, - see‐sawing and hesitation of this period is to be accounted for by - these conflicting inner currents, set in motion by two of the three - allied Governments, whose agreement Count Beust was instructed to - inform Lord Derby was “entire.” It was entire as regarded Turkey, - there was no doubt about that, but there was a very pretty little - by‐play going on besides, within the circle of the larger drama. No - wonder this state of things created a situation, as Consul Holmes - pithily described it, “in which everyone seems to profess precisely - what he fails to practise.” - - -BERLIN NOTE. - - Whatever light friction there may have been between Russia and - Austria in the Spring of 1876, it seems to have been smoothed over, - probably by the intervention of the third disinterested partner in - the Alliance; for on Saturday, the 13th May 1876, Lord Odo Russell, - the British Ambassador at Berlin, received an invitation from Prince - Bismarck to call on him that day in order to meet Count Andrassy - and Prince Gortchakoff, together with the Ambassadors of France - and Italy; M. de Bülow and Baron Jomini were also present at the - interview. “After a few preliminary words from Prince Bismarck, - Prince Gortchakoff and Count Andrassy confirmed the cordial - understanding that exists between them, and expressed their sincere - hope and anxious desire that the Governments of England, France - and Italy, _who have given their moral support_ to the attempted - pacification of the Herzegovinians, will equally agree to support - the further attempts they have now met to concert, in consequence - of the alarming state of affairs in Turkey. Baron Jomini was then - invited to read the enclosed document to us, and the proposal to - which they solicit the co‐operation of the Great Powers.... Prince - Gortchakoff observed that he and Count Andrassy would remain till - Monday (15th inst.) at Berlin, and that they hoped the Governments of - England, France and Italy would be able to express an opinion on the - telegraphic summary of their proposal, before they left.”[79] - - It is no part of the purport of this book to comment on the - _procédés_ of the “three Allied Powers” vis‐à‐vis of the other - so‐called Great Powers, England, France and Italy. That is a matter - of their interior _ménage_. We are exclusively concerned with their - conduct, severally and collectively, towards Turkey. If it were - otherwise, one might have something to say concerning the strangeness - and singularity of the proceeding among Great Powers, supposed to - stand on a footing of equality, of three of their number convoking - the rest to hear a document of the very highest international - importance read to them for their assent to it, if possible by - telegraph, within two days! But let us proceed with the narrative. - - The document referred to, which goes in history by the name of - the “Berlin Note,” was a very curious document. It started with - the declaration that “the alarming tidings which come from Turkey - are of a nature to _impel the three Cabinets to draw closer their - intimacy_. The three Imperial Courts have deemed themselves called - upon to concert among themselves measures for averting the dangers of - the situation, _with the concurrence_ of the other great Christian - Powers.” After referring to the history of the question up to the - Andrassy Memorandum, by which the Powers acquire a moral right and an - obligation to insist on “pacification,” and enumerating the causes - that have prevented the success of that action, and especially the - agitation caused by the prolongation of the strife in other parts of - the Turkish Dominions, and laying stress on the deplorable events at - Salonica, it declares that it is most essential to establish certain - guarantees of a nature to insure beyond doubt the loyal and full - application of the measures agreed upon between the Powers and the - Porte.” - - As the first step in this direction, the three Imperial Courts - propose to insist with the Porte on a suspension of arms for - two months, and to open negotiations between the Porte and the - rebel delegates _on the basis of the wishes that the latter have - formulated_, and which may be enumerated as follows:— - - (1) That materials for the reconstruction of their houses should be - provided the refugees by the Turkish Government. - - (2) The appointment of a mixed commission to superintend reforms. - - (3) The concentration of the Turkish troops on some points to be - agreed upon. - - (4) Christians and Mussulmans to retain their arms. - - (5) The Consuls or Delegates of the Powers to keep a watch over the - application of the reforms in general, and on the steps relative - to the repatriation in particular. - - And then the Note concludes: “If, however, the armistice were - to expire without the efforts of the Powers being successful in - attaining the end they have in view, the three Imperial Courts - are of opinion that it would become necessary to supplement their - diplomatic action by the sanction of an agreement with a view to such - efficacious measures as might appear to be demanded in the interest - of general peace, to check the evil and prevent its development.” - - It is not intended here to criticise at length these five heads, - but one interesting and significant point must be noted. The Note - says, in a passage _underlined_ above, that these five heads were - framed “on the basis of the wishes formulated by the Bosnian and - Herzegovinian Delegates.” Who were these Delegates? On the 27th - May, the _Times_ quoted an article from the _Nord_ of April 1876, - in which another Note was addressed by one Golub Babitch, in the - name of the Bosnian insurgent chiefs, confirming full powers on one - Gabriel Vasilitchki (a Russian subject who had made himself very busy - in these matters) to treat on their behalf for peace on the basis - of four points which were absolutely identical with four points of - the Berlin Note.[80] Now, who was this Golub Babitch, who describes - himself in this Note as “voivode,” and who signs in the name and on - the behalf of the “chief Bosnian chiefs”? Mr Consul Freeman, who was - by no means prejudiced against the insurgents or in favour of the - Turks, and knew his _monde_ well, describes him. He was a “former - brigand,” now the chief of one of the principal bands, consisting of - 3000 men, all well armed, that had invaded Bosnia.[81] - - This, then, was the source of the inspiration of the five heads of - the famous Berlin Note. It might certainly be more justly described - in history as the “Golub Babitch Note.” The five heads, however, seem - to have been admirably adapted to secure the object perhaps intended, - viz., to perpetrate and aggravate the bloodshed between the armed - Mussulmans and the armed returning refugees, and so by “bleeding - Turkey to death” to justify the action of the last and most important - notice thrown in carelessly, and almost as an afterthought, and at - the end of the Berlin Note, but which was, of course, the whole point - of it, viz., that if the measures proposed did not produce their - effect (or, let us add, produced the exactly opposite effect), “the - three Imperial Courts would consider it necessary to supplement their - diplomatic action by the sanction of an agreement,” etc., etc. If - ever there was a case of the sting being in the tail, it was in this - “Berlin Note.” - - Lord Derby was not deceived either as to the intrinsic value, or - worthlessness, of the four points which he politely but mercilessly - dissected in an interview with Count Munster, the German Ambassador - in London, on the 15th of May 1876,[82] nor was he intimidated by - the “still closer intimacy of the three Imperial Courts,” which - the Note ostentatiously declared. France and Italy thought fit to - adhere to it. The rejection of it by England made its rejection by - Turkey doubly certain. It was certain in any event. The courteous but - unshakeable resolution of the English Cabinet to have nothing to do - with the Berlin Note, in spite of the “still closer intimacy of the - three Imperial Courts,” and the adherence of the other two Cabinets, - brought the whole proposal down like a house of cards. But the allied - quiver was not empty. - - A stage, however, was reached in the Berlin Note which it is - necessary to note carefully, as a new departure, involving a - readjustment of compasses all round, became henceforth necessary. - - We have seen the apparently unaccountable hurry that Austria was - in to get matters in Bosnia and Herzegovina diplomatically settled - to her satisfaction. The Consular intervention in August 1875, the - Andrassy Note in December 1875, General Rodich’s parley with the - insurgents in April 1876, and the Berlin Memorandum on 15th May - 1876, were the different stages of this pragmatical interference. - The reason was clear. Austria was quite well aware, through her - Intelligence Departments, that Russia was making superhuman, albeit - unofficial, efforts to catch up the advance that Austria had secured - for her operations in the Turkish provinces, and that every day made - it less probable that the lead in the negotiations would be left in - her hands. - - We shall see that from this moment, _i.e._, on the rejection of the - Berlin Memorandum, Austria’s precipitation no longer exists, and that - she takes ample time to readjust her compass to the altered condition - of things. The principal object of this Appendix being to describe - the conduct and follow the policy of Austria in these matters, it is - necessary to examine a little more closely the relations of Austria - with Montenegro, end the part played by this principality in this - so‐called rebellion. - - It was generally taken for granted that Montenegro was completely - and exclusively under Russian influence and protection, that it was - a citadel and outpost of Russia in this part of the world, and that - its prince moved in obedience to orders from St Petersburg alone. - This belief, which assumed the character of an axiom in men’s minds, - served admirably the purpose of Austria in the general mystification - with which it suited her to surround her policy at this time. - - As the active and effective action of Montenegro in the insurrection - was a secret to none in Europe, and as Russia exclusively pulled - the strings which moved its prince, it was obvious that Russia was - at the bottom of the Herzegovinian insurrection which Austria was - doing all she could to assist the Porte in suppressing—_quod erat - demonstrandum_. Now, there can be no doubt that Russia had for a - very long time past preponderating influence in the Black Mountains, - and that during the whole period that Austria followed what we have - called her “normal policy” with respect to the Ottoman Empire, the - influence of Russia over Montenegro was exclusive of any other - followed in the nature of things; but Consul‐General White, at any - rate, knew better than to suppose that this meant that no steps - had been taken by Austria (and the nature of the steps is evident) - to acquire that influence over the prince that the “new policy” of - Austria rendered desirable and necessary. In a despatch of the 25th - of February 1876, Consul‐General White, writing from Belgrade to - Sir H. Elliot, says: “I beg to inform Your Excellency that I have - been assured, from a source which I have hitherto found reliable, - that the chief reason that has prompted Prince Milan to assume a - bolder and quasi‐martial attitude is the growing suspicion in his - mind that a bait in the shape of an accession of territory was about - to be offered by Austria on behalf of the Porte to the Prince of - Montenegro. This opinion is strongly entertained here by persons _who - are supposed to be well acquainted with the nature of the relations - which have existed during the last two years between the Court of - Vienna and that Prince_.”[83] - - Not only did money pour into the principality, and arms, munitions - and military science, as we shall presently see, were lavishly - provided to these interesting mountaineers, but when the conditions - of peace between Servia and Montenegro on one side, and the Porte - on the other, came to be discussed (in the month of August 1876), - Austria, who opposed the claim for any accession of territory to - Servia, advocated a considerable extension for Montenegro. There can - be slight doubt that this was one of the conditions of the bargain - arranged “during the last two years between the Courts of Vienna and - that Prince.” It is, of course, a noteworthy coincidence that the two - years mentioned at the beginning of these intimate relations brings - us exactly to the date when Count Andrassy became Chancellor of the - Austro‐Hungarian Empire. - - Mr Monson, the English political agent at Ragusa—afterwards sent - on a special mission to Cettinje, and now H.B.M.’s Ambassador at - Paris, who will certainly not be accused of prejudice against the - Prince of Montenegro, by whom, on the contrary, he seems to have been - quite fascinated, be it said in passing—in writing to Lord Derby - from Ragusa, on the 14th June 1876, says: “The town of Ragusa, the - capital of Dalmatia, is daily visited by armed insurgents who, at - Vienna, are represented to be peaceful Dalmatians from the rural - districts ... or Montenegrins on their travels, whose costumes would - be incomplete without the traditional carbines and poniards.... - During the period in which the export of munitions of war was - suspended, _the contraband traffic was openly carried on at Ragusa - and Meglina without hindrance; cases of dynamite were passed across - the frontier, to be used for the destruction of the Turkish forts - and block‐houses_; and it is alleged that certain _military stores_ - have been furnished to the insurgents at Grebgi by way of Ombla.... - _The share taken by Austrian subjects in the late battles of the - Douga Pass is notorious; it is now known that 179 Crevoscians were - killed during the three days’ fighting; but, as far as I am aware, no - measures have been taken to prevent a repetition of such violations - of neutrality_.... My own conviction is that had it not been for the - money spent by Russia and by Dalmatian Panslavic Committees upon - certain influential chiefs, _the insurrection would long since have - collapsed_.... If these considerations are correct, as I honestly - believe them to be, it is clear that, as far as the Herzegovina is - concerned, a great step in the suppression of the insurrection would - be effected _if the Austrian Government would dissolve the Panslavic - Committees, enforce a strict surveillance of the frontier, and would - absolutely forbid and put down the export of arms and ammunition to - Montenegro._”[84] - - The facts stated in this important despatch need no addition, and - would be only weakened by any commentary. - - Let us proceed with others. Consul Holmes, writing from Bosna Serai, - on the 15th June 1876, to Lord Derby, says: “On the 6th inst., the - authorities at Mostar announced to the Baron Rodich (Governor of - Dalmatia) the fact that 1800 cases of rifles and their cartridges - were being landed at Cattaro for the Montenegrins. On the 9th, Baron - Rodich thanked them for their information, and said he would order - an enquiry into the matter and punish any illegality. Of course, the - arms will all be at Cettinje before he commences....”[85] - - This is what Consul Holmes, who had resided fifteen years in the - country, and who knew more of it than any foreigner alive (it was he - whom the English Government lent to Baron Calice at the Conference, - on account of his special knowledge of the country, and who received - the thanks of both Governments for his services), says: “To people - residing in these countries, and who know the real state of parties, - _and the true nature of the insurrection_, the idea of securing - pacification by concessions to the insurgents appears simply absurd. - In the first place, reforms and concessions cannot be executed until - pacification is obtained, and in the next, for reasons which I have - frequently explained to your Lordship, those who are in arms and who - keep up the insurrection, _care nothing about them; they have other - objects and other interests_.”[86] - - Such was Austria, that was at peace with Turkey, entertaining - friendly relations with the Porte, and protesting in every tone of - diplomatic expressions to every Cabinet in Europe her earnest and - anxious desire for the pacification of the Turkish Provinces! - - - - -APPENDIX C - -BULGARIAN‐ATROCITIES - - - The Slav Committees that had been for thirteen years “working up” - the recalcitrant materials of rebellion in Bulgaria, were proceeding - leisurely in their work when Count Andrassy stole a march upon - them in the Herzegovina; but in spite of every effort on the part - of Austria to precipitate a diplomatic crisis before the Bulgarian - plot was ripe, the Slav Committees, whose venue was Bulgaria, caught - him up before his work was completed. The head Slav Committee was - at Moscow, and there were two central Committees at Kichenew and - Bucharest. They had been established for about thirteen years, but - although their activity had been intermittent, it was through their - influence that the Bulgarian Church had been separated from the - Greek Patriarchal, and that a Bulgarian School under Government - patronage had been established at Odessa to form young Bulgarians - into missionary propagandists of the Slav idea. When, however, the - Herzegovina insurrection broke out, and matters were fast ripening - on that side, a revival of energy at once manifested itself in the - action of these Committees with reference to Bulgaria. As General - Tchernagoff wrote in his paper, the _Russki Mir_ (on 11th May 1876): - “I chose the route by way of Kischenew and the Danube, _along the - whole course of which_, commencing from the Russian frontier to the - Servian boundary, _Committees were formed towards the end of last - year_ for organising the plans of the Bulgarians in their approaching - struggle for independence. Commencing from Bolgrad (a Bulgarian - colony that fell away from Russia and became incorporated with - Roumania by virtue of the Treaty of Paris), I everywhere heard the - same thing, which was to the effect that all had been done that was - possible by the people for the impending struggle.... The movements - of the insurgents are regulated by a fixed programme.” - - We have seen (p. 43) during Midhat Pasha’s Governorship of Bulgaria, - how a raid over the frontier, following the usual tactics of - exasperation, had endeavoured to excite a rising, which was promptly - suppressed by the energy of the Vali. In the beginning of 1874 - unrest began to show itself again in the districts of Trianova, - Kezanlic, and Zagra, but, warned by the effects of neglect in - a recent instance, the authorities had all the leaders of the - movement arrested. Thereupon General Ignatieff made such energetic - representations to the Porte, that orders arrived, not only for the - release of the imprisoned, malcontents, but for the dismissal of all - functionaries concerned in their arrest. The effect of this novel - and original mode of dealing with an insurrection was soon apparent - in the effervescence and excitement it caused among the Mussulman - population throughout the Province. They saw rebel bands organising - without disguise, and approaching their own hearths, the leaders of - which were patronised by foreign consuls and supported by foreign - embassies, whereas defensive measures on the part of their own - natural leaders were discountenanced and punished. - - It was in this frame of mind of the Mussulman population of the - Empire, that the troubles both at Salonica and in Bulgaria occurred. - In October 1875, a local rising took place in the village of Eski - Zagra. Mr Vice‐Consul Brophy writes to Sir H. Elliot:—“In October - 1875 everything was settled for a rising in Bulgaria, in eight or ten - places simultaneously. Something occurred which made it advisable - that the rising should be put off, and messengers were sent to all - the centres, but the “put off” for Eski Zagra arrived twenty‐four - hours late, and that town rose in the full conviction that it was - being seconded by all the force of the insurgents. In fact, the - _émeute_, revolt, rebellion, revolution, or whatever it was, of May - last (1876) was to have come off in October 1875, but did not.”[87] - - The Committees were not ready. But the unrest continued, and when - the Provincial Governors begged the Porte to send regular troops - into the district, General Ignatieff dissuaded Mahmoud Nedim, the - Grand Vizier, from doing so, on the ground that “the presence of - regular troops would have the effect of still further increasing the - excitement.” - - We will now allow Vice‐Consul Dupuis, writing on 7th August 1876, to - give an account to Lord Derby of the origin of the outbreak: “This - was the condition of things when, on the 2nd of May, the insurrection - organised and planned by the Revolutionary Committees, established - during the last thirteen years in Bucharest and Moscow, suddenly - exploded at Avrat Alan. The plan of operation of the revolutionists, - assisted by the village priests and schoolmasters, was to destroy - the railways and bridges throughout the vilayet, to set on fire - Adrianople and Philippopolis, and to attack Tatar Bazardjik with 5000 - men, and seize upon the Government stores there.” An accident caused - the premature explosion of the revolt. “A sergeant of Zaptiés, who - had gone to Avrat Alan, either to collect taxes or to effect some - arrests, was suddenly attacked by armed Bulgarians (who thought their - plans had been betrayed), and had to fly for his life. Shortly after, - troubles broke out at Otloukeuyi and Bellowa; at the same time, the - inhabitants of several Bulgarian villages, it would appear, under the - impression that the impending massacre was at hand, left their homes - and fled to Otloukeuyi and Avrat Alan. - - The alarm then appears to have become general. The Christians were - afraid that they would be massacred by the Mussulmans, while the - latter were afraid that they were going to be exterminated by the - Christians. The numerical strength of the insurgents was stated to be - 15,000. The Mutassarifat of Philippopolis was at that time a Tatar - Bazardjik. Troops were telegraphed for to the Governor‐General of - Adrianople, who, it is said, replied that _as he had no military - force at his disposal_, he thought the best plan would be to - raise irregulars. On the 4th May, a meeting of some notables at - Philippopolis was held, under the presidency of the Mollah, when - the recommendation of the Governor‐General, for raising Nefer Ami - (public soldiers) was approved of, and a decision to that effect was - signed and forwarded to Adrianople. Orders were then immediately - sent to different parts of the vilayet for enlisting irregulars or - Bashi‐bazouks.”[88] These Bashi‐bazouks attacked Peroushtitza Batak - and Klissoura and Otloukeuyi, and there is no doubt that very great - excesses were committed by them. But Mr Dupuis goes on to say: - “It is said, without any attempt at concealment, that the Russian - Vice‐Consul in Philippopolis is solely responsible for the sad - disasters which have befallen Peroushtitza. In many instances, too, - the villages were set on fire by the Bulgarians themselves in order - to compel their inhabitants to take up arms. The village of Singerli, - now a complete mass of ruins, was in the first instance set on fire - by a priest. This man, in order to force the people to rise against - the Government, rushed about the place, knife in hand, telling - them that their hour of deliverance had arrived, and that Russian - soldiers were at hand to aid them against the Turks. I am assured, on - reliable and independent authority, that the Bulgarian insurrection - was carefully and skilfully planned by men possessing knowledge and - experience in military tactics from foreign parts. Had their plans - succeeded, and if the Bulgarians had got the upper hand of the Turks, - there is little doubt the existence of Turkey in Europe would have - been endangered, and the Bulgarians would have committed far greater - excesses than are laid to the charge of the Mussulmans, from the - fact that the former had, from the commencement of the disturbance, - _killed every Turk they came across, regardless as to age or sex, and - by the practising upon them, in several instances, of unspeakable - atrocities_. Atrocities have, undoubtedly, been committed by the - Bulgarians as well as by the Turks. Thus at Carlowo, it was related - to me, on good authority, that a Turkish boy had both his arms flayed - to the elbows by the Bulgarians; while at Otloukeuyi, the Bulgarians - massacred eighty Mussulmans, and cut up a child into pieces, and - publicly offered the flesh for sale, and committed other unspeakable - atrocities on females.”[89] - - As for the Russian Vice‐Consul at Philippopolis, Mr Gueroff, - Vice‐Consul Dupuis says of him: “The news of the Russian Vice‐Consul - at Philippopolis having been insulted, though repeated, is not - generally confirmed. Some say, if he was not insulted, he is trying - his best to provoke it by his conduct.”[90] - - Sir H. Elliot, on 11th August, writes to Lord Derby: “A letter from - Mr Baring, received yesterday, contains these words: ‘There is not - the slightest doubt that the Russian Consul at Philippopolis had a - leading part in creating the late insurrection.’”[91] - - As to the menacing character of the insurrection, there is cumulative - evidence to that effect. On 13th May, Vice‐Consul Brophy, writing - to Sir H. Elliot, says: “I have the honour to express to your - Excellency my belief that the Bulgarian insurrectionary movement, - commenced in the Caza of Philippopolis, will not be confined to that - district. I have some reason for thinking that the plans of the - insurgents embrace six centres of revolt, most of them in the high - Balkan (Kodga Balkan, Stari Planina), in each of which localities - depôts of arms—rifles, revolvers, etc.—ammunition, and provisions are - hidden.”[92] - - The cruelties practised by the insurgents on the Turks were also - beyond all doubt. They were, moreover, in strict conformity with the - practice and instructions of the insurgents in all similar risings. - On 12th May, Mr Dupuis informs Sir H. Elliot: “The burning of Bellowa - seems to have been attended with horrible cruelties to the small - Turkish guard in charge of the place, which, being overpowered, - was hacked to pieces by the Bulgarians. My informant adds that, - shortly after this occurrence, a party of about a hundred and fifty - well‐mounted and equipped insurgents, led by the priests, presented - itself in the village, declaring, with crucifixes in hand, that that - was the way to exterminate Islamism.”[93] Mr Sandison, the first - dragoman of the English Embassy, writing to Sir H. Elliot on 11th - July 1876, says, _à propos_ of these cruelties: “I may here quote the - testimony of the artist employed by the _Illustrated London News_, - who in his travels through Bulgaria came across the body of a Turk - who had been impaled and roasted by Bulgarians. Such acts could not - but lead to reprisals, and to the consequent destruction of many - thousand lives, as well as of a large number of villages, amongst - which must also be included a good many Mussulman ones.”[94] Consul - Reade reports from Rustchuk on 19th July (1876) that “Some Bulgarian - insurgents one day seized two Mussulman women, whose breasts they cut - off _and then put_ them to death.”[95] - - Vice‐Consul Calvert, writing from Philippopolis on 29th August - 1876, says; “The Christian Commissioners, one of whom, Yovantcho - Effendi, is himself a Bulgarian, state themselves to be satisfied - that deeds of great atrocity on the part of the insurgents marked - the commencement of the rising in May last, and that _cruelties - were designedly committed by the insurgents as being the means - best calculated to bring on a general revolution in Bulgaria_, - by rendering the situation of the Christians, however peaceably - inclined, so intolerable under the indiscriminate retaliation - which the governing race was sure to attempt, as to force them in - self‐defence to rise. Among other instances of this Blacque Bey - mentioned to me that the Christian inhabitants of a village near - Tirnovo related to him, how, at the beginning of the revolt, the - insurgents had seized a wealthy Turk of the locality, beloved by - Christians and Moslems alike, for his justice and benevolence, had - buried him up to the waist in the earth, and then stoned him to - death.”[96] - - With reference to the invariable mode of procedure of the leaders of - the insurrection for the very purpose of exciting reprisals, Sir H. - Elliot, in a communication to Lord Derby, says: “The inhabitants of - another village stated that at the beginning of the insurrection, - they were told by _the priests and the schoolmasters_ that the Turks - were advancing, that they must leave this village or they would be - killed by the Turks, and that those who objected were driven out - by force. The Mussulmans who happened to be there were murdered; - their number was differently estimated at twelve and thirty‐two; the - village was then set on fire. The Mussulmans in the neighbourhood - seeing part of the village in flames, went there and pillaged and - burnt the remaining houses.”[97] The revolutionary agents from the - Slav Committees had, since the recrudescence of their activity in the - winter, been working zealously among the Bulgarians. On 4th May Sir - H. Elliot, in acquainting Lord Derby with the movement at Otloukeuyi, - says: “It was known that revolutionary agents were working actively - among the Bulgarians, and that arms and ammunition have latterly been - introduced in considerable quantities.”[98] They knew, too, pretty - well what they were about and when to strike, so that reprisals could - be most surely counted on. Consul Reade, from Rustchuk, informs (9th - May) Sir H. Elliot: “I have also just heard of an event said to - have occurred near Avrat Alan, which, if true, may bring on serious - complications. It is said that a Circassian village in that vicinity - has been burnt; if so, the Circassians, generally a lawless set, are - sure to take their revenge, and this may severely tax the Government - to put down, when once commenced.”[99] Prophetic words indeed! The - revolutionary agents of the Committees found this work difficult - in the face of the repressive measures taken. On the 16th May 1876 - Consul Reade reports from Rustchuk: “Many of the revolutionary - Bulgarians in Wallachia are said to be entering this vilayet, and - some have already been discovered and arrested.”[100] Here, then, we - have revolutionary agents coming from abroad and exciting the people - already long worked upon by priests and schoolmasters brought up in - Russia, to rise in rebellion and to commit every species of atrocity - on the Mussulman population with the direct object of provoking them - to reprisals, which could be exploited against them all over Europe. - We have further the Consul of a friendly Power, one of the chief - leaders of the insurrection, and the “Ambassador of the same friendly - Power” at Constantinople, strongly counselling against the despatch - of regular troops to districts where the Governor‐General urges the - necessity of their presence, and when the Mussulman inhabitants, in - their defence and under the impulse of panic and exaggerated fear - of what was going to happen, without any regular force to protect - them, arm irregular bands from any quarter they can procure them - with, likely enough, not sufficient discrimination and examination - as to their character, scenes are, no doubt, enacted, and atrocities - committed, which every human being, be he Christian or Mahometan, - would in cold blood deprecate and deplore. - - As Sir H. Elliot says: “An insurrection or civil war is everywhere - accompanied by cruelties and abominable excesses, and this being - tenfold the case in Oriental countries where people are divided into - antagonistic creeds and races, the responsibility and sin of those - who incite a peaceful province to rise becomes doubly heavy, and - they now endeavour to throw them upon others.”[101] Nobody outside - Timbuctoo approves or condones cruelties, but the charge against the - Ottoman authorities really amounts to their arming and employing - irregular troops, Pomaks, Circassians, Gipsies, etc., over whom they - could exercise very imperfect control. But as Mehemet Rushdi Pasha - told the English Ambassador, “the emergency was so great as to render - it indispensable at once to stamp the movement out by any means - that were immediately available.”[102] Mehemet Rushdi himself, it - will be remembered, only came into office after those acts had been - committed. He was consequently in no way responsible, neither he nor - Midhat, either for their commission or for the events that led up to - them. - - With reference to the _Daily News_ article on Turkish atrocities, - which started the agitation against Turkey in England, Sir H. - Elliot, writing on the 25th July 1876, says: “I have reason to - believe that the credulity of the correspondent of the _Daily - News_, whose letters on the subject of the Bulgarian atrocities - attracted so much attention in England, has been imposed upon by - two Bulgarian relatives of one of the presumed ringleaders of the - revolt, inhabiting Philippopolis. One of these was for a time editor - of a Bulgarian journal in Constantinople, and it is evident that - information derived from such a source can only be regarded as - untrustworthy.”[103] - - As the very aim and purpose of the insurrection was to create - excitement and provoke hatred of the Turk in Europe, it is no wonder - if the most monstrous exaggerations passed current as peremptory - truths. - - Sir H. Elliot, writing on 6th July, says: “The excesses committed - in the suppression of the insurrection have unquestionably been - very great, as was inevitable from the nature of the force which - the Porte was, in the first emergency, obliged to employ, but it - is equally certain that the details which have been given, coming - almost exclusively from Russian and Bulgarian sources, are so - _monstrously exaggerated_ as to deprive them of much claim to much - attention. Cases of revolting cruelty have been mentioned to me in - such a circumstantial manner as to make it almost impossible to - doubt this truth, but which proved, on investigation, to be entirely - fictitious.... Turkish ministers deny that the cruelties have been on - a scale at all approaching to what they are represented; they point - out that the horrors committed on Turkish women and children are - passed over in silence, and they plead that they had no alternative - _but_ to use the irregular force at their disposal to put down an - unprovoked insurrection fomented from abroad, the authors of which - are responsible for the sufferings which have been entailed upon both - Christians and Mahometans.”[104] - - Some of the fictions invented were quite picturesque and dramatic. - These fictions and legends were not confined to Bulgaria, and Canon - Liddon and a Rev. Mr MacColl carried off the palm for ingenious - credulity. On the 2nd October 1876, Sir H. Elliot telegraphs to - Her Majesty’s Consul at Bosnia Serai: “Canon Liddon and a friend, - who went to Servia by the Bosnian frontier, state that they saw - examples of revolting cruelties practised by Turkish officers of the - regular army, who have _impaled_, at all military stations along the - frontier, men and women. Report as to truth of these statements.” - On the 5th inst. the startled Consul sends the following reply: - “Everything known here would make statement in your telegram of 2nd - inst. perfectly incredible, _but_ for the name of your Excellency’s - informant. I will write of this by next post.”[105] The statement of - the distinguished ecclesiastic created a great sensation. It turned - out, however, that he had obtained his information from passengers - in a steam vessel on the Save, and that they had not travelled along - the frontier at all, as Sir A. Buchanan, who first reported to Sir - H. Elliot, had been led to believe. “The whole story, therefore,” - adds Sir A. Buchanan, “probably resolves itself, as suggested by Mr - Holmes, to heads or even bodies having been exposed on poles, as I - have myself seen hanging in chains during the British Protectorate - of Corfu.”[106] Mr Holmes, in his report, after demonstrating the - absurdity of the story, politely adds: “Now, if Canon Liddon states - that he saw what he describes, of course I can say nothing to the - contrary; but if he has only been assured of these atrocities, it - is most certain that he has been grossly deceived, with a view to - make use of his voice and influence as a means of increasing and - confirming public opinion in England, in the belief of the barbarous - conduct attributed to the Turks, and in hostility to them.”[107] - These reverend gentlemen had evidently been the victims of, as Mr - Holmes further says, “a monstrous joke,” and he proceeds to explain - the matter. “After much reflection, however, the matter is, I think, - as clear as possible. Near most Bosnian farm‐houses there are stakes, - such as Mr MacColl describes, around which the haricot beans ... are - fixed up to dry with something above them to keep off the birds.... - At the time of Mr MacColl’s voyage down the Save, it is probable that - most of the beans had been garnered, but a portion might have been - left on one of the stakes which attracted his attention. This, on - being pointed out to some practical joker amongst the officers of the - steamboat, with its accidental likeness to a body, together, perhaps, - with the previous conversation of the travellers, suggested the hoax, - which, on seeing that it was seriously accepted, was kept up till the - end of the journey.”[108] - - Another and most probable explanation of this astounding story was - that what Canon Liddon and his friend really saw, “was a watchman who - had mounted on his stake, probably to look at the steamer descending - the Save.”[109] Anybody may be mistaken, even distinguished - ecclesiastics; but what, in such quasi‐sacred persons was scarcely to - be expected, was the tenacity with which they stuck to the impalement - theory, after it was exploded in the minds of all impartial persons. - Even high dignitaries of the Church don’t like being laughed at. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] “History of the Ottoman Empire,” vol. ii. p. 356. - -[2] “La Motraye,” La Haye, 1727, vol. i. pp. 383, 462. - -[3] See the “Relation du Baile Garzoni,” of 1586. - -[4] See Gervinus’ “Insurrection et Régéneration de la Grèce,” vol. i. -p. 16. - -[5] Pozzo di Borgo to Count Nesselrode, November 1828. - -[6] _“The First Dragoman of the Russian Embassy to Mahmoud Nedim._[A] - -“MY DEAR HIGHNESS,—I have communicated the observations of your -Highness to His Excellency the Ambassador, who has assured us in his -reply that he will use his influence to arrest the Herzegovinian -insurrection. No one desires more earnestly than ourselves the success -of Your Highness’ projects. - -“Your Highness may give the necessary assurances to whom they may -concern.” (1873). - -[Taken from a pamphlet called “Ussi Inkillab,” which was published at -the beginning of the reign of Abdul Hamid—an interesting document in -proving this fact.] - -[A] _Nineteenth Century_, January 1903. - -[7] See Appendix.—“Bulgarian Atrocities.” - -[8] See Appendix—“Bulgarian Atrocities.” - -[9] See Appendix. - -[10] _Nineteenth Century_, February 1888. - -[11] Boat. - -[12] _Nineteenth Century_, January 1903. - -[13] “Blue Book,” _Turkey_, 2, No. 105. - -[14] _Nineteenth Century_, February 1888, p. 279. - -[15] Although a man of this description, unfit for Parliament, was -quite fitted to represent his Sovereign at one of the most important -Courts of Europe.—AUTHOR. - -[16] The Director‐General of official and private correspondence -between the Palace and the Sublime Porte. - -[17] Blue Book, _Turkey_, 2, 1877, No. 152. - -[18] _Nineteenth Century_, January 1903. - -[19] Blue Book, _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 985. - -[20] _Times_, 10th February 1877. - -[21] Mr Blunt, H.B.M. Consul at Salonica, addressed the following -despatch to Lord Derby:— - - “SALONICA, _10th February 1877_. - -“MY LORD, - - * * * * * - -“The leading men with whom I have conversed, and the people in general -here, manifest much surprise and some irritation at the sudden -dismissal of Midhat Pasha from the Grand Vizierate, in whom they had -full confidence that he would carry out reforms. - -“The prevailing impression here is, especially among the Turks, that -the fall of this popular statesman has been prepared and effected by -the Sultan’s immediate _entourage_. - -“In case there is any demonstration at Constantinople, in favour of -Midhat Pasha, the popular feeling at Salonica would, I think, coincide -with it.[B]—I have, etc., - - J. E. BLUNT.” - -[B] Blue Book, _Turkey_, 15, 1877, No. 171. - -[22] At the accession of Abdul Hamid, he was his favourite First -Secretary, and was thereupon appointed Grand Vizier. - -[23] He had been Grand Vizier in the time of Abdul Aziz, and ruined the -Empire by his wretched and Russophil policy. - -[24] “_Turkey. Constantinople, 11th May._—The doubts I expressed in -a recent despatch, concerning the veracity of the chief witnesses in -the enquiry about the death of Abdul Aziz, are being confirmed, and -the Sultan now hesitates about bringing the affair before a public -tribunal. Several important personages, who cannot be suspected of -complicity, declare openly that the raising of the question was the -result of an intrigue, and at the Palace the opinion is gaining ground -that the matter will terminate with the degradation and exile of the -Sultan’s two brothers‐in‐law, and the temporary imprisonment of their -supposed accomplices, without any formal trial. When the enquiry was -first instituted, an old and devoted friend of the dynasty reminded the -Sultan of an unsavoury Turkish saying, equivalent to our proverb about -the wisdom of letting sleeping dogs lie, and His Majesty has now reason -to regret that he did not follow his advice.”—_Times_, 12th May (p. 5, -col. 3). - -[25] “Midhat Pasha, on taking refuge at the French Consulate, sent -letters to all the other Consuls, requesting the protection of the -Powers. The Consuls accordingly held a meeting, and decided to ask -instructions from their respective Governments. The reason alleged -by Midhat is that he is a victim of personal animosity, and that he -is in danger of personal violence, but this ground of defence has -been anticipated by the Imperial decision that the whole affair shall -be submitted to the regular tribunal, the sittings of which will -be public. His Majesty is evidently anxious that the whole matter -should be thoroughly sifted, and for this purpose has appointed a -sub‐commission to interrogate the native and foreign doctors who held -the post‐mortem examination on the body of the late Sultan, as it has -been rumoured that the medical report made at the time, is not quite in -accordance with the testimony of certain witnesses recently examined. -This procedure seems to remove effectually the danger of personal -violence, which Midhat alleges as the reason for having put himself -under foreign protection.”—_Times_, 19th May (p. 5, col. 4). - - -_By Indo‐European Telegraph._ - -“_Constantinople, 18th May._—On receiving instructions from his -Ambassador, the French Consul at Smyrna requested Midhat Pasha to quit -the Consulate, whereupon the latter proceeded to surrender himself to -the Turkish Military Governor. A judicial enquiry will be commenced at -Smyrna.” - - -“_Turkey. Constantinople, 21st May._—Letters from Smyrna give some -details concerning the arrest of Midhat Pasha. Between one and -two o’clock on Tuesday morning he was awoke by a bugle‐call. He -discovered that troops were advancing under the command of Hilmi Pasha, -accompanied by one of the Sultan’s aides‐de‐camp, who had recently -arrived from Constantinople. He at once suspected the motive of the -nocturnal visit, and as a small body of soldiers were entering the -courtyard, he made his escape by a door in the wall of the harem -garden, and reached safely the French Consulate. At an early hour the -Consul assembled his colleagues, and Midhat Pasha declared to them that -he placed himself under the protection of the Powers. Then followed the -interchange of despatches with Constantinople and Paris, which I have -described in a previous telegram. Midhat Pasha declared that he had no -wish to leave the country, and was ready to proceed to Constantinople -if he could obtain the necessary guarantees that he would be fairly -tried, but Hilmi Pasha thought it prudent to take precautionary -measures against a second flight by preventing small boats from -approaching that part of the quay. Meanwhile, the French Consul had -received stringent orders to withdraw the temporary protection which he -had afforded, and accordingly, after having again called his colleagues -together, he formally surrendered the fugitive to the Military. Next -morning the Minister of Justice arrived in a special steamer to make a -judicial enquiry. Midhat Pasha is being carefully guarded in a room in -the barracks.”—_Times_, 23rd May 1881 (p. 7, col. 2). - -[26] The Sheik‐ul‐Islam Haïroullah Effendi, and the two brothers‐in‐law -of Abdul Hamid—Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin and Damad Nouri Pashas. - -[27] Who had killed the Ministers in Midhat Pasha’s house in 1876. - -[28] _Times_, 5th June 1882, page 8, col. 2.—“Constantinople, 3rd -June. According to a despatch from Djeddah, the Dragoman of the British -Consulate at that place has gone to Mecca, the bearer of a letter from -the British Government to the Grand Shereef, expressing the friendly -sentiments of England towards him, and asking for news of Midhat Pasha. - -“The Grand Shereef, in reply, is stated to have assured the Dragoman -that Midhat Pasha was in no danger of any kind. This step on the part -of England has produced considerable sensation among the Arabs, who -continue to attribute to the British Government designs of gaining -ground and influence in Arabia.” - -[29] Afterwards General of Division with title of Pasha, and -transferred from Adrianople to Yemen. - -[30] About midnight European time. - -[31] The following is a list of the officers and men who assassinated -Midhat, 29th Redjeb, 1301 of the Hegira, or 12th May 1883. - - Captain Ibrahim Circassian. - Non‐Commissioned Officer Lieutenant Nouri Native of Coumla. - - Soldiers - 1st Company of Foot The Sergeant Ahmed Native of Adremid. - 1st ” Coundirédji Ismail ” Yozgad. - 2nd ” Ahmed ” Kutahia. - 2nd ” Mehemet ” Kutahia. - 2nd ” Redjeb ” Kumuljina. - 4th ” Osman ” Kara Hissar. - 2nd ” Berber Ismail[C] ” Adrianople. - - -The following persons were commissioned to deal with Mahmoud Pasha. - - - Non‐Commissioned Officer Lieutenant Memiche Native of Sparta. - Non‐Commissioned Officer Lieutenant Mehemet ” Eudemiche. - - Soldiers - 2nd Company of Foot The Sergeant Hassan Native of Kutahia. - 2nd ” The Sergeant Suleiman ” Kara Hissar. - 4th ” Corporal Mehemet ” Antalia. - 1st ” Osman Baltadji ” Kara Hissar. - 1st ” Ahmed ” Tchoroum. - 1st ” Ali (Roumelian) ” Samanli‐Kieuï. - 4th ” Berber Mustapha ” Dimétoka. - 4th ” Ali ” Zile. - -[C] These soldiers belong to the conscription of 1296 S.T. except the -one who belongs to 1300 S.T. - -[32] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 422. - -[33] _Ibid._, 3, 1877. - -[34] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, Nos. 529 and 530. - -[35] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 1. - -[36] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, Incl. No. 554. - -[37] _Ibid._, No. 559. - -[38] _Ibid._, No. 452. - -[39] _Ibid._, Incl. No. 479. - -[40] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 452. - -[41] _Ibid._, No. 197. - -[42] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, No. 325. - -[43] _Ibid._, No. 324 - -[44] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, No. 564. - -[45] _Ibid._, Nos. 470 and 498. - -[46] _Ibid._, No. 508. - -[47] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 516. - -[48] _Ibid._, No. 540. - -[49] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, No. 584. - -[50] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, No. 612. - -[51] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 952. - -[52] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 986. - -[53] _Ibid._, No. 952. - -[54] _Ibid._, No. 950. - -[55] _Ibid._, No. 950. - -[56] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, Nos. 166 and 239. - -[57] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 23. - -[58] _Ibid._, 1, No. 544. - -[59] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, Nos. 459 and 517; and _Turkey_, 1, 1877, Nos. -551 and 898; and _Turkey_, 2, 1877, No. 27. - -[60] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, Nos. 528, 541, 551, and 552. - -[61] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, No. 52. - -[62] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 718. - -[63] Blue Book, _Turkey_ 2, 1876, No. 1. - -[64] Blue Book, No. 2. - -[65] _Ibid._, No. 32. - -[66] _Turkey_, 2, 1876, No. 16. - -[67] _Ibid._, No. 47. - -[68] _Turkey_, 2, 1876, No. 70. - -[69] _Ibid._, No. 71. - -[70] _Ibid._, No. 63. - -[71] _Turkey_, 3, No. 6. - -[72] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 11. - -[73] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 44. - -[74] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 121. - -[75] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 128. - -[76] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 130. - -[77] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 195. - -[78] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 221. - -[79] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 248. - -[80] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, Incl. No. 313. (Lord Odo Russell pronounces -this document authentic. 3rd July 1876, No. 363.) - -[81] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 185. - -[82] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 259. - -[83] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 51, Incl. - -[84] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 479. - -[85] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 491. - -[86] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 491. - -[87] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 674 Incl. - -[88] _Turkey_, 3, 1877, No. 57 Incl. - -[89] _Ibid._ - -[90] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 343, Incl. - -[91] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, No. 24. - -[92] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, Incl. 4 in 289. - -[93] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 289, Incl. - -[94] _Ibid._, 5, 1876, Incl. 1 in No. 18. - -[95] _Ibid._, 5, 1876, Incl. 2 in No. 21. - -[96] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, Incl. in No. 222. - -[97] _Ibid._, 5, 1876, No. 22. - -[98] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 252. - -[99] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 273, Incl. - -[100] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 315, Incl. - -[101] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 221. - -[102] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No 513. - -[103] _Ibid._, 5, 1876, No. 24. - -[104] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 538. - -[105] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, No. 539. - -[106] _Ibid._, 686. - -[107] _Turkey_, Incl. in No. 687. - -[108] _Ibid._, Incl. in No. 961. - -[109] _Ibid._, 2, 1877, Incl. in No. 179. - - - PRINTED AT THE EDINBURGH PRESS, 9 AND 11 YOUNG STREET. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The life of Midhat Pasha; a record of -his services, political reforms, bani, by Ali Haydar Midhat - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF MIDHAT PASHA *** - -***** This file should be named 51243-0.txt or 51243-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/1/2/4/51243/ - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - |