diff options
| author | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-05 08:57:36 -0800 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-05 08:57:36 -0800 |
| commit | 9636c1b160cc6bd9fca72f1ff46f1c6990980ae7 (patch) | |
| tree | 920baee2111f2de360c725ab7a0500baae502fbe | |
| parent | 6e358c31109e502ae6ef78641d11be523da9e9ec (diff) | |
| -rw-r--r-- | .gitattributes | 4 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | LICENSE.txt | 11 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | README.md | 2 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51243-0.txt | 11256 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51243-0.zip | bin | 229493 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51243-h.zip | bin | 359195 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51243-h/51243-h.htm | 13447 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51243-h/images/cover.jpg | bin | 59796 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51243-h/images/i_042fp.jpg | bin | 56219 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/51243-h/images/i_frontis.jpg | bin | 13452 -> 0 bytes |
10 files changed, 17 insertions, 24703 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6eb0be0 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #51243 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/51243) diff --git a/old/51243-0.txt b/old/51243-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 993836a..0000000 --- a/old/51243-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,11256 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The life of Midhat Pasha; a record of his -services, political reforms, banishment, , by Ali Haydar Midhat - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The life of Midhat Pasha; a record of his services, political reforms, banishment, and judicial murder (1903) - -Author: Ali Haydar Midhat - -Release Date: February 17, 2016 [EBook #51243] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF MIDHAT PASHA *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - -THE LIFE OF MIDHAT PASHA - -[Illustration: - -_From a Photograph._ - -_The Typographic Etching Co. Ph. Sc._ - -_Midhat Pasha._] - - - - - THE LIFE OF - - MIDHAT PASHA - - A RECORD OF HIS SERVICES, - POLITICAL REFORMS, BANISHMENT, - AND JUDICIAL MURDER - - DERIVED FROM PRIVATE DOCUMENTS AND - REMINISCENCES - - BY HIS SON ALI HAYDAR MIDHAT BEY - - WITH PORTRAITS - - - LONDON - JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W. - 1903 - - - - -PREFACE - - -As the Son of Midhat Pasha I was for fifteen years compelled to reside -as an exile in Smyrna, but finding the physical and moral sufferings to -which I was there subjected greater than I could endure, I succeeded -in quitting the territories of the Sultan, and came to take up my -residence in this hospitable land, and among this great and free people. - -In the following pages I have endeavoured to carry out a duty which has -long been incumbent on me, by letting the public, and especially the -English public, know the true story of my father’s career, and of his -death. - -The record is based mainly on documents and notes left by him. In -obedience to requests from high quarters I abstain from publishing -certain documents and correspondence which, bearing as they do on -International affairs, might be calculated to cause embarrassment and -do harm. - -It is possible that some of my father’s papers which I have now -printed, and which were written in Turkish, may have lost some of their -original brightness in the process of translation, but at least, most -scrupulous care has been taken to give the sense of them accurately. - -There can be no doubt that at the present time Turkey is suffering -from a Reign of Terror, and is in a state of anarchy. I hope that the -narrative contained in these pages may afford some evidence of the -methods by which this condition of affairs has been produced. - -My readers will learn how the Sovereign of the Ottoman Empire, in order -to carry out his own system of Government, has suppressed every effort -for reform, and has removed those men, who by their force of character, -by their uprightness, and by their popularity, seemed capable of -thwarting his designs, and amending the condition of the country and of -the people. - -I wish to state here that I have a profound respect for the Imperial -Throne, and it is this consideration alone, I repeat it, and the honour -of my country, which makes me regard it as a duty to humanity to expose -the nefarious system of Sultan Abdul Hamid. - -In conclusion, I would beg to offer my thanks to the Proprietors of the -_Times_ newspaper for giving me permission to reprint the excellent -report of my father’s trial which appeared in their columns. - - - ALI HAYDAR MIDHAT. - - EASTBOURNE, _August 6, 1903_. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - CHAPTER I - - EARLY HISTORY OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE - - Page - - Christians in Turkey—Turkish treatment of Subject - Races—Corruptions of the Ottoman System—Persistent policy of - Russia—Panslavic Committees—The Palace and the Porte—Growth - of Autocracy—The Janissaries—Revolt of Mehemet Ali—Reforms - of Abdul Medjid—The Czar Nicholas—Origins of the Crimean - War—The Crimean War—Attitude of France—Attitude of Austria 1–31 - - - CHAPTER II - - MIDHAT’S EARLY YEARS - - Midhat in the Balkan Provinces—Governorship of Nish, - etc.—Widdin and Silistria—Midhat’s Success in Danube - Provinces—Intrigues of General Ignatieff—Insurrection - stirred up—Organisation of local Militia—Appointed Vali - of Bagdad—Fighting and Reforms—Finance and Engineering - Work—Bussora—Koweit, the Nedjed—The Conquest of - Nedjed—Defeat of Abdul Kerim—Aali Pasha—Extravagance of - Abdul Aziz—Midhat as Grand Vizier 32–66 - - - CHAPTER III - - DEPOSITION AND DEATH OF ABDUL AZIZ - - Troubles in Herzegovina—Riots at Salonica—Outbreak - in Bulgaria—Meeting at Reichstadt—The Andrassy - Memorandum—The Sultan opposes Reform—Deposition of Abdul - Aziz—Preparations for the _Coup d’État_—Sultan Murad—Death - of Abdul Aziz—Breakdown of Sultan Murad—Damad Mahmoud’s - Conspiracy—Prince Hamid—Deposition of Murad 67–99 - - - CHAPTER IV - - ABDUL HAMID SULTAN - - Abdul Hamid II.—The Imperial Household—The Speech from the - Throne—Nominal Reforms—Midhat’s Difficulties—Nominal and - Real Reforms—The New Constitution—Sovereign Rights 100–115 - - - CHAPTER V - - SECOND GRAND VIZIERATE OF MIDHAT PASHA - - Opposition Intrigues—“Midhat’s Constitution”—Intrigues - against Midhat—Zia Bey—The Press—Promulgation of the - Constitution—Rescript of Abdul Hamid—Favourable Reception of - the Constitution 116–131 - - - CHAPTER VI - - THE CONFERENCE AND MIDHAT’S EXILE - - Conference at Constantinople—General Ignatieff’s Conduct—The - New Constitution and the Powers—Galib Pasha and the - Finances—Mixed Schools—Protest of Midhat—Midhat Exiled—The - Sultan’s Precautions—Prince Gortchakoff and General - Ignatieff—Russian Declaration—Prince Gortchakoff’s Circular 132–154 - - - CHAPTER VII - - MIDHAT PASHA IN EUROPE - - The Sultan’s Speech—Russia Declares War—Midhat in - Naples—Midhat’s Efforts for Peace—Midhat’s Recall by the - Sultan—Midhat and Kiamil Bey 155–171 - - - CHAPTER VIII - - THE RETURN OF MIDHAT PASHA TO TURKEY - - Midhat in Crete—Appointed Governor of Syria 172–175 - - - CHAPTER IX - - MIDHAT PASHA, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SYRIA - - The Sultan Opposes Reforms—Cause of Midhat’s - Resignation—Condition of Syria—The Druses and the Arabs—The - Turbulent Druses—Troops to be sent—The Druses—Resignation - of Midhat—The Palace and Judicial Reforms—Midhat and Syria 176–195 - - - CHAPTER X - - MIDHAT, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SMYRNA - - Abdul Aziz’ Death—The _Terdjumani Hakikat_—Attack on - Midhat—Attitude of the French Consul—Midhat’s Arrest 196–206 - - - CHAPTER XI - - THE TRIAL OF MIDHAT PASHA - - Mustapha the Wrestler—The Case for the Defence—Midhat’s - Defence—A Parody of Justice—The Public Prosecutor—Before - the Court of Appeal—Grand Council—The British - Parliament—Questions in Parliament—Mr M’Coan—Mr - Gladstone—Lord Stratheden and Campbell—England’s - Intervention 207–233 - - - CHAPTER XII - - EXILE OF MIDHAT PASHA - - Midhat in Prison—Attempt to Poison Midhat—Arrest of Shereef - Abdul Mutalib—Haïroullah Effendi 234–241 - - - CHAPTER XIII - - DETAILS OF THE ASSASSINATION OF MIDHAT PASHA, ACCORDING - TO INFORMATION DERIVED FROM HAÏROULLAH EFFENDI - - Return of Bekir—Midhat and Bekir—Tampering with - Food—Attempts to Poison—Preparations for the Murder—The - Murder 242–256 - - - APPENDIX A - - THE NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE BERLIN NOTE AND THE - CONFERENCE OF CONSTANTINOPLE - - Negotiations following the Berlin Note—The Conference at - Reichstadt—Servian Diplomacy and Defeat—England Proposes - Terms—An Ultimatum to the Porte—Disagreement among the - Powers 257–270 - - - APPENDIX B - - THE INSURRECTION OF HERZEGOVINA AND BOSNIA AND THE - BERLIN NOTE - - Herzegovina and Bosnia—Lord Derby and Austria—Intentional - Bad Faith—Austrian Diplomacy—The Berlin Note—Austria and - Russia—Mr Monson’s Despatch 271–284 - - - APPENDIX C - - BULGARIAN ATROCITIES - - A Bulgarian Insurrection—Revolutionary Agents at - Work—Fictions and Ingenious Credulity 285–292 - - - - -MIDHAT PASHA - - - - -CHAPTER I - -EARLY HISTORY OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE - - -It would be inconsistent with the general plan of this book to give -more than a very summary and cursory view of the early history of the -Ottoman Empire before the time of Midhat Pasha; but it will not be -inappropriate, and may possibly aid in elucidating the history of his -times, and throw light on his work of reform, if the main features of -that history be here drawn in outline, and some of the phases traced -through which the Turkish Empire passed during the four centuries that -elapsed between the taking of Constantinople by Mehemet II. and the -Crimean War. - -It has sometimes been objected to Midhat Pasha and the Constitution -of 1876, by those who have given a very superficial study to the -subject, or who have a political object in depreciating all reforms -in Turkey, that, however admirable the Constitution may have been -in itself, it was prematurely and precipitately introduced, and ill -adapted to the peculiar conditions of the Ottoman people. One of the -aims of this book is to show that, so far from this being the case, -the reforms associated with the name of Midhat Pasha were conceived in -the very spirit of the early Ottoman Constitution, and were expressly -suggested by the wants and requirements of that country as revealed -in the course of its administration to a succession of statesmen, who -found themselves in practice hampered at every turn, and their best -efforts continually thwarted by the absence of the very checks and -safeguards which Midhat’s Constitution endeavoured to impose. Within -half a century of the taking of Constantinople (1454) by Mehemet II., -Bulgaria, Servia, Moldavia, Wallachia and large portions of Hungary and -Poland were added to the Ottoman dominions. It was (as all impartial -writers now admit) as much by virtue of the simplicity and purity -of its creed, and the force of propagandism that it in consequence -possessed, as by the force of arms, that Islam made such astounding -progress in those days. If extensive provinces and important kingdoms -yielded with slight resistance before the advance of the Ottoman -armies, and if large masses of the conquered populations adopted the -religion of the conquerors, it was because their moral conquest was -effected before their political subjection was attempted. - -The reputation, too, for justice and moderation enjoyed by the early -Ottoman sovereigns was no insignificant factor in conciliating the -goodwill and blunting the opposition of nations, who might under -different conditions have opposed a more serious resistance to the -advance of the Ottoman armies. Sixty years before the appearance of -the Turks before Constantinople, the people of the ancient kingdoms -of Roumania were called upon to choose between the Magyars—who, -in conformity with their traditional policy, desired to Magyarise -Wallachia—and the Ottoman sovereign, who offered the inhabitants the -enjoyment of their religious and civil liberty. They did not hesitate -between the two, and Mircea signed, with the Sultan Bayazid, the first -capitulation of Roumania (1393). Twenty‐six years later, in 1419, the -Servian ruler Brankovich, pressed by John Hunyadi, ruler of Hungary, -to join him in an alliance against the Turks, invited him to state the -policy in respect to religion that he proposed to adopt, in the event -of victory attending their joint military efforts. Hunyadi answered -without periphrasis, that the Servians would have to adopt the Catholic -worship. Brankovich then addressed a similar question to Mehemet I. “I -propose,” replied the latter, “to build a church next to every mosque, -and proclaim that every one shall be at liberty to follow his own -worship and religion.” Brankovich rejected the Hungarian alliance, and -declared himself the vassal of the Turkish Sultan. - -But, it has been contended, the condition of the Christian populations -(_Raias_) of the countries actually conquered by Islam was very -different; and there is even a widespread popular belief that these -populations were forced to “opt” (to use a modern phrase) between the -religion of the conquerors and death, the poll‐tax (_kharadj_) being -the money composition imposed in commutation of the death sentence. -Nothing can be more erroneous. The _kharadj_ was the tax imposed on the -Christian population in lieu of the military service and other similar -duties from which they were exempted, disabilities generally regarded -by them as privileges, and in consequence of which they have increased -and multiplied and become rich and prosperous in the land. An entirely -false interpretation has been given to a passage in the Koran, which -was even quoted by the Austrian plenipotentiaries at the Conference -of Niemirow, in 1737, in support of the “Death or Koran” theory here -referred to. The true answer, which indeed is obvious from the context, -was given by the Ottoman negotiators on this occasion, viz., that the -text quoted applied only to idolaters and not to the “people of the -Book.” Anyone who knows anything of the religion of Mahomet is aware -of the important distinction recognised therein between the “people of -the Book” (_kitabi_) and idolaters (_medjous_), and knows that whereas -little mercy, it is true, was shown to the latter, the former were -included in the Dar‐ul‐Islam (the house of Islam), where they formed an -integral portion of the empire, and that the true Mahomedan was taught, -with respect to the latter, that “their substance is as our substance, -their eyes as our eyes, and their souls as our souls.” The fable, too, -that the murder of a Christian by a Mahomedan was considered by the -Cheri (sacred law) as a trivial offence, and was visited by a lighter -punishment than the same crime committed on the person of a Mussulman, -is disposed of by the _Fetva_ delivered by the Mufti (Supreme Judge -of the Sacred Law), and quoted by Cantimer[1] in answer to the -question, “What should be the penalty if eleven Mussulmans murdered one -Christian?” “If the Mussulmans were one thousand and one in number, -instead of only eleven, they should all be put to death.” - -So far indeed is it from being historically true that the conquered -Christian populations were forced by the sword to adopt the religion of -Mahomet, that when Selim I. desired, for reasons of what he considered -long‐sighted policy, so to convert the Christians of the Balkans, he -was stopped short in the attempt by a _Fetva_ of the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, -Zenbilli Ali Effendi, who pronounced such a proceeding to be contrary -to the Koran and the Cheri (sacred law), and the attempt was -accordingly abandoned. - -It may be remarked, in passing, that history does not relate that -Cromwell was ever diverted from a policy similar to that from which -Selim was deflected, or hampered in his enactment of the penal laws -in Ireland by any such scruples or protests on the part of the -ecclesiastical authorities of his day. However that may be, the policy -of the Ottoman sovereigns with reference to the conquered Raias was -the exact opposite to that popularly supposed. Nor was the policy -actually adopted the result of any idiosyncracy or peculiar generosity -on their part. It was in strict obedience to the injunctions of the -Prophet, and in conformity with the policy pursued by himself in the -“letters patent,” accorded to the Christians (_nassara_) on the 4th day -of Moharem of the year 11 of the Hegira. It was in fact the fixed and -settled policy of the Mussulman political system. - -In proof of this position some European authorities, by no means -particularly inclined to the Ottoman cause, Montesquieu for example, -may be quoted. This author bears testimony to the happy change effected -in the condition of the Greek population of the empire after the -occupation of their capital by the Turks: “The people,” he says, “in -place of that continued series of vexations which the subtle avarice -of the Byzantine Emperors had devised, were now subjected to a simple -tribute, easily paid and lightly borne, happy in having to submit to -even a barbarous nation (_sic_) rather than to a corrupt government -under which they suffered all the inconveniences of a fictitious -liberty with all the horrors of a real servitude.” - -The reports of the Venetian ambassadors, and the narratives of -travellers in the sixteenth century, like La Motraye, offer concurrent -testimony to the tolerance and moderation of this “barbarous nation.” -“The other (_i.e._ the Christian) subjects of the Empire,” says La -Motraye, “enjoy all the liberty of conscience that they can desire. -They go to the churches and pilgrimages and practise all the rights of -their religion, without fear or molestation. The same thing applies -to their commerce and temporal affairs. They have no dread of being -deprived of the fruits of their labours, which they enjoy without let -or hindrance.”[2] - -Compare with this condition of the Greek Raias of the Ottoman Empire -that, for instance, of the Greek population of Chio under Genoese -domination, as described by Genoese writers themselves, and quoted by -Mr Fustel de Coulanges, where the unfortunate population, in addition -to daily exactions and injustices, were compelled four times a year, at -Christmas, Easter, Whitsunday, and the Feast of the Circumcision, to -attend a ceremony, best described as “a feast of humiliation,” at which -their clergy and chief citizens were summoned to the palace of the -Podesta, where a herald, mounted on a stand, with a wand in his hand, -read four prayers for the Pope, the Emperor, the Republic of Genoa, and -the family of the Justiniani, and obliged the assembled Chiotes, at -the end of each prayer, to answer in responsive and quasi‐enthusiastic -acclamations; these poor Chiotes being thus compelled to acclaim and -pray for the Pope—their greatest enemy—the Emperor they knew nothing -about, the Republic that had subjected them, and the family of the -Justiniani whom they detested, representing as it did the “Maona” (a -financial company) that ruthlessly pillaged them. - -Take again the case of the Candiotes under the domination of the -Venetians, in which the Greek population of the island did not hesitate -to conspire with the Turkish besiegers in order to deliver their -capital into their hands, and thus free themselves from the oppression -of the Italian Republic.[3] - -Even the Greeks of the Morea complained bitterly of the religious -persecution of the Venetians, whereas, said they, “the Turks allowed -us all the liberty we required.”[4] - -These quotations, which could be multiplied _ad infinitum_, will -probably suffice. It was indeed the universal cry of all the Christian -population in the East, from the middle of the fifteenth century to the -beginning of the eighteenth—“A thousand times rather the Turks than -the Latins.” - -That corruptions gradually grew up in the land of the Osmanli; that -perversions of the law crept into its practice, and that prejudices, -engendered by ignorance, created abuses which in earlier days were -sternly repressed, it is not intended here to deny. Indeed it is the -contention of this book that such perversions, the causes of which -it will be its purpose to trace, did spring up, as rank weeds, in -the Ottoman system; but what is strenuously asserted, and what will, -it is hoped, be proved, is that they formed no part or parcel of the -original Ottoman Constitution, but were, on the contrary, excrescences -in that system, violations of its spirit and essence; and further, that -the efforts of the reforming party in the nation, from the days of -Selim III. to the accession of Abdul Hamid II., through an apostolic -succession of patriots and statesmen—including the Keuprulu Mehemets, -the Reshids, the Aalis, the Fuads and the Midhats—were directed to the -end of restoring the spirit of that Constitution, with such adaptation -of it to the requirements of the day as the experience, science and -political conditions of the world required. - -Mehemet II., from the moment he sheathed his sword on victory being -assured, manifested his determination that the lives and properties of -the conquered populations should be respected, and, in order to give -weight to his orders to that effect, took immediate measures to offer -a conspicuous example of respect for the religion of his new subjects -by his conduct as its hierarchical chief. He summoned the Greek -Patriarch (_Roum milleti patriki_) to a solemn Divan, stepped down from -his throne, and breaking through all established usage, advanced ten -steps to meet him, took him by the hand, and seated him next to himself -in the place of honour, delivering into his hands, as a symbol of -power, a golden sceptre, which to this day is carried in processions on -occasions of great ceremonies, investing him with unlimited authority -over all Orthodox schools, monasteries and churches, and with judicial -and administrative functions over all his co‐religionists. - -Such a delegation of power was the nearest approach to the -establishment of an _imperium in imperio_ as is afforded in history, -with, let it be added, all the weakness that attaches to such a -_régime_, as was subsequently too clearly proved by the pernicious use -made of these privileges by a foreign Power, in founding on them a -claim to interfere in the internal affairs of the empire, and in using -them as a lever to overthrow it. - -But wise or unwise, such at any rate was the policy adopted by the -Sultans of Turkey towards their Christian subjects, and the legend of -conversion by the sword must be relegated, with so many similar fables -with respect to Turkey, to the mythology of history. - -From the foundation of the empire, and under the ægis of its -government, the Hellenisation of the Raias, under the authority of -the Patriarch of the Phanar, proceeded apace throughout the country. -So effectually indeed was this taking place, that the very name of -Slav, or Bulgarian, implying as it did an inferior social status, was -gradually falling into disuse, and the prouder appellation of “Roum,” -or Greek, substituted for it. - -It is probable that another half‐century of this process would have -blotted out the very name of Slav, had not a new Power appeared on -the world’s stage, introducing a new factor in the Eastern problem, -and profoundly modifying its conditions. This was the rise of Russia -as a world Power, under the rule of that extraordinary man of genius, -Peter I. After finally breaking the power of Sweden at the great battle -of Pultava, and after adding Livonia, Esthonia, Ingria, Finland, and -Lithuania to his already vast dominions, and founding a capital with -a maritime outlet on the Northern Seas, he turned his ambition to -the sunny lands of the South, which the legend of the marriage of -a Byzantine princess with a Russian _Kneze_ had already annexed in -imagination to the Empire of Moscovy. - -This is the place to refer to an historical event which has more than -a passing interest, as it may be said to be the source and origin of -the undeviating policy of Russia in her dealings with Turkey. At the -historical interview between Peter the Great and Cantimir, Voivode of -Moldavia, the latter initiated the Russian Czar into the secret of the -Eastern problem, and explained to him the profit that might be derived -from taking adroit advantage of the privileges of self‐government -enjoyed by the Christians in the East, and from the steady pursuit of a -policy exploiting this autonomy to the best advantage. - -The lesson here learnt was never forgotten, and the political strategy -here determined on became henceforth the very keystone of Russia’s -policy in regard to Turkey. - -Whether the famous will of Peter the Great be apocryphal or not, -as historically speaking it probably is, there is no doubt that it -expresses, with prophetic instinct at any rate, the great lines of -policy that have ever since been pursued with reference to Turkey by -all Peter’s successors. - -Two distinct phases have marked the manner of Russia’s dealings -with the Christians of the East, although those dealings have been -undeviating in their aims and in general plan of attack on the Ottoman -Empire. - -The first phase was marked by a close alliance with a Greek Patriarch -and his Metropolitans, and a general identification of views between -the Russian and Greek propaganda. - -The Greek liturgy and the Greek priesthood were accepted without -a question, whilst portraits of the Czar, with the superscription -“Emperor of the Greco‐Russians,” were freely circulated by the Greek -clergy among their flocks. Colonel Repnin’s plot, in 1837, took -place in connivance with the Greek Patriarch, and a few years later -Marshal Munich was received by the peasants of Moldavia with the -Greek archbishop and his clergy marching at their head. The convents -and monasteries in Moldavia, Wallachia, Servia, and Montenegro were -used as _dépôts_ for arms, and monks were not the least audacious -of the leaders of the revolutionists. Piccolo Stefano in Servia -and Montenegro, Papazoglou in Greece, and Gamana in Wallachia, put -themselves at the head of armed bands, that were joined by others from -across the frontier. This alliance continued until Russia, having by -her victories and prestige acquired the position of the recognised -leader of the anti‐Turkish movement, was strong enough to dispense with -the Greek alliance and to champion the cause of pure Slavism undiluted -with Hellenism. - -The second phase of Russian policy in the Slav provinces was marked -by the feverish activity of the Panslavic Committees of Bucharest, -Kischnoff, Moscow and Kieff, the cynical intrigues of the Russian -ambassadors at Constantinople, and the fanatical articles of Katkoff -in the _Moscow Gazette_, the aim of all which was to give a national -direction to the Slavic movement in the Turkish provinces. The -nationalisation of the religion of the people, the substitution of -the authority of national Exarchs as heads of their churches, in the -place of the Greek Patriarch, and of a native clergy educated in -Russia in the place of that nominated at the Phanar, were the measures -called for, and successively adopted, to stimulate a movement that now -embraced all Slav dependencies of Turkey in its action. The pretext of -protecting and securing the privileges of the Christian communities -in the Turkish Empire was finally dropped, and the liberation of -the oppressed nationalities of the South‐West of Europe became the -watchword of the new propaganda. - -All the machinery of the heavily subsidised Panslavic Committee was -set in motion; band after band was raised and sent across the frontier; -rebellion was openly preached, and the ignorant peasantry were deluded, -by arguments which they did not understand, to complain of grievances -which they did not feel. - -The answer to the question of how such an encroaching and cynically -pursued policy, violating as it did every principle of international -law and comity in its dealings with a neighbouring nation, was -possible—in a century, too, that was roused to indignation against -a not dissimilar but entirely unofficial raid in South Africa—must -be sought in the unfortunate condition and weakness of the Ottoman -Empire that exposed it, almost defenceless, to the attacks of its -powerful neighbour, and dispensed the latter from even the decencies of -international intercourse as practised among civilised nations. - -This weakness in its turn was the result, as this work is specially -intended to show, of corruptions and perversions that had crept into -an originally admirable Constitution, and had produced a paralysis of -all its important functions, placing its nation almost as much at the -mercy of its enemies as had the _Liberum Veto_ the fair land of Poland. - -The successive steps of these innovations must now be rapidly traced. -When the conquering energies of the new empire were exhausted, and its -victorious armies checked under the walls of Vienna by Sobieski and -his Poles, and the maritime power of its fleet broken by Don John of -Austria’s victory at Lepanto, a new phase was entered upon in which -internal re‐organisation took the place of external conquest. - -The latter half of the sixteenth century was devoted to attempts to -organise the empire on quasi‐feudal principles. It was divided into -_timars_ and _zeamets_ (fiefs), represented by the great feudatories, -the Derebeys. This was the first serious innovation, involving a -perversion of the cardinal principle of the Ottoman Constitution, -which was in spirit and essence purely democratic; and when the -counter‐revolution took place, and the Sultans determined to get rid -of the Derebeys, so as to establish their own exclusive power, the -mischief was already done, for the old principle of democracy, as -understood by the companions of Othman, was by this time seriously -impaired by the long disuse of its ancient rights and functions; so -that this counter‐revolution, instead of restoring the old order of -things, only redounded to the exclusive profit of autocracy. Nothing -but the Porte (that is the Government), and the traditional authority -it exercised, now stood in the way of the complete absolutism of -the Sultan, and, owing to the veneration of the Ottoman people for -their sovereigns—a veneration founded partly on religious, partly on -secular, sentiments, and due in no small measure to the exceptional -merits of their early rulers—the Sultans entered on the struggle for -absolutism equipped with superior advantages. Having no fear of popular -encroachments before their eyes, or of popular passion directed -against their persons, they could devote their entire thoughts and -energies to the task of dominating the Porte and monopolising power in -the State. - -The struggle of these two contending forces, the Palace and the Porte, -continued for a long time, with alternate preponderance on either -side, a strong Sultan and a weak vizier inclining the scales towards -autocracy, whilst a strong vizier with a weak or luxurious Sultan, -redressed the balance to the other side. The Keuprulu Mehemets, -Reshids, Aalis and Fuads left the impress of their minds on the -Ottoman policy and administration, whilst a host of so‐called Grand -Viziers—whom it would be superfluous to name singly, inasmuch as -their collective name is legion—were the mere registers of the will, -and instruments of the caprices, of their masters. The Sultan Abdul -Medjid counted with Reshid Pasha, and Abdul Aziz with Aali and Fuad, -as long as they were alive; but it was reserved for his successor, -after he had suppressed a Constitution that he had sworn to observe as -the very condition of his mounting to the throne, to brush all checks -and counterpoises of every kind aside, and to set up a pure, unmixed -despotism, based on caprice and corruption alone. Such a system of -government had been hitherto unknown to the Ottoman Constitution, was -emphatically denounced by the prophets, was contrary to the express -provisions of the Sacred Law, was repudiated by Mehemet II. and all the -early Sultans as well as Caliphs of Islam, and ran counter to all the -traditions of the Ottoman people. - -Simultaneously with the beginning of this fatal perversion and this -gradual absorption by the Sultans of all power in the State, another -change was taking place, closely connected with it, and aggravating all -its worst effects. - -The high character of the early Sultans of Turkey—to which all -contemporary authorities, Christian and Mahomedan alike, bear -testimony—had, as has been said, profoundly affected the Ottoman -character. Their fervid loyalty to their rulers sprang in no small -measure from the lessons inculcated by their early history and their -most cherished traditions. Now, up to the reign of Selim II., the -Sultan of Turkey received a very superior education. They were not -merely patrons of learning, but often themselves men of letters of -no mean order. Mehemet II., the conqueror of Constantinople, was a -distinguished poet; Selim I., a poet and a litterateur, prided himself, -above all his prerogatives, on being the patron of men of letters -and of science. This pursuit of science and learning was, moreover, -in strict conformity with the spirit and letter of the Koran. “Seek -science, even if it be in China”; “The wise and learned are the heirs -of the Prophet,” are not isolated texts in a book teeming with passages -of a similar kind. The early Caliphs, too, of Bagdad and Cordova, the -Abdur Rahmans, Solimans, and Haroun el Reshid, were living proofs and -typical examples of enlightened Mahomedan teaching. - -But from the middle of the seventeenth century a change came over the -spirit of the Sultanate in Turkey. Instead of identifying themselves -with the life of their people and priding themselves on being the light -that guided them, the Sultans now retired into the harems and gave -themselves up to a life of ease and indulgence utterly foreign to the -habits and principles of their great predecessors. They surrendered the -reins of government into the hands of their Kizlar‐Agassi (chiefs of -eunuchs), or Bostandji Bashi, and as one favourite succeeded another, -or one palace clique displaced another, so vizier followed vizier -in rapid and bewildering succession. All the corrupt and turbulent -elements in the State were now unchained, justice was sacrificed to -private interests, the muscles of the State were relaxed, and its most -vital interests neglected and ignored. To such a pass had things come -in this “State of Denmark,” that when at last a reforming Sultan arose -in the person of Selim III., he had to pay with his life his reforming -ardour, and leave to his successor, Mahmoud II., a task almost beyond -human strength to accomplish. The reigns of the next three Sultans -after Selim are the history of honest, though intermittent, struggles -against the fatal legacies of the past two centuries, and of many -abortive attempts to grapple with the evils that a departure from the -primitive Constitution of the Empire had entailed on it, aggravated as -these evils were by revolutions organised across its borders, and the -systematic intrigues and almost uninterrupted hostility of its nearest -neighbours. - -But in following the evolution of the struggle between autocracy and -the Ottoman people, and endeavouring to trace its origin, we have been -anticipating the chronological order of events. We must now return to -the narrative of the military movement of the eighteenth century, from -the time that Peter the Great turned the energies of his diplomacy and -his armies in the direction of the Ottoman provinces. - -The first collision between the armed forces of Turkey and Russia ended -unfavourably for the latter. By the treaty of Falksen (1711), Russia -was compelled to restore Azov, that she had seized, and to undertake to -abstain from meddling in the affairs of Poland. But for the treachery -of Baltadji Mehemet Pasha, it is probable that this first campaign -would have ended still more disastrously for Russian arms, and possibly -the final partition of Poland would have been averted. That unhappy -country found, at this crisis of her history, in the Sultan of Turkey -her sole champion and defender among the sovereigns of Europe, and her -name figured for the last time in history in a public instrument in -which her rights were safeguarded by a Mahomedan sovereign against the -deadly machinations of her Christian neighbour. - -It was certainly unfortunate for the Ottoman Empire—and it may -possibly not have been altogether fortunate for the rest of -Europe—that the rise of the power of Russia should have been -synchronous with the period of the greatest weakness of Turkey. -Russia’s principal attacks on the integrity and independence of Turkey -were skilfully timed so as to coincide with the moment when that empire -was in the throes of internal revolution, and could offer the least -resistance to an external foe. At the time of Mahmoud II.’s accession -to the throne, after the murder of Selim III., the accumulation of -difficulties and dangers that beset the empire were such that it -seemed as if nothing short of a miracle could prevent its complete -destruction. It required at any rate some very potent principles of -internal strength and cohesion to resist the centrifugal forces in -full activity at that crisis. Servia was in open revolt under Michel -Obrenowitz, Egypt was in the hands of the able and ambitious Mehemet -Ali, Arabia was in the effervescence of a Wahabee rising, the Pasha of -Janina had raised the standard of revolt, and the Governor of Widdin, -the famous Pasvan Oglou, had proclaimed his independence, and—most -serious danger of all—the insurrection of Greece, supported by a -consensus of enthusiasm in Europe, threatened the integrity of the -empire; all this, too, at the very moment when the military forces of -the empire were undergoing the complete re‐organisation which Selim had -begun, and Mahmoud was resolved to carry out. This revolution, for it -was nothing less, consisted in the abolition of the ancient corps -of Janissaries and the substitution for it of a regular force (the -_Nizam_) drilled and organised on the European model. - -The Janissaries from being a redoubtable _corps d’élite_ recruited -from Christian youths, who embraced the military as a life‐long -profession, and were imbued with a military spirit which proved its -worth on the hard‐fought fields of Mohacs, Nicopolis and Cossovo, had -become through successive relaxings of the bonds of discipline and -the ruin of its military _esprit de corps_, nothing but an unruly -Pretorian Guard, a greater terror to the sovereign and to peaceful -citizens than to the enemies of the empire. The gratuities that they -were accustomed to receive on the accession of a new Sultan, and the -licensed pillagings that invariably ensued on these occasions, were -irresistible temptations to them to render this event as frequent as -possible, and they consequently deposed sovereigns and proclaimed -new ones almost at their will. The privileges, moreover, that they -wrested from the terrified sovereigns, especially after the death of -Soliman I.—such as the right to marry, to desert barrack life (their -_odjaks_), and to pursue trades and industries—completely changed and -deteriorated their martial character, and from the victorious soldiery -that they were in the days of Ilderim Bayazid they became nothing but -a turbulent militia. At last the scandal caused by their depredations -and violence became intolerable, and their disbandment was loudly -demanded by public opinion in all classes of the population. Selim -III. determined to suppress them, and, as a necessary preliminary, -commenced the re‐organisation of the naval and military forces of the -empire by inviting French engineers to build ships of war, and French -officers to drill and discipline a new army on European principles. -Unfortunately Bonaparte’s expedition to Egypt, and the declaration -of war that ensued between France and Turkey, recalled these military -instructors before the work of instruction and re‐organisation was half -completed. It was these threatened Janissaries who, on their return to -Constantinople from an expedition to Syria, willingly lent themselves -as instruments of the ambition of the Sultan’s brother, Mustafa, and -who deposed and finally murdered Selim. But the deposed sovereign, -in his retirement and before his death, found time and opportunity -thoroughly to imbue with his reforming enthusiasm his cousin Mahmoud, -and he, on ascending the throne, determined, as the only means of -saving the empire from ruin, and in spite of the menacing attitude -of the new Czar Nicholas of Russia—who inaugurated his accession by -sending an Ultimatum to Constantinople—to carry out unflinchingly -the whole programme of reforms conceived by Selim. At a Grand Council -(_Divan_) assembled in 1826, a unanimous vote was passed in favour of -the total suppression of the Janissaries, and shortly afterwards, the -decree being resisted by the mutinous soldiery, they were surrounded -and overpowered, and in the massacre that ensued this famous Pretorian -Guard finally disappeared. - -The organisation, however, of the regular forces (_Nizam_), which were -to take their place, being only half complete, it was just at the -moment when the military organisation of the empire was undergoing a -radical transformation that the new Sultan was called upon to face -all the complications of internal revolution and foreign wars that -confronted him on his accession. Mahmoud, however, set resolutely -about the task, and a certain measure of success attended his first -efforts. The Pashas of Widdin and Janina were successively reduced to -subjection, and by the help of the Pasha of Egypt who had not yet -thrown off his allegiance, the Morea was reconquered by the troops -of Ibrahim Pasha, and Greece would undoubtedly have been restored to -her position as the Western horn of the Ottoman Crescent but for the -forcible interference of Europe and the military expedition of Marshal -Maison. - -By a protocol, signed at St Petersburg, on 4th April 1826, Greece was -declared an autonomous and vassal State; but after the rejection by -the Sultan of the collective mediation of the four Great Powers (5th -February 1827), Austria, France, Great Britain and Russia (Protocol -of London), and the destruction by the allied forces, without the -formality of a declaration of war, of the Turkish fleet at Navarino -(1827), immediately followed by a declaration of war on the part of -Russia, and the campaigns of Diebitch in Europe, and Paskiewitz in -Asia Minor, terminating in the disastrous Treaty of Adrianople (14th -September 1829), Mahmoud had no choice but to consent in the following -year (1830) to the creation of Greece into an independent kingdom, an -arrangement confirmed by the Treaty of London on the 13th July 1841. - -The still more serious revolt of Mehemet Ali—imperilling as it -did not only the integrity of the empire, but the solidarity of -Islam—immediately followed. On the Ottoman sovereign refusing to -concede the government of Syria to Mehemet Ali, in return for his -services in the campaign against Greece, the latter, picking a quarrel -with the governor of the coveted province, quickly invaded Syria, and, -defeating the Ottoman troops in a great battle at Konia, compelled the -Sultan to agree to a truce (credited with the name of peace), whilst -both sides prepared for an early resumption of hostilities. When this -took place the Egyptian troops were again successful in a decisive -battle at Nezib (24th June 1839), which placed the whole of Syria, -up to the walls of Acre, in the possession of the victorious Pasha of -Egypt. - -Russia was, of course, too alert in following the traditional policy -in regard to Turkey not to profit by these distractions, and it was -at this mortal crisis of the Ottoman Empire that she stepped in and -secured the secret clauses of the Treaty of Unkiar Iskelessi (8th July -1833), by which she bound Turkey to an offensive and defensive alliance -that was to last for eight years, and to exclude all flags but her own -from passing through the Bosphorus. - -These events, however, at last brought England and Austria into the -field, and an English fleet under Napier appeared before Alexandria, -and an English force under Sydney Smith before Acre (Saint Jean -d’Acre). Mehemet Ali, who was now deserted by France, was thus obliged -to sign the Convention of Alexandria, by which Egypt was restored to -the suzerainty of the Sultan, with, however, the viceroyalty of the -country made hereditary in his family. By the Treaty of London (13th -July 1841), this arrangement became part of the public law of Europe, -and at the same time the clauses of the Treaty of Unkiar Iskelessi were -revised, and the neutrality of the Straits was solemnly reaffirmed. - -Six days after the disastrous battle of Nezib (June 25, 1839), the -Sultan Mahmoud died, and was succeeded by his son, Abdul Medjid. The -youthful sovereign, who was only seventeen years old, in spite of the -misfortunes that had befallen his country, or, perhaps, rather on -account of them, resolved to persevere steadily in the course of reform -initiated by his two predecessors. Fortunately he possessed in Reshid -Pasha a great Minister, who shared and seconded, and perhaps prompted, -the reforming ardour of his master; and on the 3rd November 1839 an -Imperial Rescript, the famous Hatti Humayoun of Gulhané, proclaimed -the following reforms for the whole empire:— - - I. A guarantee of life and honour to all Ottoman subjects, without - distinction. - - II. A regulation of taxation so as to put an end to arbitrary - exactions. - - III. The equality of all before the law. - - IV. Public instruction to be secularised. - - V. The slave trade to be abolished. - - VI. The decentralisation of the provincial governments, and a - separation of civil, military, and fiscal functions. - -This great charter was certainly not intended by its author to be a -dead letter. It was, on the contrary, an earnest attempt to grapple -with the new conditions of the empire, and to restore the spirit of its -ancient Constitution, whilst reconciling it to the new requirements of -the day. - -This double purpose was clearly manifested in every line of the new -decree, the preamble of which ran as follows:— - - “Every one knows that when the Empire was first founded, its laws and - precepts, which were of a high standard, were scrupulously obeyed. - Therefore the Empire grew in strength and grandeur, and all its - subjects, without distinction, attained to a high degree of ease and - prosperity. For the last five hundred years a succession of accidents - and divers causes have brought it about that men have ceased to - conform to the sacred code of laws and regulations that flow from - it, and therefore the force and prosperity of former days have been - converted into weakness and poverty—for a nation always loses all - stability when it ceases to observe its laws. These considerations - have been ceaselessly present to our mind, and since the day of - our accession to the throne the thoughts of the common weal, the - amelioration of the condition of the provinces, and the lessening of - the burdens of the people, have been the subjects of our constant - preoccupation. Moreover, if the geographical position of the Empire; - the fertility of its soil; the aptitude and intelligence of its - inhabitants; be considered, they will lead to the conviction that - if a ruler applies himself diligently to discover the efficacious - means to effect necessary reforms, the results that we hope to - attain, with the help of the Almighty, may be achieved in the course - of a few short years. Therefore, full of trust in the help of the - Almighty, and leaning on the intercession of our Prophet, we consider - it right and proper to set about, by the help of new institutions, - procuring for the provinces of our Empire the blessings of a sound - administration.” - -Reshid Pasha, by order of the Sultan, set himself earnestly to the task -of translating the general principles enunciated in the Hatti Humayoun, -with special laws and regulations that should reduce them to practice, -and four years after its promulgation at Gulhané, the _Tanzimat_, or -regulations for the organisation of all the branches of administration, -was published throughout the empire. Under the four general heads:— - - I. The Government proper (_Mejalice devleti aliie_); - - II. The Administration (_Zaptié ve mulkie memourlari_); - - III. Justice and Public Instruction (_Ylmie_); - - IV. The Army and Navy (_Seifiie_), - -it gave the most elaborate directions for the organisation of each -branch of the public service. Considering the condition of confusion -into which the administration of the country had fallen in the course -of ages, and the absence of any guiding principle in it, the _Tanzimat_ -must be considered one of the most remarkable efforts of administrative -organisation ever displayed in any country, and a monument of the -genius of Reshid Pasha. It is not altogether without reason that he has -been called the “Richelieu of Turkey.” - -But it does not suffice to decree great changes; it is in the endeavour -to reduce them to practice that the chief difficulty arises. And no -great wonder if in a country like Turkey, where vested interests had -grown around the old order of things; where conservative prejudices, -as in every country in the world, obstruct the path of reform; where -trained civil servants did not exist but had to be created, that the -execution of these important and all‐embracing reforms should not -have taken place by decree as by a magician’s wand, but required time -and patience for their realisation. Events, too, were taking place in -Europe which were destined to change the aspect of things and divert -the minds of statesmen from internal organisation to the necessities of -defending the existence of the national independence. The revolutionary -movement of 1848–1849 in Europe afforded a little respite to a country -outside the sphere of this movement, and it was just at this disturbed -period of the rest of Europe that Turkey enjoyed the greatest peace -and made the greatest progress in the work of re‐organisation. But -scarcely had the revolutionary effervescence calmed down in Europe, -and the fears connected with it been laid to rest, when the Emperor -Nicholas—who had finally suppressed the Magyar insurrection and -restored Hungary to the House of Hapsburg—turned his attention once -more to Turkey, and resolved on decisive action. To suppose that the -progress in organisation that was being effected in that country was -not entirely unconnected with this determination would be only to deny -that the arguments and reasons of State put forward by Pozzo di Borgo, -in 1828, were operative in the mind of the Emperor Nicholas twenty -years later: - - “When the Imperial Cabinet examines the question as to whether the - moment had not arrived to take up arms against the Porte, some doubt - might possibly have existed as to the urgency of such a measure - in the minds of those who had not sufficiently meditated on the - effects of the sanguinary reform (destruction of Janissaries) - that the Ottoman ruler had just executed with such terrible force. - Now, however, the experience that we have just had ought to enlist - the sympathy of all in favour of the course that we have adopted. - The Emperor has put the new Turkish system to the proof, and His - Majesty has discovered in it a commencement of moral and physical - organisation which it never possessed before. If the Sultan has been - enabled to oppose to us a more spirited and regular resistance than - before, whilst scarcely able to put together the elements of his new - plan of reform and amelioration, how much the more formidable should - we have found him if he had had the time to give it more solidity.”[5] - -However that may be, hardly had the Russian troops withdrawn from -Hungary than the Emperor Nicholas, addressing Sir Hamilton Seymour, the -English Ambassador at St Petersburg, dwelt on the moribund condition -of the Turkish Empire, and proposed to him its partition. Crete and -Egypt were to be the spoils of England, whereas Servia, Montenegro, -Wallachia, Moldavia, and Bulgaria were to fall to the share of -Russia. This offer was duly reported to the Cabinet of St James, and -categorically declined by it. The state of Europe at the time was -not unfavourable to the Czar’s designs. Austria was bound to Russia -by gratitude for important services rendered, and only Metternich -suspected her to be then capable of “stupendous ingratitude.” Prussia -was united to the Czar by ties of near kindred, and by her traditional -indifference to the affairs of the East. France having fallen into the -hands of a sovereign capable of reviving Napoleonic traditions, was -as much an object of suspicion to all the crowned heads of Europe as -by his _coup d’état_ he was to liberal opinion throughout the world. -The last thing that seemed likely, or even possible, was a coalition -between Napoleonic France and the England of Lord Aberdeen. The omens -seemed favourable for striking a decisive blow. - -A quarrel in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, between -Greek and Latin monks, afforded the desired pretext. After some -diplomatic haggling between the Porte and France, in which the latter -first put forward and then withdrew claims which would have afforded -a precedent and pretext for Russian pretensions, Prince Mentchikoff -suddenly appeared, with much bluster, at Constantinople, as the bearer -of an Ultimatum demanding the assent of the Porte, within the space of -five days, to a Russian protectorate over all the Orthodox subjects of -the Sultan in his dominions. Europe, startled by the brusqueness of -this action, as well as the serious import of the demand, endeavoured -immediately to interpose her mediation to avert a crisis. Sir -Strafford de Redcliffe and Mr de la Cour, who happened to be absent -from Constantinople on the arrival of Prince Mentchikoff, returned -precipitately to their posts, and, seconded by the Austrian Ambassador, -Prince Leiningen, spared no effort that ingenuity could devise to give -effect to their conciliatory instructions. But as no compromise could -possibly be found between the pretensions put forward in the Ultimatum -and what the Porte was willing to concede, Prince Mentchikoff had the -escutcheon removed from the Russian Embassy at Pera, and with his whole -suite quitted Constantinople. - -Three weeks after this (31st May 1853), Count Nesselrode despatched -another Ultimatum reiterating the same demands, and giving the Porte -eight days within which to execute them. The only answer vouchsafed -to this document was the proclamation by the Sultan, on the 6th June, -of a new Hatti Cherif confirming the rights and privileges of all the -Christian subjects of the empire. The combined French and English -fleets, at the same time, received orders to sail to Besika Bay, and -although war was not formally declared, the Emperor Nicholas gave -orders for his armies to cross the Pruth and to seize the Danubian -principalities as a “material guarantee” for compliance with his -demands. - -It was not till 28th September that war was formally declared between -Russia and Turkey, and that Omar Pasha received orders to summon the -Russian Commander to evacuate the principalities. The interval between -this period and the date of Prince Mentchikoff’s mission had been -employed by a lively diplomatic correspondence between Lord Clarendon -and Mr Drouyn de Lluys, on one side, and Prince Gortchakoff on the -other, relative to the interpretation of the seventh clause of the -Treaty of Kainardje, on which Russia based her claims to interfere with -the Christian subjects of the Ottoman Empire. The destruction of a -Turkish squadron by a superior Russian fleet in the harbour of Sinope -at last terminated this diplomatic interlude, and brought the armed -forces of England and France into the field. On the 27th December the -allied fleets entered the Black Sea, and an expeditionary force was -sent to Varna and the Dobrutcha. - -Here is the place to note the influence exercised on the course of -events by the action of Austria. - -It was one of the principal aims of English and French diplomacy at -this period to secure the co‐operation of the Middle Empire. By her -geographical position and the revived force of her empire, as well -as by the magnitude of her interests in the Eastern Question, she -seemed called upon to exercise a preponderant influence on the issue -of the coming struggle. It was even generally taken for granted that, -could her active co‐operation be secured, such powerful pressure -could be brought to bear on Russia as would secure the objects of the -Western nations without actual recourse to arms; and, at any rate, -that if Russia were still to persist in her policy of encroachment, -the military forces at the command of the coalition would be so -overwhelming as to compel her rapidly to retreat from the position she -had taken up. Austria was generally considered to hold the key of the -situation. - -There was no lack of political motive on the part of Austria to bring -her into line with Western Powers. The free navigation of the Danube, -the arrest of the dangerous Panslavic propaganda of Russia, the curbing -of limitless ambition of her colossal neighbour, were undoubtedly -objects of State policy of the first magnitude. On the other hand, -strong dynastic sympathies, and the obligations of gratitude for -important services recently rendered, weighed heavily in the opposite -scales. The result of these conflicting motives was a line of conduct -which, whilst diplomatically supporting the contentions of the allied -Cabinets, seriously hampered their military resolutions. - -Had Austria not placed her veto on the march of the allied armies -into Poland, that country would have become the battle‐field between -the forces of the East and West, and as far as human forecast can -determine, the whole face of Europe would have been changed, the -Eastern Question would have been settled for ever, and the nightmare of -Cossack preponderance lifted once for all from the shoulders of Western -civilisation. - -Instead of prosecuting the war on the continent of Europe, an -expedition to the Crimea was resolved upon, and a French and English -army landed at Eupatoria, and after a victorious advance across the -Alma, and making a flank march to the south side of Sevastopol, they -invested that portion of the great arsenal of Sevastopol which after -two years’ siege and the taking of the fortress of Malakoff, at last -surrendered to the allied army. - -On the 25th February 1856, a congress was assembled at Paris, and on -the 30th March the Treaty of Paris was signed by the plenipotentiaries -of Russia, Turkey, England, France, Prussia and Italy, by which Turkey -was admitted into the full benefits of international law, and into -the Concert of Europe, and all right of interference in her internal -affairs was expressly disclaimed and repudiated by all the Signatories. -Russia and Turkey were expressly debarred from maintaining any armed -forces in the Black Sea, and a small strip of Bessarabia was ceded by -Russia to the Danubian principalities. - -This was followed by the proclamation of a new Hatti Cherif on the part -of the Sultan, which closed this particular chapter of the history of -Europe. - -Before concluding this short epitome of the history of the Ottoman -Empire, and proceeding with the narrative of the life of Midhat Pasha, -the incidents of whose career begin at this point to be interwoven with -the general history of his country, it will be useful to cast a glance -at the state of Europe and the general trend of events and alliances -that succeeded the settlement of 1856. - -The death of the Sultan, Abdul Medjid (1861), and the character -of his successor were the chief factors, as will shortly be seen, -that influenced the direct destinies of Turkey. Unfortunately, in a -country where absolutism had gradually become the established form of -government, this was, and could only be, the determining element in the -problem of government - -Russia, defeated but not humiliated, or even seriously crippled in a -war which had, however, strained her resources, and absorbed by the -great measure of the emancipation of her serfs, which inaugurated and -rendered illustrious the reign of the successor of Nicholas, was, -to employ the now classic phrase of Prince Gortchakoff, “collecting -herself” (_La Russie se recueille_). This did not, however, prevent -her giving a free hand, and even officious support, to the Panslavic -Committees of Moscow and of Kieff, that now, through the promptings and -under the direction of Katkoff and his school, entered upon a militant -career, and the crafty Ignatieff was sent to Constantinople to defend -and support the machinations of these committees, and to play with -consummate astuteness on the weaknesses and vices of a sovereign who -possessed none of the qualities of his three predecessors, but was -remarkable only for an inordinate passion for expenditure and a morbid -jealousy of his autocratic power. His perfect sanity, moreover, became -more and more questionable. - -With respect to France, from the first meeting of the plenipotentiaries -at Paris, in May 1856, it became evident that a change had come over -the spirit of the Court of the Tuileries. The representatives of France -no longer showed themselves as irreconcilable to the views of Russia as -was the case when Mr Drouyn de Lluys penned his famous despatches two -years before, and in the discussions that took place at the Congress, -and still more in the various Commissions appointed to settle the -details of the articles of peace, the envoys of France were found to -be constantly ranged on the side of Russia, whereas the views and -contentions of England and Turkey were invariably supported by the -representatives of Austria. - -This new orientation of French politics, which continued to the time -of the Polish insurrection in 1862, was further emphasised by the -exceptional pomp and circumstances attending the French mission to St -Petersburg, on the occasion of the coronation of the new Czar. The -matrimonial and political _rapprochement_, too, between the House of -Savoy and the Napoleons, culminating in the war of 1859, was a further -cause of estrangement between France and Austria. - -In compensation, however, for the gradual parting of the ways of French -and English diplomacy in the East, the Cabinet of Vienna seemed to have -reverted frankly to what may be called the normal policy of Austria -with reference to Turkey, and the policy of Metternich and Castlereagh -was for a time steadily and consistently followed by Buol and -Palmerston. This state of things continued until the double election -of Prince Couza in the Danubian principalities caused a rift in the -alliance. - -To Austria everything connected with the free navigation of the Danube -and the political status of the provinces bordering on that great -artery is, and must ever be, State interests of the first magnitude. - -To England, apart from their indirect bearing on the integrity -and independence of Turkey, these questions were only matters of -sentimental interest founded on academic sympathy with the general -principle of nationalities. This sentiment, however, called into -activity by the events unrolling themselves in Italy, was particularly -strong in England at the time when the question of the principalities -presented itself as a practical problem to the statesmen of Europe, -and found in the Prime Minister of the day, Mr Gladstone, one of its -keenest and most enthusiastic partisans. England completely severed her -policy on this occasion from that of Austria. Whether such conduct, -with reference to a branch of a much larger problem, was quite -consistent with an Eastern policy considered as a whole, and whether -such a deviation from the obligation of loyalty to an indispensable -ally was or was not responsible for much of what subsequently occurred, -is perhaps too delicate a question to be discussed here. Certain, -however, is it that the desertion of Austria on this occasion by -the ally she counted on in Eastern matters to maintain intact the -provisions of the Treaty of Paris, and the instability of English -foreign policy that it revealed, made a profound impression on the -minds of the Austrian Emperor and his counsellors, and justified in -their view the revolution that subsequently took place in the Eastern -policy of Austria. Placed as the Middle Empire is—between jealous -rivals and powerful neighbours, and with enormous and vital interests -to safeguard—it is obliged to lean on one system of alliance or -another, and what has been called “la politique du Cascole” is, -as it were, a necessity of her position, and even a condition of -her existence. When the events connected with the Herzegovinian -insurrection come to be narrated in these pages, the part taken in -them by Austria, and the _rôle_ played by her statesmen throughout -the long negotiations preceding the Russo‐Turkish War and during its -continuance, until the final act of the comedy enacted at Berlin, will -have to be clearly set forth in detail, for it was Austria that played -the chief part in all of them, and that finally secured the chief part -in the spoil. - -This chapter, which only seeks to point out the particular -circumstances that determined a change of policy on Eastern matters on -the part of this empire, must be considered rather as an apology for, -than an indictment of Austria with respect to Turkey. Moreover, it is -the author’s aim throughout this work to narrate and explain events -according to the lights vouchsafed to him, rather than to accuse any -nation of bad faith or unjustifiable aggression with respect to his -country. A nation worthy to exist at all must exist by its own strength -and vigour, and not by the sufferance of its neighbours; and indeed -the only indictment which will be proclaimed in this book will be -against the descendants of the Othmans, Orkhans, Solimans, Bayazids and -Mahmouds who have turned their backs on the traditions of their faith, -and have allowed the muscles of the nation to be relaxed, and its -heritage to become the prey of the spoiler. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -MIDHAT’S EARLY YEARS - - -MIDHAT was born at Constantinople in 1822. His father, Hadji Ali -Effendi, was a native of Rustchuk, and gave his son the usual education -provided by the local schools, until he was of an age to follow him in -his different displacements, first to Widdin and Lofdja, and afterwards -to Constantinople in 1836. A few years after this he obtained a -position in the Secretariat of the Grand Vizier’s office, whence he was -promoted to superior employment in the provinces. He remained two years -at Damascus, and then, after a short interval spent in Constantinople, -he proceeded, in 1844, to Konia, as secretary to Sami Bekir Pasha’s -Council. In 1849 he was nominated to the Presidency of the -_Medjlissi‐Vala_ (Grand Council of State) and promoted to the rank of -Sanie, which is the first rank in the Ottoman hierarchy, and in 1851 -to that of Mutemaiz, with the functions of First Secretary to the -Grand Council. - -Soon after this, difficulties in the provinces of Damascus and -Aleppo, connected with the Custom House, and with the conduct of -the Commander‐in‐Chief of the Army of Arabia, Kibrissli Mehemet -Pasha, necessitated the despatch of a public functionary with full -power to inquire into the irregularities, civil and military, which -were notorious in those provinces. Midhat was chosen for this -important and confidential mission. In the space of six months he -settled the question of the Customs in favour of the Government, -by which the sum in dispute, £T150,000, was restored to the Ottoman -Treasury, and a further surplus of £70,000 was secured. He further -fixed the responsibility for the insurrection of the Druses on the -Commander‐in‐Chief, Kibrissli Mehemet Pasha, and recommended his recall. - -The courage and capacity of which Midhat gave proof in this mission -attracted to him the attention of the Grand Vizier of the day, the -famous Reshid Pasha, who appointed him to a confidential post in the -Superior Council of the State, which he occupied during the successive -Grand Vizierates of Reshid, Aali, and Great Rifat Pashas. This may be -considered the initiation of Midhat into political, as distinguished -from administrative, life. It was in this post that he assisted, in -1852, at the historical interview between Rifat Pasha, Turkish Minister -of Foreign Affairs, and Prince Mentchikoff, the special envoy of the -Emperor Nicholas, in the negotiations that preceded the Crimean War. - -In 1854, Kibrissli Mehemet Pasha, who in consequence of Midhat’s -report had been dismissed from the command of the Syrian Army Corps, -became Grand Vizier. He now charged Midhat with the difficult and -delicate mission of pacifying the disturbed provinces of Adrianople -and the Balkans, and clearing them of the brigandage that infested -them. The organising genius of Midhat proved equal to the task. He -suppressed brigandage with a strong hand, and by restoring tranquillity -in this district he deprived the neighbouring States of all pretexts -for chronic complaints. To prevent the return of trouble he further -elaborated a whole plan of re‐organisation, which he submitted to the -approval of the Government at Constantinople, where Reshid Pasha had -again become Grand Vizier. The draft of this plan arrived at the -very time that Reshid and Aali Pashas were engaged in drawing up -regulations for the government of the _Eyalets_ (provinces), with a -view to their decentralisation. Midhat’s plan was accepted, and it -was decided that he should be nominated to the governorship of the -important province of the Danube (Bulgaria), when suddenly another -change of Ministry at Constantinople delayed the execution of the whole -plan of reform. In the meantime an appalling earthquake at Broussa had -caused terrible damage in that important city and much misery among -its inhabitants. Midhat was now despatched thither with a mission to -succour sufferers and to help to restore confidence among the terrified -inhabitants. - -On his return from Broussa he was despatched as special commissioner -to inspect the provinces of Widdin and Silistria, which were in open -rebellion against the central authorities. Here Midhat, as he had -previously done in Syria, made a detailed report, pointing out the -faulty administration of the provinces, and fearlessly inculpating the -two Valis (governors). - -This discharge of a public duty was met by the usual manœuvres of -inculpated Pashas. Their friends at the Palace bestirred themselves in -their favour, and induced the Sultan to reject the proposals of Midhat, -and to send a well‐known Ulema at Constantinople, Haireddin Effendi, to -the two vilayets in question, to make a further report in verification -or contradiction of that of Midhat. To the confusion and disappointment -of the friends of the incriminated Valis, Haireddin Effendi made a -report in every way confirming the views and recommendations, and -emphasizing the accusations of Midhat. - -At this time (1858) Reshid Pasha died, and Aali Pasha, his successor, -obtained six months’ leave of absence for Midhat, to be spent in -travelling in Europe, with a view to the study of certain points -of European administration with which he desired to make himself -acquainted. Paris, London, Vienna, and Brussels were successively -visited in this short period of time, and much valuable information -obtained, both as to the spirit and working of European governments. - -Midhat had by this time already acquired a certain reputation as a -successful provincial governor and whenever trouble in the empire -declared itself, his name recurred as a fit and proper person to be -despatched as special envoy or governor to pacify the province in -question. Kibrissli Mehemet Pasha had now again become Grand Vizier, -and as trouble of a serious kind had for some time been brewing in -the vilayet of Nish (Servia), where, in spite of the presence of an -imposing force of regular and irregular troops, insecurity of life and -property was rampant, and an alarming emigration of the inhabitants was -taking place, he nominated Midhat to the Governorship of this important -province (1861). - -Midhat resolved to make an attempt to pacify the province without the -use of armed force, and to gain the confidence of the Bulgarians by -the redress of their just grievances. His first step was to invite the -notabilities of the different districts to conferences, to state their -complaints, and attentively examine with him the remedies that should -be applied. These grievances practically resolved themselves into two: -(1) the entire absence of roads and other means of intercommunication, -which made it impossible for the inhabitants—exclusively cultivators -of the soil—to find markets for their produce; (2) the rampant -brigandage that everywhere existed, rendering life and property -insecure. These two causes, it was, that induced the emigration into -Servia, which was assuming large proportions, where the Bulgarians -found among their fellow‐Slavs both greater security and more -favourable conditions of labour. - -Midhat readily acknowledged the justice and reasonableness of these -complaints, and proceeded to strike a bargain with the notables. They -were to undertake to use their influence to pacify the country and -discourage emigration for two years, and Midhat engaged within this -time to carry out the reforms and improvements that were mutually -agreed upon between them. Midhat strictly carried out the terms of this -agreement. He ordered the troops back to their barracks, commenced -the great high road between Nish and Sofia with the byroads connected -with it, and by means of military patrols sent out in every direction, -brigandage very soon entirely disappeared from the country. Roads were -now being laid out in every direction, and bridges constructed over -the Morava and other rivers, so as to meet the requirements of an -agricultural population, and facilitate the outlet for their produce. -An elaborate system of block‐houses all along the Servian frontier put -an end to the incursions of armed bands of Servians, which had long -fostered and sustained disturbance in the province, and many Bulgarian -families who had emigrated into Servia now began to return to their -former habitations. Concurrently with these material ameliorations, -Midhat occupied himself with the solution of other economical and -moral problems that concerned the well‐being of the community. The -relations between proprietors and tenants of the soil had long been in -an unsatisfactory condition. Midhat convoked representatives of both -these classes to a conference, and with much pains, and after long -discussions, he succeeded in finding a means of reconciliation between -their opposing pretensions, to the satisfaction of both parties. - -At Prisrend, in that part of the provinces inhabited by the Arnauts, -he was confronted with problems of a peculiar nature. Here a vendetta -(similar to the Corsican vendetta) existed among the unruly -mountaineers of Albanian descent. Midhat, faithful to his system of -working hand in hand with the inhabitants themselves, convoked an -assembly of notables of the district, and with their co‐operation, and -by their own initiative, instituted a permanent commission to settle -money compositions for bloodshed, and by this means he succeeded in -suppressing a vendetta that had existed for centuries among this brave -but unruly people. He further induced them to give up the practice -of carrying arms, and, for the first time in the history of the -provinces, to submit to Imperial conscription; he further organised -a _gendarmerie_, secured the peaceful collection of taxes, and put -an end to all religious persecution; schools, too, were established, -and hospitals for members of all religious denominations without -distinction. Thus the vilayets of Nish and Prisrend gradually recovered -the full enjoyment of tranquillity and peace, and Christians and -Mussulmans alike began to enjoy the prospect of returning prosperity. - -In the provinces of Widdin and Silistria the problem of pacification -was complicated by a factor which rendered the solution far more -difficult. Here the continued and systematic interference of Russia by -means of her consuls and agents, supported by the Russian ambassador -at Constantinople, working hand in hand with the agents of the Slav -Committees, who were overrunning the country and preaching the gospel -of rebellion, created quite a new set of problems to be dealt with. -It was no longer local grievances to be redressed, but a political -propagandism to be faced. - -Aali and Fuad Pashas, the successors of Reshid Pasha, appreciating the -administrative and reforming talents of Midhat, summoned him in 1864 -to Constantinople, to consider with them a general organic law for -the government of the provinces of the empire (_loi des vilayets_), -and it was there resolved that the vilayets of Silistria, Widdin, -and Nish should be combined into a single government under the name -of the “Vilayet of the Danube,” and entrusted to Midhat. The Imperial -sanction to this appointment and to the organic reforms proposed was -obtained (in 1865) in spite of the opposition of the reactionary party -in Constantinople, headed by the Sheik‐ul‐Islam of the day, Saadeddine -Effendi, strenuously backed by Sourrouri Effendi Naib, an avowed -enemy of the new Vali, whom we shall meet with later on figuring, as -a reward for his zeal, and in acknowledgment of his impartiality, as -the President of the tribunal that tried and condemned Midhat. But the -influence of Fuad Pasha was sufficient to overcome all such opposition, -and Midhat forthwith entered upon his new and important functions. - -It will be sufficient to give a summary account of the radical reforms -introduced by the new Vali in the government of this important province. - -The whole vilayet was divided into seven distinct _sandjaks_ -(districts), the sandjak into _cazas_ (cantons), and the cazas into -_nahies_ (communes), and in each of these centres councils were created -for the levying of taxes and local administration of the district. - -Forced labour (_corvée_) was abolished; bridges to the number of -1400 were constructed; and 3000 kilometres (circ. 2000 miles) of -roads constructed; brigandage was effectually stamped out and a local -_gendarmerie_ raised, and agricultural banks, with a view of relieving -the small farmer from the exactions of the usurer, established. The -capital for these purposes was procured by an ingenious system, founded -on the cultivation of the public and waste lands, by which not only was -relief given to distressed and needy agriculturists, but a local fund -was created for important local improvements. Agriculture, the staple -industry of the inhabitants, soon began to flourish in consequence of -these wise and energetic measures, and with agriculture the affiliated -industries and commerce of the country. The navigation of the Danube, -the great artery of the province, next engaged the attention of the -Pasha, and soon two, and then four, vessels, flying the Ottoman flag -for the first time, made their appearance on this river. A postal -service was likewise started, and through the initiative of the -governor a manufactory of carriages established at Rustchuk, which -at the end of the very first year paid a dividend of 10 per cent. -Charitable institutions too were not neglected, and orphan asylums for -Christian and Mahomedan children alike were constructed at Rustchuk and -Sofia, and the pupils initiated in trades and industries. - -The key of all these reforms, and the cardinal principle of this -administration, was to work hand in hand with the local authorities. -By their aid the valuation of all property held in the respective -districts was carried out equitably and fairly, and taxes founded -on this assessment were levied without complaint; and although the -salaries of responsible officials, such as the police and judges, were -considerably increased, and many vexatious taxes abolished, the new -revenue of the province showed a considerable and increasing surplus. - -The prosperity of this large province under its new administrator could -not fail to attract the attention of the authorities at Constantinople, -and Midhat now received the congratulations both of the Sultan and -of the Sublime Porte. An Imperial Irade, moreover, enjoined all the -governors of the other provinces of the empire to apply in their -respective vilayets the same reforms that Midhat had introduced in -that of the Danube, a detailed plan and description of which had been -forwarded to Constantinople by Rifat Effendi, the secretary of the -vilayet (subsequently Grand Vizier). - -So far everything seemed to go well, and a new era of prosperity seemed -about to dawn for the provinces of the empire generally. It is worth -while for those who really desire to obtain an inside view of the -working of Turkish absolutism, and to discern the secret springs that -move the Government of Turkey, and make themselves acquainted with the -hidden causes that have time after time wrecked the hopes of Turkish -reformers, to follow attentively what we are now about to relate, on -the authority, be it noted, of one in a position, if any one was, to -know the truth and put his fingers on the plague‐spot. - -Midhat felt that his work would not be complete, nor would the return -of material prosperity suffice to attach his province permanently -to the Government of the Sultan, unless he applied himself as well -to the moral side of the problem and succeeded in counteracting the -manœuvres of the enemies of the empire to sow disaffection in the -minds of the youth of the province. One of the most effective devices -contrived by them with this view was the plan, pursued for many -years, of sending large numbers of Bulgarian youths to carry on their -studies at the Russian universities of Odessa, Kharkoff, and Kieff, -and these, on their return, became the chiefs of the staffs of the -active propagandists of Panslavic ideas among the youths of Bulgaria. -These missionaries of disaffection constituted one of the most serious -dangers to Ottoman sovereignty, and one of the most difficult problems -to deal with. Midhat determined to grapple with it, and with this view -he determined to establish in the principal centres of the province -schools and universities where the Bulgarian youths, Christians and -Mussulmans alike, should enjoy all the advantages of a first‐class -modern education without having to seek it abroad. The incidental -advantage of a fusion of Christian and Mussulman elements in the -country, under the inspiring influence of a common education, at an -age when friendships are most easily formed and generous sentiments -evoked, did not escape the sagacity of Midhat. The whole project -was explained by him in a detailed report to the Sublime Porte, the -expenses being provided half by the surplus revenues of the province, -and the rest by voluntary subscriptions. - -When this project was made known at Constantinople, the person who most -readily seized the full import of it was General Ignatieff, the Russian -ambassador. It went directly counter to all the most cherished plans -and projects of the Panslavic party, of which he was the moving spirit. -There was nothing that he did not do to wreck the plan and upset the -Pasha. Unfortunately the nature of an absolute government and the -character of an Eastern autocrat afforded him ample means of action. -The interference of a foreign ambassador in the internal economy of a -province of the empire had nothing in it which appeared abnormal or -impertinent; such interference was consecrated by long usage and had -become chronic and accepted. Ignatieff began by representing to the -sovereign that the spirit of the reforms effected by Midhat in his -vilayet, especially the institution of local councils (which was of -the very essence of the reforms introduced), were in direct opposition -to the spirit of absolutism, and that the result would infallibly be -that little by little the province itself would become detached from -the body of the empire, and would claim its entire independence, as had -already happened in the case of Egypt. It is not certain, however, that -the ambassador would have gained his point, even with a sovereign so -tenacious of his prerogatives as was Abdul Aziz, had not an unfortunate -error of typography, eagerly seized on and exploited by Ignatieff, -played into the hands of the ambassador. In a passage of the official -journal of the province, the term “deputies” was inadvertently applied -to the members of the chief council of the vilayet. This apparently -trivial circumstance, the slip of a typographist, was sufficient to -turn the scale in the Sultan’s mind and to wreck the project. Abdul -Aziz refused his consent to the proposal, on the obviously insincere -pretext of the expense connected with it. Thus this crowning act of -Midhat’s work, the reform which above all others was calculated to -attach the Bulgarians to the central government and to destroy a -nest of disaffectation in the province, was defeated by a foreign -ambassador playing on the ignorant susceptibilities and autocratic -instincts of the sovereign of the country. If this were a single and -exceptional example of the working of autocracy, it might be passed -over in comparative silence, however regrettable it was in this -particular instance; but the whole modern history of Turkey shows -that such intervention was nothing less than a system of statecraft -whereby autocracy was cunningly worked for the ruin of the country in -as certain and deadly a way as was the _Liberum Veto_ of the Polish -constitution. The spontaneous caprices and whims of an autocrat are the -least part of the baneful effects of autocracy; it is in the shadows -that flit behind the throne, stronger than the throne itself, working -systematically on the ignorance and fears of the autocrat, with settled -purpose and in pursuit of settled plans, that lies, in the East at any -rate, the real curse of absolutism. - -Simultaneously with this diplomatic action at Constantinople, order -was given to the Panslavic Committees established at Bucharest and -Kichenew to prepare for action in the field. Midhat’s agents had kept -him informed of the revival of agitation entertained by the agents of -these committees among the Bulgarian peasants, and he lost no time in -transmitting this information to the Porte. - -[Illustration: 6 7 4 2 1 3 5 - -MIDHAT PASHA AND HIS SUITE IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCE OF THE -DANUBE. - - 1. Midhat Pasha. - 2. “Inspecteur de la Cour Judiciare.” - 3. “Juge du Cheri.” - 4. Adib Effendi, Minister of Customs (1889). - 5. Rifat Pasha, Grand Vizier (1897). - 6. Raïf Pasha, Minister (1890). - 7. Chakir Pasha, “Maréchal” (1878).] - -On the 2nd May, 1867, Midhat received the following telegram from -Sistovo:—“Last night numerous armed bands crossed the frontier close -to Sistovo, and were immediately joined by other bands who were waiting -for them on this side of the frontier, and early this morning they -commenced operations by the horrible mutilation of five Mussulman -children, aged from eight to twelve, who were tending sheep on the -plains.” - -The object and purpose of these barbarities was obvious: it was to -excite reprisals on the part of the Mussulman population, which would -afford a pretext to the enemies of the empire to fill Europe with an -outcry against Turkish barbarity and fanaticism. The same policy, -heralded by the same acts, ruthlessly pursued later on, did produce the -desired effect, and Bulgarian atrocities became a proverb and byword in -the world; but on this occasion the energy of Midhat, and the patience -and forbearance of the Mussulman population, defeated the purpose of -the conspirators. Midhat, immediately on receiving the above telegram, -embarked two companies of regulars on board a steamer and despatched -them to Sistovo, whither he accompanied them himself. He found the -whole population, Christian and Mussulman, in a state of the greatest -excitement, and his first care was to calm the effervescence and to -inspire confidence in the energy and resolution of the authorities. - -The plan of the insurgents was to push on as rapidly as they could to -the Balkans, increasing their forces as they went along by the native -levies which had been organised by the committees for this purpose, -until they reached the monastery of Kapanbova, where a large _dépôt_ of -arms had been collected, and which was intended to be the headquarters -of the insurrection. - -The presence of four battalions of regulars at Capriova prevented -the execution of this plan, and after suffering several defeats in -the field, the bands dispersed in various directions, closely pursued -by the troops and the local levies that had joined them. Midhat now -instituted a special tribunal, composed of six Mussulmans and six -Christian judges, to try the rebel prisoners, and the evidence given by -the prisoners themselves, clearly demonstrated that the invading bands -had been equipped and sent out by the Slav Committees of Bucharest -and Kichenew, and were acting in unison with corresponding committees -established throughout the province. By the unanimous vote of this -tribunal, sentences of death were passed on the leaders, and penal -servitude and minor punishment, according to their status and degree of -culpability, on all the rebels taken in arms. By these energetic means -the insurrection was effectually stamped out and tranquillity restored -to the province. - -An outcry, however, was quickly raised in the European Press against -the “methods of barbarism” adopted to repress the insurrection, and the -Pasha was accused of ultra severity against Christian insurgents and -reprehensible leniency towards Mussulman offenders. - -So far from this latter accusation having any real foundation, the -very composition of the special tribunal appointed to deal with -these troubles was a guarantee of its impartiality. Moreover, the -following fact will afford an example of the impunity enjoyed by the -Mahomedan criminals. In the course of these troubles two dead bodies of -Christians were found in a field near Biscara; a judicial investigation -was immediately ordered on the spot, and the result was that the -evidence pointed to a sergeant of _gendarmerie_, a Mussulman of the -name of Mehemet Tchavouch, as having committed the murder. Pressed -by questions Mehemet made a full confession, and he was thereupon -condemned to death and forthwith executed. - -Midhat now turned his attention to the best means of anticipating -and guarding against similar raids and insurrections in the future. -He knew well that the central revolutionary committees at Bucharest -and Kichenew would not disarm, but would simply watch for a more -favourable opportunity to put their plans into execution. To garrison -the whole frontier with regular troops would expose the province -to large expenditure, and the troops, when called upon to act, to -calumny and misrepresentation. He accordingly conceived the plan of -organising a local militia of 40,000 men, recruited from all classes -of the population, Christian and Mussulman alike, to whom the defence -of their own localities should be entrusted, and they were to be -indemnified if called upon to act beyond the boundaries of their -district. By this means a cheap and effective force was provided -against all contingencies, and at the same time the confidence reposed -in the loyalty of the population generally received a conspicuous -demonstration. The defence of the line of the Danube was secured -in a similar manner. A succession of guard‐houses was established -throughout the length of the river, and their defence confided to a -river‐guard recruited equally from the Christian and Mussulman riverine -population. - -So ingenious was the plan of organisation, that the term of service -for each guardsman did not exceed one month in ten years. The arms and -equipments were provided by voluntary subscription raised from all the -inhabitants of the province. - -During all this time the greater the energy shown by Midhat in the -organisation, development and defence of this frontier province of the -empire, the greater became the determination of the Slav Committees to -undo and defeat his work. - -After the late exploits of these committees in Bulgaria, Midhat had -organised a system of surveillance at the headquarters of these -committees, and information having reached him that emissaries had been -despatched from Galatz to Belgrade in order to organise a new raid -into Bulgaria, he ordered these emissaries to be closely watched and -followed in all their movements. On their embarkation at Rustchuk, on -board the Austrian vessel _Germania_, he sent photographs of them to -the Austrian Consul, with a request that the Ottoman authorities should -be allowed to examine the passports of the passengers. Accompanied -by an Austrian Consular Agent the Turkish authorities accordingly -proceeded on board, where they were immediately received by shots -from revolvers on the part of the two suspected agents, who had -barricaded themselves in the saloon of the vessel, and had determined -to resist arrest. After an indescribable scene of confusion among the -panic‐stricken passengers aboard, the Turkish _gendarmerie_, acting -with the consent of the Consul, succeeded in effecting the capture of -the agents, who were both mortally wounded in the encounter. - -The capture of these revolutionary agents made a great noise in Europe. -General Ignatieff at Constantinople, seized on the circumstance as a -pretext to demand the recall of Midhat, accompanying the Servian Agent -to the Palace in the audience accorded to the latter, whose complaints -were founded on the fact that one of the captured agents was a Servian. -Midhat’s influence, however, was still in the ascendant, and these -intrigues remained for a time without effect. - -Other means failing, a desperate and criminal attempt was now made -to get rid of this too energetic Pasha. Two attempts to assassinate -him followed in quick succession, the first at Rustchuk, where the -overseer of the training school fired a shot, fortunately without -effect, on the Pasha as he was walking in the school enclosure; and -the other by a Servian, who attempted to enter his service with the -view to assassinating him, and who made a full confession seriously -compromising two important personages in Servia. He was sent to -Constantinople, tried, and condemned to penal servitude for life, in -spite of the strenuous efforts of General Ignatieff in his favour. - -Not very long after these stirring events (1868) Midhat was summoned -to Constantinople, where he was placed at the head of the Council of -State, and he was succeeded in the governorship of the province, for -which he had done so much, by Sabri Pasha, the deputy‐governor of Nish. - -As President of the Council, Midhat marked his short tenure of that -office by the institution of a school of Arts and Sciences at Sultan -Ahmed, in Stamboul, and by the establishment of a bank for loans, with -the special purpose of relieving small employers from the tyranny of -usurers. This bank (Emniet Sandighie) still exists. It soon, however, -became obvious to Midhat that his system of usefulness in his new -ministerial position was strictly limited; his authority in matters -pertaining to his own office was constantly overruled on important -matters, especially those concerning finance, by the Grand Vizier, -acting on the authority of the Sultan, and this incompatibility of -views culminated on the question of Turkish railways, whereupon Midhat -insisted on resigning. Just at this time Nakieddine Pasha was dismissed -from the governorship of the province of Bagdad, and Midhat was -appointed Vali of Bagdad (1869). - -Hardly had the new Vali reached his post, when he found himself -confronted with some difficult problems of quite a different order -from those he had dealt with on the Danube, but of a not less serious -description. The question of recruiting was the most urgent, and called -for immediate solution. The Arab tribes, turbulent and independent by -nature, had always shown themselves refractory to enlistment, and were -now in open revolt against its enforcement. One of the difficulties -of the situation consisted in the fact that the military authority -in the province was separated from the civil, and was in the hands -of the commander of the 6th Army Corps, Samih Pasha, whereas the -situation required all authority, military as well as civil, to be -concentrated in the hands of a single strong central authority. Midhat -did not hesitate at such a crisis to assume the full responsibility -of this concentration, and took immediate military steps to suppress -the insurrection by force. He ordered the city of Bagdad to be -surrounded by cavalry, and sent infantry and artillery to protect -the foreign Mission Houses and the non‐Mussulman quarters from the -fanaticism of the Arabs. He at the same time ordered the bridge over -the Tigris to be cut, so as to prevent intercommunication among the -rebels; and when these energetic measures had fairly intimidated the -Arabs, he offered them a general amnesty on condition of immediate -surrender. These conditions were now accepted, and the insurrection -suddenly collapsed, and no further resistance was offered to the -recruiting. The promptitude with which this dangerous rebellion was -suppressed was appreciated by the Porte, and a telegram was received -from Constantinople approving the measures he had taken, and placing -officially the supreme command of the 6th Army Corps in his hands. - -The next serious difficulty was connected with the levying of taxes. -This had always been a difficult operation among the nomad tribes, of -which the population in a great measure consisted, and was the cause of -continual disputes and insurrections. Matters had, however, now reached -a crisis, for a colonel at the head of a battalion of regulars sent to -Divanie and Dogara to collect the tithes was surrounded by tribesmen -to the number of ten thousand men, and himself killed and his troops -killed or dispersed. The new Vali seized at once the seriousness of -the situation, for the encouragement which this success afforded the -tribesmen threatened to give rise to a general insurrection of all the -surrounding nomads. - -It was necessary to avenge the defeat at once and to make a signal -example of the tribesmen concerned. Midhat accordingly ordered a large -force, consisting of seven battalions of infantry, four thousand -cavalry, with a complement of artillery, to proceed directly to Dogara, -under the command of Samih Pasha, whilst with three thousand chosen -troops he hastened himself to the disaffected district. A pitched -battle now took place between the Arabs and the troops, which resulted -in the complete defeat of the former and the capture of their chief. -A not unusual incident accompanied the close of the battle. A Shiite -Sheik, Abdul Kerim, was marching at the head of a considerable force -of tribesmen from the Shiite districts of Urfa and Aleppo to join the -rebels, when he received the news of their defeat. Pretending that he -was on the road to offer his services to the Government, he joined his -forces to those of the Vali, and accompanied the victorious troops on -their entry into Bagdad. A military tribunal was at once instituted to -try the rebels; the rebel chiefs were condemned and executed, but the -tribesmen, on the promise of future good behaviour, were released. - -Midhat Pasha clearly discerned that if an end was to be put to these -chronic troubles, and these nomad tribes were to be reduced to anything -like permanent order, it was not sufficient to defeat them in battle, -and that a radical change had to be brought about in their general -status, and especially the conditions of land tenure in the country. -The Arab cultivator, for the most part, held his lands from the State -on the condition of giving three‐fourths of the produce to the State, -retaining one‐fourth for himself. Such a system naturally discouraged -agriculture and rendered all improvements in cultivation impossible. -The consequence was that, for the most part, the Arab shunned the -soil, preferring predatory to industrial modes of gaining his living. -Midhat determined to attach him to the soil by giving him rights of -proprietorship, and divided large tracts of land into plots, which were -offered for sale on easy and advantageous terms, special provision -being made against accumulation of plots into single hands. The success -of this policy was remarkable, and whereas the revenues of the State -increased, the turbulence of the tribesmen, and the risings which had -become chronic, greatly diminished. - -The agricultural prosperity that resulted from these measures -stimulated other branches of industry and rendered it necessary to -provide outlets for the newly created surplus of the country. The -first step in this direction was to render navigable the Tigris and -Euphrates, the great arteries of the country, and to improve or create -the means of communication between their two banks, and between the -different towns situated along their course. The only service of the -kind that existed consisted of the boats of an English company plying -between Bagdad and Bussora. Midhat determined to start a service of -Turkish boats to supply adequately the needs now felt, in the same -way that he had formerly done on the Danube when he was Governor of -Bulgaria. He ordered the existing vessels to be repaired, new vessels -of a larger tonnage to be constructed, and coal _dépôts_ to be formed -at Mascat, Aden, Bender and Bushire; and now, for the first time in -history, steamers under the Ottoman flag were to be seen periodically -in the Suez Canal, on their way to Constantinople. The _Babel_, one of -these vessels, which had originally cost £T88,000 for construction, -was bought for the sum of £T33,000 from a bankrupt company, and -on its very first voyage between Constantinople and Bussora, which -coincided with the time of the pilgrimages, it cleared £T35,000—more -than sufficient to cover its purchase price. A net surplus of £T1000 -a month resulted from this improved river navigation, and Midhat now -determined on extensive dredging works, with a view to extending the -navigation northwards and adapting it to vessels of a larger tonnage. -Chakir Bey (afterwards Marshal and Ambassador to St Petersburg, and one -of Midhat’s faithful partisans) was despatched north with a company -of engineers, and reported favourably on the enterprise. Thereupon -dredging and other engineering works were immediately ordered to be -undertaken. - -The periodical overflow of the waters of the Euphrates had converted -large tracts of country into marshes, and marsh fevers in consequence -becoming endemic, rendered them uninhabitable. Drainage works on a -large scale, with a view of reclaiming these lands and of curing the -insalubrity, were also undertaken. Irrigation works were likewise -started, and much attention was devoted to this subject by the Pasha, -with a view to gradually restoring the system introduced by the first -Arab conquerors, which had converted this country into the Garden of -the East, and rendered the Caliphate of Bagdad proverbial for its -wealth and prosperity. A tramway, too, between Bagdad and Kiazimie was -constructed, and its entire length, 7 miles, completed within a year. A -textile manufactory, too, was started, and an engine of 70-h.p. ordered -in France, the despatch of which was only delayed by the breaking out -of the Franco‐German War (1870). - -Whilst energetically pursuing these material improvements, Midhat -Pasha was far from neglecting the moral side of the problem of Reform. -Schools were opened in every district; hospitals, refuges for old age, -and loan banks everywhere arose, and a printing‐press established -where the newspaper _Zora_ was published, and municipal institutions -for lighting and watering and other local purposes were instituted in -all the principal centres. A petroleum spring discovered in the vilayet -was immediately utilised for public purposes. It was not too much to -hope that a decade of such enlightened government would have repaired -the neglect of centuries and restored their ancient prosperity to the -rich valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates. - -In 1870 the Shah of Persia, accompanied by a numerous suite, came -to visit the holy places of Nejef and Kerbela, and although the -province had to support the whole expense of this costly visit, -amounting to over £T30,000, Midhat Pasha determined to give the royal -visitor a reception worthy of his exalted rank, and to profit by the -occasion by settling some vexed questions long pending between the -two neighbouring Mahomedan countries. The circulation of depreciated -Persian money in the province had long disturbed the value of exchanges -and created confusion in commercial transactions. The exchange value -of this currency, and the amount of it to be issued in the future, -were now agreed upon. The incursions and depredations of nomad -Kurds, the Hamavends, Sendjabi, etc., shifting their camping‐ground -from Persian to Turkish territory, and _vice versa_, so as to evade -taxation and elude the authorities of either nation, whilst plundering -indiscriminately the peaceful inhabitants of both, had long been a -scandal, creating a state of affairs on the frontier difficult to cope -with. A better understanding and a combined policy of surveillance -between the Persian and Turkish authorities on the frontier were now -established, and block‐houses on the model of those successfully -introduced on the Servian frontier were constructed, to the infinite -relief of the agricultural population of both nations, situated on the -entire length of this extensive line. Midhat Pasha failed, however, to -obtain the sanction of the Persian authorities to a scheme which he had -long cherished, and which he trusted to this occasion to be able to put -into execution. - -At Nejef, one of the sacred places to which periodical pilgrimages -were made, there were rich treasures, the proceeds of the offerings -of Indian and Persian devotees of the Shiite sect during centuries -past, which, on the invasion of the Wahabites, had been hidden in a -cave. Midhat Pasha had ordered the cave to be opened and an official -inventory to be made of the treasures that it contained. This inventory -revealed treasures of diamonds, rubies, pearls, and other precious -stones, to the value of no less than £T300,000, and Midhat proposed a -public sale of the treasure and the appropriation of its proceeds to -works of public utility, such as a railway between Persia and Bagdad, -or, if such an appropriation of a sacred treasure appeared too secular, -at least to the creation of such much‐needed institutions as hospitals -and refuges and caravanserai for the pilgrims on the route of their -pilgrimages to the holy places. Even this reasonable proposal, however, -was vetoed by the Persian Ulemas, and the whole scheme falling through, -Midhat ordered the treasure to be carefully deposited again in the -cave from which it had been taken, and its entrance secured with the -official seals of the Turkish and Persian authorities. - -Certain events now took place having a bearing beyond the boundaries -of the province and of a quasi‐international character. The town of -Bussora, important on account of its geographical position as the -terminus station of the Euphrates on the Persian Gulf, suffered from -the inconvenience of an extremely unhealthy climate, resulting from -the stagnant waters of the Achar, a branch of the river Shat‐el‐Arab, -on which it was built. Midhat determined to remove the site of the -township on to the main river, and with that view built a Governor’s -house and Government buildings on the new site as a nucleus for a new -city. Outside this enclosure, the township of Nassrieh was laid out -on plans furnished by the Pasha, to become the capital of the sandjak -of Muntefik, and to replace the old town of Suk esh‐sheyuh which -was falling into ruins, and was deficient in all the necessaries of -civilisation. - -Sixty miles from Bussora, and on the coast of Nedjed, is situated -the little town of Koweit of six thousand houses, the inhabitants of -which are all Mussulmans. Midhat Pasha’s predecessor, Namik Pasha, -had endeavoured to bring this population within the influence of his -jurisdiction, but they successfully resisted all attempts at imposing -taxation upon them, and had maintained their quasi‐independence under -their own chiefs, the descendants of one Sabah who had come with -this tribe of “Moutayer” from Nedjed five hundred years before, and -had maintained ever since with practical independence a republican -form of government, choosing by election their own judges (_cadis_) -and the professors of their religious schools (_medresses_). Owing -to the restricted extent of their territory, the inhabitants, like -those of Venice, took chiefly to maritime pursuits, and upwards of two -hundred small vessels of various tonnage traversed in every direction -the Indian Ocean, as far as the coasts of Zanzibar, and practically -monopolised the pearl fisheries of the Persian Gulf. Although they had -adopted a special flag of their own, they occasionally hoisted a Dutch -or English flag, to secure certain privileges accorded to these flags -by the capitulations. It seemed highly desirable to Midhat Pasha to -put an end to this equivocal status of the inhabitants of Koweit, and -to regularise their position. He accordingly entered into negotiations -with them, and offered the full enjoyment of their autonomy and -privileges under the government of their own Sheik Sabah, provided they -recognised themselves as forming part and parcel of the Ottoman empire, -and adopted the Ottoman flag as their national ensign. These conditions -were accepted by the people of Koweit, and their territory became a -sandjak of the vilayet of Bagdad. A formal treaty to that effect was -drawn up and signed and confirmed by _berats_ (writs of investiture) -from Constantinople, and new schools and mosques arose in Koweit. - -After the settlement of Koweit, Midhat’s attention was turned to the -conquest of the Nedjed, the most important event that marked his -governorship of Bagdad. - -The Nedjed is the geographical denomination of an extent of country -including about a quarter of the Arabian peninsula. Soliman, the -conqueror, after defeating the Portuguese squadron in the Persian Gulf, -had annexed it to his empire, and had despatched a special governor -from Constantinople to administer the province of Hassa. A century -after this, the inhabitants rose in revolt and formed themselves into a -separate State, which included the island of Bahrein in its limits. On -the first breaking out of these troubles, the Egyptian troops sent out -to repress the revolt had been successful, and had defeated the rebels -at Riad and Derayeh, forcing the Wahabites to recognise the authority -of the Sultan, but the Ottoman Government, whose attention was now -turned elsewhere, neglected to follow up this success, and the Nedjed -gradually regained its independence under the dynasty of Wahab. - -In the time of Midhat Pasha, the reigning Sheik, Abdul Fazil, whilst -in the enjoyment of quasi‐independence himself, had never dreamt -of encroaching on the neighbouring territories under the authority -of the Sultan, nor of exciting revolt among their inhabitants by -preaching among them the particular tenets of Wahabism; but his brother -Saood, under the instigation of certain counsellors, with a view to -supplanting him in the government of the country, declared war on him, -and succeeded in dethroning him. - -Abdul Fazil now had recourse to the intervention of Midhat Pasha, whom -he warned of the probable consequences that would follow the victory of -his brother with respect to the propagandism of Wahabite ideas among -the surrounding tribes. Midhat determined to act, but before entering -on a campaign that might prove an arduous undertaking, he took measures -to ascertain the exact forces that Saood had at his disposal, as well -as the topography of the country where military operations would have -to be carried out. With this view, spies and agents disguised as -merchants were sent in various directions, and soundings were taken of -different parts of the coast. A full report as to the situation of the -Nedjed in all these respects was in due course furnished to Midhat, who -in the meantime had requested and obtained the necessary authorisation -from the Grand Vizier, Aali Pasha, for the projected campaign. - -Midhat was aware that certain delicate international questions might -arise in the course of the expedition. The policy of England, as -represented by its Indian Government, had always been to favour rather -than to discourage the desire of independence on the part of the Arab -chiefs in this part of the world. A serious and systematic attempt, -therefore, to suppress their independence and to attach these distant -members permanently to the body of the Ottoman Empire might seem to -run counter to the policy of the Indian Government on the shores of -the neighbouring Persian Gulf. Midhat had always been a stout and -consistent supporter of the English Alliance, but he was by no means -inclined for that reason to sacrifice to that alliance the essential -interest of the Ottoman Empire; and while resolved to proceed with -tact and due considerateness for the interests and susceptibilities of -a friendly Power, he did not hesitate, in spite of a certain amount -of sympathy manifested by England towards Saood, to proceed with the -expedition he had resolved upon. - -The most populous province of Nedjed was Hassa, with its port Elkatif. -Thirty‐two hours distant from this port are situated the townships -of Elhofuf and Elmuberez, surrounded by fortified walls. Six hours -distant from Elkatif is the port of Ras Tannurah, offering favourable -conditions for a disembarkation of troops. Securing his communications -between Bussora and Elkatif, a distance of 360 miles by sea, by means -of the proffered co‐operation of Abdullah Elsabah, Sheik of Koweit, -who put his flotilla at the disposal of the Pasha for that purpose, -Midhat embarked five battalions of regular troops with a complement of -artillery under the command of Nafiz Pasha, General of division, for -the port of Ras Tannurah, whence they immediately marched to Elkatif, -which after a faint resistance capitulated to the Ottoman troops. The -surrender of Elmuberez and other strategical points in the Wahabs’ -country followed in quick succession, and in a very short space of time -the partisans of Saood were dispersed and the whole country brought -under Imperial rule. - -Midhat was now about to start himself for the Nedjed, with a view to -organise the country as a province of the Ottoman Empire, when his -attention was called by the Governor of Diarbekir, Kurd Ismail Pasha, -to the suspicious movements in the neighbourhood of Urfa of Sheik -Abdul Kerim, of the tribe of Chamar, the same, it will be remembered, -who, on the occasion of the revolt of the Dogara tribesmen, arriving -too late to assist the defeated rebels, turned round and offered his -services to the victorious Pasha. - -Thinking the present occasion more favourable for carrying out his -cherished policy, he was marching straight on Bagdad, killing and -pillaging on his route. Warned by Kurd Ismail, Midhat took immediate -steps to crush him. Abdul Kerim had divided his forces into three -parts, the first advancing on Zor, the second on Mosul, and the -third, under his own command, marching on Bagdad. On this information -reaching him, Midhat ordered two battalions of regulars to reinforce -Kurd Ismail, whilst General Echeref Pasha was directed to fortify -Zor and other strategical points on the Tigris and Euphrates. These -troops coming into collision with the first division of Abdul Kerim’s -army in the neighbourhood of Zor, easily dispersed them, whilst Kurd -Ismail himself, attacking the second division of the rebels in the -neighbourhood of Mosul, completely routed it. On learning of the -successive defeats of the two wings of this invading army, Abdul -Kerim quickly abandoned all idea of advancing, and took measures to -secure his own safety. His retreat by the desert being cut off by -the droughts prevailing at this season, he made for his own native -country, the Chamar, but Midhat threatening Sheik Ibn Reshid, chief -of the tribe Djebel, if he ventured to offer refuge to the rebel, -diverted Abdul Kerim’s retreat to the direction of Muntefik by Hilah -and Kerbela, where he fell in with Nassir Pasha, and in the fight that -ensued was wounded and taken prisoner. After a regular trial for armed -rebellion and treachery, he was condemned to death, and the sentence -being approved of by the authorities at Constantinople, he was in due -course hanged at Mosul. His brother, Ferhan Pasha, now received the -chieftainship of the tribe Chamar, with an increase of territory and -a regular monthly subsidy, whilst the turbulent tribesmen acknowledged -the authority of the Imperial Government and consented to pay the -taxes. This settlement was followed by a resumption of agricultural -pursuits on the part of the inhabitants, and the general pacification -of the country. - -But troubles in these parts did not end with the conquest of the -Nedjed and the defeat of Abdul Kerim. Abdullah Fazil—who had by means -of Ottoman arms been restored to the government of Elkatif, with the -Turkish title of Mutessarif, in the new vilayet of Nedjed—once freed -from all apprehension respecting the ambition of his brother Saood, -began to manifest restlessness under Turkish regular administration. -Discontent, too, with Turkish fiscal arrangements was felt by the -tribesmen, and affairs began again to assume a threatening aspect. -Midhat determined to inquire into the causes of this discontent, and -finding that exemption from all taxation, save that sanctioned by the -Mussulman law, viz. the tithe, had been consecrated by secular usage -among them, and that the neighbouring tribes who had come under English -protection, Oman, Mascat, etc., fully enjoyed the privilege of this -exemption, determined to satisfy the population of Elkatif in this -respect, and forthwith consented to limit their liability to taxation -to the regular payment of the tithe. - -There remained the island of Bahrein, the conquest of which, on account -of the importance of its position on the Persian Gulf, Midhat now -determined to effect. In order to superintend operations himself, and -in case of any international friction demanding his presence, Midhat -started for the Nedjed. Abdullah Fazil hearing of this, and fearing -that his own equivocal conduct was the cause of the journey, fled from -Elkatif to Riad, and in spite of the Pasha’s assurances, refused to -return. His dismissal from the Government was thereupon pronounced, and -the district converted into the sandjak of Hassa, and together with -the command of the troops, was entrusted to Nafiz Pasha. A friendly -interchange of views now took place between Midhat Pasha and the -Government of India, the result of which was that the island of Bahrein -was officially annexed to the Mutessarifat of Hassa. Two Turkish -corvettes, the _Libnan_ and the _Iskenderoun_, under the command of -Arif Bey, sailed for the island, followed by two English gunboats -under Commander Pelly, and the Turkish and English vessels exchanged -salutes and other friendly courtesies in the port. When the Turkish -sailors disembarked on the island they were received with the most -indescribable enthusiasm by the islanders, who had not seen the Turkish -ensign flying on a man‐of‐war for two centuries past. The Sheik of the -island offered an appropriate piece of land to be used as a _dépôt_ -for coals for Turkish vessels, and offered to place the resources of -the island at the disposition of the Turkish authorities if necessity -should arise. On weighing anchor from Bahrein the two corvettes were -joined by the vessel that had Midhat Pasha on board, and the little -flotilla sailed together to Koweit. Here the same scenes were enacted -that had distinguished the visit to Bahrein, and nothing occurred -to mar the cordiality that existed between the Ottoman and British -forces that met in these Eastern ports. The convention which had been -previously agreed upon between Midhat and the British authorities -prevented any friction between them. - -The re‐establishment of Imperial authority in these regions justified, -and indeed necessitated, a considerable increase in the Turkish -flotilla in these waters. Before the opening of the Suez Canal, Turkey -only possessed the two corvettes the _Boursa_, and the _Ismir_, neither -of which was in a sea‐going condition. Midhat sent the _Boursa_ to -Bombay to undergo repairs, and added the _Libnan_, _Iskenderoun_, -_Deniz_, _Babel_, _Ninova_, _Nedjed_, and _Assour_, besides ten -vessels of light draught for river police, and to reinforce the -Bagdad squadron. The port of Bussora, no longer adequate to the naval -requirements of the province, was enlarged and improved, and works for -an inner harbour capable of anchoring vessels of 10-feet draught were -commenced at Kut‐el‐Frenghi on the river Shat‐el‐arab. - -All these various improvements and reforms, and the general advance in -the political and administrative status of this important province, -were highly appreciated by the Government of the Porte, which was -now under the enlightened guidance of Aali Pasha, who addressed the -following letter to Midhat Pasha:— - - - “EXCELLENCY,—The very weak state of health from which I have - been for some time suffering has been the cause of the delay that - has occurred in answering your letters concerning the voyage of - His Majesty the Shah. Pray accept my most sincere excuses. I beg - to congratulate you in a very especial manner, on your brilliant - successes in the Nedjed. Everything seems to indicate that, thanks - to the tact with which you have brought about the pacification of - the Provinces of Assir, the political importance of which is so - considerable, the whole Arabic peninsula will soon return to its - ancient status. By your services you have merited the glorious title, - ‘Haremein Muhteremein.’ - - “The effect of the Shah’s visit on the Shiite population in the - province was the subject of considerable preoccupation with us, - but the good intentions and loyalty manifested on both sides, have - smoothed over many difficulties and brought about highly desirable - results.... It is quite certain that Nevab Ikbal Eldevle, being - a just and upright man, will blame and discourage any flagrant - departure from justice and equity on the part of his co‐religionists. - - “Be good enough to thank him in my name, when the occasion offers, - for the seal in agate, the engraving and inscription on which are - very fine. - - “Prince Abbas Mirza has arrived here, and he has twice been received - in Audience by his Majesty.... He seems a polished and intelligent - person, but I have not yet had any opportunity to form an estimate of - his character. - - “I am, - - “(seal) MEHMED EMIN AALI. - - “23 _Djemaziel Evel, 1288_ (1871), _Hegira_.” - - -By the same courtier the Sultan Abdul Aziz sent Midhat Pasha a sword of -honour set with diamonds, with the inscription “Nedjed” engraved on it. -This was the closing scene of Midhat’s governorship of Bagdad, and with -it closed the first half of his career, viz., as Provincial Governor. -Circumstances were occurring at Constantinople destined to bring him -on the scene there, to play his part in the important political events -about to occur in the metropolis. - -But a change of a portentous nature had taken place at Constantinople. -Fuad Pasha and Aali Pasha, whose prestige and popularity had gained an -ascendancy over the Sultan, and had, since his accession, practically -monopolised power, and who had strenuously supported Midhat in all -his reforming measures both on the Danube and the Euphrates, died -within a few months of each other. The disappearance of these two able -and powerful Ministers synchronized with the return of Abdul Aziz -from a tour in Europe, when symptoms of an ominous character began -to reveal themselves in the sovereign. He showed himself impatient -of contradiction or advice of any kind, expressing openly his -relief at being freed from the incubus of his former Grand Viziers; -he completely changed the etiquette of the Court, imposing on the -occasion of audiences an antiquated ceremonial, accompanied by unwonted -prostrations to be observed on entering the Imperial presence, and he -directed that henceforth he should be addressed in inflated language, -strange even to the forms of Oriental adulation. But what was more -serious than these triflings of Imperial vanity, was the fact that he -now launched out, careless of the resources of the budget, on the most -lavish expenditure of every kind both of a public and private nature. -Fleets of costly ironclads were ordered and equipped without regard to -their cost; marble palaces rose, as by enchantment, on the banks of the -Bosphorus, and every whim and caprice on his own part or that of the -Palace had to be gratified without stint or delay. He found in Mahmoud -Nedim a compliant Grand Vizier, who, in return for the retention of -power, undertook to find the ways and means for the gratification of -all his master’s wishes. - -The reflex action of this state of things at headquarters was felt -in the most distant provinces. When the exactions of the Palace had -expropriated the balance of the sums destined to the various services -of the State, recourse was had to the provinces to make good the -deficiencies by extraordinary “benevolences” and remittances. Works -of public utility or necessity were accordingly suspended, and the -funds necessary for their completion diverted to the metropolis. -Incompetent favourites arrived from Constantinople with orders to the -Vali to provide them with lucrative posts, and by these means the whole -fabric of the new administration, painfully and patiently built up, -was dislocated and deranged. Midhat, recognising the impossibility of -governing in such conditions, resigned his Governorship and set out for -Constantinople. - - -THE FIRST GRAND VIZIERATE OF MIDHAT PASHA. - -On his arrival in Constantinople, Midhat found that an order had been -issued for his banishment from the capital, under cloak of nominating -him to the government of Adrianople. Insisting, however, on the -exercise of his right of audience with the sovereign before setting out -for his new post, he made such strong representations to the Sultan -with respect to the general situation of the empire, that Abdul Aziz -thereupon abruptly dismissed Mahmoud Nedim, and appointed Midhat Grand -Vizier in his place (1873). - -As soon as he had filled the principal offices of State with the best -material he could find—Chirvani Rushdi Pasha, Djémil Pasha, and Sadik -Pasha—the first and most pressing necessity that confronted him was -to endeavour to put the Finances in order. This was no easy task. The -public accounts presented were entirely fictitious. His first discovery -was to the effect that whereas the budget showed a surplus of half a -million (£T), there was in point of fact a deficit of three millions. -The actual appropriation of the sums debited in the accounts presented -another difficulty. A sum of £T100,000 disbursed by the Treasury was -not accounted for at all. Midhat insisted on a full inquiry, and, -discovering that this sum had been appropriated by the late Grand -Vizier, directed an investigation into the matter before the members -of the Council of State, who ordered its immediate restitution by -Mahmoud Nedim, and recommended his banishment. He, however, alleging -in private that this sum in question although nominally attributed to -him was really allotted to the Palace, found in the Valide Sultan and -her _entourage_ most powerful allies in his duel with Midhat. Banished -by the insistence of the Grand Vizier, first to Adrianople and then to -Trebizond, he soon obtained permission to return to Constantinople. - -Two distinct parties began now to stand out in clear relief. On the -one side was Midhat, warmly supported by public opinion in the capital -and in the provinces, and by all that was most enlightened among the -Softas and Ulemas, headed by Chakir Effendi, and on the other side -the whole army of corruption, headed by Mahmoud Nedim and protected by -the Valide Sultan and the Palace Camarilla. Another powerful ally of -the late Grand Vizier was General Ignatieff, who by the most ingenious -and persistent methods—condescending even to the resources of the -stage—worked on the mind of the Sultan in order to restore Mahmoud -Nedim to power. - -An incident soon occurred which brought matters to a crisis. The -Khedive of Egypt, desirous of changing the order of succession in -his family and of obtaining various privileges and prerogatives -from his suzerain, was in the habit of making periodical visits -to Constantinople, carrying away with him each time, by judicious -payments, some shred of the sovereign rights of the Porte. These visits -became a regular source of income and emolument to the Palace and all -its myrmidons. Arriving at Constantinople on the occasion of one of -these visits he found Midhat Pasha installed as Grand Vizier, and to -his surprise and disappointment, and to the discomfiture of the Palace -clique, he was obliged this time to return to Alexandria with his -presents, _re infectâ_. - -It soon became apparent that one of two things must happen: the Sultan -would either have to change the whole _régime_ and scale of expenditure -of the Palace, or change his Grand Vizier; and as he never really -contemplated the former course, he adopted the latter. The determining -cause was Midhat’s action with reference to certain scandals—incidents -connected with Baron Hirsch’s railway schemes. - -It is only in a despotic country, where State contracts are signed in -the dark, and _cahiers de charge_ are examined by carefully chosen -experts and passed by complaisant accountants, that such a scandal as -the Hirsch railways is possible or conceivable. If the cynicism of the -whole transaction had not become notorious, and thus excited as much -laughter as its nefariousness caused indignation, it would be worth -while to set out in detail all the circumstances of this stupendous -business. - -To obtain a contract giving unlimited control over the richest forests -in the world, on the pretext of cutting sleepers, is in itself a -pretty smart stroke of business. To stipulate for payment of railways -according to the mileage executed, irrespective of topographical -considerations or local requirements, is a triumph of contracting -skill; but to claim payment for work done in the plains only, on -the basis of an average calculated for working through plains and -mountain‐chains alike, is the very glory of financial genius. The -secret, too, of the art was as simple as the result was lucrative. -Backsheesh in adequate amounts, distributed at appropriate moments in -the right quarters, was the alpha and omega of the business. - -Midhat, in his determination to strike at the root of the whole system -of corruption, irrespective of persons or of consequences, having -discovered that the highest person in the land was himself a recipient -of the largesses of the Austrian baron, insisted on the restitution of -the sums received. The Sultan listened to the advice tendered, returned -the money, and dismissed his Grand Vizier. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -DEPOSITION AND DEATH OF ABDUL AZIZ - - -After an honourable exile as Governor of Salonica, Midhat obtained -leave to return to Constantinople, and after a brief tenure of the -office of Minister of Justice and of the Presidency of the Council -of State, he handed in his resignation in the following terms, and -retired to his Konak in the neighbourhood of the capital and awaited -developments: - - -_To Midhat Pasha, President of the Council of State._ - - - “I beg that your Highness will be good enough to instruct me as to - the reply I am to make to His Majesty, in case he should question me - as to the motives for your resignation. - - “HAFIZ MEHEMED - - “_Head Chamberlain_ (_of Sultan Aziz_).” - - -_Reply._ - - “EXCELLENCY,—My request is not based upon any personal motives. I - have nothing but praise for all my colleagues, both high and low; - but the motives which have forced me to this decision are, as I have - already set out in my petition, the difficulties of the position in - which we are placed, that is to say, our finances are in a hopeless - condition, the civil administration is utterly disorganised, and the - state of the army is beyond description; all this compromised the - security and credit of the country, and the non‐Mussulman element - loudly proclaims the intention that it long ago formed of placing - itself under foreign protection. While the faults and mistakes - made twenty years ago have prepared the way for the disasters - which are now showing themselves in rapid succession, and which are - sufficient to employ all our time, our foreign policy has also been - misdirected, the feelings of the Powers have changed towards us, - and they entertain hostile intentions towards our country to such a - degree that the most friendly Power has lost all confidence in us. - It is impossible for us not to deplore the unfortunate results which - this line of conduct cannot fail to produce for Turkey, and for the - faithful servants of His Majesty—that of being unable to see the - future clearly before them. In view of the attitude adopted by His - Highness the Grand Vizier, which gives reason to hope that this state - of affairs may be remedied, I feel compelled to devote my feeble - efforts and support to those duties which are specially incumbent on - me in the existing crisis through which the Ministry is passing. But - as I have explained in the petition which I have already sent in, I - have passed the greater portion of my life in provincial service, and - have never taken part in such delicate and complicated affairs, and - am therefore compelled to ask you to have the goodness to intercede - with His Majesty to accept my resignation. - - “I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “29 _Cheval_, 1291 (1874).” - - -In the meantime things went from bad to worse in the affairs of the -State. Grand Viziers one after the other were appointed and dismissed. -Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, Essad Pasha, Chervani Rushdi Pasha, held office -for a few months only, and with the best of intentions were utterly -unable to grapple with the situation, and the “villain of the piece,” -Mahmoud Nedim, was at last recalled to office. The finances of the -country were fast getting beyond all remedy. Although it was only -twenty years since the fatal secret of a national debt had been learnt -in Turkey, bankruptcy was already staring the country in the face. So -palpable was this to the best friends of Turkey, that Mr Yorke in the -British Parliament, in the interests of a long‐standing ally of Great -Britain, and of the alliance itself, called attention to the state of -Turkish finances, and summoned the British Government to intervene -through its ambassador at Constantinople to endeavour to ward off -impending catastrophes. Three months after this warning the Turkish -Treasury suspended payment on half the amount of the coupons of the -public debt. - -The outcry caused by this measure throughout Europe, not only in -strictly commercial and financial circles, but in every class of the -community, was indescribable. Tempted by the high rate of interest, -and confiding in the assurances of financiers interested in floating -successive loans that “Turkey always has paid and therefore always -would pay” the coupons of its debts, the _petite bourgeoisie_ and the -small investor had largely placed their savings in Turkish bonds, and -the “tightness” and misery caused by the suspension was undoubtedly -very great (1875). Meetings of indignant bond‐holders were held in -every capital and large city in Europe, and the Turkish Government and -the Turkish nation, the Pasha and the people, were confounded in a -common anathema. The ground was admirably prepared for an explosion of -political passion directed against Turkey. The occasion for this was -not long in presenting itself. - -During the second Vizierate of Essad Pasha, certain movements of a -suspicious nature took place on the Montenegrin frontier which would -have arrested the attention of a more vigilant Government. A party of -sixty Slav peasants from the village of Nevesinje in the Commune of -Mostar, on some trivial quarrel with the local authorities, emigrated -in a body across the frontier into Montenegro. In a short time, through -the good offices of the Russian Ambassador, they obtained leave to -return to their homes; but very soon, in concert with their Montenegrin -friends, they organised a _razzia_ on the lands of the neighbouring -Mussulmans. Instead of nipping this incipient rebellion in the bud and -enquiring into its cause, the local authorities temporised with its -leaders and awaited instructions from Constantinople as to how they -were to proceed. Encouraged by this impunity, and with the assurance -of external support, the insurgent bands rapidly increased in numbers, -and when at last the Government determined to act, it found itself in -presence of a serious rebellion. Essad Pasha, well‐intentioned but -weak, and preoccupied with the serious outlook of affairs generally, -accepted the insidious offer of the Russian and Austrian Ambassadors to -intervene between the leaders of the bands and the Supreme Government. -No policy could have been more fatal. It afforded the greatest possible -encouragement to the rebels, who considered the step an acknowledgment -by the Government of its own inability to deal with the movement; -it practically conceded belligerent rights to the rebels, and it -encouraged the habit and consecrated the principle of interference by -foreign governments in the internal affairs of the empire. - -The hollowness of the offer was apparent the moment the terms of -surrender came to be discussed, and the net result of this diplomatic -comedy was, as was no doubt intended, that what was at first an -insignificant rising of a handful of peasants was raised to the dignity -of a recognised rebellion that could negotiate on equal terms with -the Imperial Government through the medium of foreign consuls and -ambassadors. - -Mahmoud Nedim had now succeeded Essad Pasha as Grand Vizier (1875), -and as no effective measures were taken to suppress the rising, it -went on spreading from village to village and district to district -till the contagion was caught in Bulgaria. There, in the beginning -of 1874, a commencement of unrest showed itself in the districts -of Drenova, Kazanlik, and Zagra; but the local authorities (warned -by what had taken place in the Herzegovina through the neglect of -initial precautions) had all the leaders of the movement arrested. -Thereupon General Ignatieff made such energetic representations to the -Porte, that orders arrived not only for the release of the imprisoned -malcontents, but for the dismissal of all the functionaries concerned -in their arrest.[6] - -The effect of this novel and original mode of dealing with an -insurrection was soon apparent in the effervescence and excitement it -caused among the Mussulman population throughout the province. They -saw rebel bands, the leaders of which were patronised and supported by -foreign consuls and diplomatists, being organised without disguise and -approaching their own hearths, whereas all defensive measures on the -part of their own natural leaders were discountenanced and punished. -They thereupon resolved to take the matter into their own hands, and -formed vigilance committees and organised local bands under the command -of retired _zaptiés_ throughout the province. - -In such psychological conditions an explosion of popular passions -was certain sooner or later to take place. The occasion for this was -furnished by an incident that occurred at Salonica on the 5th May 1875. -This incident was, with the Bulgarian insurrection and the Berlin Note, -one of the external difficulties that confronted the Government, and -placed it in a very critical position. A young Bulgarian girl had -come by rail to Salonica from a neighbouring village on the evening -of the 5th May, accompanied by a _hoadja_, with a view to making a -declaration of conversion to Mahomedanism before the Grand Council of -Salonica—a formality required by the law, as a preliminary to her -being married to a young Mahomedan of her village. On her arrival -at the station she was met by a mob of Greeks and Bulgarians who -pulled off her _yashmak_ and _feradje_ (mantle and veil), and forcing -her into a carriage, in spite of the efforts of four _zaptiés_ who -came up in the middle of the disturbance, drove her at a gallop to -the American Consulate, where the brother of the Vice‐Consul (a -Bulgarian), who had arranged the abduction, concealed her during the -night. The next day he had her removed to the house of a friend, so -that all trace of the girl should be lost. But early next morning a -Mussulman mob, comprising (as in such occurrences is certain to be -the case) the worst and most violent sections of the population, had -assembled at the Konak and loudly demanded the restoration of the -girl and her appearance before the Grand Council. As their demands -were not complied with, they retired to the Saatli Mosque, adjacent -to the Governor’s Konak, where they reiterated their demands for the -restoration of the girl. Unfortunately, by some fatality which was -never satisfactorily explained, the German and French Consuls found -their way into the mosque in the very midst of excited Mussulmans. -Whether they went there of their own accord to remonstrate and argue -with the people, or approaching the scene of the demonstration were -hustled into the mosque, was never cleared up. But once they appeared -there, the frenzy of the mob burst all bounds, and the most violent -amongst them, pursuing the Consuls into one of the apartments of the -_Muderris_ (Academy) in connection with the mosque, fell on them -with iron bars hastily snatched from the windows of the mosque, and -murdered them on the spot. The English Consul, Mr Blunt, accompanied -by his _cavass_, seems to have been the only one who kept his head on -this occasion and acted with presence of mind and sagacity; for, at -the risk of his own life, he forced his way to the Konak, and when he -found that the Governor could not effect the restoration of the girl, -which was the only way to calm the mob and rescue the Consuls, he sent -to the American Vice‐Consulate to apprize Mr Lazaro, who was the cause -of the whole disturbance, of the perilous situation of his colleagues, -the French and German Consuls, and to implore him to restore the girl. -Unfortunately, Mr Lazaro at first procrastinated and pretended that -he did not know where the girl was, and so precious time was lost; -and when subsequently, on a further appeal from Mr Consul Blunt, he -delivered up the girl, it was too late, for the crime against the -foreign Consuls who had intervened had been accomplished. - -Although the Ottoman Government took immediate steps to punish the -authors of this crime—the six principal leaders of which were -immediately executed, and the remainder punished with severe terms -of penal servitude—the effect of the outrage on the public opinion -of Europe, in the existing state of feeling in regard to Turkey, -can easily be conceived. It excited indignation everywhere; but the -anti‐Turkish Press, now pretty numerous, seized on it with avidity and -pointed to it as irrefragable evidence of the incorrigible fanaticism -of the whole Mussulman population of the empire, and called for various -coercive measures, amounting in some cases to a combined crusade, to -protect the Christians in the country, now threatened with wholesale -massacre.[7] - -It was in vain that Europeans who had lived all their lives in the -country, and were acquainted from personal experience with the feelings -and opinions of the inhabitants, protested against these exaggerations -and deprecated their vain terrors. Colonel James Baker, an English -resident for twenty years in the neighbourhood of Salonica, where he -had been farming on a large scale, and whose occupation had brought -him in contact with all sorts and conditions of men, Christian and -Mahomedan alike, wrote a book ridiculing these apprehensions, and -communicating his experiences of the harmony and good fellowship -existing among the adherents of both religions, with whom he had for -twenty years been brought into contact. - -But the experience of people living on the spot could not stem the -torrent of hostile prejudice fortified by such dramatic examples -as the murder of the Consuls at Salonica. General Ignatieff, whose -plans were being admirably served by events, was not slow in lending -the weight of his authority to the propagation of these imaginary -terrors. He embodied 300 Montenegrin workmen at Constantinople to -serve as a body‐guard of his Embassy, to the amusement of his more -sensible colleagues, who were quite aware of the baselessness of the -fears that were the pretext of these ostentatious precautions. But the -_mise en scène_ contrived by the ingenious ambassador was not the less -effective, and these picturesque mountaineers as they lounged about -the streets of Pera, in their handsome national costume, bristling -with multifarious arms in their embroidered sashes, were striking -advertisements of the terrible dangers that threatened all Christians -in the fanatical land of the Osmanli. - -Servia, too, was preparing to enter the lists. Although without -the shred of a grievance against the suzerain Power, nor indeed -alleging any, Prince Milan, moved by the sole ambition to convert his -principality into a kingdom, had easily allowed himself to be drawn -into the conspiracy of a concerted attack on the Ottoman Empire. All -the reserves of his army were called out and armed with newly imported -rifles; and trains full of Russian officers of all grades and ranks, -from Generals of divisions to corporals and sergeants, arrived daily at -the capital to organise this militia into a fighting machine, and to -drill the raw peasants into soldiers. The whole country, in fact, from -Belgrade to Alexinatz, was an armed camp. - -Everything portended important developments for the ensuing spring -(1875). Early in the year, information reached the Porte that a serious -outbreak would take place in Bulgaria in the month of April, and that -the districts of Philippopolis, Eski‐Zagra, and Tirnova would be the -scene of the explosion. The information which was very detailed and -supported by evidence as to its accuracy, was accompanied by an earnest -request by the authorities of the threatened districts that a body of -regular troops should be despatched to the spot to inspire confidence -in the inhabitants and to protect the lives and property of peaceful -citizens. General Ignatieff again interfered, and in the capacity -of _amicus curiæ_, insisted that the presence of regular troops -would only inflame the passions of the population and precipitate a -crisis. Mahmoud Nedim allowed himself to be persuaded by the Russian -Ambassador, and persisted in turning a deaf ear to the reiterated -requests of the local authorities for the despatch of a regular force. - -Three weeks before the appointed day (16th April 1875) the anticipated -rising took place. It was accompanied by exactly the same incidents -that had characterised every previous rising that obeyed a _mot -d’ordre_ from outside. The armed bands fell on the first Mussulmans -they met with, and massacred them all, regardless of age or sex, with -the obvious aim of provoking reprisals that should play into the hands -of the enemies of Turkey.[8] These reprisals did, in fact, take place, -and were, no doubt, of a sanguinary and wholesale character. It is not -intended here to defend or condemn the atrocities that took place on -this occasion; but human nature being what it is, and the provocation -endured by the Mussulman population being taken into account, and due -allowance being made for the contagion of passion and panic, it is -no great wonder if scenes were enacted in Bulgaria that have marked -revolution and _jacqueries_ in all ages in every part of the world; -and perhaps still less if a confessedly and bitterly hostile Press in -Europe denounced “methods of barbarism” with little sifting of evidence -and with much dramatic exaggeration. Party spirit has occasionally not -scrupled to apply exactly the same terms without much reason to the -methods of warfare of its own regular troops. One fact was clearly and -conclusively established by the various commissions subsequently sent -to prosecute enquiries on the spot, viz., that not a single instance -occurred of an unarmed Christian being injured, or of a Christian -village being destroyed whose inhabitants had not actually risen in -armed rebellion. Fanaticism, in the strict acceptation of the term, is -not so discriminating. - -Matters had now come to such a pass that a general cataclysm was -to be apprehended. Bulgaria, Montenegro and Herzegovina in flames, -Servia arming to the teeth under the supervision of competent foreign -officers, Roumania preparing to move in the same direction, a bankrupt -treasury at home, a Grand Vizier whose sole resource seemed to be in -the promises and counsels of a perfidious ambassador, the arch‐enemy of -his country, and a sovereign wholly unconscious, or careless, of the -condition of the empire, provided his own extravagant caprices were -gratified—such was the aspect of affairs in Turkey in the spring of -1876. But that was not all. - -Under the spur of public opinion, and moved by secret springs in the -same direction, European diplomacy was meddling with the matter. Rulers -of State and masters of many legions were holding meetings to discuss -the situation in the East, and “Notes” and “Memorandums” were flying -about the Chancellories of Europe. The diplomatic outlook was quite as -menacing as the situation at home was critical. - -It was in such a condition of affairs that counsel was being taken -in Midhat’s Konak, among a few patriots who did not yet despair of -their country, as to the best mode of saving the empire. But before -the events that led up to the deposition of the Sultan Abdul Aziz are -detailed, it will be useful to cast a glance at what was passing in the -diplomatic world in Europe. - -The first and most important event in this respect, inasmuch as it was -the key of all that subsequently occurred, was the meeting of the Czar -and the Emperor of Austria at Reichstadt, 8th July 1876.[9] - -The outcome of that interview, with respect to Turkey, is no secret -to‐day, but twenty‐five years ago it was certainly ignored in London, -otherwise the negotiations that took place between the English -and Austrian Governments relative to the contingency of an armed -intervention in the Turko‐Russian War—carried on through the Austrian -Embassy in London in the significant absence of the Ambassador, which -went so far as to discuss the terms of a guaranteed war loan—would -certainly not have occurred. The acumen of the English Government -on this occasion would seem to have been somewhat at fault, and the -information that came to it from Vienna strangely unreliable; for it -acted, throughout negotiations extending over two years, in undisturbed -reliance on the _bonâ fides_ of the Austrian Chancellor’s assurances, -and apparently in a secure trust in the force of his Magyar prejudices -with respect to Russia. The fact is patent to‐day—and was well known -at Berlin, and was not ignored in Paris—that Austria was, if not the -actual instigator of the Herzegovinian rising—which is by no means -certain—the Power that was determined to profit by it, and that her -whole policy and diplomatic action with respect to the events that -were taking place in the South‐East of Europe was governed by this -determination. - -The turning‐point of Austrian policy with respect to Turkey has already -been indicated: the abandonment by England of Austria’s interests on -the Danube left her free, or even compelled her to have regard to what -she considered her own exclusive interests; and the meeting of the two -Emperors, at the breaking out of the Herzegovinian disturbances, was -the confirmation of this change of policy. - -Two assurances seem to have been given by the Czar at this now historic -interview. First, that whatever might be the outcome of events in -Turkey, he would not seek for Russia any territorial aggrandisement in -Europe; and secondly, with regard to Bosnia and Herzegovina, that in -the contingency of the continuance of disturbances there he would not -oppose the occupation of those provinces by Austria if sanctioned by -the rest of Europe. - -If this agreement had not been a secret one, and the terms of it had -been known or suspected in London, does any one imagine that events -would have followed the course they did, or that the “Notes” and -“Memorandums” coming from Vienna and Berlin would have been taken -seriously by the English Cabinet? The pact between the two Emperors, -sealed at Reichstadt, was quite as much at the expense of England in -Asia as of Turkey in Europe. It was a practical corollary of Prince -Bismarck’s avowed Eastern policy. - -There is only an academical interest now in pointing out the _rôle_ -that the personality of Count Andrassy and his reputed Magyar -sentiments played in all these transactions, and it is not necessary to -interrupt the course of this narrative by dwelling on them. - -After the Andrassy Memorandum had prepared the Cabinets of Europe for -some sort of diplomatic interference in the affairs of Turkey, and -familiarised them with the idea, the natural course of events in the -Turkish Empire did the rest. The ball set going at Vienna was taken up -at Berlin. The comparatively colourless diplomatic Memorandum concocted -in the first‐named capital was followed by a far more coercive Note -emanating from the latter. The former contained recommendations, -the latter added external sanctions to them. The policy intended to -be pursued with reference to Turkey was contained in germ in this -remarkable “Note,” and the diplomatic strategy to be employed was -herein clearly revealed. The “Conference,” which was to impose the -conditions and insist on the sanction, was already on the _tapis_, -and formed the subject of an interchange of views between the various -European governments; and it was, as it were, under the shadow of -this menace to the integrity and independence of the country that the -friends of Midhat now hastened their deliberations. - -As early as the winter of 1875, Midhat, with a view of profiting by -the lights, and seeking the advice of the eminent diplomatist who -represented the Court of St James at Constantinople, paid a visit to -Sir Henry Elliot, the purpose of which can best be described in the -words of the Ambassador himself.[10] - - - “In the beginning of December 1875, I was informed by one of Midhat’s - partisans, a Pasha who had filled some of the highest offices of the - State, that the object of his party was to obtain a ‘Constitution.’ - This was more than a year before its promulgation, when it was - declared to have been invented only to defeat the Conference then - sitting at Constantinople.... A few days later Midhat himself called - upon me and explained his views more fully than he had ever done - before, though I was acquainted with their general tenor. The Empire, - he said, was being rapidly brought to destruction; corruption had - reached a pitch that it had never before attained; the service of the - State was starved, while untold millions were poured into the Palace, - and the provinces were being ruined by the uncontrolled exertions of - governors who purchased their appointments at the Palace, and nothing - could save the country but a complete change of system. The only - remedy that he could perceive, lay, first, in securing a control over - the sovereign by making the Ministers—and especially as regarded the - finances—responsible to a national popular Assembly; and secondly - in making this Assembly truly national, by doing away with all - distinctions of classes and religions, and by placing the Christians - on a footing of entire equality with the Mussulmans; thirdly, by - decentralisation and by the establishment of provincial control over - the governors. It must surely be admitted that these were enlightened - and statesmanlike views, deserving of every encouragement.... He - dwelt repeatedly on the value that the sympathy of the British nation - would be to the reformers, and on the manner in which his countrymen - were now looking to England as the example they hoped to follow. I - told him in reply that I could not doubt that measures framed upon - the lines he had laid down must command the approval and ensure the - good wishes of every Englishman who, like myself, had faith in the - advantages of constitutional checks upon arbitrary power. I gave - him this assurance confidently and in good faith; for certainly - the very last thing that I anticipated was that those who in this - country make the greatest parade of their devotion to constitutional - principles would be the first to heap contumely upon men who were - trying to introduce it into theirs, and to hold up their proposals to - ridicule....” - - -The first of the many incidents that soon after this conversation began -to follow each other closely, took place on the 10th May 1876, when -an assemblage of several thousand Softas stopped Prince Izzeddine, the -Sultan’s eldest son, on his way to the Seraskierat (Ministry of War), -desiring him to return to the Palace, and to inform the Sultan that -they demanded the dismissal of Mahmoud Nedim, the Grand Vizier and of -Hassan Fehmi Effendi, the Sheik‐ul‐Islam. The Sultan did not venture to -reject the demand. Mahmoud and Hassan Fehmi were dismissed, the latter -being replaced by Hassan Hairullah Effendi, who enjoyed a high and -exceptional reputation for learning and enlightenment. Mehemet Rushdi -Pasha, an old man universally respected, was named Grand Vizier; and as -he insisted on Midhat joining his Cabinet (although holding no specific -office), it was believed that he would be the guiding spirit, and -general satisfaction was felt. Sir Henry Elliot proceeds to say: - - - “This general satisfaction did not last long. The Sultan quickly - showed his determination to resist all reforms by appointing to high - posts several of the worst of the old school of Pashas, and it then - became so evident to me that an attempt to depose him would certainly - very shortly be made, that on the 25th May I put my conviction on - record in a despatch in which I wrote that the word ‘Constitution’ - was in every mouth; that the Softas, representing the intelligent - public opinion of the Capital, knowing themselves to be supported by - the bulk of the Nation—Christian as well as Mahomedan—would not, I - believed, relax their efforts till they obtained it, and that should - the Sultan refuse to grant it, an attempt to depose him appeared - almost inevitable; that texts from the Koran were circulated proving - to the faithful that the form of Government sanctioned by it was - properly democratic, and that the absolute authority now wielded by - the Sovereign was an usurpation of the rights of the people and not - sanctioned by the Sacred Law; and both texts and precedents were - appealed to to show that allegiance was not due to a Sovereign who - neglected the interests of the State. The disaffection, I said, now - ran through every class, and from the Pashas down to the porters - in the streets and the boatmen on the Bosphorus, no one thought any - longer of concealing his opinions.... Within a week after my reports - were written, the deposition had been effected....” - - -The two moving spirits in the deposition of Sultan Abdul Aziz were -undoubtedly Midhat Pasha and Hussein Avni Pasha, the Minister of War -(_seraskier_). The latter, a thorough soldier and a sterling patriot, -distinguished for the great energy and decision of his character -as well as the impetuosity of his temper, had occupied the highest -military posts in the country, and had been repeatedly exiled from -Constantinople by the Sultan. He was particularly feared and disliked -by Mahmoud Nedim, who had procured his banishment each time that -he had been made Grand Vizier. Although not sharing all Midhat’s -constitutional views and professing more confidence in the efficacy -of the sword than in the saving grace of popular institutions, he had -lent a willing and energetic support to his colleague’s views as to the -indisputable necessity of deposing the Sultan as a preliminary to any -attempted amelioration in the condition of the State. - -As soon as the final resolution of Ministers was arrived at, and -before any commencement of execution could be given to it, it was -indispensable to obtain a _Fetva_ (authoritative decree) of the -Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Hassan Hairullah, the highest authority and mouthpiece -of the Sacred Law, in order to give legal validity to the act of -deposition. Accordingly the following _Fetva_ was issued for the -deposition:— - - - “If the Chief of the Faithful gives proof of mental derangement; if - he displays ignorance of State matters; if he employs the public - revenues for his personal expenditure, beyond what the Nation and - the State can support; if he introduces confusion into political - and spiritual concerns, and if his continuance in power becomes - injurious to the nation, may he be deposed?” - - Answer: “The Cheri pronounces ‘Yes.’ - - “Signed by the humble - - “HASSAN HAIRULLAH, - - “To whom God grant His indulgence. - - “_Djemaziel Evel_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (30_th May_ 1876.) - - -Armed with this _Fetva_, Ministers decided on the immediate execution -of their plans, the details of which, it was agreed, should be left to -the Grand Vizier, to Midhat, and to the Minister of War. - -There was a slight divergence of views between Midhat and the -Seraskier with reference to the form of procedure which should -accompany the deposition. Hussein Avni inclined to a simple military -_pronunciamento_, whereas Midhat wished to give the consecration of -popular sanction to the act. For this purpose he proposed that the -Softas and the population of Stamboul should be convoked _en masse_ to -the Noure‐Osmanieh Mosque, where they should set forth the griefs of -the nation and demand a change of _régime_; and that on this demand -being refused or ignored, they should proceed at once to the execution -of the decree of deposition. The majority of Ministers inclined to -this latter method of proceeding; but a circumstance occurred which -necessitated a change of plans and determined the abandonment of the -proposal for a popular demonstration. - -The 31st May was chosen for the execution of the plan agreed upon. On -the eve of that day information reached Midhat from a woman of the -Palace that the Sultan had had wind of the affair, and that the whole -plot was about to be discovered. This was corroborated by the fact that -twice that same day Hussein Avni had been peremptorily summoned to the -Palace, although on the first summons he had pleaded illness as a -reason for disregarding it. - -It was decided thereupon by the Ministers to anticipate the hour fixed -upon, and to proceed at once with the execution of their design. - -At midnight accordingly, of the 30th of May, Mehemet Rushdi and Midhat, -accompanied each by a single attendant carrying a lamp, proceeded to -Sirkedji to embark on a _caïque_[11] for Pachalimani on the Bosphorus, -the residence of Hussein Avni. It was a pitch‐dark night with rain -falling in torrents, and it was with some difficulty that they reached -the place of rendezvous. Here they found Hussein Avni anxiously waiting -for them, and after a hurried interview in which the final dispositions -were made, they separated to their respective posts. Hussein Avni -started for the palace of Dolma‐Bagtche, whilst Rushdi and Midhat -proceeded to the Seraskierat. - -It had been decided that the Ministers and high civil and military -dignitaries should assemble at the War Office and await the arrival -of Prince Murad, whom Hussein Avni had undertaken to conduct there in -person; and that as soon as he should arrive, the proclamation and -investiture of the Prince as the new Sultan should take place. It -was further arranged that immediately on the arrival of the Prince a -bonfire should be lit on the tower of the Seraskierat, as a signal to -the fleet of what was taking place, and thereupon a Royal salute should -be fired by Kaisserli Ahmed’s ironclads, to announce to the whole city -the commencement of a new reign. - -Hussein Avni, proceeding in the direction of the Palace, was, according -to preconcerted arrangement, met by Suleiman Pasha, to whom the -delicate task of executing the measures necessary to be taken at the -Palace had been entrusted. - -Suleiman Pasha, marshal in the army and director‐in‐chief of the school -of military cadets at Pancaldi, the trusted lieutenant and right‐hand -man of Hussein Avni, himself a strong partisan of Midhat Pasha and -the young hope of the Reform Party, was the very man to carry out an -operation requiring careful preparation and unflinching resolution for -its successful execution. - -The troops in the barracks of Tash‐Kishla and Kumuch‐Suyou had already -received their orders from Redif Pasha, the commander of the _corps -d’armée_ of Constantinople, and had been so posted as to blockade all -approaches by land. The fleet of ironclads under the personal command -of Kaiseli Ahmed, the captain Pasha, had taken the same precautions by -sea, so that nothing remained but to disarm the sentinels and _corps de -garde_ along the immediate approaches to the Palace. Suleiman, taking -with him a selected body of military students from Pancaldi, under the -command of Ahmed Bey (colonel) and Bedry and Rifat Beys (captains), -after successfully performing, without disturbance but not without some -opposition, the delicate operation of disarmament, hastened to the -apartments of Prince Murad. Although the Prince had been made aware of -the intentions of the Ministers, and had acquiesced in their general -arrangements, it had been found impossible to acquaint him with the -change of date resolved upon. He, therefore, fearing some surprise or -treachery, hesitated for some time before he could be induced to comply -with Suleiman’s urgent request that he should immediately join Hussein -Avni, who was waiting for him in a carriage at the gates of the Palace -to drive him to the Seraskierat, where his proclamation and investiture -as the new sovereign were to take place. At one moment it looked as if -the solemn drama about to be enacted would have to be played out with -the part of the “Prince of Denmark” omitted. - -Having surmounted this unexpected difficulty and despatched Murad on -his way to the Seraskierat, Suleiman proceeded to discharge the second -and more distasteful part of the mandate confided to him. Making his -way to the Imperial apartments, and overcoming the hesitation of -the attendants by presenting an order signed by all the Ministers, -he peremptorily demanded to be immediately led into the presence of -the Sultan. The demand being at last complied with, he proceeded to -communicate to Abdul Aziz the justification of his intrusion, and read -to him the _fetva_ of the deposition. Whilst the Sultan and Suleiman -were engaged in parleying, the big guns of Ahmed’s ironclads were heard -booming in the distance. Abdul Aziz at once took in the import of the -firing, and from that moment yielded to the inevitable. He prepared -to comply with the order communicated to him to quit the Palace of -Dolma‐Bagtche for that of Top‐Kapou, which had been assigned as a -residence for him. - -The new Sultan confirmed all his Ministers in their posts, addressing -the following letter to the Porte:— - - -_To my Grand Vizier and very patriotic Mehemet Rushdi Pasha_— - - “By the favour of the Almighty and the will of my subjects, we - have ascended the throne of our ancestors, and by reason of your - patriotism and ability in the discharge of your duties as Grand - Vizier, we confirm you and all your colleagues in your former posts. - The numerous difficulties experienced for some time past both in our - domestic affairs and foreign relations, have produced uneasiness in - the public mind, and caused detriment to the material and territorial - interests of the country. The necessity of amending this state of - things and of adopting remedial measures such as shall insure the - happiness and secure the confidence of our subjects, imposes itself - imperatively upon us; and to effect these purposes, it is absolutely - necessary to organise the administration of the State on a basis - of stability and justice. Our exclusive attention will be directed - to this end, and for this purpose we desire that our Ministers, - after due deliberation, shall submit to us for our approbation their - views on the means by which, whilst respecting the laws of the Cheri - and of Justice, the organisation of our Empire in accordance with - the wants and requirements of our people can be effected, with the - view of procuring to all our subjects alike, without distinction - or restriction, the completest liberty compatible with order; and, - moreover, that our Ministers shall communicate to us their views - on the application of such just laws and regulations as shall be - calculated to consolidate and unify the national and patriotic - sentiments of all our subjects. It is clear, moreover, that in order - to obtain these objects, it is indispensable to reorganise the - Council of State, the Ministers of Justice, as well as of public - Institutions and of the Finances, as well as other departments - of State; and it is, moreover, evident that one of the principal - reforms of all will consist in establishing on a sound foundation - the financial situation of the Empire, and in taking steps that no - expenditure shall be tolerated that shall not have been provided for - by the Budget of the State, by which measures it may be hoped that - public credit and confidence will be restored. In order to help to - obtain this result, we hereby diminish our Civil list by the sum of - £T300,000, and surrender to the State the coal‐mines of Heraclia and - the other mines and manufactories appertaining to the Civil list; and - we recommend that like economies shall be effected in all the various - branches of the administration, so as to establish an equilibrium in - our finances. Our liveliest desire is for a continuance of intimate - relations with all the friendly Powers, by the strictest observance - of treaty obligations, and all our efforts will be directed to this - end, and we pray the Almighty to crown them with success. - - “9 _Djemaziel Evel_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (2_nd June_ 1876.) - - -Besides the retention of their portfolios by all the Ministers, Kemal -Bey (the best known and most distinguished poet and litterateur -of Turkey) and Zia Bey (equally celebrated as a poet and patriot) -were appointed as his private secretaries, and Sadullah Bey (well -known for his liberal sympathies and opinions) made chief of the -Sultan’s secretariat—important guarantees for the smooth working of -the machinery of State, and security against the revival of the old -pernicious intrigues of the Palace against the Ministers of the Porte. -Murad had, moreover, undertaken to promulgate the Constitution prepared -by Midhat and his colleagues at the earliest date compatible with the -despatch of urgent public business. - -So far everything seemed to favour the Reformers. A revolution of the -most fundamental character, involving the destruction of autocratic -power in Turkey, and carrying the promise of a Constitution which would -lay the foundations at any rate of stable government in the country, -effected not only without bloodshed or disturbance of any kind, but -with the assent and approval of all classes and creeds in the land, and -with a new sovereign on the throne known sincerely to share the views -of his Ministers and the aspirations of his people, all this seemed to -ensure the prospect of healing the wounds of the much afflicted land of -the Osmanli, and of opening up a new era of progress and prosperity in -the East. - -But suddenly a cloud, not bigger than a man’s hand, lowered over the -destinies of the country, and from this time the stars in their courses -fought against Turkey, and violently set back the date of the promised -era of prosperity. - -On the eventful night of the 30th‐31st May, during the drive with -Murad to the Seraskierat, Hussein Avni had perceived that the Prince -was suffering from violent nervous excitement, and these symptoms -were still further accentuated in the return journey to the Palace of -Dolma‐Bagtche after the ceremony of investiture was over—so much so -that Midhat Pasha, who accompanied him, thought it prudent to remain in -the Palace, without quitting it, for three days. The physicians called -in consultation did not at first take a grave view of the case, and -sanguine hopes were entertained that, in a short time, by pursuing -the regimen of repose and hygiene recommended by these authorities, -Sultan Murad would rapidly recover his health and be able to discharge -the duties incumbent on him. Dr Lamsdorf of Vienna, the celebrated -specialist, made a very favourable diagnosis of the case. A happy issue -of this most unfortunate and inopportune malady was now generally -hoped for and expected, when two startling events occurred in rapid -succession, each seriously aggravating and affecting the Sultan Murad’s -nervous condition of health, and together fatally compromising the hope -of rapid recovery. - -The first of these tragedies referred to was enacted in the Palace of -Tcheragan, five days after the dethronement of the late Sultan. Abdul -Aziz, whose imperious temper could ill brook the change of destiny -that had overtaken him, had already made one or two unsuccessful -attempts, which were with difficulty thwarted, to throw himself out of -the windows of the Palace. On the morning of the 5th June, he asked -for a pair of scissors with which to trim his beard. On the attendants -demurring to comply with this request, the Valide Sultan ordered the -scissors to be given to her son. Shortly after this, the ladies of her -suite, looking out of a window of a corridor that commanded a view on -the room occupied by the late Sultan, saw him sitting quietly in an -armchair with his back turned to the window; but shortly afterwards, -perceiving that his head had dropped on his lap, they ran to the door -and tried to open it. Finding it locked, and fearing a catastrophe, -they ran screaming to the Valide Sultan and informed her of what they -suspected. Orders being given to break into the room, they found Abdul -Aziz sitting in the posture already described, and in a pool of blood -flowing from two wounds in his arms, evidently caused by the scissors, -which had fallen beside him on the floor. The physicians, who were -hastily summoned, could only confirm the apprehension that life was -extinct, and the Ministers, immediately apprised of the fact of the -tragedy, ordered an immediate examination of the body to be made by -all the available medical men in Constantinople, hastily summoned to -draw up an official report on the subject. Seventeen medical men of -all nationalities, comprising all the most distinguished in the city -and in the Embassies of the great Powers, signed a unanimous report to -the effect that death was undoubtedly due to suicide, and handed the -following certificate:— - - - “The year 1876 A.D., on the 23rd of May, O.S., the 4th of June, N.S., - or the year of the Hegira, the 11th of the month of Djemazi‐el‐ewel - 1293, Sunday, at 11 o’clock A.M., we, the undersigned doctors of - medicine, namely, Marco Pasha, Nouri Pasha, Julius Millingen, - Caratheodori, Sotto, Dickson, Marroin, Nouridjian, Spadare, Vitalis, - S. Spagnolo, Marc Markel, Jatropoulo, Miltiadi Bey, Abdinour Effendi, - Mustafa Effendi, Servet Bey, Mehmed Bey and Jacques de Castro, - being summoned by the ministry by order of His Imperial Majesty - to ascertain the cause of the death of the ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz, - proceeded to the guard‐house situated near the Imperial Palace - of Tcheragan. There we were ushered into a chamber on the ground - floor and found a body lying on a mattress on the floor. The body - was covered with a new white linen cloth. On removing this cloth - we recognised the ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz. All the parts of the body - were cold and bloodless, pale, or covered with coagulated blood. - The corpse was not rigid, the eyelids were partially unclosed, the - corneæ were slightly opaque, the mouth partly open. Linen cloths, - soaked in blood covered the arms and legs. On lifting the linen - coverings on the arms we discovered a gash near the joint of the left - arm five centimetres long and three centimetres deep. The edges of - the wound were hacked and irregular. The direction of the wound was - from above to below, and from inside to outside. The veins of this - region were cut, and the cubital artery at its emerging point was - three‐fourths severed. At the joint of the right arm we discovered a - wound, slightly oblique, also hacked, two centimetres long and one - centimetre deep. On this side the wounds were only in the smaller - veins; the arteries were intact. - - “We were shown a pair of scissors ten centimetres long, very sharp, - one point of which bore a small lateral projection near its summit. - The scissors were stained with blood, and we were told that the - ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz had with these scissors inflicted upon himself - the wounds above described. - - “We then proceeded to the residence of the late Sultan, where we were - ushered into a large chamber looking on to the sea. There we found in - the corner of a sofa, placed near a window, a pool of blood spread - over that article of furniture, and on the matting of the floor a - great quantity of coagulated blood in one mass, and further several - stains spread over the room. - - “From what precedes we are unanimously of opinion:— - - “1. That the death of the ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz was caused by the loss - of blood produced by the wounds of the blood‐vessels at the joints of - the arms. - - “2. That the instrument shown to us could certainly produce such - wounds. - - “3. That the direction and nature of the wounds, together with the - instrument which is said to have produced them, lead us to conclude - that suicide had been committed. - - “In witness whereof we have accordingly drawn up and signed the - present minute of proceedings at the guard‐house of Tcheragan on the - day, month and year aforesaid. - - “_Signed_: - - “Dr Marco, Nouri, A. Sotto, Physician attached to the Imperial - and Royal Embassy of Austria‐Hungary; Dr Spagnolo, Marc Markel, - Jatropoulo, Abdinour, Servet, J. de Castro, A. Marroin, Julius - Millingen, C. Caratheodori; E. D. Dickson, Physician of the British - Embassy; Dr O. Vitalis, Physician of the Sanitary Board; Dr E. - Spadare, J. Nouridjian, Miltiadi Bey, Mustafa, Mehmed.” - - -The body was transferred to Top‐Kapou and buried in the mausoleum of -Sultan Mahmoud. - -Ten days after the tragedy at the Palace of Tcheragan the news of -which had deeply affected Sultan Murad, another quickly followed, in -some respects of a still more startling character, and calculated to -prostrate still further a mind already unhinged. - -A Circassian captain, formerly aide‐de‐camp of the Sultan Abdul Aziz, -one Hassan by name, on whom certain suspicion of violent intentions -rested, had been ordered to Bagdad, and on his showing signs of -recalcitrancy, he was imprisoned for insubordination by orders of -Hussein Avni, the Minister of War. Feigning submission, he was released -after two days’ detention. On the 15th June, during a Cabinet Council -which was being held at the house of Midhat Pasha, and at which all the -Ministers were present, Tcherkess Hassan, armed with no less than six -revolvers, forcing the consigne without much difficulty, managed to -penetrate into the room where the Council was sitting, and advancing -straight up to Hussein Avni, discharged a barrel of a revolver at -him, and turning sharply on Reshid Pasha, the Minister of Foreign -Affairs, shot him dead on the spot. The Minister of Marine, Kaisserli -Ahmed, threw himself on the assassin and tried to disarm him, but he -was immediately stabbed with a poniard that Hassan carried in his -left hand. Hussein Avni, although severely wounded, managed to make -his way to the staircase, but Hassan, following him, struck at him -furiously in the neck with his dagger and despatched him. Returning to -the Council room he discharged his revolvers promiscuously all around -him, smashing the chandelier suspended in the middle of the room, and -consequently plunging the room into darkness. It was this that probably -saved the lives of the remaining Ministers, for Kaisserli Ahmed, though -wounded, and Mehemet Rushdi, and Halid succeeded in escaping into -an adjoining boudoir, where they barricaded the door against their -furious assailant, who, having despatched the War Minister, seemed -chiefly bent on wreaking vengeance on the Minister of Marine. Midhat -escaped by a miracle, and by slipping off his coat, the sleeve of which -he left in the hand of Hassan who had seized it in the darkness. One -of Midhat’s servants, Ahmed Aga, on hearing the firing, had rushed -into the room and tried to seize the assassin from behind, but Hassan -turned sharply on him and shot him dead. The same fate attended Chukri -Bey, the aide‐de‐camp of the Minister of Marine, who also rushed in to -the rescue. At last a guard of _gendarmerie_ appeared on the scene, -and a regular fusillade ensued between the Circassian at bay and the -_gendarmes_ reinforced by a picket of soldiers; it was only then, after -a regular pitched battle, that this determined criminal was at length -overpowered and seized. - -He was very soon afterwards tried, and hanged in due course, stoutly -denying to the last that he had any accomplices. - -The effect of these compound tragedies on the mind of the Sultan Murad -was disastrous. His recovery, sanguine hopes of which had been held -out by Dr Lamsdorf, the famous specialist summoned from Vienna to give -his opinion on the state of the Sultan’s health, seemed destined to -be indefinitely postponed. Two parties, holding distinct views on the -situation and the manner it should be dealt with, now showed themselves -among the Ministers and the high Court officials. Mehemet Rushdi -especially, the old experienced vizier and the majority of Ministers -well aware of the favourable disposition of Sultan Murad towards the -cause of reform, and very averse to taking a plunge in the dark, leant -to the opinion that patience should be exercised and reasonable time -given for the recovery of the Sultan’s health. - -But another and very active party had in the meantime been formed, of -which Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin Pasha (the Sultan’s brother‐in‐law) -was the moving spirit, and which included, together with some high -Palace officials, one or two of the influential marshals, such as Redif -Pasha, the commander of the Constantinople _corps d’armée_ and under -the influence of Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin. This party—as far as it -could be said to have been based on any particular political opinions, -and not on the simple ground of ambition and the desire to exercise a -preponderating influence in the future _régime_—consisted of the men -who had acquiesced, and even participated, in the dethronement of the -late Sultan, but did not share, and some of them were even bitterly -opposed to, the constitutional views advocated by Midhat and the -reforming party. Borne along by the current of events which they would -have been impotent to resist, they would have constituted a helpless -minority in the State without power or influence, if they had had to -do with a reforming Sultan on the throne, a palace where men like Zia -Bey, and Kemal Bey were the guiding spirits, and the party of reform in -strong possession of the Porte. The prospect, however, of being able -to change the occupant of the throne and place their own candidate -upon it afforded them the precious opportunity of upsetting the whole -edifice of reform, of themselves seizing the chief power of the State, -and turning the revolution that had been accomplished to their own -exclusive advantage. It was less a victory of reaction than a triumph -of ambition. - -Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin was a very ignorant and uncultivated man, -and though careless and without a conviction in respect to political -opinions, he enjoyed the reputation of being neither careless nor -indifferent with respect to matters of personal or pecuniary concern to -himself. On the other hand, he was endowed with great, almost brutal, -determination of character, and was utterly reckless as to the means -of carrying out his ends. His position of Damad (brother‐in‐law to the -Sultan) gave him great influence in the Palace, and at the same time -secured him weight in the Councils of the State. He was the very soul -of the anti‐reform conspiracy. - -Having described Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin, the character of his -lieutenant, Redif Pasha, can be described in a sentence: he was Damad -Mahmoud _in petto_. Whatever qualities distinguished the master were -conspicuous in the lieutenant, and only in a less degree, inasmuch -as he was physically of a somewhat less robust nature. He had, like -Mahmoud, lent himself with all the weight of his military position to -the dethronement of Abdul Aziz, but he viewed with an evil eye the -advance of reform, and still more the triumph of the reformers. - -These two men practically constituted the central power of the -conspiracy, for those who co‐operated with them were scarcely admitted -into the inner councils or secret plans of the Duumvirate, although -themselves the willing participators in the conspiracy. - -Among them was Djevdet Pasha, Minister of Justice, who, during all the -stirring events of the Vizierate of Mehemet Rushdi, had been lying low -in the Cabinet waiting for the opportune moment to show his colours and -take part in the overthrow of the ministry. - -Whilst enumerating the instruments of Mahmoud’s ambition, it would be -impossible to omit the names of two other men who, although they had -not yet emerged into the notoriety which they were soon to enjoy, were -indispensable tools of Mahmoud’s ambition, and powerfully contributed -to the success of his plans. These were the two Saïds. The one was -brother‐in‐law of Mahmoud, and destined for the important post of -first aide‐de‐camp to the Sultan Abdul Hamid. He was generally known -as “Ingless Saïd Pasha,” for his having been educated at Woolwich, -and though entirely wanting in initiative or political convictions, -was naturally of a frank and loyal disposition, not deficient in -energy, and an invaluable coadjutor in carrying out the views of his -brother‐in‐law. With Redif Pasha he formed the third member of the -Triumvirate, which Mahmoud intended should, during the succeeding -reign, govern the country. The other Saïd, of whom a great deal more -will have to be said hereafter, was known, on account of his small -stature, as “Saïd Kutchouk” (small), and when he reaches the dignity of -Pasha, it will be necessary to distinguish him from the other Saïd by -this appellation. He was supposed to be the _âme damnée_ of Mahmoud, -especially by Mahmoud himself, who destined him for the important -confidential post of First Secretary to the Sultan. - -Without any doubt, Damad’s plans were well conceived, and his net was -well spread. The post of Vice‐Sultan he reserved for himself. - -Behind these were marshalled the whole phalanx of Reaction, and the -Konak of Mahmoud become the Cave of Adullam of all the malcontents. - -The means of action were not wanting to the conspirators in this -respect; indeed, the material to their hand was only too abundant. -A sovereign of unsound mind is not recognised by the Ottoman -Constitution. The girding of the Padishah with the sword of Osman, as -an essential part of the ceremony of investiture, was to the Ottoman -sovereigns what the sacred oil of Rheims was to the kings of France, -and this ceremony had not taken place. - -No Sultan, moreover, had ever before absented himself from attendance -at the mosque on Friday, and the Selamlik that follows. The public -anxiety and excitement on the subject were genuine and universal. -Public affairs, too, were suffering: the Constitution was, in a double -sense, suspended; the new Constitution could not be promulgated, -and the old Constitution, such as it was, could not be worked; the -mainspring of the machinery of State was deranged. Foreign diplomacy, -too, was beginning to take an active part in the matter. The -ambassadors and envoys from foreign States were asking to whom, and -when, they could present their credentials. The Russian Embassy—that -seemed to have better information relative to Prince Hamid’s character -than Ministers themselves—was particularly persistent and active in -this respect. It was evident that the crisis could not be indefinitely -prolonged. - -In these circumstances, it was resolved by Ministers that Midhat should -go to Muslou‐Oglou, where Prince Hamid, heir presumptive to the throne, -resided, in order to ascertain by a personal interview with him whether -Ministers could rely on his co‐operation to carry out the important -reforms that they had in hand, should it become absolutely necessary to -remove Murad from the throne, and in that event, to agree to certain -clear and definite stipulations with the Prince as conditions of their -support. - -These stipulations were the following:— - -1. To promulgate without delay the new Constitution. - -2. To act in matters of State only with the advice of his responsible -advisers. - -3. To appoint Zia Bey and Kemal Bey his private secretaries, and to -make Sadullah Bey the head of the Palace Secretariat. - -The importance attached by Midhat and Rushdi to this last condition -was very great. It afforded a guarantee against those intrigues of -the Palace which had ship‐wrecked so many schemes of reform, and -prevented, so far as was possible, a renewal of that mute opposition -between the Palace and the Porte which had existed for centuries, and -had paralysed the efforts of so many Ministers. - -At this historical interview at Muslou‐Oglou Prince Hamid evidently -“played a deep game” with Midhat Pasha. He promised all and more than -all that was asked of him. He pretended to opinions more advanced -than the most advanced of his Ministers, and in favour of even a more -democratic Constitution than the one elaborated. The other condition he -accepted without demur. - -On receiving these clear and emphatic declarations, Midhat returned -to Stamboul and reported the result of his interview to the assembled -Ministers, who thereupon resolved to take the decisive step and put -Prince Hamid on the throne in the place of his brother Murad. - -As on the occasion of the dethronement of the Sultan Abdul Aziz, it was -necessary to obtain a _Fetva_ from the Sheik‐ul‐Islam to the effect -that the contemplated step was in accordance with the Sacred Law. -Mehemet Rushdi thereupon demanded an official report from six principal -physicians in Constantinople—of whom four belonged to the Embassies of -the Great Powers—who, after examination of Murad, handed to him the -following certificates:— - - - “On the 31st of the month August, 1876, Chaban 11: 1293 Hegira, we - have made a report on the health of His Majesty Sultan Murad, and - come to certain conclusions which we hereby confirm, and add thereto - the following opinion, viz. that even should the Sultan Murad after a - long lapse of time, contrary to expectation, recover his intellectual - faculties, these can never recover their normal condition.” - - “(Signed) CASTRO. - - AKIF. - - DICKSON, _Physician to English Embassy_. - - MARROIN, _Physician to French Embassy_. - - MUHLIG, _Physician to German Embassy_. - - SOTTO, _Physician to Austro‐Hungarian Embassy_.” - - -Thereupon Mehemet Rushdi made a speech to the people gathered together -to hear the report of these physicians at the Palace of Top‐Kapou. - - - “Our sovereign, the Emperor Murad,” he said, “has been enabled - to reign for only twelve days, but during that time he has been - afflicted with an illness which, in spite of all the efforts of human - science, has shown no amendment. His intellectual faculties are - in a state of great feebleness, and the physicians pronounce them - incurable. Nevertheless we have waited for the expiration of the - legal delay, and this delay has now expired. This is the sum total - of the truth of the matter. Let us be informed of what, under such - circumstances, the law of the Cheri dictates.” - - -The assembled crowd expressed its sense of the justice of these words, -and the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Hassan Hairullah, gave the following _Fetva_:— - - - “If the Commander of the Faithful is suffering from mental - alienation and if the exercise of his function is thereby rendered - impracticable, can he be deposed? - - “Answer: The Cheri says ‘Yes.’ - - “(Signed) HASSAN HAIRULLAH, - - “To whom God grant His indulgence. - - “12 _Chaban_ 1293, _Hegira_.” - (1_st September_ 1876.) - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -ABDUL HAMID SULTAN - - -The act of dethronement of Sultan Murad V. was now accomplished. On -Thursday, 1st September 1876, Prince Hamid, surrounded by all the great -Civil and Military dignitaries of the State, descended the Grand Rue -of Pera on horseback, on his way to Top‐Kapou at Stamboul. The people -thronged in large crowds to see the procession, but dazed by the series -of dramatic events that were so rapidly succeeding one another, they -viewed the spectacle with silence and without enthusiasm. There seemed -a feeling of anxiety in the air as of the prescience of future evils. - -From Stamboul the Prince passed in a State _caïque_ to the Palace of -Dolma‐Bagtche. Monday, the 15th of the month Chaban, was fixed for -the reception of the Biat (first ceremony of the investiture), and on -that day a deputation of notabilities of Finance, accompanied by the -chiefs of the five non‐Mussulman communities, headed by Jean Lorando, -presented the Sultan elect with an address of congratulation in the -name of the city of Galata, and to this the Sultan made the following -reply:— - - - “I thank you for your congratulations; I have only one desire, and - that is the progress of our country and peace for all our subjects. - They will perceive by the logic of facts the fulfilment of the - promise of the reforms made to them. They, too, on their part, - must, in order to enjoy these privileges, give proof of the strict - observance of the duties incumbent on them.” - - -To his Ministers he made a short speech, counselling union and -agreement among themselves as the condition and symbol of union among -all the subjects of the empire, and “counselled and ordered” them to -prove their union by their acts. - -The following Thursday, 18th of the month Chaban, was fixed for the -great ceremony of investiture. On the morning of that day Abdul Hamid -embarked in a _caïque_ for Eyoub, the suburb on the Golden Horn, where -the sword of Osman and the other sacred relics are kept, and on his -passage thither he was saluted by the guns of the fleet anchored there, -and the shout of the sailors manning the yards, “Padishahim tchok -Yasha!” - -After the important ceremony here was over, and the investiture of the -new Padishah was thus completed, he proceeded, according to usage, to -the mausoleum of Selim I., the founder of the Ottoman Caliphate, and -thence to the mausoleum of Abdul Medjid, his father and the father -of Murad, and lastly to the Palace of Top‐Kapou, where the mantle of -the Prophet and the sacred Banner are deposited; and at night, the -ceremony of this important day being over, he returned to the Palace of -Dolma‐Bagtche, where the ceremony of the investiture was completed. - -Girt with the sword of Osman, Hamid II. reigned over Turkey, and the -dark gloom of the Hamidian epoch was now about to settle over the land -of the Osmanli. - -On leaving the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche that night old Mehemet Rushdi, -turning to his colleagues, said to them: “We have been in a great hurry -to get rid of Murad. May we never have cause to repent what we have -done.” - -With these quasi‐prophetic words on his lips, feeling no doubt that -a new era of struggles was about to open for which younger men were -required, the veteran Grand Vizier, who had piloted the country -through one _coup d’état_, and had very unwillingly assisted at a -second dethronement, in consideration of his great age and feeble state -of health, requested to be relieved of the duties of Grand Vizier. -His request was granted, but three months after, Midhat, universally -designated for the post, was nominated as his successor. These three -months were passed under the Grand Vizierate of Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, -but it was Midhat who was leader of the Cabinet, and Mehemet Rushdi was -only the mouthpiece of Midhat, until the latter finally replaced him on -the 16th December 1876. - -The first audience accorded by the new sovereign to foreign envoys -was to Count Zichy, the Austro‐Hungarian Ambassador, accompanied by -the Secretary of his Embassy. Safvet Pasha, the Minister of Foreign -Affairs, was present. The audience lasted one hour, and turned -exclusively on the affairs of Herzegovina, the ambassador laying -stress on the gravity of the events passing there, the anxiety and -expenses that disturbances on its borders caused the Dual Empire, -and exhortations to the new sovereign to listen to the advice of the -friendly Powers. All this was, as we have seen, in the strictest -conformity with the _rôle_ that Austria had been playing for two years. -Having set light to the gunpowder in her neighbour’s house, she quoted -to that neighbour the familiar proverb, “Proximus ardet Ucalegon,” and -warned him of the consequences. - -The next audience was granted to the Russian Ambassador, General -Ignatieff, recently returned from St Petersburg with the last -instructions from his Court. The tone that the ambassador and envoys of -Russia, the Strogonoffs, and Mentchikoffs, and Ignatieffs, had rendered -familiar to the Porte on its communications on critical occasions, was -not absent on this occasion: - - - “His Majesty the Emperor, my master, officially informed of Your - Majesty’s accession to the throne, has conferred on me the signal - honour to represent him at Your Majesty’s court. The friendly - relations of the two countries may continue on the condition of the - interests of both being assured. His Majesty the Emperor cannot - view with indifference what is passing in the Ottoman Empire, - possessing, as it does, the commercial routes of the Black Sea and - the Mediterranean, and a portion of the inhabitants of which is of - the same religion as his own. - - “It is to the interest of our country that peace should reign in - Turkey, and my country desires that late sad events should not be - renewed, and that peace should be assured. His Majesty the Emperor is - aware of the difficulties and critical moments that accompanied the - accession of Your Majesty, and is convinced that the troubles will - disappear, and that the re‐establishment of peace in the interior - will be secured. His Majesty the Emperor prays for the success of - Your Majesty.” - - -To this speech the Sultan made answer in a few appropriate words: - - “More even than the Emperor of Russia ... I desire the progress of - Turkey, peace in my provinces, and my most ardent desire is to secure - the happiness of my people.” - - -Hardly had Abdul Hamid mounted the throne than the conflict between -the two parties already described, commenced. The first act of the new -reign was to appoint the _personnel_ of the Imperial Household. Damad -Mahmoud Djelaleddin Pasha was named Grand Marshal of the Palace, and -Saïd (Ingless) Pasha, first aide‐de‐camp to the Sultan. To these no -objections had been raised or conditions imposed. Their duties had -reference to what might be considered the more strictly household -functions of the Palace, and their appointment lay within the exclusive -domain of the sovereign’s personal choice. But it was very different -with the office of First Secretary to the Sultan (or his successor) -inasmuch as this important functionary has always been the right hand -and mouthpiece of the sovereign, and the person by whom and through -whom all communications pass between Ministers and the Sultan; and -through the confidential character of his office, and his ready and -continual access to the person of the sovereign, has always enjoyed a -position of exceptional importance, hardly second to that of the Grand -Vizier himself. It was for this reason that Midhat, attaching such -importance to the worthy occupancy of this post, had not only laid -stress on the necessity of its being filled by a functionary in harmony -with the views of Ministers, but had actually laid down as one of the -three conditions to which Prince Hamid was required to subscribe at the -interview at Muslou‐Oglou, that Sadullah Bey, Zia Bey and Kemal Bey -should be chosen as occupants of the post of Secretary respectively. In -spite of his formal acceptance of this condition, the Sultan informed -Midhat Pasha on his very first visit to the Palace, that he had -appointed Saïd Bey (Mahmoud’s man) as his First Secretary. Astounded at -this breach of faith, and aware of its significance—although perhaps -not recognizing the full import of it—Midhat strongly remonstrated -with the Sultan and urged a reconsideration of the appointment; but in -spite of the remonstrances and prayers of his Ministers, the Sultan -remained unmoved, and Midhat eventually acquiesced. - -It is easy enough to be wise after the event and to see that Midhat -ought to have put his foot down on this question and accepted the -decisive battle thus offered him by the Sultan; that it ought to have -been clear to him that this was only the first contest in a campaign -that would decide the fate of Turkey during the whole of the coming -reign, and that the first blow would probably decide the issue in the -campaign. But our perspective of things is of course better than was -Midhat’s. By the light of all the subsequent events that have unrolled -themselves before our eyes, we now know the character of all the actors -in the drama which was commencing, especially of the principal actor, -and of this very First Secretary, who was the appropriate subject of -the first contention. We can now appreciate the character of Damad -Mahmoud Djelaleddin, the backbone and arm of the reaction; of some of -the Ministers who had been feigning for months past to support Midhat’s -views and were only waiting the moment to betray him; and can recognise -the existence of a matured and carefully laid plot to upset reform by -crushing the reformers—all these things are palpable and clear to us -in the broad daylight of subsequent events; but they were scarcely -surmised or imagined at the time we are now dealing with. The important -citadel of the Palace was delivered, with all its defences, into the -hands of the conspirators, and the Palace as a whole was organised -for the express purposes of the reformers. This strong position being -once firmly secured, the new Sultan could afford to show his hand with -little disguise. He could not yet afford to treat with Midhat; it would -have been clumsy to do so at once, for Midhat in opposition would have -been a force with which he would have had to reckon, and, moreover, -he and the Constitution were both necessary as a means of combating -the conference that was assembling; but short of a rupture with his -Grand Vizier, which was to be studiously avoided, he could afford to -emphasize more and more his opposition to the policy of Midhat, so that -when the moment arrived he could strike a decisive blow with effect, -and with less fear of the consequences. - -Subjects of contention between them were not far to seek. The speech -from the throne, written by Midhat, which was a _pronunciamento_ -of the policy of a new reign inaugurated under such exceptional -circumstances, and looked for with great eagerness, was revised by -the Sultan beyond recognition; the essential sentences were omitted, -others of quite incomprehensive character substituted in their place. -The keynote of the original was “a new Regime, the Constitution, and -Reform”; this was changed, and meaningless colourless phrases took its -place. - -In order to give the reader an exact idea of the art displayed in this -transformation, the speech actually delivered on this occasion is -here appended, and the omitted sentences of the original, placed in -parentheses: - - -“HATTI HUMAYUN. - -“_On ascending the Throne_. - - “My illustrious Vizier, Mehemet Rushdi Pasha,— - - “By the Divine will my elder brother, Sultan Murad V., vacated the - throne, and according to the law of succession We have mounted the - throne of our Ancestors. - - “Appreciating your great qualities, your ability and experience - in the affairs of State, We confirm you in the functions of Grand - Vizier and of President of the Council of Ministers (avec le titre - de Premier Ministre), and direct all Our Ministers to keep their - respective posts. Confident in the assistance of the Almighty, We - will pursue Our object of strengthening Our Empire, and of making - all Our subjects, without exception, participate in the blessings of - liberty, peace, and justice; We trust that Our Ministers will help us - in the realisation of Our wishes (for Turkey ranks among the great - Powers, and in order to attain this object and to march on a footing - of equality with its neighbours in the progress of the sciences, - she must needs follow the same methods; and as the Constitutional - system is one of the principal causes of the progress of Nations, _We - hereby declare this system of Government to be adopted by Us_, whilst - holding strict account of the laws of the Cheri and the customs of - Our people.) No one who casts a glance at the causes of the critical - condition of affairs to‐day, can fail to recognise among the various - and numerous factors two principal ones, viz. the non‐observance of - the strict laws of the Cheri, and the capricious and wilful actions - of men. If the disorganisation that has for some time reigned in the - affairs of State has latterly greatly increased; if our financial - operations no longer inspire confidence; if our Courts of Justice no - longer command respect, if Our Empire, with its vast capacities for - commerce, industries and agriculture, and of every kind of progress, - has profited by none of these things—if, in fine, all the efforts - that have been made to insure liberty and peace for Our subjects - have remained fruitless, this comes from the non‐observance of the - laws and regulations; hence the necessity, whilst pursuing the noble - object of assuring the happiness of Our subjects of commencing in - the first place by the strict observation of existing laws, and of - those which shall be elaborated and proclaimed in strict accordance - with the laws of the Cheri and the wants of Our subjects, and by - keeping a strict eye on the expenditure and revenues of the State, in - order so to gain public confidence. (Each administrative department, - therefore, must act prudently and abstain from useless expenses; and - likewise with respect to the Household and other expenses of the - Imperial Palaces, these shall be diminished and reduced to what is - strictly necessary; and the Civil list of the Princes of the Imperial - family shall also be reduced, and their amount shall be paid directly - by the Minister of the Finances; and We make over to this same - Minister, as reduction from our Own Civil list, the sum of £300,000, - and We hereby fix the expenses of our Palace at the sum of £30,000 - per month). - - “The necessity of convoking a general assembly compatible with the - habits and customs and capacity of Our population being more and more - recognised and felt, Our Ministers will carefully and minutely study - this question and submit their report on the subject to Our sanction. - (In order to elaborate the Constitutional laws in conformity with - the needs of Our population and their customs and usages and the - law of the Cheri, We command our Ministers of State, the learned - doctors of the law, and all those whose knowledge and experience can - contribute to the perfection of the common work to unite in Council - to express their opinions on the subject, and that on their report - being approved by the Council of Ministers, it shall be submitted for - Our approbation.) Further, the confusion in the affairs of State, - resulting as it does from the incapacity of certain functionaries - in their posts, and from the frequent and unnecessary changes in the - personnel, it is Our desire that from the present time, according to - their different ranks, all office‐holders shall be chosen according - to their merit and capacity, and shall be irremovable without - serious reason, and that each of these shall be responsible for the - proper execution of his allotted duties. Moreover, Our attention - is directed to the question of public instruction, and seeing that - European nations have acquired the prosperity that they enjoy by - means of public instruction, We desire that all Our subjects, without - distinction of classes, shall be able to profit by the benefits of - knowledge, each according to his personal capacity; (and in order - that the progress of the country may produce the happiness of all - its subjects alike, and in order to inculcate these ideas, We decree - the foundation of schools in which instruction and education shall - be common to all), and with this object We desire that the credits - allotted to public education shall be increased, in order that - without loss of time we may endeavour to realise this programme. - In order, too, that the civil and financial administration of the - Provinces may be restored to their normal condition, We must without - loss of time endeavour to institute an organisation in the Provinces - resembling as much as possible the Central organisation. - - “(It is also absolutely necessary that the laws regulating the - levying of tithes, taxes and indirect contributions shall be placed - on a just and equitable basis, and all Our efforts will be directed - to prevent any derogation or abuse in the execution of these laws. - The buying and selling of slaves being contrary to the prescriptions - of the Sacred Law (Cheri), We hereby enfranchise the slaves and - eunuchs of Our Palace, and declare that henceforth all trade in - slaves, whether purchase or sale, is hereby formally forbidden in Our - Empire, and a date will be fixed for the gradual emancipation of all - existing slaves, and special measures will be adopted to prevent any - return of slavery.) - - “Since last year, owing to malevolent instigations, Bosnia and - Herzegovnia have been in a state of insurrection, and the revolt - of Servia is now added as an outcome of this insurrection, so that - the blood of the children of our common country is being spilt. The - continuation of such a state of things is a subject of profound - sorrow to Us, and Our most sincere desire is to put an end to it by - the employment of the most energetic measures. - - “Our treaties with foreign Powers having been renewed and recognised - by Us, it will be Our aim to cultivate still further the friendly - relations already existing with them. - - “May the Almighty, our common Ruler and Master, grant through His - mercy and goodness, success to our efforts. - - “_Saturday_, 22 _Chaban_, 1292, _Hegira_.” - (9_th September_ 1876.) - - -The points of contention between the Palace, or the Sultan (which now -become synonymous expressions), and Midhat were all contained in germ -in the foregoing variations in the first speech from the throne. - -(1) In the very first sentence of the Hatti Humayun of inauguration -the Sultan had cut out a passage which would have introduced a change -to which Midhat attached some importance—“my Grand Vizier with the -title of Prime Minister.” Midhat desired to abolish the title of Grand -Vizier and to substitute for it that of Prime Minister, a change -which would have entailed as a consequence the collective, instead of -the individual, responsibility of Ministers. What the first Minister -would lose in dignity and personal influence would be acquired by the -Ministry collectively, and would thus consolidate the component parts -of the Constitution. Midhat was well aware that this post of Prime -Minister would require strengthening and developing for some time in -Turkey, in view of the power and influence which the Throne derived -from the very nature of the traditions and sentiments of the Ottomans, -and the position of Islam in the world. - -The purport and tendency of the proposal did not escape the new -sovereign, and, faithful to his own views and interests, he simply -cancelled the sentence and rejected the proposal. - -(2) Midhat had placed in the mouth of the Sultan the following phrase: -“As the Constitutional system is one of the principal causes of the -progress of nations, we hereby declare this system of government to -be adopted by Us, whilst holding, etc.”—instead of which, after some -colourless commonplace sentences about the non‐observance of laws and -regulations and pursuing the noble object of assuring the happiness -of our subjects, he speaks of the necessity of convoking “a general -Assembly compatible with the habits and customs and capacity of our -population” (which might mean anything or nothing according to the -estimate of their capacity), and he orders his Ministers carefully and -minutely to study this question (which they had done for a year past), -and submit the report to his sanction. - -(3) In connection with the same important subject Midhat had proposed, -for the purpose of elaborating the Constitutional laws, the convention -of a Grand Council composed of the Ministers of State, the Doctors of -the Law, and all those whose knowledge and experience entitled them -to a voice in the country, to express their opinion on the subject, -and that on their report being revised by the Council of Ministers it -should be submitted to the approbation of the Sultan. - -This proposal evidently meant business, and would not only have fixed -a limit of time for the inauguration of the new Constitution, but -would have given it the _imprimatur_ of all that was enlightened and -worthy of respect and attention in the empire. The Sultan rejected the -sentence _in toto_. - -(4) Midhat, who was deeply concerned by the actual condition of Turkish -Finances, and thoroughly convinced that the first step in setting -this right must be the exercise of rigid economy in all branches of -the administration, and who, moreover, had experience of all that had -taken place in the reign of Abdul Aziz, did not hesitate to propound -to Abdul Hamid what his predecessor Murad had unhesitatingly accepted, -viz., that the expenses of the household and of the Imperial Palace -should be diminished and reduced to what was strictly necessary, and -the Civil list of the princes of the Imperial family should be in like -manner reduced, and their amount paid directly by the Minister of -Finance, and he left it to the sovereign to make over a sum that he -should fix himself for the monthly expenses of the Palace. - -The Sultan omitted the whole paragraph. - -(5) Midhat attached the greatest importance to the question of mixed -schools in the provinces where Christians and Mussulmans lived -together. The reader will recollect (p. 40) that when Governor of -the provinces of the Danube he desired to establish this system in -Bulgaria, and it was this very proposal which excited the anxiety and -stirred the energies of the vigilant Ignatieff to defeat the proposal -and obtain the dismissal of the Vali. - -The Governor of Bulgaria—who now became for the second time the Grand -Vizier of the empire—desired to make this cherished scheme general in -all the provinces of the empire, and in the inaugural speech he had -placed in the Sultan’s mouth words that signified the adoption of this -measure and its inauguration in the empire, “in order that the progress -of the country may produce the happiness of all its subjects alike; and -in order to inculcate these ideas, _We decree the foundation of these -schools_, in which instruction and education shall be common to all.” - -Instead of this categorical declaration the Sultan substituted the -colourless proposal: “We desire that all Our subjects, without -distinction of classes, shall be able to profit by the benefits of -knowledge, each according to his personal capacity,” which will bear -the exact sense that anybody may choose to attribute to it. - -We shall very shortly see what practical sense the Sultan himself -attributed to it. - -(6) Midhat desired to abolish the slave trade, which he considered -a scandal and a disgrace to the empire, and incompatible with its -pretensions to a high place in the ranks of civilised nations. -He proposed, therefore, in this inaugural speech to proclaim its -abolition, and that the Sultan should inaugurate the change by -enfranchising all the slaves in the Palace. The Sultan cut out the -whole paragraph. - -With such a radical difference in the whole point of view from which -the Palace clique and the new Grand Vizier regarded the situation, it -was clear that occasions for serious conflict would not be wanting, nor -would be long in manifesting themselves. They arose indeed at once, -and it will be seen that each subject of contention was implicitly -contained in the divergence of views manifested with reference to the -speech from the throne that has just been analysed. - -The question of the Constitution naturally occupied the foreground -in these disputes. The Sultan, as has been seen, refused to submit -its provisions to a Grand Council to be summoned _ad hoc_, lest it -should receive, as it undoubtedly would have received, this important -sanction. He preferred that Ministers should be its sole sponsors, -which would leave him free to deny subsequently that its details had -been stamped with the seal of national approval. From the very first -days of his accession he had shown the greatest anxiety on this subject -of the Constitution, and no wonder: it was what the Magna Charta was to -John of England—the curb and limit of arbitrary power and exaction. - -Knowing that Midhat was its chief champion, it was with him that -he entered into negotiations on the subject, even before the actual -resignation of Mehemet Rushdi Pasha. The following significant letter -signed with his own name (instead of through the usual vehicle of the -First Secretary’s signature) was the warning shot fired across the -enemy’s bows:— - - -_Letter addressed by the Sultan to Midhat Pasha on the eve of his Grand -Vizierate._[1] - -“_To my illustrious Vizier, Midhat Pasha_. - - “We have made ourselves acquainted with the Constitution which you - unofficially forwarded to us, and we have noticed in it passages - incompatible with the habits and aptitudes of the nation. Our desire - is to assure the future of the country by just administration, and we - cannot but appreciate all efforts towards that end. And one of the - objects to which we attach much importance is that of _safeguarding - the Sovereign rights_ by a new organisation drawn up with regard to - the needs of the people. We desire therefore that the Constitution - should be discussed by the Council of Ministers, and should be - revised in the manner referred to above. Communicate our greetings to - our Grand Vizier and show him this order. In any case we expect from - your patriotism that your efforts shall tend towards the object we - have in view, and demand that this Irade shall be kept secret between - our Grand Vizier and yourself. - - “ABDUL HAMID - - “9 _Zilkade_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (25_th November_ 1876.) - - -_Reply._ - - -_To the First Secretary of His Majesty._[12] - - “EXCELLENCY,—As it was impossible for me to thank His Majesty for - the favours and the many proofs of goodwill with which he overwhelms - me every day and every moment, I am entirely unable to testify my - gratitude for the signal honour, so disproportionate to my deserts, - which I have received in the reply of an autograph letter from His - Majesty, inviting me to furnish certain explanations of the text - of the Constitution unofficially forwarded to His Majesty. As to - the contents of the report which has been submitted, I myself also - recognise that the majority of the articles require to be modified - and changed, and I think it is not necessary to say that if this - text has been submitted to His Majesty as an incomplete rough draft, - it was simply with the intention of correcting it later according - to the views and wishes of His Majesty. This report has been drawn - up and completed by the Commission convened for the purpose by - Imperial command, and, as the time has come when the text should - be studied by the Council of Ministers, the terms of the Imperial - Irade have been communicated to His Highness the Grand Vizier. Now, - urged by fidelity to my Sovereign and my love for my country, I feel - it incumbent upon me, and have the courage to be of opinion that - there are two methods of extrication from our present position. The - first consists in putting into execution, before the meeting of the - Conference, the reforms for our home government that were promised - and proclaimed to all the Powers, and the time needed for so doing - would be three or four days at the outside. The second method is to - accept the proposals formulated by the Powers, and to make up our - minds to live henceforth and for ever under their tutelage. If the - first method is not adopted, or even if its promulgation is delayed - and retarded until after the meeting of the Conference, the second - becomes inevitable. My attachment to my Sovereign and my love for my - country force me to give utterance to these ideas. - - “I am.... - - “MIDHAT. - - “11 _Zilkade_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (27_th November_ 1876.) - - -The inner meaning of the words “safeguarding the Sovereign rights” -contained the pith and kernel of the conspirators’ views and -intentions. It had direct reference to a clause which the Sultan -desired to have inserted in the text of the Constitution, or rather -(and the difference is very material) to a rider which he desired to -be added to a clause (the 113th), referring to the declaration of a -state of siege in disturbed districts. The purport and intention of -the clause would naturally govern its different branches. It could not -possibly be supposed to apply to Ministers themselves, inasmuch as the -Constitution specially and elaborately provided for their trial and -punishment in clauses 31, 32, and 34 of the text. In spite, however, -of the provisions and safeguards which were to hedge and limit the -exercise of this prerogative, Midhat had long combated the insertion -of this rider to the 113th article. Anxious above all things, however, -to get the Constitution promulgated not later than the first sitting -of the Conference, and not as yet fully grasping the character of the -man he was dealing with, he listened to the explanations and glosses -offered with reference to this rider, and finally, though reluctantly, -consented to its insertion in the text of the Constitution. - -It is easy to see now that this was the second error of tactics -committed by Midhat. “Put not your trust in princes” is an especially -wise injunction when you do not know the character of the princes you -are dealing with. If Midhat had forced the Sultan Hamid—as he might -have done, if he had been less trustful and more strenuous—to observe -strictly the terms of the treaty of Muslou‐Oglou that Prince Hamid had -agreed to as a condition of his mounting on the throne at all, Midhat -would never have been banished, and the Constitution would never have -been strangled. Good men are rarely as determined and strenuous as bad -men. It is a pity, for half the political ills of the world come from -this weakness on their part. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -SECOND GRAND VIZIERATE OF MIDHAT PASHA - - -On 19th December 1876, three months after the accession of Abdul Hamid -to the throne, Midhat was appointed Grand Vizier. His nomination to -this post was again welcomed with great rejoicing in Turkey, and gave -Europe generally hopes of the accomplishment of some reforms. Sir Henry -Elliot addressed the following despatch to Lord Derby:— - - -“_Sir H. Elliot to the Earl of Derby_. - - “CONSTANTINOPLE, 19_th December_ 1876. - - “MY LORD,—Midhat Pasha has been appointed Grand Vizier in the place - of Mehemet Rushdi Pasha. The importance of this appointment at this - moment is very great. Midhat Pasha is beyond question the most - energetic and liberal of the Turkish statesmen, and a man of action, - although his decisions are sometimes hasty. - - “He has always advocated the equality of Mussulmans and Christians, - and wishes for a constitutional control over the power of the Grand - Vizier as well as of the Sultan. He is opposed to centralisation, - and in favour of giving the provincial populations much control over - their local affairs. - - “He has at times spoken strongly to me against the grant of special - institution in the Slav Provinces; but he is a man who listens to - argument, and may, perhaps, be brought to see the necessity of it - under the present circumstances. - - “He is disliked by the old Mussulman party, but is regarded as the - hope of the Mussulman reformers and of the Christians. - - “He used formerly always to wish to follow the advice of Her - Majesty’s Government, but I am not aware what his feelings towards - England are at this moment.[13] - - - “I have.... - - “HENRY ELLIOT.” - - -Midhat pointed out to the Sultan, in a letter addressed to Saïd, the -danger of the delay and procrastination that would be caused by too -prolonged discussion on the text of the Constitution; further, that -the text which had been submitted to the Sultan was such as had been -decided upon by the Commission appointed by His Majesty himself, and -that that text, after having been submitted to His Majesty as it came -from the hands of the Commission, was now, together with His Majesty’s -observations on it, being considered by the Ministers as a final -stage, requiring at most three or four days’ deliberation, and that -any longer delay before its actual promulgation would assuredly raise -in the minds of the friendly Powers a doubt as to the sincerity of the -Turkish Government in the work of the reform; and he insisted, finally, -that, in order to convince them of this sincerity, it was essentially -desirable that the promulgation of the Constitution should take place -before the date fixed for the assembly of the Conference. - -At the very first Ministerial Council under Midhat’s presidency as -Grand Vizier, held at the house of Mahmoud Damad—a significant -circumstance in itself—the conspirators showed their hand. When the -subject of the Constitution and its promulgation came under discussion, -Djevdet Pasha, Minister for Justice, and Mahmoud’s man, who had -hitherto been “lying low” awaiting developments, suddenly sprang upon -his colleagues the proposal that the whole question of the Constitution -should be indefinitely adjourned, on the pretext that with the change -that had taken place in the occupancy of the throne it was no longer -necessary. The indignation and wrath of Midhat can easily be imagined -at the audacity and perversity of this audacious proposition; he -apostrophised his colleague in no sparing terms, and pointed out to him -that the sole ground and justification of the solemn act of deposition -to which they had lent their countenance was the necessity of having -the Constitution promulgated; and he made Djevdet and Mahmoud, and -any other weak‐kneed colleague who might be inclined to support their -views, very clearly understand that he would throw up his office and -retire into private life if the slightest hesitation was shown on their -part with respect to this essential matter. By this uncompromising -firmness he dispelled any illusion that might have been harboured that -a frontal attack on the Constitution, with Midhat at the helm, could -be of any avail, and the opposition feigned acquiescence in the Grand -Vizier’s views. The incident, however, was not the less significant, -and ought to have warned Midhat of what was secretly preparing in the -councils of the conspirators. - -It has been said, among other equally groundless and disingenuous -criticisms, that “Midhat’s Constitution,” as it has been called, was a -simple device to defeat the Conference that was about to assemble. One -single fact, vouched for on an authority that will not be disputed, -absolutely disposes of this calumny. Sir Henry Elliot, referring to -these very matters, distinctly says that Midhat Pasha and his friends -had informed him that they were working for the promulgation of a -Constitution, and explained their views fully to him, twelve months -before there was any question of a conference at all: “This was more -than a year before its promulgation, when it was declared to have been -invented to defeat the Conference then sitting at Constantinople!”[14] - -That Midhat and his friends used the fact of the promulgation as a -weapon to oppose the decisions of the Conference is likely enough; -but this was perfectly fair dealing, and a legitimate weapon to make -use of. Another proposition which is not true, and is proved to have -been false, is that the Constitution was invented for the purpose of -defeating the Conference. It is abundantly evident that if there had -been no Conference at all, the Constitution would none the less have -been elaborated and its promulgation insisted on. - -Another disingenuous and captious criticism passed on the Constitution -by its enemies is the implication contained in the expression “Midhat’s -Constitution,” as if it was a “one‐man’s” Constitution, and not the -work of what may be called the national mind—that is, the majority -of the best minds in it. That Midhat had a great deal to say in its -elaboration, and still more in its promulgation, in spite of the -unconcealed opposition of the Sultan, and the Palace, and the whole -phalanx of reaction behind them, there can of course be no doubt -whatever, and to his eternal honour be it said; but that it was a -“one‐man’s” work, in the sense that it was not the expression of the -wants and wishes of the nation, is disproved by all the circumstances -connected with it. Chakir Effendi, one of its warmest partisans, was -one of the most learned, distinguished and highly esteemed Ulema at -Constantinople; it was he who headed a deputation of Ulemas and doctors -of the law, to congratulate Midhat immediately after the ceremony of -promulgation was over. The most enthusiastic champions of both Midhat -and the Constitution were the Softas, or body of students, numbering -several thousands, of all the _medresses_ (schools and universities) -in Constantinople, the future generation of the educated mind of the -nation. The provinces, without exception, were in favour of it. The -important city of Adrianople sent a congratulatory address to Midhat, -which the Sultan would not allow to be published in the papers. The -instinct of the masses looked upon it as the one resource in the -dire straits of the nation. The very fact that, with an opposing -Sultan clinging to his “sovereign rights,” and a bitterly hostile and -determined Palace clique, and in spite of all the means at the disposal -of Turkey’s nearest and most powerful neighbour unscrupulously put -into action, the Constitution ever saw the daylight, and actually -lived for a twelvemonth in such an environment, is the very strongest -evidence that can possibly be adduced of its inherent vitality, and -an undeniable proof that it was something more than a “one‐man’s” -Constitution. - -The Constitution, although the principal, was not the only subject of -contention between the new Sultan and his Vizier. There were questions -of persons, questions of money, questions of education that divided -them irreconcilably. The Sultan, who had no doubt fixed on Edhem Pasha -as the pliable instrument that he would need after the Conference -was over, and when the work of getting rid of Midhat had to be gone -through, desired to elevate one who, in his opinion, “was not quite the -person for a very high position,” to a post whence subsequent promotion -to the very highest position would seem a little less incongruous. -He accordingly selected Edhem Pasha for the post of President of the -Council of State, the important office concerned with the elaboration -of the laws of the country. Midhat’s candidate was Sadik Pasha, whose -competency was beyond dispute. Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin wished to -have Djevdet Pasha, his faithful henchman—whom we have already seen -at work—nominated to this post, but even the Sultan thought his -knowledge and intellectual capacity altogether too circumscribed. -The accompanying letter shows the strong insistence of the Sultan -on his own intention. He had the great advantage over Midhat which -conspirators always have, viz., of having his plan of campaign with -a distinct aim already settled, and knowing therefore beforehand the -strong position which it was necessary to occupy on the field of battle. - -Midhat, ignorant of the game that was being played, sacrificed point -after point in it, considering their importance with reference to -public affairs secondary to that of having the Constitution promulgated -as soon as possible. - -The following letter makes these points clear:— - - -_To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier._ - - “HIGHNESS,—After you had left the Palace, His Majesty sent for me - and questioned me as to the cause of the delay in the nomination - of Edhem Pasha as President of the Council of State. I told His - Majesty that the Irade (order) relative to that appointment had - been communicated to your Highness yesterday, and that probably the - visit of the French Envoy to your Highness was the cause of the - delay in my receiving an answer to the communication, and I told His - Majesty that the only motive of your opposition to the appointment - was the incapacity of Edhem Pasha to fulfil the duties of a post - to which were confided the constitutional functions of elaborating - the laws; that as for Sadik Pasha, whom you proposed for that post, - there could be no doubt that his nomination would add a useful - person to the Ministerial Councils. At that moment Damad Mahmoud - Djelaleddin was called in, and he expressed the same opinion, but - proposed that Djevdet Pasha should be appointed President of the - Council, and that Edhem Pasha, whose incompetency you objected to, - might fill the post of Minister of Justice. On this His Majesty made - the following declaration: ‘I am not acquainted with Edhem Pasha, - in spite of his services to my father, but I have now learned to - appreciate his abilities; I intend therefore to profit by everybody’s - capacities, and _although Edhem Pasha is not quite the person to - occupy a very high position_, I think nevertheless he is capable - of performing the duties of President of the Council of State. The - knowledge and learning of Djevdet Pasha are very limited, whereas the - accomplishments and capacity of Edhem Pasha are great in comparison - with his. In a word, I shall be glad if His Highness the Grand - Vizier will acquiesce in my wishes, and will to‐morrow propose his - nomination to me. Write and tell him so.’ This is the reason why I - have written at length to you on the subject.—I have the honour to - be, - - “(Signed) SAÏD. - - “6 _Zilhidje_, 1293, 1 _o’clock, Hegira_.” - (22_nd December_ 1876.) - - -Another and still more serious difference of opinion, relative to -persons, arose concerning Zia Bey. This person, one of the most -distinguished litterateurs and poets Turkey possessed, who had been -appointed private Secretary of the Sultan Murad, and whose nomination -to the same post by the present Sultan had been made an article of -the treaty between Midhat and Prince Hamid at Muslou‐Oglou, was -suspected of inspiring certain articles in the Turkish paper _Istikbal_ -which threw doubts on the Sultan’s sincerity with reference to the -Constitution. These articles gave great offence at the Palace, and were -considered of dangerous tendency. The Sultan determined not only to -proceed against the paper, but also to remove Zia Bey, at any price, -from the capital. - -The accompanying letter will show the feelings of the Sultan on the -subject: - - -_To Midhat Pasha._ - - - “HIGHNESS,—The Imperial Irade (written order) relative to the - nomination of Zia Bey to the post of Ambassador at Berlin, was - communicated to your Highness yesterday evening, and His Majesty - has just asked me if the proposed nomination had arrived, and on - my reply in the negative His Majesty ordered me to insist upon it, - adding the following observation: ‘Zia Bey is very ambitious, and - if he had known how to profit by this quality with a view to his - advancement and his future, he would have succeeded in obtaining - a post here suited to his capacity; but this person has never yet - shown any stability of character or fixity of purpose, and when - anything occurs contrary to his views and wishes, he is in the habit - of weaving intrigues in the matter, which is not favourable to his - prolonged sojourn in Constantinople. His removal, moreover, from - the capital cannot but facilitate for the Grand Vizier the exercise - of his functions in freeing him from this kind of obstacle. These - observations of mine are no exaggerations; but if on the one hand Zia - Bey’s individual merit is only mediocre, the people are naturally - attracted by these critics and attend to their criticisms, and in - this way lend an importance to these polemics which they do not - intrinsically deserve. As for the despatch of Zia Bey to Berlin, the - Government is resolved to take the same steps at Berlin as it has - determined to take at Paris, London, and Vienna, and to endeavour to - gain the sympathies of Prince Bismark (_sic_), and if Zia Bey succeed - in this, he will have shown his _savoir faire_, earned the gratitude - of the State, and by the fact itself shown his aptitude for foreign - affairs, and then his further promotion will be justified. Moreover, - his selection will provoke no opposition on the part of the Court - of Berlin.’ On account of these considerations His Majesty orders - this nomination to be submitted to him as soon as possible. It is, - moreover, by Imperial command that I have written to you at such - length on the subject, and have repeated what has already been said; - and His Majesty desires that you will carry out these injunctions by - to‐morrow at the audience you will have with His Majesty. - - “I have the honour to be, - - “(Signed) SAÏD. - - “12 _Zilhidje_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (28_th December_ 1876.) - - -In the meantime the population of Constantinople, who have been -represented by interested critics as indifferent about the Constitution -and reform, hearing of the proposed exile of this champion of the -Constitution and reform, determined to prevent his departure from -the capital by electing him as one of their representatives in the -new Parliament. Consternation is not too strong a term to describe -the feelings that this proposal excited in the Palace. Zia Bey had -an influence among the people of the capital. What if his presence -among them in the Parliament should checkmate all the plans of a -carefully hatched conspiracy? The following letter clearly reveals this -consternation:— - - -_To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier._ - - “HIGHNESS,—His Majesty has just read in the paper _Istikbal_ that - the population of Constantinople have decided to elect Zia Bey as - their representative, and that a petition signed by several thousand - persons will be addressed to the Palace with a view of retaining Zia - Bey in the capital. Thereupon His Majesty declared categorically - that the candidature of Zia Bey as deputy was not acceptable; that - numerous acts proved the participation of Zia Bey in acts against his - Sovereign; that the constitution forbade the entry into Parliament of - individuals compromised in any way.[15] - - “‘It is to be observed that this person has had recourse to - various methods, including the intervention of the Press and other - contrivances, to gain popularity for himself. Although these - proceedings have constituted no claim on his part for favourable - consideration from the Government, the rank of Vizier has been - conferred upon him, and the post of Governor‐General in one of the - most important vilayets, viz., Syria, simply in order to comply with - the request of the Grand Vizier. But Zia Bey, far from exhibiting - any gratitude, has sought more than ever to exercise an influence in - the Capital, through his position as Vizier, by announcing in the - _Istikbal_ that he is one of the originators of the Constitution, - which was, in fact, promulgated by our desire with the co‐operation - of a few patriots. We have consequently directed the Grand Vizier - to proceed against Zia Bey in such matter as may seem proper to - him.’ Such was the declaration of His Majesty. His Majesty further - criticised the action of the _Istikbal_, which, without reason, - has just published the famous letter of Mustafa Fazil Pasha, and - calls your attention to the fact of that paper, though suspended - indefinitely, having reappeared. His Majesty considers it urgent to - find means to put an end to such doings in the Press. - - “I have the honour to be - - “(Signed) SAÏD. - - “24 _Zilhidje_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (9_th January_ 1877.) - - -As the concluding passage of this letter shows, the Sultan, whilst -banishing Zia Bey, determined, _pour encourager les autres_, to -proceed with all possible vigour against the Press. There was to be no -faltering in so grave a matter. For this purpose the _Istikbal_ was to -be suspended, and a Draconian law against the Press prepared “within -three or four days,” although by Article 12 of the Constitution this -matter ought to have been left to be dealt with by the Parliament. - -The following letters speak for themselves:— - - -_To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier._ - - “HIGHNESS,—His Majesty, after having made the remark to me that - the contents of the article ‘The Future of Islam,’ published by the - _Vakit_, and especially the words underlined, were calculated to - lead astray public opinion, and referring to an interview with your - Highness yesterday evening on the subject of the Press, orders your - Highness to inform him of the measures you intend to take against - the Editor of this particular paper, for having published facts - calculated to make a bad impression, and, moreover, to propose to him - a competent person ... as Director of the Bureau of the Press, in the - place of the present functionary, who has been guilty of inattention - and negligence, and must be nominated to some other post. - - “As the Press, basing its pretensions on the liberty it enjoys under - the Constitution, does not cease to publish all sorts of things, His - Majesty, with a view to putting an end to abuses, and placing a curb - on the license of the newspapers, commands your Highness to give the - necessary orders in the proper quarter to complete within the delay - of three or four days, the law on the Press, referred to in the - Constitution. - - “I have the honour to be - - “(Signed) SAÏD. - - “15 _Zilhidje_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (31_st December_ 1876.) - - -_To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier._ - - “HIGHNESS,—With reference to the measures to be taken against the - Editor of the _Vakit_, I presented to His Majesty the note sent by - your Honour last night on this subject. Whilst accepting the spirit of - your observations, and even granting that the article in that paper - was not in itself seditious, it is not the less a fact that that paper - published, without any plausible justification, a statement to the - effect that the _Fetva_ of Sheik‐ul‐Islam is sufficient to depose a - Sultan, a declaration calculated to prompt the people to a seditious - movement, and to nullify the conditions and safeguards on which the - promulgation of the _Fetva_ depends, teaching the people that all - power is attached to the individual will of the functionary who issues - the _Fetva_. If such acts are tolerated, the papers will not fail to - profit by the license, and to abuse it, and His Majesty orders that - the Imperial Irade issued against the _Vakit_ and its Editor shall - be executed as soon as possible by way of example; the present law - with respect to the Press being sufficient for this purpose. Further, - the journal _Istikbal_, in its number of last Tuesday, published a - long article to the effect that the delay in the promulgation of the - Constitution, which was elaborated and ready for promulgation in his - reign, had caused all kinds of ills, and this article corroborates - the facts above referred to; and it is with a view to preventing the - Press, either from ignorance or evil intention, from adopting a line - of reasoning in contradiction to the views and intentions of His - Majesty, that His Majesty commands me, with a view of emphasising his - views on the subject, to send you a copy of the incriminated article. - - “I have the honour to be, - - “(Signed) SAÏD. - - “18 _Zilkidje_, 1293, _Hegira_.” - (2_nd January_ 1877.) - - -Two other subjects of grave difference were the cause of a good deal -of fencing between Midhat and the Palace. The one was the position -of Galib Pasha, Minister of Finance, whom Midhat was determined to -remove from the post of Minister of Finance; the other had reference -to mixed education in the State schools, a subject on which Midhat had -always held very strong views. But as the foreign envoys in the capital -were now demanding the convocation of the official meeting of the -Conference, it was determined to postpone the final resolution on these -subjects till after the Conference was over. - -The preliminary difficulties being at last overcome, or at least their -discussion postponed till after the Conference was over, the date for -the proclamation of the Constitution, with the Sultan’s famous rider -inserted in the text, like the fatal gift of the evil fairy in the -fable, was finally determined on. - -On the morning of the 23rd December, 1876, in the big open space in -front of the Sublime Porte, facing the apartments reserved for the -Sultan, a large platform was erected, profusely decorated with Turkish -flags. Hither all the notabilities and Ulemas and Ministers were -convoked to hear the promulgation of the new Constitution which, in the -view of its promoters and supporters, was to inaugurate a new era for -the sorely tried empire of the Osmanli. It might indeed have been a day -marked in red, the greatest date in Turkish history. As it was, it was -only the first act of a stupendous comedy. - -The notabilities were now assembled, and in spite of a downpour of -rain, an immense crowd of people came to witness and applaud the -ceremony. The troops lined the road between Sirkedji and the Sublime -Porte, and along it, at mid‐day. Saïd Pasha, the first Secretary to -the Sultan, in full uniform, preceded by a military band, arrived at -the Sublime Porte, bearing the Sultan’s letter (_Hatti Humayun_) of -promulgation, addressed to the Grand Vizier Midhat Pasha, and the text -of the Constitution. The letter ran as follows:— - - -_Rescript_ (_Hatti Humayun_) _of the Sultan promulgating the Ottoman -Constitution_. - - - “MY ILLUSTRIOUS GRAND VIZIER, MIDHAT PASHA,—The power of Our Empire - was lately declining. Foreign affairs were not the cause of this, but - men had strayed from the right path in the administration of home - affairs, and the bonds that attached Our subjects to the Government - had been relaxed. My august Father, the late Sultan, Abdul Medjid, - granted a Charter of Reform, the _Tanzimat_, which guaranteed, in - accordance with the sacred law of the Cheri, life, property, and - honour to all. - - “It has been in consequence of the salutary effect of the _Tanzimat_ - that the State has, up to the present time, been able to maintain - itself in security, and that We have been enabled to found and - proclaim this day the Constitution which is the result of ideas and - opinions fully expressed. - - “On this auspicious occasion I desire to recall with a feeling of - special devotion the memory of My late august Father, who has been - rightly considered the regenerator of his country. I doubt not that - he would have himself inaugurated the Constitutional era that we are - about to enter this day, if the period of the promulgation of the - _Tanzimat_ had been adapted to the necessities of our own times. But - it has been to Our reign that Providence has reserved the task to - accomplish this happy transformation, which is the supreme guarantee - of the welfare of Our peoples. I thank Heaven for allowing me to be - its instrument. - - “It is evident that the principle of our Government had become - incompatible with the successive modifications introduced into our - internal organisation, and the increasing development of our foreign - relations. Our most earnest desire is to cause the disappearance of - all obstacles to the full enjoyment by the nation of all the natural - resources it possesses, and, in a word, to see Our subjects put into - the possession of rights which appertain to all civilised society, - and to be united together in a common bond of progress, union, and - concord. - - “In order to attain this object it was necessary to adopt a salutary - regular organisation, to safeguard the inalienable rights of the - Governing body by the abolition of faults and abuses of all kinds, - _which result from illegality—that is to say, from the arbitrary - power of one or more individuals_: to accord the same rights and - to prescribe the same duties to all the members of the several - communities composing our Society, and to enable them all to profit, - without distinction, by the blessings of liberty, justice and - equality—these being the only possible methods of guaranteeing and - protecting the interests of all. - - “From these essential principles flows the necessity of another - eminently useful work: viz., that of connecting Public Right with a - deliberative and constitutional System. That is the reason why in the - Hatt that We promulgated on Our accession to the Throne We declared - the urgency of creating a Parliament. - - “A special Commission composed of the highest dignitaries, Ulemas and - functionaries of the State, has carefully elaborated the basis of a - Constitution, and this again has been studied and approved by Our - Council of Ministers. - - “This fundamental Charter confirms the prerogatives of the Sovereign; - the civil and political equality of Ottomans before the law; the - responsibilities and duties of Ministers and Officials; the complete - independence of the Tribunals; the efficient balancing of the Budget, - and lastly, the decentralisation of provincial administration, - whilst preserving the decisive action and the powers of the Central - Government. - - “All these principles, _in strict conformity with the dispositions of - the Cheri_, as well as to Our aptitude and aspirations, are equally - in harmony with Our generous desire to assure the happiness and - prosperity of all Our subjects, which is Our Supreme wish. - - “Confiding in the Divine Grace and in the intercession of the - Prophet, I am now placing in your hand this Constitution after having - invested it with My Imperial sanction. With the assistance of God, it - will immediately be applied to all portions of Our Empire. - - “Therefore, it is My decided will that you shall publish it, and - shall see that it shall be executed, from this day forth. - - “You must, moreover, take the promptest and most efficacious measures - to proceed with the study and elaboration of the laws and regulations - mentioned in this instrument. - - “May the Almighty deign to accord success to all those who work for - the salvation of the Empire and the Nation. - - “Given this 7th of Zilhidje 1293, Hegira.” - - (23_rd December_ 1876.) - - -The reading of the _Hatti Humayun_ concluded, the First Secretary -ceremoniously handed the Grand Vizier the text of the Constitution, -after reverently raising it to his lips. The Grand Vizier received -it with the like ceremony, and then handed it to the Grand -Referendary,[16] Mahmoud Bey, who read it to the assembled people, -while thousands of fly‐leaves bearing the text of the Constitution were -distributed in all directions. - -After the text was read, Midhat made a speech, expressing gratitude -to the Sultan for the graciousness of this act in promulgating the -Constitution, the immense importance of which he proceeded to point -out to the people. When he had concluded, the Mufti of Adrianople -offered up a prayer, and all the people cried “Amen,” and a salute of -101 guns from the Seraskierate announced to the whole city that “the -Constitution” was proclaimed. - -The Ulemas with the Sheik‐ul‐Islam (Hairullah Effendi) at their head; -the Christian clergy with their patriarchs; the Ministers; the learned -and distinguished Chakir Effendi, followed by the Softas and students; -the representatives of all the corporations, and the populace of -the capital, with flags bearing the inscription “Liberty,” came to -congratulate Midhat, at his own residence, on the new era of liberty. -In the evening the mosques were illuminated, and the people, carrying -torches, paraded the streets, crying, “Long live the Sultan and -Midhat Pasha!” Telegrams of congratulation were received from all the -provinces of the Empire, expressing the joy felt at this great event. -In short, the whole populace was in a state of rejoicing; the Palace -of Bechiktashe was the only place not illuminated. The Sultan was -indisposed. - -Although it was contrary to custom for a Grand Vizier to pay an -official visit to the religious communities, Midhat Pasha went the -following day to the Greek and Armenian Patriarchs and to the Jewish -Chief Rabbi, to thank them for their expressions of rejoicing at the -new Constitution. He was received with enthusiasm by the patriarchs, -and the Christian populace threw flowers in his way. The Grand Vizier -made speeches in which he declared that he recognised no distinctions -between Mussulmans and Christians, as they were all children of the -same country, urging that all should work together as brothers to -promote the progress of their country, under one flag, and by the aid -of the new liberty pronounced by His Majesty the Sultan. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE CONFERENCE AND MIDHAT’S EXILE - - -The day fixed for the first plenary meeting of the Conference of -Constantinople was the same as that chosen for the promulgation of the -Constitution. That there was a purpose in the simultaneous occurrence -of the two events admits of no doubt; but to conclude from that fact, -as has been disingenuously argued, that the Constitution was a mere -device to defeat the ends of the Conference, is, of course, absurd, and -has been conclusively disproved. - -On the 23rd December (1876), accordingly, the envoys and -plenipotentiaries of the Great Powers met in the handsome building -of the Admiralty on the Golden Horn, in the large hall that had been -prepared for their reception, to discuss with the Turkish envoys -the condition of the Christian provinces of the empire. There were -present, Count Zichy and Baron Calice representing Austro‐Hungary; -Count Chaudordy and Count Bourgoing representing France; Baron Werther -representing Germany; Lord Salisbury and Sir Henry Elliot representing -Great Britain; General Ignatieff representing Russia, and Edhem Pasha -and Safvet Pasha representing the Empire that was to be placed on the -dissecting table. - -Scarcely had the preliminary formalities been concluded, when from -across the Bosphorus, at the Seraskierate, was heard the booming of the -first gun that announced the proclamation of the new Constitution. -Thereupon a somewhat dramatic scene—that, no doubt, had been arranged -beforehand—was enacted. Safvet Pasha arose in his place, and, -addressing the assembled plenipotentiaries, said: “Gentlemen, the -cannon that you hear across the Bosphorus notifies the commencement -of the promulgation by His Majesty the Sultan of a Constitution -guaranteeing equal rights and constitutional liberties to all the -subjects of the Empire alike; and in the presence of this great event, -I think our labours become superfluous.” - -This little speech of the Turkish Envoy was received by the assembly in -chilling silence. The somewhat theatrical _coup_ had evidently missed -its effect. After a few moments’ dead silence, General Ignatieff moved -that the Conference should proceed with the business of the day. The -proceedings themselves were not lengthy. The envoys of the Great Powers -had been a whole month in Constantinople holding unofficial meetings -among themselves, from which the Turkish delegates were studiously -excluded; and the programme to be followed and the policy to be -enforced had all been arranged before the official meeting took place. -The object of this somewhat unusual proceeding was clear. Turkey was -to be given to understand that it had to do with a veritable Concert -of Europe, which, however much it might minimise the demands made by -one of the Powers interested, would insist unanimously on substantial -concessions from the Porte, and that the latter must in consequence -dismiss any hope or expectation of dissensions or jealousies breaking -out between the Powers. - -The achievement of this unanimity was intended as the master‐stroke of -Lord Salisbury’s policy. He did not imagine then, though he probably -has realised it since, that the _rôle_ he was playing at Constantinople -had been carefully prepared for him at Vienna, and that the success -of his efforts was simply the triumph of Count Andrassy’s policy. -What remained for the Conference to do was, not to discuss measures, -but to formulate decisions. There was, at any rate, this advantage in -such a summary method: the agony would not be prolonged. The business -of the Conference began, like a Dutch auction, with a maximum opening -bid on the part of the Russian envoy. He proposed the autonomy of -the province of Bulgaria, the appointment of a Christian Vali, the -formation of a national militia, and the confinement of Turkish troops -within the limits of certain fixed fortresses. The Turkish envoys -having declared these proposals entirely inadmissible and beyond -the sphere of discussion, the proposal was modified to what General -Ignatieff designated “un minimum extrême et irreductible,” viz., that -Bulgaria should be endowed with a special privileged government, and -with an international commission to watch the administration, and that -the appointment of its Governor should be submitted to the approval -of the Great Powers. To this proposal, again, the Turkish envoys -demurred, pointing out that the examples of Servia and Roumania, to -which special privileged governments had been conceded with the other -special arrangements now proposed for Bulgaria, were not encouraging -precedents for a repetition of a similar experiment in Bulgaria: that -the Mahomedan population in the above‐named States had not been treated -with the equality and liberality promised and stipulated for, but had -found themselves under the necessity of emigrating _en masse_ from -those countries, and that even the extreme concessions made to these -States, removing all shadow of pretext for complaint, had not deterred -them from joining the enemies of the Empire, or intriguing against it -whenever the opportunity occurred. - -Eventually, after a heated and rather academical passage of arms -between Edhem Pasha and Count Chaudordy, a further modification -was made in the proposals, but not without a protest from General -Ignatieff, who said: “You are plucking all my feathers out of me,” to -which Count Chaudordy replied, with pregnant truth, “You will always -have plenty left, General.” The finally irreducible minimum proposed -was to the effect that a Consular Commission should be appointed to -aid the local authorities, and that the Valis of the three provinces, -Bulgaria, Herzegovina and Bosnia, should be appointed subject to the -assent of the Great Powers, during the first five years. - -The Turkish envoys, however, could not agree to this proposal either. -They pointed out that the appointment of the Consular Commission was -an infringement of the sovereign rights of the nation, _which it was -beyond their competence to acquiesce in_, and that over and above -this difficulty the proposal was open to the practical objection that -an exceptional situation created for those provinces would cause -discontent in all the other provinces of the empire, and lead to -unrest, and probably disturbance, in some of them; and they again -pointed out that the moment seemed singularly ill‐chosen for insisting -on special privileges for a portion of the Empire, when the Sultan had -just promulgated a charter containing the largest possible measure -of liberty and equal rights to all his subjects without distinction -throughout every portion of the Empire. - -This declaration of _non possumus_ on the part of the Turkish delegates -was followed by a most violent speech from General Ignatieff, -immediately after which the assembly broke up without even listening -to the protest that the Ottoman delegates were prepared to make to the -speech of the Russian envoy. - -The last modified proposal was embodied in an Ultimatum delivered to -the Porte by the envoys collectively, to which an answer was required -within a week. At the expiration of that time, if the answer was not -satisfactory, they declared their intention of quitting Constantinople. - -On the news of what had occurred becoming known, the conduct of the -Turkish delegates was generally approved of throughout the Empire. -Christians and Mahomedans vied with each other in sending patriotic -addresses to the capital, and a battalion of Christian volunteers was -raised, at their own expense, and marched to the Servian frontier, -where they distinguished themselves greatly, let it be said in passing, -by their courage and devotion. - -Midhat, in the meantime, by the Sultan’s order, had convened a Grand -Council of 237 persons, composed of all nationalities and notabilities, -to whom the final propositions of the Conference were submitted. - -Midhat made a speech to the notabilities, in which he pointed out the -consequences of the rejection of the terms in question, and told them -clearly that unless they were prepared to face this _ultima ratio_, -they had no alternative but to accept the terms of the Conference. -After listening attentively to this speech, the Grand Council, by a -practically unanimous vote, amidst very considerable enthusiasm decided -on the rejection of the Ultimatum. The foreign envoys accordingly -left the capital on 20th January (1877). So ended the Conference of -Constantinople. - -It is necessary here to recall the fact that Midhat during the -Conference sent the patriot Odian Effendi to London to communicate -to Lord Derby the occurrence which had recently taken place in his -country, and to add that as the Powers had not insisted on the carrying -out of the proposals formulated by Russia, which were found to be -impracticable in the present condition of Turkey, it was hoped that -the Powers would take the new Constitution under their protection, and -see to its execution in practice. The following despatch from Lord -Derby to Lord Salisbury and Sir H. Elliot shows the result of this -step:— - - -_The Earl of Derby to the Marquis of Salisbury and Sir H. Elliot._ - - “FOREIGN OFFICE, - - “10_th January_ 1877. - - “MY LORD AND SIR,—Odian Effendi called upon me this afternoon by - appointment, and spoke to me again of the impossibility which his - Government felt of accepting the proposals made to them in the - Conference. - - “There might, he said, be concessions on both sides in regard to the - reforms, but the question of the guarantees would still remain, and - offered insuperable difficulties. - - “Under these circumstances he was anxious to make a personal - suggestion, which he thought might offer a mode of arrangement, and - which he understood that Midhat Pasha was ready to adopt. It was that - the Constitution recently decreed by the Sultan should be brought - to the cognizance of the Powers in a form which should make its - execution a matter of international obligation between the Porte and - them, and that the organisation of the provincial administrations - to be drawn up by the Turkish Ministers should, after receiving the - approval of the Powers, be made a portion of the general plan, and - embodied in the same agreement. - - “The whole system of reforms granted by the Sultan to his subjects - would thus be placed under the guarantee of the Powers, who would - have a right to watch over the manner in which it was carried out. - - “Odian Effendi wished to know whether this proposal would be - favourably received by Her Majesty’s Government, and whether I - thought there would be any use in the Porte bringing it forward in - the Conference. - - “I told Odian Effendi in reply that there was a manifest - inconvenience in discussing here the questions which at the same time - were in process of negotiation at Constantinople. I must therefore - refrain from expressing an opinion upon the plan which he had - mentioned to me. - - “If it was to be proposed by the Turkish Government, this must be - done by them at Constantinople, and upon their own responsibility.[17] - - “I am, etc., - - “(Signed) DERBY.” - - -Hardly had the foreign envoys departed from the capital, and the doors -of the great hall at the Admiralty been shut behind them, when the -Palace proposed to put the match to the mine that had been carefully -laid for the reformers. - -Within a fortnight of the departure of the Plenipotentiaries, matters -were brought to a climax. Two subjects of contention between Midhat and -the Sultan had been reserved for further discussion when the Conference -should be over: the position of Galib Pasha and the question of mixed -schools. Either would serve for a _casus belli_. - -Midhat had resolved on the dismissal of the complaisant Minister of -Finance, who had, _proprio motu_, doubled the amount appropriated -to the Civil list by the simple device of paying it in gold; there -were other counts, too, against the Minister which necessitated this -measure. One was the specific charge of irregularities in the accounts -of the Treasury, which, although Midhat did not attribute them to -malversation on his part, were nevertheless, in his opinion, proofs -of great negligence in the supervision of the business of his office. -The other was a general charge of incapacity as Minister of Finance, -especially revealed in his tactless method of issuing Treasury bonds, -thereby causing an excessive and alarming depreciation in the paper -of the State. The Sultan had agreed to the dismissal of Galib, but he -desired to have him forthwith appointed Senator, whereas Midhat -insisted on a preliminary examination of the accounts of his office. -It will be perceived at once that there was a great deal more in this -dispute than met the eye, and that it accounted for the bitterness of -the feelings entertained against Midhat at the Palace. The following -letter, if read between the lines, will throw some light on the -questions at issue:— - - -_To the First Secretary of His Majesty Saïd Pasha._ - - - “EXCELLENCY,—By an Irade of our august Master, the nomination of - his Excellency Galib Pasha as member of the Senate has just been - adjourned. The delay on my part in making you acquainted with the - motives which have determined me to remove Galib Pasha from the - Ministry of Finance, whilst abstaining from any reflection whatever - on his personal integrity, only emphasises the responsibility of - Galib Pasha in the matter of finance. It is manifest that that - faithful servant of the State, in conformity with the orders - of our august Master, would not hesitate to admit his share of - responsibility, and in order to put an end to a discussion which has - no precedent, he should certainly claim an investigation, and submit - to its consequences, whatever sacrifices it might entail; but since - explanations are demanded of me, I hasten to give them as shortly as - I can. In order to judge whether or not Galib Pasha is competent to - administer the Finances of the State, it seems to me sufficient to - refer to the fall in the value of paper money. - - “The paper of the State, fifteen years ago, amounted to twenty - millions (£T), and yet its depreciation never reached more than - 50 to 60 per cent, compared to gold, although its circulation was - then limited to the radius of the town of Constantinople, and it - was not received in payment of taxes. At the present time, although - the amount issued does not amount to four millions, and there is no - limit imposed to its circulation in the Empire, and it is accepted in - payment of taxes, the depreciation amounts to 70 per cent. This state - of things is the result of the carelessness and neglect on the part - of the ministers of Finance. The depreciation, moreover, has given - rise to venality and corruption on the part of functionaries in the - Provinces, and to excitement and unrest, in consequence, in public - opinion. - - “We have no accusation to make against the probity and honesty of - Galib Pasha, nor any complaint on the score of the obligation under - which we lie, of issuing bonds to realise the sum necessary, in - gold, for exportation to Europe for war purposes. But seeing that an - issue of paper money, to an amount necessary for the realisation of - £T100,000 only, is sufficient to cause a still further depreciation - of the paper and rise in gold, the Minister of Finance is in duty - bound to take such steps and employ such means as shall, as much as - possible, prevent or mitigate this consequence. For instance, he - should take a portion of the sum required from the receipts of the - Treasury, in gold, and issue the remainder of the sum in paper, with - such prudence and precaution as to avoid financial panic by all means - in his power. But Galib Pasha seems incapable of appreciating such - measures, and the finances of the State have suffered in consequence. - - “Such a state of things implies a grave responsibility, and as it is - somebody’s duty to fix this responsibility, the functionary on whom - devolves these particular duties would necessarily be the person to - assume it. But it is also the duty of the person who happens to be - Grand Vizier to superintend the general march of affairs, and to take - steps to prevent all maladministration. - - “In the report made by Galib Pasha, which was read before the Council - of Ministers, he declares himself incapable of finding a remedy for - this state of things. And when an official makes such a declaration, - it is impossible to keep him in the exercise of those functions - without sharing the responsibility with him. It is on these grounds - that we have based our opinion as to the necessity of replacing him. - - “The day after the issue of the Imperial Irade approving this - decision, His Excellency Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin Pasha advised us - to recommend Galib Pasha for some other post; but it so happens that - not only are the accounts in the treasury with reference to this - paper money defective, but whereas we thought that only one million - of paper money out of the proposed seven millions had actually been - issued, we now find that two millions have in point of fact been - issued. - - “I thought it therefore proper, as I informed you in my letter of - the 14 Moharem, 1294, to keep Galib Pasha in the office of Finance - until all his accounts were put into proper order. In the discussion - on these matters in the Council of Ministers, on the 6th day of - Moharem, Galib Pasha informed us that he had made arrangements with - some private bankers for the purchase of £T90,000 in gold against - £T210,000 paper. This enormous depreciation, which could be accepted - only in the event of the extremest urgency, seemed to us beyond all - limits of reason. - - “Whatever may be the personal honesty of an official, yet when such - irregularities take place in his Office, it would seem more proper to - request him first to put his accounts in order before appointing him - off‐hand to another position of trust, such as the Senate. - - “On consideration of the whole matter, we are convinced that just as - Galib Pasha’s incompetence involves no reflection on his honesty and - probity, so the matter of the £T90,000 which I have just mentioned - is far from revealing any desire on his part to conceal the real - situation of affairs. - - “Hence the only reasons why we have requested a delay in the - nomination of Galib Pasha to the Senate are founded on his own - declarations last Wednesday before the Council of Ministers. - - “Although this little matter is scarcely worthy of so lengthy an - explanation, I have made it simply on the demand addressed to me to - furnish explanations on the subject, and in order to comply with the - Imperial commands. - - “I will only, in conclusion, beg you very particularly to be good - enough to bring these details to the notice of His Majesty, if he - should express his desire to be made acquainted with them. - - “Receive, Excellency, etc.,— - - “MIDHAT. - - “9 _Moharem_ 1293, _Hegira_.” - (25_th January_ 1877.) - - -The other question held in reserve was that of the mixed schools, -a measure to which, as we have seen on several occasions, Midhat -attached the greatest importance, as a means of welding together the -different elements of the nation. He desired to make a beginning by -applying it to the military academies of the Empire. The eve, possibly, -of a great war, in which the nation might require the service of -all her sons, seemed to him the most opportune moment conceivable -for the application of this most important reform. He accordingly -pressed it on the Sultan. He was met by the ordinary Fabian tactics -of the Palace—procrastination, promises, delay. The Sultan demurred, -temporised, first gave and then withdrew his consent, and a long -discussion ensued between them on the subject. The dispute culminated -in the following Memorandum, addressed by Midhat in the name of the -Ministry, to the Sultan, through the usual channel:— - - -_To the First Secretary of His Majesty Saïd Pasha._[18] - - - “YOUR EXCELLENCY,—All sincere friends of Turkey continue to - urge us—as did Mr Thiers quite lately—in the actual condition - of affairs, to give proofs to Europe of our sincerity and good - intentions. This very day a despatch from Musurus Pasha informs - us that Lord Derby congratulates the Imperial Government on the - dissolution of the Conference, which he considers as a success for - Turkey. At the same time Lord Derby urges us to conclude peace with - Servia as soon as possible, and to make a beginning in carrying out - those articles of the Constitution, and those propositions of the - Conference, that are susceptible of immediate application. And whilst - we, taking these friendly counsels into very serious consideration, - are working with a view of putting into operation without delay the - Firmans concerning reforms, an Imperial Irade, promulgated yesterday, - prohibits the admission of Christians into the military schools, - which a preceding Irade had authorised. Now, such a prohibition is - calculated seriously to compromise, from the very beginning, an - important reform that the whole world expects from the Constitution, - and it is natural that obstacles of this kind should discourage and - paralyse the efforts that we are constantly making to serve our - country with devotion. We therefore regret sincerely that of all - the questions which are now placed on the order of the day to be - studied by the Council, this important one alone remains in suspense, - and we regret it all the more inasmuch as the explanations that - we addressed to His Majesty on the subject yesterday morning have - remained unanswered. I therefore appeal to the Imperial goodwill, - and beseech His Majesty to bring to bear on this question all the - forethought and attention that it deserves. - - “(Signed) MIDHAT. - - “8 _Moharem_ 1294, _Hegira_.” - (24_th January_ 1877). - - -Worn out by these tactics, Midhat determined to bring the matter to -an issue, and make it what would be called a Cabinet question, and -addressed to the Sultan the following letter:— - - - “SIRE,—The object of promulgating the Constitution was to abolish - Absolutism, to indicate Your Majesty’s rights and duties, to define - and establish those of Ministers; in a word, to secure to the nation - complete and entire liberty, and thus by a common effort to raise the - condition and position of the country. - - “Contrary to what had occurred in the case of former _Hatti Humayuns_ - promulgated thirty years back, the new charter was to subsist and - receive its full application after the present political crisis - should be at an end; for our object in promulgating that Constitution - was certainly not merely to find a solution of the so‐called Eastern - Question, nor to seek thereby to make a demonstration that should - conciliate the sympathies of Europe which had been estranged from us. - - “Allow me, Sire, to offer a few observations on this subject. In the - first place, Your Majesty, who is responsible before the nation for - your acts, is bound to be acquainted with your duties as well as - with your rights and prerogatives. It is, moreover, indispensable - that Ministers should have the certain conviction of being able to - accomplish their tasks, and that we should be able to free ourselves - from that habit of servile flattery which has debased our people and - ruined the country during the last four centuries. - - “I am animated by a profound respect for the person of Your Majesty. - But basing my conduct on the ordinances of the Cheri (sacred law), - I am bound to withhold obedience to the commands of Your Majesty - whenever they are not in conformity with the interests of the nation; - otherwise the weight of my responsibility would be too heavy for me - to bear. The dictates of my conscience that command me to conform - my acts to the salvation and prosperity of my country impose an - imperative obligation on me; and the judgment of my country, which is - what I respect and cherish most, forbids me to act otherwise. - - “I desire earnestly that no shadow of a suspicion should cross the - mind of Your Majesty, and I dread, as I have already said, to find - later on that I have sinned against my own conscience and deserved - the malediction of my countrymen. It is this very apprehension that - forces me to submit those considerations to Your Majesty. It is - indispensable, Sire, that the Ottoman nation should have the power - to reform and administer their country, according to the law. It is - unnecessary for me to point out or explain to Your Majesty all that - is contained in this phrase. I humbly pray and beseech Your Majesty - to have confidence in me and my colleagues in the accomplishment of - our difficult task, in which patriotism and love of our country are - our only motives and inspiration. - - “I trust that I have not as yet committed any act compromising the - responsibility that I feel, and I desire that the nation should be - imbued with the sense of our responsibility towards it, otherwise no - satisfactory result can ever be attained. - - “It is now nine days, Sire, since you have abstained from giving a - favourable answer to my petition. You thereby refuse to sanction laws - indispensable to the welfare of the country, and without which our - whole previous work will be rendered futile. Whilst Your Majesty’s - Ministers are engaged in endeavouring to restore the governmental - edifice which has with so much difficulty escaped total ruin, surely - Your Majesty would not willingly add to the work of destruction. - - “If Your Majesty should in consequence of the above named opinions - consider it your duty to relieve me of my functions as Grand Vizier, - I would pray Your Majesty to confide them into such strong hands as - shall be able to reconcile the principles and ideas of Your Majesty - with the necessities of the country and the gravity of the situation - in which the Empire finds itself placed to‐day.—I am, Sire, Your - Majesty’s humble servant, - - “MIDHAT. - - “18_th January_ 1293, _O.S._” - (30_th January_ 1877.) - - -For three days he abstained from going to the Palace. - -The Sultan, who was now prepared for extremities, sent Safvet Pasha -to him to inform him that all he demanded would be granted and to -request him to come to the Palace. Safvet Pasha, Minister for Foreign -Affairs, and one of the Turkish delegates at the Conference, was not -what would be called a strong Minister. He was prone to conciliation -and compromise rather than energetic measures and resolutions; but he -was essentially an honest man: duplicity and treachery were absolutely -foreign to his nature. If on this occasion he was intended as an -instrument of duplicity, it was practised at his own expense, and -he was merely an unconscious tool. Midhat, however, demurred to the -invitation, and required the necessary Irades to be issued on the -matters pending with the Palace, before he resumed his functions as -Grand Vizier. Thereupon the Sultan sent his first aide‐de‐camp, Saïd -(Ingless) Pasha, to him, to assure him that the Irades were ready, if -he would, on the Sultan’s order, accompany him to the Palace. Midhat -went. He perceived on his way an unwonted display of troops in the -district of Tavshan Tashi, where his Konak was situated, but he was not -aware then, on the night of the 4th‐5th February, that the Imperial -Yacht _Izzeddine_ was moored close to the marble steps leading up to -the terrace of the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche. If he had perceived it and -guessed its purpose, it was too late to retreat, or to escape the snare -laid for him. On his arrival at the Palace he was shown into a small -ante‐chamber and told to await the Sultan’s orders. - -The first aide‐de‐camp soon returned with the Sultan’s order to deliver -up his seal of office, and to accompany him. - -He then conducted him on board the _Izzeddine_, which, with steam -already up, immediately weighed anchor and steamed off in the -direction of the Sea of Marmora with Midhat on board. The Captain of -the _Izzeddine_ had sealed orders, which he was only to open in the -Sea of Marmora. These orders were, that he should wait for twenty‐four -hours in the Bay of Tchekmedje, and if he received no telegram within -that space of time, he was to conduct Midhat to any European port on -the Mediterranean that the ex‐Grand Vizier might select. No despatch -arriving, he proceeded on his course to Brindisi, where he landed -Midhat. - -That the forcible banishment of the Grand Vizier was a violation of -the letter as well as the spirit of the Constitution promulgated and -sworn to by the Sultan, has never been seriously denied. The “reason -of State” urged would obviously cover any act of arbitrary power -whatever. It was for the express purpose of putting an end to such an -arbitrary _régime_ that the Constitution was framed and insisted on. -The flimsy pretext put forward, that it was in accordance with the -113th Article of the Constitution, will not bear the most superficial -examination. The power therein conceded to the Sultan was in a rider -to a clause declaring a state of siege when the safety of the State -required it, and the purport and limits of the clause must necessarily -govern the subsidiary provisions of the clause itself. Not only could -a rider of this description not bear the interpretation sought to be -placed upon it, but other substantial clauses of the Constitution -directly forbade the exercise of any such arbitrary power, and provided -for the elementary right that no man should be punished except after -due trial. But further: clauses 31, 32, and 34 contained special and -minute provisions for the arrest and trial of Ministers guilty of -treason or malversation, so that both positively and negatively, in its -substantial provisions and in its omissions, the banishment of Midhat, -with its attendant circumstances, was as clear a violation of the -Constitution as the _coup d’état_ of the 2nd December 1852 in France. - -But political morality and good faith and patriotism apart, it must be -allowed that the tactics pursued by the Palace were, _qua_ tactics, -very cleverly devised. If the Sultan had struck at the Constitution as -well as the champion of it; at reform at the same time as the reformer, -he would undoubtedly have raised a storm in the country which would -have immediately endangered his throne; but by striking down the father -and pillar of the Reformers he practically killed reform, and put the -Constitution at his mercy as certainly as if he had suppressed it -then and there; and whilst pretending himself to champion both reform -and the Constitution, he managed to play the _rôle_ of Wat Tyler -successfully, and to take the sting out of the blow, and conceal the -full meaning of the act that he had just committed. There was a party -in Constantinople, to which personal ambition was not a stranger, -who imagined that Midhat was not essential to the cause of the -Constitution, and that Abdul Hamid II. was sincere in his protestations -of reforming ardour. Some were of good faith, and some were simply -moved by ambition. Both very soon discovered their mistake, and in -various distant provinces found leisure to reflect and repent of their -confiding innocence. - -The Palace, although they had hazarded this great _coup_, did not feel -at all secure as to the effect it might produce on the population of -Constantinople, in spite of all the measures of precaution that had -been taken; and the order given to the captain of the _Izzeddine_ to -remain twenty‐four hours at anchor in the bay of Tchekmedje, was with a -view, in case of a serious rising in the capital, of recalling Midhat -and persuading him to resume his functions—until a more convenient -opportunity arose. The Palace was playing for safety. - -Stunned by the suddenness of the blow, entirely unprepared for any -concerted action, and distracted by reports industriously spread, the -people did not rise, and the Palace breathed freely. It had gained a -complete victory. - - * * * * * - -Between the breaking up of the Conference and the breaking out of the -war, the sequence of diplomatic action can be very briefly narrated. -On the 19th January 1877 Prince Gortchakoff issued a Circular to the -Powers, which can be summed up in the question, “What are you going to -do about it?” One particular phrase, however, in this document must be -noted. He says that the agreement in the Berlin Memorandum not being -unanimous, and the crisis being aggravated, among other causes, by the -revolution in Constantinople, the Cabinets recommenced negotiations, -and, on the initiative of England, agreed upon a basis and guarantees -to be discussed at a Conference at Constantinople. There is very little -doubt that this revolution in Constantinople—which had the avowed -object of checking absolutism and giving the Turkish people guarantees -for good government—was in the eyes of Russia an aggravation of the -crisis, and justified, and even necessitated, in her opinion, hostile -action against Turkey. That Russia, who had undertaken the championship -of liberty and progress among the inhabitants of a neighbouring empire, -should be confronted by the establishment of institutions far more -liberal and advanced than anything her own people were allowed to dream -of; and that there should be sitting at Constantinople a Parliament, -the very name of which was a terror and nightmare at St Petersburg, was -without question an intolerable grievance. - -_À propos_ of this, the famous despatch of Count Pozzo di Borgo, of -November 1828, to M. de Nesselrode, may be read with profit: - - - “When the Imperial Cabinet examines the question as to whether the - moment had arrived to take up arms against the Porte, some doubts - as to the urgency of this measure might exist in the minds of those - who had not sufficiently meditated on the effects of the sanguinary - reforms that the Ottoman Chief had just executed with terrible - energy. But now the experience that we have just had ought to unite - everybody in favour of the line then adopted. The Emperor has put - the Turkish system to the proof, and His Majesty has found in it a - commencement of material and moral organisation which hitherto it has - never possessed. If the Sultan has been enabled to oppose to us a - more lively and sustained resistance whilst he had scarcely collected - the elements of his new plans of reform and improvement, how much - more formidable should we have found him if he had had time to give - them more consistency and solidity?...” - - -The whole policy of Russia towards Turkey is contained in the above -despatch. The Cabinets of the Powers did not immediately answer Prince -Gortchakoff’s Circular of the 19th January. General Ignatieff took a -circular journey round Europe and felt the pulses of its Governments. -On the 13th March, Count Schouvaloff handed to Lord Derby the draft -Protocol which it was proposed to submit to the signature of the -Great Powers, so as “to terminate the incident.” In this interview, -the Russian Ambassador urged in favour of this course the unfortunate -result that would ensue if shades of difference of opinion were to -manifest themselves in the replies of the various Cabinets to the -Russian Circular, which might be a determining cause to induce Russia -to seek for a solution _either by means of a direct understanding with -the Porte_, or by force of arms. - -Lord Derby does not seem to have requested the Russian Ambassador -to explain the above oracular utterance. There was more in it than -he perhaps imagined. Another remarkable expression fell from Count -Schouvaloff at this interview, and one which shows that he did not -give himself the trouble, in his interview with the English Minister, -to maintain even the appearance of consistency. “_As a period of some -months would not be sufficient to accomplish these reforms_, it would -be preferable,” etc. But this was Mr Disraeli’s and Lord Derby’s -contention, though not sustained, for postponing diplomatic action, and -the Turkish Ministers were never tired of urging it as a good and valid -reason for deferring the Conference altogether. - - -The Protocol that was signed at London on the 31st March 1877 was -certainly, as compared with the Protocol of the Conference, a very -colourless document. After recapitulating certain recent diplomatic -acts and taking cognisance of certain others, in view of certain -indications, “the Powers propose _to watch carefully_ by means of -their Representatives at Constantinople, and their local agents, the -manner in which the promises of the Ottoman Government are carried into -effect.” It concluded by saying: “If their hopes should once more be -disappointed, and if the conditions of the Christian subjects of the -Sultan should not be improved in a manner to prevent the return of -the complications which periodically disturb the peace of the East, -they think it right to declare that such a state of things would be -incompatible with their interests and those of Europe in general. In -such case, they reserve to themselves the right to consider, in common, -the means which they may deem best fitted to secure the well‐being of -the Christian population and the interests of the general peace.” - -This Protocol was accompanied by two remarkable declarations, annexed -to the Minutes of the Meeting at the Foreign Office at which the -Protocol was signed—the one on the part of the Russian Ambassador, the -other on that of the English Minister. - -The latter was to the effect that, in the event of the object for -which the Protocol had been signed, viz., reciprocal disarmament and -peace, not being attained, the Protocol in question should be regarded -as null and void. - -The declaration by the Russian Ambassador was in the following terms:— - - “If peace with Montenegro is concluded, and the Porte accepts the - advice of Europe and shows itself ready to replace its forces on a - peace footing, and seriously to undertake the reforms mentioned in - the Protocol, let it send to St Petersburg a special envoy to treat - of disarmament, to which his Majesty the Emperor would also, on his - part, consent. If massacres similar to those which have occurred - in Bulgaria take place, this would necessarily put a stop to the - measures of demobilization.” - - -The Porte thought fit, perhaps unnecessarily, inasmuch as its adhesion -to the Protocol was not required, to make on the 9th April 1877 a -most elaborate and spirited answer to the position taken up by the -signatories of that document. - -It pointed out that the efforts of the Powers were exclusively directed -to what they considered the well‐being of one portion only of the -Sultan’s subjects, whereas the reforms which the new Constitution -aimed at introducing did not bear a special or exclusive character in -regard to province, race, creed or language. That the small account -which the Powers seemed to have taken both of the great principles of -equality and justice which the Turkish Government sought to introduce -into the internal administration, and of its rights of independence and -sovereignty, was deeply to be regretted. That Turkey as an independent -State could not submit “to be placed under any surveillance, whether -collective or not.” That the Treaty of Paris explicitly declared the -principle of non‐intervention. That Treaty which binds the other high -contracting parties as well as Turkey, cannot be abolished by a -Protocol in which Turkey has taken no part. And as for the last clause, -the Government of the Sultan saw in it “a proceeding of intimidation -calculated to deprive their action of all merit of spontaneity, and a -source of grave complication for the present as well as for the future.” - -With reference to the declaration of the Russian Ambassador annexed to -the Protocol, the Porte very pointedly remarked that “as regards the -disorders which might break out in Turkey and arrest the demobilization -of the Russian army, the Sultan’s Government, while resenting the -offensive terms in which this idea has been expressed, believes that -Europe is convinced that the disorders which have disturbed the -tranquillity of the provinces were due to external agitation; that -the Imperial Government cannot be held responsible for them, and that -consequently the Russian Government will not be justified _in making -the demobilization of its armies depend on such contingencies_.” - -This last paragraph pointed out a serious practical difficulty that -confronted the Ottoman Government with reference to the proposal -for demobilization. Russia was supposed to be able to mobilise her -armies in eight days: at any rate, it was a question of days with her. -Turkey, on account of her geographical position, and the nature of -her organisation, required several months to effect this object. If, -therefore, after making the greatest sacrifices in order to collect her -forces, she were now to dismiss them to their distant homes, and Russia -were allowed, on a pretext indicated by herself, to remobilise her own -army, Turkey would be caught at the greatest possible disadvantage, and -would then be completely at the mercy of her unscrupulous opponent. And -nothing would be easier than for Russia, employing the means at which -she had shown herself an adept, to excite troubles which would give her -the very justification which she sought for a systematic attack on the -now defenceless Ottoman Empire. The Porte had had experience of this -very same line of action and of argument in respect to Servia. On the -2nd November 1876, Sir H. Elliot writes to Lord Derby that “General -Ignatieff told me this morning that he has been directed by his -Government to inform the Porte that they would consider any excesses -committed by the Turkish troops as a violation of the armistice; -and one of the secretaries of the Russian Embassy was desired this -afternoon to tell me, further, that the General had orders at once to -leave Constantinople upon any violation of it occurring,” and he adds, -“a ready pretext for a rupture appears thus to be prepared.”[19] - -On the 19th April 1877, Prince Gortchakoff issued another Circular -announcing a declaration of war against the Ottoman Empire, and -concluding with the following most remarkable sentence: “In assuming -this task, our august Master fulfils a duty imposed upon him by the -interests of Russia, whose _peaceful development is hindered by the -permanent disturbances of the East_.” - -Commentary would spoil this choice bit. The lamb was troubling the -stream. - -On the 1st May, Lord Derby made a most caustic and merciless reply to -the Russian Circular. - -After pointing out that the Porte had never wavered “in affirming its -intention of carrying out the reforms already promised,” which was the -avowed object of the Powers, and that by patience and moderation on -both sides these objects might still have been attained, and that it -was the presence of large Russian forces on the frontiers of Turkey, -“menacing its safety, rendering disarmament impossible, and exciting a -feeling of apprehension and fanaticism among the Mussulman population,” -that constituted a material obstacle to internal pacification and -reform. It went on to say, that the course on which the Russian -Government had entered involved graver and more serious considerations. -It was in contravention of the stipulation of the Treaty of Paris -of 30th March, 1856, by which Russia and the other signatory Powers -engaged, each on its own part, to respect the independence and the -territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire, and further, that they -had, as late as 1871, signed a declaration at the Conference of London, -affirming it to be “an essential principle of the law of nations -that no Power can liberate itself from the engagements of a Treaty, -nor modify the stipulations thereof, unless with the consent of the -Contracting Parties by means of an amicable arrangement.” It concluded -by saying, in reference to the pretension that Russia was acting in the -interest of Great Britain and of the other Powers, that it felt bound -to state in a manner equally formal and public that the decision of the -Russian Government was not one that could have their concurrence or -approval. - -Nothing could be more logical or reasonable, but it was not logic or -reason that could keep the Russian armies on their side of the Pruth. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -MIDHAT PASHA IN EUROPE - - -The exile of Midhat Pasha to Europe, after his sensational downfall -from power on 5th February 1877, caused very much excitement in Europe. -The Emperor of Austria is reported to have exclaimed, “Good Heavens! -these Turks are incorrigible!”; while M. Thiers said, “Turkey’s most -inveterate enemy could hardly have devised such a diabolical piece of -advice to give to the Sultan.” The Cabinets lost all hope of seeing -reforms introduced into Turkey. The English, as well as the greater -part of the European Press, showed their sympathy towards the ex‐Grand -Vizier and their discontent with the Sultan. Amongst the Russian -newspapers the _Golos_ of St Petersburg, 9th February 1877, whilst -clearly showing the interest that Russia had in the disgrace of Midhat -Pasha, yet expressed its opinions in the following manner:— - - - “The end of the Turkish Empire in Europe has come. All that is now - wanted is patience, and waiting is not difficult, since war is - impossible with a State which will perish more quickly by the effect - of its internal crisis than through a foreign army. Russia will - have time enough to save the Christians from the misfortune that - might befall them through the fall of Turkey. It is now more to the - advantage of Russia, as well as of the Christians, to wait and see - how the course of Turkish decay will shape itself than to prolong the - process of dissolution by interference.”[20] - - -The exile of Midhat, and the consequent change in the Ministry, also -caused the very greatest commotion throughout the greater part of the -Turkish population.[21] But the Sultan had taken every precaution -against the possibility of any insurrection on the part of the people -in favour of the exiled Grand Vizier, and he hastened to assemble -Parliament, in order that he might gain the credit of being considered -even more liberal than his Grand Vizier; and to show that the -downfall of Midhat by no means involved the abolition of the recently -promulgated Constitution, he opened Parliament. - -The opening of the new Parliament had been fixed for the 1st March, -but owing to the fact that many of the deputies from the more distant -provinces had not arrived in the capital, the ceremony was adjourned -till the 4th March. On that day Parliament was opened with great -ceremony by the Sultan in the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche. - -On the right of the throne stood the Ministers and high functionaries, -the Chiefs of the Christian communities, and members of the Council of -State; on the left, the Ulema, and Cadi, and Heads of the High Courts -of Justice, with the Generals of Division; behind these the pages of -the Court. Behind the throne were the Foreign Representatives, and -interspersed between the groups on the right and left of the throne -were the Senators and Representatives in the Parliament. The Sultan -entered, dressed in black, and stood by the throne with his hand on his -sword, whilst his First Secretary read the following Opening Speech:— - - -_The Sultan’s Speech._ - - “SENATORS AND DEPUTIES,—GENTLEMEN,—The difficulties and dangers - which our general situation presents cannot be compared to any of - the crises through which the Empire has hitherto passed. I was - obliged, first of all, in order to guard the rights of the Empire, - to augment the effective force of our armies at various points, - and to call under arms 700,000 combatants. Next I considered it a - duty to try, by means of essential reforms, to put an end, with - God’s help, to the disorder of the situation, and thus to insure - our future in a permanent fashion. It is evident that, thanks to - the resources with which Providence has endowed our country, and - the aptitudes of our subjects, a good administration would enable - us in a short time to make considerable progress. If we have not - reached the level of progress of other parts of the civilised - world, the cause of this must be traced to the instability of the - institutions necessary to the State, and of the laws and regulations - issuing therefrom. This instability proceeded from everything, - being in the hands of an absolute Government, which disregarded the - salutary principle of common deliberation. The progress effected - by civilised States, the security and wealth they enjoy, are the - fruit of the participation of all in the enactment of laws and in - the administration of public affairs. This is why we thought it - necessary to seek in that course the means of arriving at progress, - and of enacting and enforcing laws adopted by the common consent of - the population. For this purpose I have granted and promulgated the - Constitution. By the promulgation of the Constitution, I have not - simply designed to invite the population to share in the direction - of public affairs; I have had the firm resolution of employing the - deliberative system as an effective means for the amelioration - of the administrative system of the country, to preserve it from - maladministration and absolutism. Irrespective of these fundamental - advantages, the Constitution guarantees the unity of the governed, - and confirms the principle of the welfare and fraternal solidarity - of the population; for our illustrious ancestors, having, by God’s - grace, extended their possessions and aggrandised the Empire, have - combined under their rule a large number of peoples. These peoples - being of various nationalities and religions, it was desirable that - a uniform law should unite and protect them all. I give thanks to - Divine Providence for this legitimate aspiration being at length - realised. Henceforth all my subjects will be considered children of - the same country, and will be placed under the protection of one law. - They will be designated by the name borne by the illustrious race - of the Founders of the Empire—a name associated with the glorious - annals of a history of 600 years. I have a firm conviction that from - this moment all my subjects will unite their efforts to make the - name Osmanli retain the force and power hitherto surrounding it. - I am therefore resolved, in view of this ideal and these reasons, - not to deviate from the course which I have just adopted, and ever - to adhere closely to it. I expect from you a real and intelligent - co‐operation, in order to derive legitimate benefit from the - Constitution, which is based on justice and the public security. I - have deemed it necessary to insure to all the advantages of liberty - and equality, to abolish the system of arbitrariness, to enact - and execute laws adopted in common accord with the population, - and, lastly, to found our administrative system on constitutional - and liberal principles. It is in order to realise this sincere - desire that I have created and convoked your body, composed of the - Senate and Chamber of Deputies. It now devolves on you faithfully - and honestly to fulfil the legislative duties intrusted to your - patriotism. In this task you should not be influenced by any personal - considerations, but have in view only the faithful maintenance of - the safety and welfare of the State and country. The improvements - which we now need, and the reforms in all the public services, are - of the highest importance. The gradual application of these measures - depends on the accord which shall prevail among you. The Council of - State is engaged in framing Bills which will be submitted to you. In - the present Session you will have before you Bills on the Standing - Orders of the Chamber, the Electoral Law, the General Law respecting - the Vilayets and the Government of the Communes, the Municipal Law, - the Civil Code of Procedure; the laws relative to the re‐organisation - of the Tribunal and the mode of promoting and superannuating Judges, - the Law concerning the functions and retiring pensions of all public - functionaries in general, the Law of the Press, that respecting the - Court of Accounts, and, lastly, the Budget Law. I desire that these - different Bills be successively studied and discussed. You will have - especially to occupy yourselves with the re‐organisation of the - Tribunals, the only safeguard for the rights of everyone, and with - the formation of the _gendarmerie_. In order to attain this end, it - will be necessary to augment the amount of special grants for these - two branches of the Service. As you will see from the Budget which - will be submitted to the Chamber, our finances are in an extremely - difficult situation. I recommend you, above all, to adopt common - measures adapted to meet the difficulties of the situation and to - restore our credit. You will have moreover, to take measures to - insure the supply of funds required for urgent reforms. One of the - greatest wants of our Empire and of our subjects is the development - of agriculture and industry, and the progress of civilisation and - of public wealth. This result can only be obtained by means of the - development of public instruction. Measures with the object of - improving educational establishments, and of fixing the programme of - studies, will be submitted to the Chambers in the Session of next - year. The Imperial Government attaches the greatest importance to - the choice and appointment of the functionaries who will be called - upon to apply and execute the above‐mentioned laws and those which - will be ultimately promulgated for the working of the Constitution. - Since my accession to the Throne I have given particular attention - to this question. It is for this reason that I have decided on - instituting, at my own expense, a special school for the education - of administrative officials. As stated by the published organic - regulations of that school, they will be admitted to the highest - administrative and political posts. The pupils will be selected - without distinction of religion, from all classes of my subjects. - Their promotion will be according to the degree of their capacity. - For nearly two years we have had to face internal complications. - During this period, especially during the hostilities with Servia and - Montenegro, our faithful subjects have given proofs of patriotism, - and our troops have done, at the price of great suffering, acts of - courage and bravery which I profoundly appreciate. In all questions - we have only had the defence of our rights in view. The efforts we - have made for this purpose have had the result of restoring peace - with Servia. As to the decision we shall take in the negotiations - with Montenegro, it will be referred to your deliberations at their - first sitting. I advise you to be prompt in deciding. Our relations - with friendly Powers are still marked by that courtesy and deference - which are among the most precious rules for our State. Several months - ago the Government of England proposed the meeting of a Conference in - our capital for the consideration of the present questions. The bases - proposed being also supported by the other Great Powers, our Sublime - Porte consented to the meeting of the Conference. Though a definite - understanding was not obtained in that Conference, we have given - proofs of our sincere desire to defer to the wishes and counsels - of friendly Powers. As to the causes of the non‐agreement of the - Conference, these lay rather in the form and the mode of execution - than in the substance. I thoroughly appreciate the imperative - necessity of continuing the efforts for progress, by which so much - has already been achieved, from the origin of the _Tanzimat_ till - this time, in all branches of the administration, and in the general - condition of my Empire. All our efforts still tend towards that - object. But on this occasion I considered it my duty to preserve the - country from all attacks on its honour and independence. Time will - prove the sincerity of our intentions. Our desire being in all cases - to maintain our rights and independence, we adopt also for the future - the same line of conduct. I rejoice to think that the proofs of - moderation and sincerity furnished by our State, before and after the - Conference, will have served to strengthen the bonds of friendship - and sympathy which unite my Empire to the Concert of European Powers. - May the Almighty deign to grant success to our common efforts!” - - -Thus, against his will, the Sultan had been obliged to keep his word -and to open the Chamber of Deputies, but he now left no means untried -in order to deprive the people of the privilege which he had just -granted them. It so happened that events occurred which furnished -him with certain opportunities, of which he took advantage with the -greatest astuteness, and which were very much to the detriment of the -nation. - -The refusal of the Porte and of the Grand Council to accept the -propositions formulated at the Conference had placed Turkey in an -exceedingly critical position, although the whole civilised world, with -the exception of Russia and the Sultan Abdul Hamid, were convinced that -this refusal was of no great importance, since the solemnly proclaimed -Constitution had assured the Empire that the necessary reforms should -be made, and that the maladministration should be brought to an end. -Nevertheless, the fall of Midhat, of the very man to whom the empire -owed this Constitution, gave rise to doubt as to the execution of -the promised reforms. On 19th April, Prince Gortchakoff sent out his -Circular to the Powers, and on the 24th of April hostilities were begun -by Russia. - -Public opinion in Turkey was thus entirely engrossed by the danger -with which the empire was threatened from outside, and was no longer -able to concentrate itself on the changes that were taking place in -the internal government. All minds were excited at the near approach -of Russia, and were unable to occupy themselves in the maintenance of -those rights which had been conferred by the new charter. The Sultan -was thus able to attain his object, and finding no longer any obstacle -to his will, he closed the Parliament and exiled the few deputies who -dared to raise their voice in protest. - -The war declared by Russia was the necessary result of the policy -which Abdul Hamid had proposed to follow. Having exiled Midhat Pasha, -and closed Parliament without having executed a single reform, he was -equally obliged to crush every liberal tendency in order that he might -monopolise the supreme power, and spared no effort to rid himself of -every force that was capable of thwarting his designs. He now began -to get secret information as to the opinions of all the principal -Ministers and Generals, and took care at once to deprive of all power -those whom he feared might be dangerous to him. The contradictory -instructions that he gave to the Generals, the absurd military orders -that he issued from his Palace of Yildiz, were transmitted after -reports which attributed revolutionary designs to certain of his -Generals—designs which they were far from cherishing—had reached him. - -It was in consequence of these suspicions on the part of the Sultan -that the Commander‐in‐Chief Abdul Kerim and the Marshal Suleiman Pasha -were brought before a Council of War and condemned, _not_ on account of -faults committed, but simply because one of these two chief officers -had participated in the deposition of the Sultan Abdul Aziz, and the -other was known to have liberal opinions. - -The Sultan’s efforts were crowned by the Treaty of San Stefano. The -Circular of Prince Gortchakoff, which had appeared in the Official -Journal of St Petersburg on the 9th April 1877, showed that what Russia -had wished to obtain from Turkey by the Conference of Constantinople, -differed but very little from the conditions which she imposed on the -Porte in the Treaty of San Stefano, a fact to which Lord Salisbury -rendered due justice in his despatch of 1st April. - -Although the Cabinet of Great Britain had firmly stated its intentions -of not entering into the quarrel, the general interests of Europe -and the special interests of England were so deeply involved in the -dispute, that it was impossible for that Power not to be obliged -sooner or later to take some share in the proceedings. The intervention -of England, although unhappily it came rather late in the day, led to -the Congress of Berlin, which blotted out the Treaty of San Stefano. - -As Midhat Pasha, however, played no part in the Russo‐Turkish War, nor -in the events that followed, we will pass over them, and relate the -vicissitudes of his journey in Europe, including the interviews which -he had with the heads of States and celebrated politicians. - -Midhat arrived at Brindisi, 11th February, 1877, and after a few days’ -rest left for Naples, where he had at first wished to live, withdrawn -from the world and its capitals. The following statement, which we -reprint from the _Neue Freie Presse_ of Vienna, was made by him on the -future of the Constitution:— - - - “It is not despotism which, by my banishment, has reacted against the - constitutional _régime_. That is not at all the case. Montesquieu has - taught us that the creation of a constitution is very difficult and - takes much time. A sovereign prince, accustomed to absolute power, - can only be persuaded little by little to abandon his prerogatives, - that being necessary to the constitutional _régime_. It is a - difficult task, frequently interrupted by contrary currents, but for - all that one need never despair of reaching the goal, for with time, - patience and perseverance success is attainable. It is not in the - person of the Sultan, nor yet through his present Ministers, that I - see danger for the Constitution, but rather in the want of character - and of courage so often to be found in those who are the Sovereign’s - Councillors, and who, instead of acting according to their - convictions, seek their own advantage in hiding the truth. I have - never hesitated about giving my opinion to the Sultan, whoever he - might be, whenever it happened to differ from his; I have always done - so with the greatest respect, but also without the least reticence. - Many a misfortune might have been avoided in this world of ours if - there had not been a great lack of men, capable of placing the whole - truth before their Sovereign. - - “The danger to the Constitution lies, not in the lack of goodwill, - but in the ignorance as to how to manage the mechanism. The - Governmental form of despotism reminds me somewhat of a primitive - mill, which may be turned by the force of water, or may equally - be turned by its wheel. Constitutional Government also resembles - a mill—but one that is put in movement by a complicated and - artistically constructed mechanism. A knowledge as to how to work - this machine and to keep it in movement is absolutely necessary. - Thus, we must hope that the men of experience who find themselves at - the head of affairs at Constantinople will not put the machinery of - the new mill in motion, in accordance with the ideas and routine of - the primitive mill. Constitutional Government cannot have the customs - and the men of the Despotic system as its motive power. Reshid Pasha, - our great reformer, was one day reproached for employing young men - who had only just left college; he replied that it was right that it - should be so, as neither one man alone, nor yet ten, could possibly - do everything, and that it was therefore necessary to prepare a fresh - staff of administrators. This has always been my idea, and whenever I - have seen many rivals around me, I have delighted in the thought that - it was to the profit of my country. - - “If a man would render real and genuine services to his Sovereign and - his Nation, he must be _patriotic_, and very much depends upon the - way in which each person interprets this word. As for me, I consider - that man to be a true patriot who, renouncing his own private - interests, devotes himself morally and physically to one supreme - aim—the welfare of his country. One must be willing to renounce - everything—to be ready at a moment’s notice to sacrifice happiness, - family, and life itself for what one realises to be the good of the - Fatherland. - - “I have frequently been in a position in which I might have remained - Minister, or have acquired vast wealth, and so have been able to end - my days in the midst of luxury and covered with honours. But such is - not my idea of patriotism. - - “The esteem, love and sympathy of my nation have been always valued - by me far above all other favours and all the splendours of this - world. I could not remain a Minister when my Sovereign refused to - allow me to act as I thought necessary for the honour and welfare of - my country, and I prefer poverty and exile to the swords of honour, - the diamonds and highest favours; and to be held in esteem by my - compatriots is to me the proudest and keenest satisfaction.” - - -Events in the East having now begun to assume a more and more -threatening aspect, Midhat felt he could not possibly remain in -inactivity at Naples, in the face of all the troubles that assailed his -country. He went to Paris, and thence he crossed to London. He was the -subject of the warmest welcome in each of the two capitals. Although -an exile, he worked his hardest to find some favourable issue, and -to deliver his country from the risk she ran in the Russian War. His -friendly relations with Lord Beaconsfield and with the other English -statesmen did not fail to produce some good effects in helping to save -his country from an unjust war. When he had seen that the English -Government were disposed to offer their good office for the promotion -of an honourable peace, he left London for Vienna, where he was granted -an audience by the Emperor Francis Joseph. On receiving news of the -resistance offered by the Turkish army to the Russians, he addressed -the following telegram to the Sultan Abdul Hamid:— - - -_To H.M. First Secretary, Saïd Pasha._ - - “During my stay in London, I have tried to employ all my feeble - efforts in favour of the Empire’s cause, and to obtain an honourable - peace. I flatter myself that I have achieved some results. Now that - I am at Vienna I am desirous of acting in the same way, subject of - course to the approval of His Imperial Majesty, but it naturally goes - without saying that in order that my efforts may be crowned with any - measure of success, I must be to some extent acquainted with His - Majesty’s plans, so that guided by the intentions of the Government, - I may, to the best of my ability, render those services which are - necessary in the crisis through which we are passing.—I am, etc., - - MIDHAT.” - - (1877.) - - -The Sultan informed him in reply that he would never accept peace, and -he would refuse to listen to any _pourparlers_ on this subject, and -that he did not hesitate to declare that any man who should contemplate -such a step was far from being a true patriot. - -Midhat Pasha, seeing that peace was impossible, returned to London, -where he never wearied of striving by every means in his power to -be of assistance to his country. The Sultan, on his side, was doing -his best to vilify Midhat’s name in his own capital, and it is this -that elicited the following letter from him to the Grand Master of -Ceremonies, Kiamil Bey. - - -_To Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of Ceremonies._ - - “DEAR SIR,—I am thoroughly aware of how anxious you must be to avoid - a correspondence with me in my present disgrace, but I must ask your - indulgence for the few lines that I find myself obliged to address to - you. - - “It has been brought to my knowledge that the publication of a letter - in one of the newspapers of Constantinople has given rise to various - attacks directed against me. I know very well that if an exile, - instead of seeking for indulgence and pity, dares to make use of - the language of criticism as to the acts of the Government, in such - a way as to provoke the enmity of certain personages, he will not - even be able to avoid hurting his friends. But as these observations - only relate to the defence of my own personality, it would be better - to pass them over in silence, for there is no greater crime than - to be occupied with one’s own individuality whilst the State is in - the midst of such serious dangers. I believe that no one who has - studied my letter can deny that it only contains the absolute truth. - If there is a certain crudeness to be found therein, it comes from - the truth of the words. If I have been able to remain indifferent to - the attacks of my enemies, who for more than a year have done their - best to injure me in the eyes of His Majesty by inserting articles - and pamphlets against me in the newspapers, it is also in my power - to bear with patience the vexatious attacks against my character. - But no one must be surprised that the right of nationality which I - possess in common with thirty‐six million fellow‐countrymen prevents - me from keeping silence whilst our country is in the midst of such - terrible vicissitudes, and our Ministers are involved in such great - difficulties. Yet time presses, and the perilous situation, which - has been dreaded for more than forty years, draws nearer and nearer. - It is therefore the duty of every child of the country to let his - complaint be heard and to lay his fears before his Sovereign. Those - to whom the door of access to the Sovereign is closed must naturally - employ every possible means by which their words may reach him. It is - high time to realise that to place the truth before a Sovereign is - an act of fidelity, and to hide it is a felony. Recent events have - successively shown us the faults of those who are opposed to the wise - measures which had been recognised by our Sovereign as necessary to - save the Nation and the Government, and, putting aside all personal - enmity, I am tempted to believe that they will profit by the goodwill - of our august Sovereign and devote all their efforts to the good - of the country. I end this letter with a request to you to be - indulgent towards my expressions, which are free from all adulatory - emphasis.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_27 Zilhidje 1294, Hegira._” - (_November 1877._) - - -The Sultan, beginning to fear lest his former Grand Vizier’s sojourn in -Europe should prove a danger to him, decided to recall him. We publish -the following correspondence which passed between the Grand Master of -Ceremonies and Midhat Pasha on this subject, and which resulted in the -return of the latter to Turkey and his tragic death. Midhat committed a -great error in accepting the reversal of his exile, an error which has -cost the Party of Reform at the very least twenty years of progress. - - -_Letter from Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of Ceremonies, to Midhat Pasha, -in exile._ - - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—His Majesty having questioned me some time ago on - Your Highness’ situation, I replied that you were wandering, sad and - dispirited. As to your means of subsistence, I stated that you were - living on what you borrowed. His Majesty, on whom these facts made - the deepest impression, and who was much touched, shed tears and - wished to send Your Highness at once the sum of £T1000, to provide - for your absolute necessities. But I took the liberty of saying - that it was first of all necessary to ask how the money should be - sent, and also if you would wish to appoint someone to draw it—and - then to act accordingly. What I have just related to you is only - known to His Majesty, Your Highness, and to me, and must be kept - secret. His Majesty even went so far as to say—‘The poor man was - deceived.’ As to Your Highness’ present situation, it may come to a - happy termination through a correspondence with your humble servant, - according to the Imperial desire. I shall await with impatience the - immediate reply of Your Highness to this letter, as well as a letter - of thanks for the favour which Your Highness has received from His - Majesty. - - “I am, etc., - - “KIAMIL. - - “_13th‐25th November 1293_ (1877.) - - “_P.S._—His Majesty repeatedly enjoined that all that I have just - told you should be kept secret.” - - -_Letter from Midhat Pasha in reply to Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of -Ceremonies._ - - - “MY VERY DEAR SIR,—I have received your letter of November 13th. I - was at first surprised and astonished to find that a friend, who ever - since my departure from Constantinople had taken care not to send me - even a simple greeting, should now have the courage to write me a - letter with his own hand; but after having read it I understood the - motive. Thank you for having wished to attract the Imperial kindness - towards me, and for having replied—‘He wanders, sad and dispirited’ - to the question that His Majesty kindly put to you. But at the same - time I must point out to you that these words are used for the - unhappy and the bewildered. If His Majesty has sent me away from - Constantinople and exiled me to Europe, it was in order to put an - end to the calumnies which were spread against me in Constantinople, - where my presence caused a certain amount of anxiety. As it is - neither in keeping with the dignity of the State nor yet with the - Imperial will that a man who has occupied the highest rank in the - Government, and who has so frequently received the public proofs of - the Imperial favour, should be treated as one who wanders bewildered - through foreign countries, I think you would have been nearer the - truth and also have better pleased His Majesty had you said, ‘Midhat - Pasha has retired to Naples, where he is praying for the happiness of - the Sultan.’ - - “As to the rest of your letter, I must beg you to excuse me before I - begin to comment on it. You know that I am the son of Hadji Echref - Effendi, and that I have no other protector than God. I have worked - very hard to acquire knowledge and virtue, but I have not succeeded. - I own that my capacities and accomplishments are inferior to those - of my colleagues. Now, if under these circumstances I have still - been able to reach a rank so much above my merits, it can only be - thanks to my plain dealing; and all the difficulties that I have - met with during my life, are entirely due to my having spoken the - truth.... What has happened, and to what is it due that I have been - deceived? It was necessary that there should be a Sovereign at the - head of the State after the Sultan Abdul Aziz, and, in accordance - with the law, he was succeeded by the Sultan Murad. He became - ill—was deposed—and, still in accordance with the law, the Sultan - Abdul Hamid ascended the throne. It has been recognised that he - manifested a sincere desire and also the necessary capacity to lead - the State into the paths of progress; he showed much esteem for - everyone, and his esteem and benevolence for me were prodigious. In - the report which the late Mustapha Fazil Pasha laid before the Sultan - Abdul Aziz, it is stated that the truth is always the last to gain - admittance into the palace of Sovereigns, and indeed this is the - case. But the more dangerous the word of truth, the more profitable - is the result when it is spoken to the Sovereign in the hope of - serving the State. This is the reason why, subordinating my private - opinions to the public interests, I have never failed to speak the - truth, and have never hesitated to point out clearly which was the - way of salvation, and which path would lead to the destruction of our - country. Men of evil intention have, I know, made use of this as a - weapon against me, but all the events of to‐day are proving one by - one how just were my words. Unhappily, there are certain personages - who, instead of trying by every means to save their country in - the present dangerous situation, think only of their own private - interest, and desiring to preserve their prestige, have committed - serious faults, which are incompatible with humane feeling and quite - impossible to correct. And by these acts not only have they created - a bad name for themselves, but they have been the principal cause - of the destruction of the empire. I can, however, only be grateful - to His Majesty, and ever since my departure from Constantinople, - wherever I have been, I have never ceased to repeat with fervour - how good are His Majesty’s intentions. Those who know the constancy - of my words and deeds will realise that there is no other course - possible to me. My most ardent desire at present is to see my country - delivered from the horrors of war—my own personal consideration can - only hold a secondary place in my thoughts.—I am, dear Sir, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_28th November 1293, O.S._” - (_10th December 1877._) - - -_Letter from Kiamil Bey, in reply to Midhat Pasha._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—I hope that Your Highness has perfectly recognised - from the tone of my letter from what source it came. I was expecting - to hear some expressions of gratitude from Your Highness, but - your reply has in no way fulfilled this expectation, and you have - ruthlessly exposed the real state of affairs without giving the least - consideration to the shades of meaning in my expressions. This has - been a great grief to me, and has diminished the hope I had of seeing - you aiding the course of progress. In certain circles it is suggested - that Your Highness may be waiting for a change in the Khalifat. I - have been in Egypt for some months for change of air, and if you - should wish to answer me, I would beg you to address your letters to - me in Egypt.—I am, etc., - - “KIAMIL. - - “_24th December 1293, O.S._” - (_6th January 1878_). - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE RETURN OF MIDHAT PASHA TO TURKEY - - -After having received the most sympathetic welcome in Europe, and -above all, in London, during a period of seventeen months, Midhat -Pasha yielded to the Sultan Abdul Hamid’s invitation and returned to -Turkey, thereby disregarding the wise advice given him by his friends -both at home and abroad, but declaring that he would sooner die in his -own country than in a foreign land. He refused to accept any office, -and only desired to be allowed to live quietly with his family, far -from all politics and public affairs. He fixed upon Crete as his place -of residence. During his exile in Europe he had seen the Sultan Abdul -Hamid enter into the paths of despotism—giving power to those men -who had done nothing in the past, and banishing from the capital all -those who were his partisans and who had striven to establish a rule -of justice and of progress. He had seen his country menaced by every -danger, and had observed the manœuvres of those ambitious statesmen -who only sought for their own personal interests in the Sultan’s -despotism and in their country’s decadence. He had seen the destruction -of all he had worked for, had seen the Constitution he had done so much -to establish deprived of every authority, and become only a name in the -official records. - -The position that Midhat occupied after his return to Turkey, may be -considered as an exile imposed upon him by the Sultan. Abdul Hamid -was anxious to keep him in Turkey, but at the same time did not dare -to keep him there in inactivity, fearing lest the leader of the -Liberal Party should once more begin to occupy himself in obtaining -the necessary measures for opening the Chamber of Deputies. He was -well aware that Midhat, as the Governor of a province, would devote -himself entirely to its re‐organisation, and would therefore have no -time in which to concern himself with central administration. Thus, -in accepting the Governor‐Generalship of Syria and of Smyrna, it will -be seen that Midhat played no political _rôle_. Forced as he had -been to accept these posts, he occupied himself completely in their -administration and in the good management of their current affairs, -thoroughly realising his position as an exile. - -Before returning to Turkey, Midhat Pasha went to the Island of Crete, -as his future residence. The Sultan granted his request, and sent a -cruiser of the Turkish Fleet to Syria, which landed him at Candia on -11th September 1878; the Imperial yacht _Fuad_ was also commanded to -transport his family to the island. - -The Cretan population, Mussulmans and Christians alike, gave him the -warmest and most cordial of welcomes; the foreign fleets which were in -the bay fired salutes when he disembarked. - -This enthusiastic reception, this spontaneous manifestation on the -part of the foreign fleets, made the very worst of impressions on -Abdul Hamid, whose fears were, moreover, increased by the continual -intrigues of Midhat’s enemies. At one time there was some question at -Constantinople of nominating Midhat Pasha as Governor‐General of the -Island of Crete. One of his friends (an English subject, whose name -we may not divulge) sent him the following letter, written at the -invitation of the British Ambassador, Sir Henry Layard:— - - - “CONSTANTINOPLE, _3rd October 1878_. - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—I have had an interview with our Ambassador this - morning. His Excellency assures me that for the last four months he - has tried by every means in his power to act on the Sultan’s mind, - in order to persuade His Majesty to believe in your fidelity and - devotion to his throne. Sir Henry Layard has assured me that he has - incontestable proofs, that whilst Your Highness was in power, a - certain individual, who dined every evening at your table, was in the - pay of General Ignatieff, and repeated to the General every day all - that you had said the night before. His Excellency has asked me to - tell you that His Majesty is always surrounded by Russian emissaries, - who do all in their power to influence him against you, and therefore - he is obliged to use the greatest prudence in speaking to His Majesty - of Your Highness. The Ambassador expressed to me his very great - regret that you had refused to accept the thousand pounds that the - Sultan had offered you. He also wished me to tell you, _in strictest - confidence_, that there had been some question of nominating you - Governor‐General of Crete, and that he prevented this nomination, - being convinced that you would do no good in the Island, and that - the insurrection instead of diminishing will only increase later on. - Besides this, he told me that his desire is that Your Highness should - occupy a higher post, where you would render very great services - to the Government. He said that he was very anxious to meet you - somewhere and to speak with you, but that at the present moment he - sees no possibility of such an interview; in the meanwhile, if Your - Highness would put yourself into correspondence with him, there is - nothing that would give him greater pleasure than to receive news of - you. - - “Such, Your Highness, is the _résumé_ of our conversation. I left - with the conviction that the Ambassador sees the immense difficulty - of introducing any reforms into the country without Your Highness’ - co‐operation. Your opinion on the policy of England, and on the - manner of introducing reforms into this country, would, I am sure, be - very much appreciated by his Excellency, and therefore, if you see - fit to write to the Embassy, you may count on my honour that no one - in the world will know that you are in correspondence with Sir Henry - Layard.—I am, etc.” - - -No event worthy of record took place during the short time that Midhat -passed in the island of Crete. As he had wished, he lived peacefully -in the midst of his family, not occupying himself directly with the -affairs of State. - -At the end of a month, Midhat Pasha received a telegram from the -Palace, which nominated him Governor‐General of the vilayet of Syria. -He was compelled to accept this new post, and embarked with his family -on board the Imperial yacht _Fevayid_ for Beyrout. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -MIDHAT PASHA, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SYRIA - - -The arrival of Midhat Pasha in Syria was greeted by the population -with as much enthusiasm and sympathy as in Crete. Compelled to -accept this new position, Midhat, without losing hope of obtaining -better results, and without taking into consideration that this -post of Governor‐Generalship was a distinct loss of position after -the high posts which he had occupied, began at once to study the -general situation of the country, and the improvement which it would -be possible to introduce there, as he had already done in the other -vilayets. He introduced the most urgent reforms in the administration, -which he discovered to be in a state of complete anarchy. He founded a -School of Arts and Crafts, and an Orphanage, he increased the public -safety, constructed high‐roads, which diminished the long distances -that separated the capital of the vilayet from the outlying districts, -and contributed to the construction of a line of tramways which -connected the town of Tripoli, in Syria, to the port of Mina. - -However, the population of Syria, composed as it is of people -of diverse races and religions, who are always at enmity with -each other, had preserved their ancient manners and customs. The -overwhelmingly difficult task of creating a complete union between all -these jarring elements, and of strengthening the Ottoman Supremacy -in the country—where the minds of the populace were excited by -foreign influences—consisted at first in the re‐organisation of the -administration, in Judicial and Financial Reforms, and, finally, in -insisting upon the absolute integrity of the officials. - -Meanwhile, the Sultan Abdul Hamid allowed his original bitterness -against Midhat Pasha to increase, and although addressing the most -flattering words to him, he refused to sanction every single scheme of -reform brought forward by him. The more the people showed their very -great sympathy towards the Governor‐General, so much the more furious -was the Sultan at his growing popularity. In order to prevent Midhat -from gaining the friendship of the people by introducing the required -improvements, Abdul Hamid took care to appoint as officials in Syria -those men who would be capable of opposing his projects on every side. -Such was the hostile conduct of the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha, who was -in command of the Fifth Army Corps, and also of General Djémil Pasha. - -The absence of harmony which existed between the officials of the -province, and the Sultan’s delay in sanctioning his schemes, finally -obliged Midhat to tender his resignation in the following telegrams, to -which the Sultan replied in the most hypocritical language. - - -_To Ali Fuad Bey, H.M. First Secretary._ - - - “Worn out, physically and mentally, by a service to the State which - extends over nearly forty years, and taking into consideration my - old age, which renders me incapable of serving any longer, I beg - His Majesty, as a favour, graciously to accept my resignation of - the Governorship of Syria, and to allow me to return, as soon as - possible, to my house at Constantinople, or to Metelin, or else to - some habitable district of the Syrian coast, where I may settle down - with my family and spend my remaining years.—I am, etc., - - “(Signed) MIDHAT. - - “_7th October 1295, O.S._” - (_19th October 1879._) - - -_To the Grand Vizier, Saïd Pasha._[22] - - - “Having reached a condition, when mentally and physically I can - render no further services to the State, I had some weeks ago - prepared my resignation and was going to send it in, for urgent - reasons, when your nomination to the Grand‐Vizierat retarded my - action. But the appointment of Mahmoud Nedim Pasha[23] to the - Ministry of the Interior has decided me to present it at the Palace. - I inform you of this in advance, so that my resignation, following - on your appointment as Prime Minister, may not be misinterpreted. I - beg you will support my petition, and be my intermediary in helping - me to get permission to end my days in some suitable place, with my - family.—I am, etc., - - “(Signed) MIDHAT.” - - -_Reply from H.M. First Secretary._ - - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—His Majesty has taken note of Your Highness’ - resignation of the Governorship of Syria. - - “The success which has attended Your Highness in the vilayet of Syria - has been reported to His Majesty by Sir Henry Layard, who has just - returned from his travels in Syria. His Majesty was on the point of - sending you his congratulations, and of asking you what measures - should be taken for the application of those reforms in which you - encounter some obstacles. The arrival of your resignation has caused - regret to His Majesty. You declare that the principal reason of - your resignation is your advanced age, but as Your Highness is well - aware, the longer an official has served, so much the greater will - be his experience and his competency. Now, just at the moment when - the State is on the point of reaping the fruits of Your Highness’ - long experience and high efficiency, your decision to withdraw from - public affairs cannot agree with the sentiments of your well‐known - patriotism, and His Majesty would not, at present, be able to - reconcile himself to placing on the unattached list, a servant as - capable and experienced as Your Highness. Consequently, the reasons - of your resignation are not admissible. His Majesty orders me to beg - that you will address yourself directly to the Palace, if you have - complaints to formulate.—I am, etc., - - - “(Signed) ALI FUAD. - - “_10th October 1295, O.S._” - (_22nd October, 1879._) - - -_Reply._ - -_To Ali Fuad Bey, H.M. First Secretary._ - - “EXCELLENCY,—I have received the cipher telegram of the 10th - October, 1295, and I humbly thank His Majesty for the questions - which he has deigned to address to me; my request is occasioned by - the weakness of my body and by the responsibility imposed upon me - by the state of the vilayet. All the services of the vilayet are in - disorder; the localities, as well as the population on the coast, are - almost entirely under foreign influences, and the interior of the - country, ever since the war, has been undermined by insurrections, - which paralyse all the efforts of the State to bear on the abolition - of the dissensions and revolts, in order to secure to the population - a measure of repose and justice under the ægis of the State, by - taking into consideration the exigencies of the localities and the - requirements of the inhabitants. While this state of affairs exists, - the enforced application in this vilayet of such reforms as those - imposed in the vilayets of Konia and of Angora has only succeeded - in alienating still further the population from the Government, and - caused it to sympathise still more strongly with the foreigners. - Moreover, even the power to assure the security of the Province is - in the hands of the Military Administration, yet the responsibility - thereof has been assumed by the Vali, which is not in the least in - agreement with any known rule, and the disputes which may arise - from this system can only add to the other mismanagements, and as - the vilayet cannot go on for more than six months or a year in this - manner, I find myself obliged to resign my functions. I am proud of - sacrificing my life for His Majesty, in any service or in any country - whatsoever. There exists only one means to effect the improvement of - the state of the Province, and that is the appointment of a capable - and honest Vali, to whom would be accorded full power to apply all - the administrative and financial reforms, as well as the works of - public utility according to the exigencies of the locality and of the - populace, and according to what was done in the vilayet of Bagdad, - the military force must be placed in the hands of the Vali in order - to concentrate all the converging powers to this sole aim. I only - venture to make these proposals on the strength of the invitation - given me by the Imperial command.—I am, etc., - - “(Signed) MIDHAT. - - “_11th October 1295, O.S._” - (_23rd October 1879._) - - -_Telegram in reply, from H.M. First Secretary._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—Your reply telegram, which has only just arrived, - has been submitted to His Majesty, who was much gratified to hear - that you declare yourself proud to be able to sacrifice your life - in His Majesty’s service. I have been ordered to communicate the - imperial compliments to you, and to inform you that in two or three - days someone from the Palace will start for Syria, charged to furnish - you with the instructions and Irades relating to the contents of Your - Highness’ telegram.—I am, etc., - - - “(Signed) ALI FUAD. - - “_12th October 1295, O.S._” - (_24th October 1879._) - - -Thus it is seen that Abdul Hamid refused to accept the resignation of -Midhat Pasha, but Midhat gave him the choice between his resignation -and the desired reforms, and sent the Grand Vizier long schemes for the -general re‐organisation of the province. - - -_To the Grand Vizier, Saïd Pasha._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—Exhausted after a continuous service of the State - of nearly forty years, and further weakened by my age which is - nearly sixty, my sole desire, prior to my return from Europe, was - to withdraw myself from all public affairs. The permission, which - I obtained from His Majesty, to live in the island of Crete with - my family, was the favour which I most desired. But His Majesty, - recollecting my former services and deigning to believe that I should - be able once more to devote myself to the work, was graciously - pleased to appoint me to the Governorship of Syria. Although worn out - both mentally and physically, I could but bow in gratitude before the - imperial will, and trusting in Divine support I took up my duties. - - “Thirty years ago I had already filled the office of Secretary in - this vilayet, and twenty‐seven years ago I had been there on a - temporary mission. Thus I had a certain knowledge of the manners - of the inhabitants. Judge therefore what was my surprise, on my - return there, to discover a complete change in the Administrative - and Political Government of this province. As France was protecting - the Lebanese, England found herself obliged to protect the Druses; - the Americans were founding schools etc., in the Djebel Noussairi, - in order to create there a sphere of influence for themselves. - Whilst the Germans, under the name of _Colonies_, were peopling - Palestine with German emigrants, the Spaniards, who cherished - analogous schemes, had constructed a school and a church at Jaffa, - in order that they might have their share. All these influences - produced the very worst effect on the country, for one party of the - Christians cherish a dream of union with Lebanon, whilst another - party are seeking foreign protection, and meanwhile the Mussulmans - can only marvel at the disorder. Now, although it is incumbent upon - the State to reassure public opinion and to put an end to all these - exterior influences, yet, on account of the exigencies of the war, - the only orders sent from the Central Authority consist of demands - for money, and for men for the Army. This state of things has opened - the door to every abuse under the sun, and both law and order have - been completely neglected. The officials of every rank, with some - few exceptions, only seek their own personal interests, and the - result of this, on the manners of the inhabitants, is so disastrous, - that murders and robbery are the order of the day, and there is no - security to property. To go no further than Tripoli, in Syria, during - the last four years I myself have seen no fewer than ninety cases - of murder, theft and pillage in the districts of Akiar and Safna - alone; and not one single case has ever been brought to judgment. - The thieves and brigands remain unpunished or are released, whilst - innocent people are detained, without being previously tried, and - are subjected to penalties varying from eight to ten years. I have - myself, this time, liberated several prisoners of this category, - and I abstain from mentioning the administration of the districts - dependent on the Kaimakam of Dehle. - - “As to the financial state of the province, it is most deplorable, - and, as I have already had the honour of showing you, in a previous - letter, the public revenues are reduced to one half; the country has - been ruined by the tithes, and the depredations of the Army have - desolated that which remained. The disastrous effect of the paper - money having been to reduce the revenues by one half, one is appalled - at the acknowledged deficit. This enumeration is a faithful _résumé_ - of the state of the vilayet, a state of which foreigners are the - first to complain, whilst at the same time, they are just those who - have the greatest political profits to gain from the continuance - of these disorders. It is quite certain, that if this condition of - affairs is not brought to an end, the Great Powers will place the - administration of the vilayet of Anatolia in the hands of foreign - officials, under the pretext of the introduction of reforms. And, - as the schemes of foreigners for Syria are well‐known, to accept - their conditions, based upon the maladministration denounced by the - European newspapers, would only increase public opinion in their - favour, and cause their pretensions to be sustained by the Cabinets - of Europe. - - “Ever since my arrival, I have done all in my power to bring some - order into the affairs of the vilayet and to avoid the dangers I - have detailed above. With your support, the question of the central - district might be arranged, but the improvement of the province - is not even then accomplished. There still remains the great - difficulty of establishing the financial condition of the vilayet on - an equitable base, of improving the Tribunals, and, above all, of - putting an end to the extortions of the officials, who, in addition - to the loss they occasion to the Treasury, do still more to discredit - the Government in the eyes of both the natives and of the foreigners. - In a word, it would be necessary, at all costs, to reassure public - opinion by the application of existing laws. - - “The actual state of things having reached this point, the laws, - which are at present being deliberated upon in the Council of - Ministers, should be elaborated and applied in all the provinces of - the Empire, taking into consideration the manners and customs of each - province. - - “It would be a complete mistake to believe that this state of things - can continue, and it is quite insupportable to me to know the remedy - for the evil and yet not to be able to apply it, and above all to - acquiesce wittingly in the harm caused by the present administration. - - “I feel myself obliged once more to submit the above observations to - Your Highness.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_17th March 1295, O.S._” - (_29th March 1879._) - - -Abdul Hamid, however, although he promised Midhat to apply these -measures of amelioration, which he considered indispensable, refrained -from giving his sanction to them, and the troubles which broke out, in -the middle of all this, between the Druses and the Arabs of Hauran, -obliged Midhat to keep his office in order to prevent the conflict from -taking a turn which might have led to foreign intervention. The causes -of these troubles and the attitude of the Palace and of the Government -are shown in the following correspondence with Midhat Pasha. - - -_Telegram sent to the Grand Vizier, by Midhat Pasha._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—It is necessary to give Your Highness details of - the affair of Hauran, for which you ask in your telegram of the 3rd - October. The Djébéli Druse (Druse Mountain) and the valley of Ledja - are inhabited entirely by the Druses. Since the events in Egypt - these people have completely lost all respect for the Government, - to which they no longer furnish any troops, or taxes, but all the - crimes and misdeeds committed in the neighbourhood arise from their - insubordination and opposition to authority. Last year they captured - the English post, and those people who attacked the caravan at - Iki‐kapoulu this year, and killed two men, are also Druses. Some - of the stolen cattle have been found at Djébéli Druse, but it has - been impossible to punish the authors of the crime. This district - being exempt from all taxation, it has become the haunt of brigands, - and of all those who wish to live as such; those who have committed - a crime, deserters, or good‐for‐nothing Druses from Lebanon, all - have sought refuge here for the last five or six years, until the - mountain is crowded with them. It is they who attacked Hauran, put - the inhabitants to flight, and up to the present moment they have - conquered seventeen villages. They provoke quarrels and massacres - for the most trivial causes, in order that they may be able to lay - hands on other villages in succession. The Arabs of Hauran, having - now adopted the Druse tactics, had entered into alliance, at the - beginning of the present occurrence, with the inhabitants of Adjloun, - of Kounitara, as well as with other Arab tribes, and were prepared - to march against the Druses. The officials who were sent to the - place were able to prevail upon the Hauranians, by their counsels, - to abandon their plans and to obey the orders of the Government, - but they insisted on those Druses who had been guilty of acts of - brigandage being brought to justice and punished. The Druses, - meanwhile, will listen to no representations, and remain with a - force of several thousand armed men, in the face of the Hauranians. - Although we learn that the Commandant of the troops which were sent, - has been in communication with the Druses, in order to bring them - back under control, we are not sufficiently well acquainted with the - result, and for further details you should apply to the Marshal Ahmed - Eyoub Pasha.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_6th October 1295, O.S._” - (_18th October 1879_). - - -_Cipher Telegram from the Grand Vizier to Midhat Pasha._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—The English Ambassador has just been to see us, - on account of the events which are taking place among the Druses, - which he deeply regrets, and he has made the same communications to - the Minister for Foreign Affairs. It is of course a well‐known fact - that England offers a moral protection to the Druses, whilst France - does the same to the Maronites. Whilst the English, on one hand, are - scarcely pleased with the measures which have been adopted against - the Druses, yet on the other side there are the representations made - to Your Highness by the British Consul, to the effect that France - would have to bring a formal complaint if the increasing looting - by the Druses continues, as it is very hard on the Maronites. In - short, although the Druses are behaving abominably, it is not in - keeping with the justice of the State to leave them unpunished, and - yet, although their system of brigandage dates from time immemorial, - an opportune moment in which to teach them a lesson has never been - found. Supposing that the troops sent to safeguard the security of - the Empire were sufficient to end the whole affair, it is certain - that the continuation of the conflict between the Druses and - Hauranians could have no good result to the Empire. Consequently the - best means, in our opinion, by which to put an end to this affair, - consist in postponing the subjection of the Druses until the period - of the complete re‐organisation of the vilayet, and we must resign - ourselves to acting solely as arbitrators between the Druses and - Hauranians, to bring about an amicable arrangement. Your Highness - tells us that the Hauranians would refuse to accept the indemnity - that the Druses offer them. This may at first sight seem a difficulty - in the way of mediation by the Government, yet it is necessary to - induce the Hauranians to accept this indemnity, in order to prevent - the shedding of blood, and to avoid the multiplication of vexatious - incidents which might bring on political complications. - - “If by chance the above arrangement cannot be brought about, Your - Highness is then authorised to suggest to the Hauranians the total - payment of the indemnity demanded by the State, informing the - public that it is among the pacific intentions of the Government to - have recourse to this solution of the matter, in the sole aim of - abolishing the enmity which exists between its two subject races. - - “Necessary instructions as to the departure of the required troops - have been given to the War Office. I think it is my duty to add, that - in case the affair cannot be amicably arranged, it would be well to - have recourse to the influence of the leading men on either side, - this being a method, the efficacy of which has been already proved, - and if it were necessary Your Highness might go in person to the - scene of conflict. - - “In short, we beg that Your Highness will employ every means for - conciliation, and we anxiously await the news of the closure of this - incident, without having to seek the intervention of coercion.—I am, - etc., - - “SÄÏD, - - “_Grand Vizier_.” - - “_13th October 1295, O.S._” - (_25th October 1879_). - - -_Reply from Midhat Pasha to the Telegram from the Grand Vizier._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—In reply to your telegram of 13th October, it has - been shown in my previous communications that the incident of Hauran - was caused by a quarrel between the inhabitants of two villages, on - account of a girl, and this quarrel spread until it attained its - present serious proportions. Since it is quite impossible to remain - a passive spectator in face of a force of between three and four - thousand individuals, all armed and ready to kill each other, we - first of all sent officials, then gendarmes, and finally regular - troops, in order to prevent a collision between the two parties, and - we ended by calling in the Sheiks—proposing that they should come - to some amicable arrangement. The Hauranians thereupon insisted that - those Druses who were guilty of having killed some of their tribe - unjustly should be brought up to justice, or else, since they are the - more numerous, that the State should permit them to march against the - Druses. On the other hand the Druses declare that it is contrary to - their customs to be given up to justice, and fearing lest they may - thereby create a precedent, they refuse to surrender the culprits; - at the same time they have taken up their position in front of the - troops, and cut off the water‐supply that was used by the Army. They - are thus prepared to offer a strong resistance, and at the same time - are pillaging the villages which are inhabited by both Mussulmans and - Christians. Yesterday they devastated four villages, killed two of - the inhabitants, and after having wounded several others, they slew - four more whom they met on the road. We have sent many special envoys - to them, trying to impress upon them the necessity of surrendering - at any rate some of the twenty‐five criminals to the Government, and - they have at last consented to pay an indemnity, which was intended - to go to the families of those men who had been assassinated. The - Hauranians, however, will not hear of any such solution. One thing - is certain: it is quite impossible for us, after what has already - occurred, to leave the Hauranians at the mercy of the Druses, without - running the risk of creating very grave political and administrative - dangers. Consequently, if Your Highness can succeed in finding any - other method than that of the employment of an armed force, we shall - do all in our power to execute it successfully.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_14th October 1295, O.S._” - (_26th October 1876._) - - -_Telegram from the Grand Vizier to Midhat Pasha._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—Since your advice coincides with ours that the - Druse question should be amicably settled, it is necessary to take - immediate steps towards obtaining a good result and preventing any - recurrence of these incidents, and this without having recourse - to military assistance. It would be very helpful to have the - co‐operation of those who by their influence would be able to quiet - down the minds of the people. Your Highness’ presence in these - districts would create a good impression. We therefore beg that Your - Highness will let us hear of your departure and of the means you - intend to adopt. From the telegram from the Marshal to the Minister - of War, it appears that the Druses have fired on the gendarmes whom - General Djémil Pasha had sent to that district in order to try and - re‐establish peace, and that on a Captain being killed, the gendarmes - retaliated, and that a battle took place. As this is not at all - expedient, Your Highness is particularly requested to put an end to - all reprisals. - - “The Minister for War has stated that two battalions of regular - troops, and three battalions of reserve (with munitions of war) are - just starting for Beyrout, on the steamer _Mevridi‐Nousret_.—I am, - etc., - - “SAÏD, - - “_Grand Vizier_.” - - “_16th October 1295, O.S._” - (_28th October 1879._) - - -_Reply to the Grand Vizier from Midhat Pasha._ - - YOUR HIGHNESS,—The troops were not sent to Hauran with the - intention of fighting with the Druses, but, as my last telegram - explained, more than four thousand men, from one part and another, - had armed themselves and were prepared to attack, and as, under these - circumstances, the Government was obliged to interfere, it was simply - to prevent bloodshed and to procure justice for those who had been - injured. Your Highness is not unaware that those officials, who were - punished in 1276 (1860), owed their disgrace to having failed to - execute their duty conscientiously. - - “Although the re‐establishment of order at Djébéli‐Druse might be - obtained as the natural result of our action, yet for the moment, - this would be of only a secondary interest; and since Your Highness - recommends us not to force it to this point, it may be possibly - obtained in the future. - - “It is as Your Highness remarks: the Druses having always lived in a - state of brigandage, have been treated differently from others, and, - until now, I have tried to manage them with due recognition of this - fact. Some of the Druse Chieftains who were at Damascus have been - sent to the disturbed districts on a mission of peace. But they only - joined the others, and have committed criminal acts. Without taking - into consideration the treachery of these men, our one aim has been - always to find some means of ending this conflict without calling in - the aid of the Military, and we were awaiting the reception of the - Druse Chieftains from Mount Lebanon, who, through the negotiations - of Rustem Pasha, had offered themselves as mediators between the - belligerents. But yesterday, at a distance of only three‐quarters of - an hour from the camp of the Imperial Army, the inhabitants of Hauran - began once more to fight with those of Ledja. As soon as this news - reached the camp, a company of gendarmes and two companies of regular - troops were sent to the spot to try and separate them. But the Druses - immediately fired upon the Imperial troops, killing two gendarmes - and wounding an officer. On that, General Djémil Pasha joining them, - with two companies of regular troops, the Druses killed a captain - and fifteen soldiers, and the battle lasted until midnight. From a - telegram that the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha received this morning, - it appears that Djémil Pasha has returned to the camp, with all his - troops. - - “After this incident the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha gave the - necessary orders to concentrate the remaining military troops. Holo - Pasha will be sent, with a member of the Administrative Council of - the vilayet, to try and persuade the belligerents to lay down their - arms. But to bring this business to an end, with moderation, one will - be obliged to drive the Druses from their positions in Hauran. The - arrival of the promised troops is quite indispensable.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_17th October 1295, O.S._” - (_29th October 1879._) - - -_The Grand Vizier to Midhat Pasha._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—The report of the Minister for War, and the - telegrams which have been exchanged relating to the question of the - Hauran Druses, have been read at the Council of Ministers. After some - deliberation it has been decided to settle this question in a pacific - manner, and to invite Your Highness to go in person to the affected - districts, to hasten the departure of the troops which have been - demanded, and that the Minister for War should give Marshal Ahmed - Eyoub Pasha the necessary orders, so that he may be in agreement with - the ideas of Your Highness. The importance of the Question and the - wishes of the Sublime Porte being settled by the correspondence which - has passed up to the present, Your Highness is requested to go to the - camp and to bring this matter to a peaceful close.—I am, etc., - - “SAÏD, - - “_Grand Vizier_.” - - “_22nd October 1295, O.S._” - (_4th November 1879._) - - -_Reply from Midhat Pasha to the Telegram from the Grand Vizier._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—Since the Druse Question must, in conformity with - His Majesty’s orders, be brought to a pacific termination, may I beg - that you will leave to me the choice of means to be employed, and - wait patiently for a few days longer. You may have every reliance - that the matter will be ended without having recourse to arms, and in - a manner worthy of the prestige of the State and of the Army.—I am, - etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_23rd October 1295, O.S._” - (_5th November 1879._) - - -_From Midhat Pasha to H.M. First Secretary._ - - “YOUR EXCELLENCY,—The Druse Question has at last come to an - end, with the arrival of the Sheiks yesterday at Damascus. They - are anxious to solicit the protection of our august master. The - Government having insisted on the extradition of those individuals - who were implicated in the assassinations of Basr‐el‐Houreiri, the - four men who survived the skirmishes have been accordingly delivered - up to the authorities, and they are now in prison, waiting to be - brought before the tribunals. This fact is full of promise for the - future, for, hitherto, the Druses have never been accustomed to - deliver to the authorities those criminals who have sought refuge in - their midst. I must now devote myself to the consideration of the - future condition of the Druses, which is of great importance. - - “As there is now no further need for the battalions of Reserve, - recently sent, they have been sent back, and we have decided, with - the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha, that the battalions now at Hauran and - at Damascus shall be returned.—I am, etc., - - MIDHAT. - - “_29th October 1295, O.S._” - (_11th November 1879._) - - -Midhat Pasha, who had withdrawn his resignation, with the express -purpose of not leaving the province in a state of turmoil, and in order -to bring the Druse Question to a suitable and lawful termination, -succeeded thus in re‐establishing peace, in a manner that was -honourable to the Government, in spite of the unjustifiable conduct -of the Sublime Porte and of the Palace. But Midhat, perceiving the -impossibility of working satisfactorily with the Government, once more -sent in his resignation, in the following telegrams:— - - -_Telegram sent to the First Secretary, enclosing the Resignation of -Midhat Pasha._ - - “With respect to my proffered resignation of October last, His - Majesty condescended to issue an Irade, which made me decide to wait - patiently for some time longer. Now that the question of the Druses, - which was the reason of the refusal of my request, has been settled, - and the conditions of the vilayet are absolutely normal, I humbly beg - that my resignation may be accepted by His Majesty, on account of the - reasons which render my position untenable.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_18th May 1296, O.S._” - (_30th May 1880._) - - -_H.M. First Secretary to Midhat Pasha._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—Your telegram, dated 18th May 1296, has been - presented to His Majesty. If there has been any delay as to the - departure of the personage who was charged to communicate the - Imperial instructions to Your Highness, and to receive your exact - replies, it has been occasioned entirely by the difficulty he has - experienced in quitting his post. And it is very difficult to find - any one who possesses the same qualities, to replace him. You must - not attribute the non‐execution of the Imperial promise to any other - cause. In your telegram you say that your resignation arises from - causes which are not unknown to His Majesty. In one of your later - telegrams these causes resolve themselves into two principal ones: - of which the first consists in Your Highness’s advanced age, and the - other in the difficulties you encounter in the Administration of the - Province. The first reason cannot be accounted as valid, by a servant - who is devoted to his country and Sovereign, and whose chief desire - should be never to renounce the honour of serving the State. As to - the extension of power, a special order will soon be published on - the duties of Governor‐Generals, so that this second reason of your - resignation will no longer have any force. His Majesty expresses a - desire to know positively if Your Highness wishes to resign from any - other cause, independent of those already cited. - - “ALI FUAD. - - “_19th May 1296, O.S._” - (_31st May 1880._) - - -_Telegram from Midhat Pasha in reply to H.M. First Secretary, Ali Fuad -Bey._ - - “YOUR EXCELLENCY,—Besides those causes cited in your telegram - replying to my request for permission to retire, I may also mention - the difficulties presented by the application of the new laws, - and the insults to which I am exposed on all sides, on account of - which I find myself obliged once more to entreat His Majesty for - his indulgence. As I said six months ago in one of my letters, I am - firmly resolved to sacrifice my life in the service of His Majesty, - and as my life is nearing its end, the few years that remain are of - but little importance. But there is something that is dearer and - still more sacred than life—that is honour. - - “It is quite possible that there may be some reason of which I am - not aware, for the formalities which have occurred, and for the - present situation, but, from my humble point of view, and from my - most inward conviction, everything seems to combine to wound my - honour, as much in what concerns the administration of the vilayet - which has been confided to my care, as in my private capacity. Now, - as it is pardonable that I should desire not to tarnish my honour, - which I have preserved unspotted during a service of more than - forty‐five years, I have decided to protest no longer, but to retire. - I, therefore, take the liberty of once more referring this subject to - our magnanimous sovereign.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_21st May 1296, O.S._” - (_3rd June 1880._) - - -_To Midhat Pasha, from the First Secretary, Ali Fuad Bey._ - -[_Confidential._] - - “YOUR HIGHNESS’ telegram of 21st May, 1296, has been submitted to - His Majesty. All the world knows how highly His Majesty has always - regarded your honour, and Your Highness, from the Humanitarian - point of view, can only recognize and approve the justice of this - observation. For many years Your Highness has rendered the greatest - services to the State, you occupy the highest rank in the Vizierat, - and are one of the greatest dignitaries and Statesmen of the Empire, - and His Majesty informs you that he will guarantee your honour and - consideration, as well as your reputation. - - “If the difficulties, which you declare you have encountered in - the application of the new laws, refer to the judicial laws, that - must arise from the incapacity of the officials in the Judicial - Department. Without criticising the fundamental significance of the - laws, Sir Henry Layard has also represented to His Majesty, in a - report, the difficulty that would be encountered in applying these - laws, for want of competent officials, and, although every one - recognises the necessity of the adoption and promulgation of these - laws and regulations, yet the rumour of Your Highness’ resignation - has immediately given rise to criticisms, which were delivered here - yesterday evening by several personages. As you know, one of the - very first reforms, the execution of which is to be desired, and - even the principal reform to be executed, is the re‐organisation of - the Courts of Justice. But the difficulties involved in carrying - out these reforms place the Government in a very awkward position. - Your Highness is begged to draw up a note stating the changes that - are necessary, in the opinion of Your Highness, who has so great an - experience both in Civil Administration and also in judicial laws, - and to place this note in the hands of a capable official—one who - possesses your full confidence—that it may be presented to His - Majesty. You will also make use of this capable official, possessing - your confidence, in your correspondence with the Palace. As our - principal aim must be always to serve the State and our Sovereign - with all fidelity and devotion, Your Highness is requested not - to pay any attention to tale‐bearing, which is unworthy of any - consideration, and not to allow yourself to be affected by it. His - Majesty appreciates your actions, and sends you his friendliest - Imperial greetings. - - “I am, etc., - - “ALI FUAD. - - “_23rd May 1296, O.S._” - (_5th June 1880._) - - -_Midhat Pasha to Ali Fuad Bey._ - - “The most precious and the most welcome part of your telegram of - 23rd May being the expression of the Imperial goodwill towards me, - I must first of all offer you my humble thanks. As to the other - matters, your Excellency is not unaware that not only do I recognise - in principle the necessity and the benefit of the new laws, but I - am, above all, one of the chief advocates of judicial reform. As - was mentioned in the Imperial telegram conferring the Governorship - of Syria upon me, the local manners and customs must be taken into - consideration with regard to the new organisations. But the new - laws, instead of embodying these recommendations, have been drawn - up on exactly the old lines, and when I suggest that with a slight - modification these laws might be ameliorated, my observations are - systematically ignored. This state of things has produced a result - quite the opposite of that intended, and the greater part of the - new laws, as well as the older ones, remain in disuse. The general - situation is therefore most strange and peculiar. - - “To this disorder must be added the difference which exists between - the civil and military authorities, which have ended by becoming - hostile to each other. A country such as Syria, which is full of - troubles and intrigues, both internal and external, is in crying - need of a military force, yet every time that we demand an armed - force we meet with a deliberate refusal, or the troops which have - been sent are withdrawn without reason, or else our official - letters remain unanswered. Now, although it is possible that this - results from the inimical system which has been adopted against me - personally, yet, undoubtedly, the Government and the country are - the principal sufferers from it; and when it comes to six months - passing without the governor and the marshal of a vilayet meeting, - one can imagine the state of affairs in the province. Again, the - grant for the gendarmes and the salaries of the officials having - been reduced, these measures have struck a blow at the security of - the country, and have driven the officials to corruption, whilst - the judicial system which has been adopted by the tribunals towards - criminals has weakened public confidence. This state of things being - well known, the orders which arrive daily never fail to put all the - responsibility on the Governor. Now, it is impossible to accept this - situation, nor can I, in a telegram, give an explanation of all - these difficulties, but, in conformity with the Imperial Irade, a - confidential official is on the point of starting, commissioned to - give you the amplest information. I shall strive for patience until - his return.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_25th May 1296, O.S._” - (_7th June 1880_). - - -Quite apart from all this question, the Sultan Abdul Hamid was far -from being satisfied with Midhat Pasha’s sojourn in Syria. The Syrians, -realising the good that he had done to the country, were loud in their -expressions of gratitude, which gave offence to the Sultan. The cries -of “Long live Midhat Pasha!” in the streets, and the interviews of the -British Ambassador, Sir Henry Layard, with the Governor‐General during -his travels in Syria, all augmented the fears of the Palace. Midhat’s -enemies then put into circulation the rumour that Syria would soon -become an autonomous principality, and that Midhat Pasha would receive -the title of Khedive. - -Abdul Hamid then informed Midhat that he declined to accept his -resignation, that he wished to see him continue his services to the -State, and that he appointed him Governor‐General of the vilayet of -Smyrna. The Syrians addressed a petition to the Palace, begging that -Midhat might remain at Damascus, but the Sultan paid absolutely no -attention to this act on the part of the Syrian population, and Midhat -found himself compelled to start off for his new post on board the -Imperial yacht _Izzeddine_, which had been sent for that purpose. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -MIDHAT, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SMYRNA - - -The vilayet and town of Smyrna were then, like other provinces of the -Empire, in a state of lamentable disorder. It is quite certain that the -Sultan, who had refused to apply the necessary reforms in Syria, had -never sent Midhat to Smyrna with the intention of putting a stop to the -administrative anarchy existing in that part of his dominions. Midhat, -although well aware that the aim of all these machinations was only to -paralyse his activity, could not forget the duties and responsibilities -which the Governor‐Generalship placed on his shoulders. - -There were a quantity of liberated convicts of every foreign -nationality in Smyrna, who daily committed all manner of theft and -crime; the sense of terror in the province was so great that no one -dared venture abroad in the streets after night‐fall. Midhat Pasha -formed a corps of police, in imitation of the European police, a -force which at that time did not exist in Turkey apart from the -_gendarmerie_. He showed the same activity here as in the other -vilayets, and succeeded, after several arrests, in establishing public -security. He widened the streets of the city, and founded a School of -Arts and Crafts, as well as an orphanage, which still exists under the -name of “Islahané.” - -On the other hand, the Sultan never renounced his aim of ridding -himself of Midhat, and four or five months after his arrival in Smyrna, -Abdul Hamid decided to strike a mortal blow at him, in once more -raising the question of the sudden death of his uncle, the ex‐Sultan -Abdul Aziz, whose suicide in the Palace we have already related (see -p. 89). This suicide had not only been verified by eye‐witnesses, but -also by the report of all the doctors of the foreign embassies at -Constantinople, and above all by the statement of Dr Dickson, doctor -at the British Embassy, a fact which has been confirmed by Sir Henry -Elliot, who was the then English Ambassador, and who wrote an account -of the deposition and suicide of Abdul Aziz, which appeared in the -February number of the _Nineteenth Century_ in 1888. Now, after a lapse -of four years, the Sultan asserted that his uncle had not committed -suicide, but that he had been assassinated, and that the murder had -been perpetrated by Hussein Avni Pasha, the Minister for War (who was -himself murdered in Midhat’s house, in 1876, by Cherkess Hassan), and -by his two brothers‐in‐law, Mahmoud Djelaleddin and Nouri Pashas, and -that _other personages of high rank_ (an allusion to Midhat, Mehemet -Rushdi Pashas, and to the Sheik‐ul‐Islam—Haïroullah Effendi) were -implicated in the affair. In fact the two brothers‐in‐law, Mahmoud -Djelaleddin and Nouri Pashas, were arrested in Constantinople, and the -news of a fresh trial of the assassins of Abdul Aziz was noised abroad -by the European Press.[24] - -The Turkish Press, inspired from the Palace, addressed praises to -the Sultan, and some newspapers—amongst others the _Terdjumani -Hakikat_—actually went so far as to advise Abdul Hamid to arrest every -one who had played any part in the affair of Abdul Aziz. - -By this time the Sublime Porte had lost all authority, and the enemies -of the Constitutional Party had increased very considerably. Mehemet -Rushdi Pasha, the former Grand Vizier, and colleague of Midhat, had -been condemned to pass his remaining years on his estates near Manissa; -the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Haïroullah Effendi, a follower of Midhat, had been -exiled to Mecca. The few Liberals who remained in the capital had all -been sent away into the provinces, either as officials or as exiles. -Only the partisans of Abdul Hamid and those who had changed their -opinions and who now ranged themselves on the side of despotism—such -as Ahmed Midhat Effendi—were to be found in Constantinople. Ahmed -Midhat Effendi, who had been one of Midhat Pasha’s most ardent -followers, now heaped all the lowest slanders upon him, through the -pages of the _Terdjumani Hakikat_, asserting that Abdul Aziz had been -murdered, and that the culprits must be arrested. - -Midhat Pasha was in receipt of the most alarming news from his friends -at Constantinople, and also from abroad; he was told that his life -was in great danger. His only reply was: “I have no reason to be -alarmed nor to fly from Turkey. I have laboured for the good of my -country, and I have nothing with which to reproach myself; if others -see reason to blame me, I am always ready to reply before a tribunal.” -He took no further steps than to write a letter to the Grand Vizier, -protesting against the baseness of Ahmed Midhat Effendi, Editor of the -_Terdjumani Hakikat_. The letter is as follows:— - - -_From Midhat Pasha to the Grand Vizier._ - - “YOUR HIGHNESS,—The number of the _Terdjumani Hakikat_, dated - 5th December, 1296, after stating that the Editor of a newspaper, - published at Athens, and directed against the Imperial Government, is - Essad Effendi, who was exiled to Damascus, but who has since sought - refuge in Greece, goes on to insinuate that in producing this paper - he has my moral and pecuniary support. The same week, explanations - are given in the _Messenger_, both in French and English, of these - calumnies, and this is done in the most peculiar manner, my name - being mentioned. The baseness of the Editor of the _Terdjumani - Hakikat_ is well known to the whole world. As to Essad Effendi, - all who have seen him at Damascus will be able to estimate these - erroneous publications at their true value. I think there is no more - for me to add on this subject, for if I said anything, it would be - according to the rules to bring an action. But these publications - are not only hostile to me personally. It is beyond all question - that the publication, in a foreign land, of a newspaper, directed - against the Imperial Government, with the material and moral aid that - I am reported to have furnished, constitutes a crime; consequently, - how can you leave such a man at the head of so important and - vast a vilayet as that of Smyrna? Such a state of things does - much to destroy the prestige of the State, and all the more so, - because of the confirmation of these slanders by the newspapers of - Constantinople, which are under the orders and surveillance of the - Sublime Porte. It seems to me wiser to send in my resignation, than - to give rise to such a state of affairs, so that the honour and - consideration of the State may be preserved intact. This course is, - moreover, in keeping with the decision, reached by me some time ago. - Nevertheless, I feel it my duty that I should first of all seek Your - Highness’ advice on the subject.—I am, etc., - - “MIDHAT. - - “_25th December 1296, O.S._” - (_7th January 1881._) - - -However, the Sultan, who wished to put an end to Midhat, decided -finally to arrest both him and Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, who was then at -Manissa. The arrival in Smyrna of the aides‐de‐camp, General Hilmi -Pasha and Colonel Riza Bey (at present Minister of War), with their -suites, gave the first warning to the Governor‐General, who ordered -his men to watch the acts and movements of these aides‐de‐camp, and -very soon reached the conviction that these emissaries had come with an -order to arrest him. - -Among the men who had been charged by Midhat to get the aides‐de‐camp -to talk about the manner in which the arrest was to be made, was a -police agent, an extremely intelligent man, who, disguised as a rich -merchant, was lodging in the same hotel as Hilmi Pasha, chief of the -mission. Hilmi Pasha, at the end of a good dinner, had allowed to -the pretended merchant that he had come to Smyrna by the Imperial -command, and that his object was to arrest the Governor‐General, but -that he was waiting for further instructions before carrying out his -instructions. Midhat, in order to be prepared for any occurrence, -had ordered a secret door to be made, and one of the steamers of the -Compagnie Joly was retained in the harbour, ready to carry him off -abroad. One evening the above‐mentioned agent came and warned him that -Hilmi Pasha had been called to the Telegraph Office, and that, after -a long conversation with the Palace, he had re‐entered the hotel, had -put on his uniform, and gone straight to the barracks. It was asserted -that among the orders he had received, he had been instructed to kill -Midhat and to massacre his family. Indeed, one of Midhat’s servants, -named Nezir, had been bribed, and it was arranged that before the -Governor’s house was occupied, he should fire off a revolver on the -troops, and thus give the signal for the massacre. In support of this -theory, it is interesting to note that after Midhat Pasha’s exile the -said Nezir entered into the service of the Yildiz Kiosk, and received -a considerable salary. Besides this, one of the chamberlains of the -Sultan Abdul Hamid, Bessim Bey, who died some time ago in disgrace, -whilst still in the service of the Palace, assured a member of Midhat’s -family that Hilmi Pasha was not only entrusted with the arrest of -Midhat, but that the Sultan had given him a positive order to have -him killed in the tumult which was to be adroitly brought about, and -to massacre his whole family, men, women and children. It was on this -account that General Hilmi had bribed Nezir, so that the public might -believe that Midhat had refused to obey, and that he had fired upon the -soldiers. - -On the receipt of this news from his agent, Midhat Pasha, without -losing his _sang‐froid_, sought out his family and acquainted them with -the position of affairs. He advised them to be resigned, and informed -them of his intention of quitting Turkish soil from the moment that his -life had been threatened. As midnight struck, three cannon‐shots rang -out from the barracks (in Turkey this is the method employed for giving -the alarm of fire), but Midhat understood only too well that it was -done with the express purpose of distracting the attention of the mob. -At the same moment he left his house by the secret door, accompanied -by his secretary, and stole down to the quay; but perceiving that the -quays were blocked by sentinels, he hailed a carriage, and recollecting -that the English Consul, Mr Dennis, was not in the town, he told them -to drive to the French Consulate, and there begged for protection. -Meanwhile, the soldiers, who had forced their way at the point of their -bayonets up to the doors of the first floor, now demanded to speak -with Midhat Pasha, and were informed that he had just left. This reply -being absolutely unexpected, they were convinced that he was hiding -in one of the rooms. Hilmi Pasha gave orders that the house should be -searched, and that all the servants should be thrown into prison. The -troops entered, breaking down the doors, and recommending the ladies -not to move, they made an exhaustive search, even tearing up the -flooring. At this moment, by way of fulfilling his cowardly promise and -giving reason for a massacre, Nezir, hiding himself behind a mattress, -tried to fire off his revolver, but one of the servants, realising the -peril, tore the weapon from his hand. - -After a minute search that lasted for several hours, and during which -no trace of either Midhat nor yet of his papers had been discovered, -Madame Midhat, seeing that the officers and soldiers had no intention -of withdrawing, sent for General Hilmi and informed him that in the -case of the troops remaining in the house, she would open the windows -and call in the help of the people. This terrified the General, for he -had received orders not to give rise to a revolution, and he dismissed -the soldiers, only remaining himself with one or two officers. A few -hours later the police informed General Hilmi that Midhat was at the -French Consulate, and he thereupon went thither, and had it surrounded -on every side. The French Consul‐General, Monsieur Pélissier, had sent -a telegram to the French Ambassador at Constantinople, informing him of -all that had taken place. On seeking refuge at the French Consulate, -Midhat had invited the consuls of all the Great Powers to attend; -had acquainted them with the danger from which he had escaped, and -had begged them to insist on a guarantee that he should be judged by -a High Court. Meanwhile, he received a telegram from Constantinople -begging him to surrender, and assuring him that no injustice should be -done him, but that if he refused to do so, then he would be considered -guilty. - -There are two versions given of this memorable occurrence of the spring -of 1881; and these two versions are so much the more important, because -they affect the truth of the fact whether the Government of the French -Republic delivered up Midhat Pasha, who had sought refuge in the -French Consulate, to the Sultan, or whether he surrendered of his own -accord on receiving the telegram from Constantinople. The fact that he -had caused a secret door to be constructed in a hidden corner of his -house, and that a steamer had been kept in readiness in the harbour, -all proves that Midhat had intended flight. Not having succeeded in -his design of reaching the sea, he had sought refuge at the French -Consulate, and he had implored the assistance that France might easily -have rendered him. It is to be presumed that the ambassador, after -having asked for instructions from Paris, and having explained to the -Government the Sultan’s insistence, may have informed Midhat that he -could not effectually protect him. Not having any definite proof on -this subject, it is impossible for us to certify anything. The opinions -of the European Press were very divergent. We reprint the telegrams -sent by the correspondent of the _Times_ from Constantinople, dated -19th May and 21st May, 1881, which give the fullest details.[25] - -Midhat Pasha had been perfectly well aware of what would happen. He -knew the plots that had been formed against him, and when his friends -had invited him to leave Turkey, by the boat which had been got ready -to take him aboard, he replied, “I shall never give way before the -insinuations of the Sultan. I shall never allow the world to say that I -fled because I was guilty and that I feared the Sultan. I shall resist -until the last moment, and if I then see that my life is in danger, I -may perhaps have recourse to the means you offer.” It was this same -state of mind which led him to think of embarking, when the soldiers, -under the command of General Hilmi Pasha, surrounded his house, and -by their attitude showed plainly the danger in which both he and his -family were placed. On realising the impossibility of carrying out -this plan, he had taken refuge at the French Consulate, and had asked -the Consuls of all the Powers that their respective Governments should -demand a public trial, and had declared “that he gave himself up to -judgment, trusting to the good faith of the telegram which he had -received from Constantinople.” - -For the honour of France, we are inclined to believe that Midhat -surrendered to the Ottoman authorities of his own accord. It is -scarcely credible that France would have delivered Midhat Pasha to the -Sultan, the more so because Gambetta, who was then in power, had been a -great friend of his. - -The Sultan had been anxious to have Midhat arrested when he was still -Governor‐General of Syria, but so great was his popularity in that -Province, that Abdul Hamid was reluctantly obliged to relinquish his -design, for fear of provoking a revolution. - -The day following the arrest found the town of Smyrna still strictly -guarded by the troops, and no one was permitted to go about the streets -for fear of any demonstration. The terrified inhabitants closed their -shops, and all business was suspended for twenty‐four hours. Midhat -was retained as a prisoner in the barracks, until the arrival of the -Imperial yacht, which brought over the new Governor‐General, the high -judicial dignitaries, and also the Minister Djevdet Pasha. He embarked -quietly in the midst of the general emotion, and duly arrived at -Constantinople. Whilst waiting for the assembling of the High Court, -the little pavilion in the “Yildiz Park” called “Malta Kiosk,” was -assigned to him as his place of residence by the Sultan. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -THE TRIAL OF MIDHAT PASHA - - -As we have already stated, Midhat Pasha arrived at Constantinople in -one of the Imperial yachts, accompanied by the Minister and the high -judicial dignitaries. He was kept in the pavilion of the “Malta Kiosk,” -which is situated within the park of Yildiz. In accordance with his -desire that he might be given a public trial, and that the conditions -on which he had surrendered to the Ottoman authorities from the French -Consulate should be observed, a High Court was formed by the Sultan -Abdul Hamid. But the tickets of admission to the meetings were issued -in such a manner that the Turks who wished to be present at the trial -had to renounce their intention, for fear of attracting the ill‐will of -the Sultan, or else, those who were followers of Midhat, had to pose as -his adversaries in order to be able to hear and understand the manner -in which he was to be condemned. The Diplomatic Corps was present, but -many foreigners found difficulty in obtaining admittance. Only a few -correspondents of the foreign newspapers were admitted, and amongst -the representatives of the Turkish Press only those who were faithful -adherents of the Sultan. - -We possess no special information on the subject of the trial, and -that which we have been able to collect from those persons who were -present at the debates gives us no further details than those which the -_Times_ correspondent (present at the Trial) sent to his newspaper. We -publish, therefore, by permission of the proprietors of the _Times_ the -most interesting portions of their reports, together with some extracts -from the debates in the Houses of Parliament on this subject, in order -to give the reader some idea of this most memorable mock trial. - - - “_Constantinople, 28th June._—The great State trial which began - yesterday, and of which I have already forwarded you a summary - of the proceedings, presented an interesting and picturesque - spectacle. Around the Malta guard‐house, situated in a large open - space immediately outside the Imperial park of Yildiz Kiosk, a - goodly number of soldiers were posted at short distances from each - other, and all persons not provided with a ticket of admission - were prevented from approaching the building. The few who had - been fortunate enough to obtain tickets, found on approaching the - Guard‐House a large green oval tent, and adjoining it a considerable - space enclosed by a canvas screen and covered by an awning. One side - of this tent was occupied by a bench, on which sat the judges, three - Mussulmans and two Christians, in black frock‐coats _à la Turque_ - and red fezes, presided over by a grey‐bearded Ulema called Sourouri - Effendi, in a black robe and white turban. To the right and left - of the judges sat the Public Prosecutor, the secretaries, and the - subordinate judicial functionaries, and behind them stood several - Imperial aides‐de‐camp and Palace servants. Below the bench, in a - trench cut for the purpose, sat on cane chairs the ten prisoners, - Mahmoud and Nouri Pashas (both brothers‐in‐law of the Sultan), two - ex‐functionaries of the Palace, three officers of the Guard, two - professional wrestlers, and a Palace watchman. Behind each of the - prisoners stood a common soldier. The side of the tent facing the - bench was left open, so that the spectators, seated on rows of chairs - under an awning, immediately behind the prisoners, could witness - the proceedings. Among the audience, comprising about one hundred - and twenty people, were the Persian Ambassador and other members of - the Diplomatic Body, several high officials in and out of office, - a score of Imperial aides‐de‐camp, a few officers of the Palace, - several Ulema in flowing robes and white or green turbans, and the - representatives of the Press to a limited number. The spectators - might have been considerably increased, for behind them were more - than a hundred chairs unoccupied. - - “The first formality was the proving of the prisoners’ identity, - and immediately thereafter the indictment was read by three of the - prosecutors, which may be briefly stated as follows:—A few days - after the dethronement of Abdul Aziz, Mahmoud Damad, and Nouri - Damad, engaged two professional wrestlers and a Palace watchman - to assassinate their ex‐Sovereign, promising them £100 each and a - monthly pension of three pounds, as appears from the accounts of - the Civil Lists. The crime was committed with the assistance of the - Chamberlain, Fahri Bey, while Ali and Nedjib Beys, who had introduced - the assassins into the Palace, mounted guard with drawn swords at the - door of the room. As there was at that time a Supreme Commission, - composed of Mehmed Ruchdi, Midhat, Hussein Avni, the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, - and Mahmoud Damad, and as no important orders could be given without - the concurrence of this Commission, it may be assumed that all its - members must have been _cognizant_ of Mahmoud and Nouri’s criminal - proceedings, and it is for this reason that Midhat is among the - accused. - - “When the indictment setting forth this theory had been read, the - President, in a quiet and dignified manner, began to question the - prisoners. The first called upon to state what he knew, was Mustapha, - the wrestler, a man of ordinary size and not presenting any signs - of abnormal muscular development. His face was of a common type and - betrayed no symptoms of emotion as he related, in plain, unvarnished - terms, how he had cut open the ex‐Sultan’s veins with a knife - given to him for the purpose by Mahmoud Damad. His description, - accompanied by slight and significant gestures, was brutally - graphic, and made a strong impression on the spectators, more than - one of the older men in the audience giving vent to their feelings - of horror by audible exclamations. Mustapha’s account was fully - confirmed by Hadji Mehmed Pasha, who declared that together with - the Chamberlain Fahri Bey and Djezairli, he had hold of Abdul Aziz - whilst the crime was being perpetrated. Djezairli, who had made a - full confession in his preliminary examination, was then questioned, - and retracted what he had previously said. Fahri Bey, a young man, - with long fair moustache, delicately‐cut effeminate features, - and of tall and slender build, was next examined, and denied the - statements of the wrestler and his companion. In a tremulous tone, - which gathered firmness as he proceeded, he described, from his - personal observation, the mental condition of Abdul Aziz after his - dethronement, and obstinately insisted that the dethroned monarch - had committed suicide. The other prisoners, without endeavouring to - explain how the Sultan’s death occurred, successively maintained - their own innocence, and found more or less plausible answers for all - the questions put to them by the judges. Mahmoud Damad Pasha, a tall - stout man, with regular and handsome features and large dark eyes, - found most difficulty in replying, and his deep gruff voice showed - more than once signs of great emotion; but he denied emphatically and - indignantly the accusations brought against him by the wrestlers and - others. About two o’clock Midhat was introduced and took his seat - by Mahmoud Damad’s side. His hair and beard had become much whiter - since I last saw him, four years ago, and his complexion was still as - morbidly florid as before, but he seemed well, and sought to conceal - his emotion by stroking his beard, and arranging his notes, from - which he was preparing to speak. Starting up suddenly and leaning on - the back of his chair, he made a short speech, in which he declared - himself happy to have been cited before the public tribunal, and he - rendered justice to His Majesty’s sentiments of equity in causing - the affair to be carefully examined. To all the questions about the - Supreme Commission, of which he was a member, and which must have had - cognizance of the intended assassination, he replied emphatically - that such a Commission existed nowhere except in the imagination of - his accusers, and that all matters of State were considered by the - regular Council of Ministers. When reproached by the presiding judge - for not having immediately ordered a searching inquiry, he admitted - that he had been guilty of this sin of omission; but at the same - time he maintained that all the other Ministers were in this respect - equally guilty. On the subject of his having sought refuge in the - French Consulate his answers, though extremely ingenious, were not - so satisfactory. Unlike the other prisoners, Midhat withdrew from - the Court as soon as he finished what he had to say, and after his - departure a number of witnesses were called for the Prosecution. - The chief of these were three young men who had seen the crime - perpetrated in the way the wrestlers described, and the wife of a - certain Ali Bey, who, being at that time one of the ladies of Abdul - Aziz’ harem, had witnessed some of the incidents connected with the - assassination. One of the most interesting witnesses was a frail, - white‐bearded Mussulman, in an old‐fashioned costume, who related in - a faltering voice, that he had washed the body of Abdul Aziz, and - noticed a small wound in the region of the heart. The Court rose - about half‐past seven o’clock without the witnesses having been - cross‐examined. The proceedings will be continued, and possibly - terminated, to‐day.” - - - “_Constantinople, 28th June._—The trial of the persons charged with - the assassination of Abdul Aziz was resumed to‐day. After the counsel - for the prisoners had concluded their addresses, the judges decided - that the two prisoners Mustapha (the one a gardener and the other an - athlete), Fahri Bey and Hadji Mehmed, were guilty of the murder, and - that Ali Bey, Nedjib Bey, Midhat Pasha, Nouri Pasha and Mahoud Damad - Pasha were accomplices, being privy to the crime. Sentence will be - passed to‐morrow.” - - - “_Times_,” _30th June 1881_.—“_Constantinople, 28th June._—The - second day’s hearing of the case against the persons accused of - the murder of Abdul Aziz, the ex‐Sultan, lasted for eight hours. - Several additional witnesses appeared for the prosecution. Among them - was Ibrahim Edhem Effendi, who acted as intermediary between the - Ministers and the ex‐Sultan, and who described the harsh treatment to - which the latter was subjected. - - “The case for the defence was then opened. Four advocates appointed - by the judicial authorities spoke very feebly on behalf of the - prisoners. Mahmoud Damad was justly dissatisfied with his counsel, - and defended himself, and, notwithstanding evident signs of illness, - refuted some of the accusations brought against him. Midhat Pasha - was then called, and the President Sourouri Effendi, after remarking - that Midhat had accused him of personal enmity, retired from the - bench, leaving his colleague, Christoforides Effendi, to direct the - proceedings. The ex‐Grand Vizier, who had taken such a prominent - part in the dethronement, defended himself for more than an hour - against the charge of complicity in the assassination. Thoroughly - conversant with the new laws of judicial procedure, he pointed out - several mistakes which had been committed, and demanded permission to - cross‐question the witnesses as well as the prisoners who had made - confessions; but all his demands were refused by the Court. Finding - himself thus fettered, he took his stand on the solemnity of the law, - and declined to defend himself any further. - - “The President, after three times vainly inviting him to proceed, - declared the hearing closed, and retired with the other judges - to deliberate. Their verdict was, as had been foreseen from the - beginning, that all the prisoners were guilty, but in different - degrees. Four were declared guilty of premeditated assassination; - five, including Midhat and the Sultan’s two brothers‐in‐law, were - condemned as accomplices; and the two remaining prisoners were placed - in the category of aiders and abettors. - - “The Court will re‐assemble to‐morrow morning to pass sentence. - According to the Ottoman code, premeditated assassination entails - capital punishment, while the lesser degrees of crime are punished by - various terms of penal servitude.” - - - _29th June._—“The remarks and the bearing of Midhat Pasha at - the trial yesterday produced, on the whole, a very favourable - impression on the public, and it was not difficult to perceive that - he still enjoys a certain popularity even among good Mussulmans. As - numerous Palace spies were present, the Ottoman officials carefully - endeavoured to hide any latent sympathy with the accused, but some - of them did not altogether succeed. More than once Midhat replied - very appositely in a half‐ironical tone, which was much appreciated - by the audience. All the details were at once transmitted to the - Sultan, and Sourouri Effendi doubtless congratulated himself on - having removed the Imperial displeasure from his own shoulders to - those of his colleagues. As yet no evidence has been produced proving - Midhat’s complicity, but it is not likely that he will be acquitted. - Considering that the trial has been prepared, and is being conducted - under the immediate influence of the Palace, which is filled with - Midhat’s enemies, it would be absurd to expect impartiality and - independence in the judges. I happen to know many curious facts - tending to show how absurd such an expectation would be, and I may - mention one by way of illustration. Yesterday morning, immediately - before the trial began, Sourouri Effendi had a long private audience - with the Sultan, and received from His Majesty certain instructions - as to how the proceedings should be conducted. The most interesting - part of the proceedings at the State trial yesterday was the incident - which terminated in Midhat Pasha’s refusal to continue his defence. - The facts are briefly as follows:—The President invited the accused - not to continue his defence and to intrust that duty to his counsel. - Midhat replied that he would defend himself, because he had not been - allowed to confer freely with the counsel officially appointed. He - justified his flight to the French Consulate at Smyrna, pointed - out numerous errors in the procedure, expressed astonishment at - such grave accusations being founded on such insufficient evidence, - reproached the Public Prosecutor with having accepted the testimony - of the eunuchs, who, professing to have seen the crime committed - without denouncing it, should be themselves in the dock, and - ridiculed the testimony of Marco Pasha, the chief physician of the - Palace at that time, who professed to have seen from the Asiatic - side of the Bosphorus what took place at the Palace on the European - shore, and yet could not see a wound said to have been inflicted on - the body of Abdul Aziz in the region of the heart. He then demanded - that the Court should examine the prisoners and witnesses in his - presence, as he was not present at the previous examination, and - requested that the Embassy doctors who examined the body should - be summoned, offering to defray the necessary expenses at his own - cost, in order to compare their report with that of Marco Pasha. On - the demand of the Public Prosecutor, the Court retired to consider - Midhat’s request, and decided to grant it on condition that the - prisoners should not be interrogated separately. To this reply Midhat - opposed the text of the Code of Criminal procedure, and demanded its - application, declaring that he must question those who had given - evidence, in order to prove that they had committed perjury. The - President answered that the article in question in the Code referred - to witnesses, and not to the accused, and declared that if any person - had committed perjury it would be for the Court to punish them - hereafter. - - “Midhat maintained that the prisoners who accused him should be - regarded as witnesses against him, and considering, therefore, the - decision of the tribunal as a miscarriage of justice, he declined to - defend himself further, adding in a bitter tone, that he would derive - little practical advantage from the punishment of a false witness - after he was in his grave. The Court again retired for deliberation, - and on returning after a few minutes, the President declared that - Midhat’s request could not be granted. The prisoner, having three - times declined to continue his defence, the President declared the - proceedings at an end, and the Court retired to deliberate, returning - after about an hour with a verdict of ‘Guilty’ against all the - accused. The Court will meet again this morning at eleven o’clock - to pronounce judgment, when this extraordinary, sensational trial, - conducted as I reported, will come to a close.” - - - _Later._—“Judgment was delivered this morning in the cases of the - persons convicted of the murder of ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz. Nine of the - accused, including the Sultan’s two brothers‐in‐law and Midhat Pasha, - were condemned to death. The remaining two accused were condemned to - penal servitude. - - “All the prisoners gave notice of appeal.” - - - _Reuter’s Telegram._—“_Constantinople, 29th June._—The Court - pronounced judgment and delivered sentence of death upon Midhat - Pasha, Mahmoud Damad Pasha, Nouri Pasha, Ali Bey, Nedjib Bey, Fahri - Bey, Hadji Mehmed, Mustapha the Wrestler, and Mustapha the Gardener. - - “Izzet and Sayd are each sentenced to ten years’ penal servitude. The - prisoners have eight days allowed them to give notice of Appeal, and - the indictment and document connected with the trial will be sent to - the Court which will try the Appeal.” - - “_Times,” 4th July 1881._—“_Constantinople, 1st July._”—In - telegraphing about the recent State Trial, I have been - hitherto working under serious restrictions, which I was not - allowed to mention in my telegrams. All telegraphic despatches - on the subject had to be submitted to the authorities, who - naturally prevented the transmission of anything that might - be disagreeable to the Palace. In the circumstances, it - was, of course, impossible to criticise the proceedings, - or even to give a full account of what took place. I have - now, fortunately, an opportunity of communicating with you - freely, and I hasten to declare that the trial was little - better than a parody of European judicial procedure, which - has justly roused the indignation, not only of foreign - observers, but also of many Turks, who have an elementary - conception of justice and fair play. In a trial in which the - political element was so prominent, the first condition to - be observed was complete neutrality of the Palace, and this - condition was most grossly violated. It was at the Palace that - the preliminary investigation was made, under the immediate - personal direction of the Sultan, who is an interested party. - It was at the Palace that the prisoners were confined, judges - chosen, and even the counsel for the defence appointed, - without the prisoners themselves being consulted. It was - at the Palace that the accused were examined and various - unjustifiable means were employed to extort confessions from - them—as, for example, when the Grand Eunuch, one of the three - highest official personages of the Empire, struck with his - fists and otherwise maltreated the Chamberlain, Fahri Bey, - when under examination, in the presence of His Majesty. It - was in the Palace, and under the immediate influence of the - Sultan, that the amount of the punishment for the accused was - considered and decided. It was in the Palace that Sourouri - Effendi, the President of the Tribunal, had a private - audience with the Sultan, immediately before the opening of - the proceedings, while a Palace dignitary appealed to the - counsel for the defence in a cajoling, half‐plaintive tone, - to refrain, in the fulfilment of their duty, from adding - to the Sultan’s already numerous embarrassments! Lastly, - it was in the immediate vicinity of the Palace that the - trial was held. Soldiers of the Palace garrison surrounded - the Court, aides‐de‐camp and other Palace officials were - present, while eunuchs and other confidential messengers - were constantly passing to and fro between the Palace and - the tribunal. A certain amount of publicity was allowed with - regard to the trial, for a few tickets were distributed among - the Diplomatic Corps and leading representatives of the - Press, but there were at the same time serious restrictions - and difficulties. The date of the trial was kept strictly - secret until a few hours before the proceedings began, and - newspaper correspondents, nearly all of whom are imperfectly - acquainted with, or entirely ignorant of, the Turkish language - and judicial procedure, were not allowed to take a dragoman - with them, though three‐fourths of the space reserved for - the public remained all the time unoccupied. I made personal - representations on this subject to some influential officials, - but they all declared positively that no more tickets could - be given. To the few who were admitted, I must say the - greatest courtesy and consideration were shown by the Imperial - aides‐de‐camp and the masters of the ceremonies, but the - powers of these gentlemen were very limited. With regard to - the restrictions placed on telegraphing I have already spoken - above. - - “It is hardly necessary to say, that with the all‐pervading influence - of the Palace, there could be no independence or impartiality on the - part of the judicial functionaries, and no zeal in the counsel for - the defence; but there was something worse than this. The ardent - desire of nearly all concerned to gain the Imperial favour by - securing the condemnation of the prisoners in general, and of Midhat - in particular, caused certain gross violations of the guarantees - provided by the Criminal Code. I may mention a few facts by way of - illustration. Sourouri Effendi, who had in the secret preliminary - inquiry directed the case for the Prosecution, and who is well - known to be one of Midhat’s bitter personal enemies, appeared at - the trial as President of the Tribunal. He says, privately, by way - of exculpating himself, that in the preliminary inquiry he never - signed any official documents, and that during the trial of Midhat he - ceded his presidency to one of the other judges; but these specious - arguments increase rather than diminish his moral guilt. He refrained - from signing official documents simply in order to avoid giving - occasion for an appeal _en cassation_, and his making a distinction - between Midhat and the other prisoners entailed new violations of - judicial procedure, for it prevented Midhat from being present during - a great part of the trial. Besides this, the distinction was more - specious than real, for by procuring the condemnation of the other - prisoners, he impliedly secured Midhat’s condemnation likewise; - and though he did not sit on the bench when Midhat was present, - he joined his colleagues in the consulting‐room when the ex‐Grand - Vizier’s demand for permission to cross‐question the witnesses - was considered and rejected. Not content with having a devoted - adherent like Sourouri in the President’s chair, the Palace further - controlled the proceedings by Raghib Bey, one of the Sultan’s private - secretaries, and Djevdet Pasha, the obsequious Minister of Justice, - who is one of Midhat’s personal enemies. These two personages sat - behind the judges on a bench, and secretly gave directions in moments - of hesitation and difficulty. I can state this without fear of - contradiction, for during one of the sittings I was myself on the - bench, and carefully observed what was invisible to the audience. The - conduct of the Public Prosecutor was naturally in keeping with that - of the chief judge. I am assured by eye‐witnesses that he entered - the consultation‐room when the judges had retired to consider their - verdict, but as I did not see this with my own eyes, I refrain from - drawing any conclusion. Another act of his, however, may be commented - on, because it took place in public. Midhat’s attitude during the - preliminary investigation seemed to indicate that he would seek to - obtain the Imperial clemency by raising no difficulties, and by - making no serious attempt to defend himself at the trial; and as none - of the other prisoners were sufficiently conversant with the law to - embarrass the Prosecution, it was hoped that the proceedings might - be hurried through in a single sitting. These plans were prevented - by Midhat’s energetic action on the first day of the trial, and it - was then considered necessary to find some means of effectually - crushing him. A convenient instrument was at hand in the person of - a certain Rifat Effendi, who professed to have heard Midhat say one - day in Damascus that it was necessary to put Aziz out of the way, - because otherwise he might have returned to power and have strangled - the Minister who had deposed him. As Rifat was not in the list of - witnesses, he could not be called without due notice having been - given to the Court; but the Public Prosecutor overlooked this little - formality and called him next day. When Midhat heard this new and - unexpected piece of evidence, he very soon disposed of it, and was at - no pains to conceal what he thought of Rifat’s character, conduct and - motive. - - “A few words now to show how the prisoners were treated. According - to the Code of Criminal Procedure the accused has a right to choose - his own advocate, and to have free communication with him. In the - present trial the advocate was chosen by some anonymous personage - in the Palace, without the accused having been consulted as to the - choice, and free communication was not allowed. On this subject - Midhat asserts that he saw his counsel only twice. On the first - occasion they had only time to read about an eighth part of the - indictment, and on the second they were favoured with the presence of - Raghib Bey, one of the Sultan’s private secretaries, who listened to - all that was said. Worse than this, with prodigious ingenuity each - advocate was entrusted with the duty of defending prisoners belonging - to different categories and employing mutually contradictory modes of - defence. Refik Effendi, for example, was ordered to defend on the one - hand Mustapha the Wrestler—who confessed his own guilt, and accused - Fahri of having taken an active part in the assassination—and on the - other hand the said Fahri, who maintained that Abdul Aziz committed - suicide. In like manner Shukri Effendi had to defend on the one - hand Midhat, and on the other hand Nouri Pasha, who endeavoured to - exculpate himself at Midhat’s expense. The idea of crippling the - defence in this ingenious way is exquisitely Oriental, and rendered - almost superfluous the half‐pathetic, half‐menacing exhortation - made to the advocates at the Palace that they should refrain from - adding to the Sultan’s numerous embarrassments and trust to His - Majesty’s clemency. Equally Oriental and characteristic is the fact - that the learned gentlemen who undertook the so‐called defence on - such conditions, showed no signs of being ashamed of themselves. - It is hardly necessary to say that they carefully abstained from - cross‐questioning the witnesses and sifting the evidence, and did not - object when the President and the Public Prosecutor assumed important - facts without proving them. - - “With regard to the way in which Midhat was threatened, it is - difficult to speak without using strong terms of indignation. Not a - particle of carefully sifted evidence against him was produced, and - he was refused means of defending himself against the unsubstantiated - assertions of his accusers, though he proved from the Code that he - was asking no more than he had a right to demand. If his sentence - is carried out, his execution will be simply a judicial murder, - perpetrated from motives of political vengeance and personal enmity. - As for the other prisoners, I cannot pretend to say whether they - really committed the crime with which they are charged, but I can - unhesitatingly assert that their guilt was not legally proved. - - “The judicial inquiry, which has thus been brought to a close, - was instituted, as I informed you at the time, for the purpose - of removing and frightening possible conspirators, and thereby - preventing a revolution for the future; but it may be doubted whether - in the long run it will have the desired effect, for I noticed - that even among Ottoman subjects, surrounded by Palace spies, the - feelings of indignation were sometimes stronger than those of fear.” - - - _“Times,” 7th July 1881._—“_Constantinople, 5th July_—The appeal - of the prisoners condemned for the assassination of Abdul Aziz will - shortly be considered by the Court of Review, and it is almost - certain that in spite of the gross irregularities and flagrant - illegality of the proceedings the sentence will be confirmed. - Immediately after the close of the trial on Wednesday, the judges - of this Higher Court were summoned to the Palace and received their - instructions, which will, of course, be followed, irrespective of all - considerations of justice and equity. The possibility, therefore, - that the judgment may be annulled and a new trial ordered, may be - left out of account, and the only practical question that remains - is whether the Sultan will have the sentence carried out. For some - days the general opinion at the Palace was that the nine who had - been condemned to death would be all executed, but I have now very - good reason to believe, as I informed you on Sunday, that those who - did not actually take part in the assassination will have their - sentence commuted to imprisonment for life at Taïf, near Mecca. This - unexpected clemency is to be attributed, at least in part, to the - excitement and indignation which the mode of conducting the trial - has produced both in Pera and Stamboul. The Sultan learned that - the Embassy Dragomans had unanimously condemned the proceedings as - irregular; that the Ambassadors had telegraphed in this sense to - their respective Governments; that the newspaper correspondents had - unsparingly described and criticised the way in which the proceedings - had been conducted, and that even in Stamboul, among good Mussulmans, - the trial had produced an impression very different from what was - intended. In these circumstances His Majesty perceived that it would - be dangerous to have the sentence carried out, and he determined to - commute it. At the same time, in order to counteract the conviction - that the whole story of the assassination was an invention, rumours - were propagated, through the local Press and other channels, that - nearly all the accused had made partial confessions. The _Vakyt_, for - example, published yesterday mutual recriminations between Mahmoud - and Nouri, and to‐day those of Midhat and Mehemed Rushdi. All such - stories must be accepted with great reserve, for they are certainly - told, and possibly invented, for the purpose of prejudicing - public opinion against the prisoners. In spite of these efforts to - supplement defective legal evidence, many people, and among them the - mother of Abdul Aziz, and some of the doctors who examined his body, - still hold to the conviction that there was no assassination and - that Abdul Aziz committed suicide. Without endorsing this opinion, I - can confidently assert that the trial has by no means cleared up the - mystery. The semi‐official announcements that the _Valide Sultana has - thanked the Sultan for having brought the assassins to justice are - untrue, for she has all through the inquiry obstinately maintained - that her son perished by his own hand, and that she was partly to - blame for having given him the famous scissors_.” - - “I am now in a position to explain why the prosecution showed such - anxiety to get Midhat condemned, and employed such unjustifiable - means for this purpose. It may be remembered that some months ago the - Sultan was greatly alarmed by a revolutionary propaganda, of which - the chief instigator was believed to be the ex‐Khedive. A judicial - functionary, who has since taken a prominent part in the trial, - was ordered to make an inquiry, and came to the conclusion that - Midhat was implicated in the propaganda. The conclusion was probably - erroneous, but it made a strong impression on the Sultan’s mind, and - from that moment Midhat’s fate was decided. As no legal proofs of his - complicity in the seditious agitation could be produced, other means - had to be employed for getting rid of him, and the regicide inquiry - was used for this purpose.” - - - _“Times,” 11th July 1881._—“_Constantinople, 10th July._—During - the last few days representations have been twice made to the - Sultan by the British Ambassador concerning the State trial. It is - believed at the Palace that Lord Dufferin acted on the first occasion - spontaneously, and on the second occasion by the express orders of - Lord Granville. The later communication is said to be couched in - strong terms, urging His Majesty for his own sake to refrain from - carrying out the sentence of the tribunal. The Sultan has received - also a telegram from the Ottoman Embassy in London, in which Musurus - Pasha describes the unfavourable impression produced by the trial in - England, and implores His Majesty to prevent at least the capital - punishment being inflicted.” - - - _“Times,” 28th July 1881._—“_Constantinople, 26th July._—Since the - judgment was pronounced at the State trial considerable hesitation - and embarrassment have harassed the Sultan and given rise to - numberless exaggerated and contradictory rumours, which I have - thought it undesirable to report at the time of their production, - because they were in some cases manifestly without foundation and - in others largely improbable. During the last few days, however, - an attempt has been made on the part of the Sultan to lessen his - responsibility in the matter, through the instrumentality of a Grand - Council, comprising the highest dignitaries of the State both in - and out of office. The Council contained twenty‐seven members, of - whom five were ex‐Grand Viziers, fourteen were Ministers in and - out of office, and eight were Ulemas. We now hear that in that - solemn assembly, which sat at the Palace for three days, opinions - were divided, and finally an important minority courageously voted - against carrying out the extreme penalty of the law, especially in - the case of those of the accused who had not confessed, and against - whom no positive proof of guilt had been elicited at the trial. - This minority is said to have included most of the more prominent - members, viz.:—four Grand Viziers and the present Prime Minister, - three Ministers in the Cabinet, one of the most influential high - ecclesiastics, and one former Minister. The majority is said to - have voted in the sense of a confirmation of the judgment given - at the trial, subject, of course, to the exercise of the Imperial - clemency. It included ten Ministers in office, most of them specially - antagonistic to Midhat Pasha, and seven Ulemas. The Sultan has - chosen to adopt the opinion of the minority and to decide that the - accused shall be banished for life. It is not quite clear why, in - the circumstances, His Majesty should have chosen this course; for - it was supposed that the Council had been called together with a - view to make it share the responsibility of the signature of the - death‐warrants, which His Majesty hesitated to sign without the - direct sanction of the great officers of State. The repugnance of - the Sultan to have criminals executed is well known, and since his - accession he is said never to have sanctioned a single capital - sentence. While securing the removal of the criminals to some - distant and safe locality, where they will be powerless to work - harm, he avoids at the same time the issuing of the fatal decree, - so repugnant to his feelings. Much must be attributed to the action - of our own Government. Brilliant, indeed, has been the commencement - of the mission of Lord Dufferin, who has already gained much favour - in public opinion here both native and foreign. Considering the - popularity and prominent personal value of at least one of the - accused Pashas, the impression that his life has been saved through - the intervention of the British Ambassador tends to remove much of - the popular clamour which had lately become so loud against British - influence, and it is a significant sign of the times that one of the - semi‐official Turkish organs publishes to‐day an article advocating a - close alliance between England and Turkey. A few months ago this same - officially inspired print loudly proclaimed that England’s friendship - was more hurtful to Turkey than the enmity of any other Power.” - - - _“Times,” 1st August 1881._—“_Constantinople, 30th July._—The - Sultan is greatly disappointed with the result of the State trial. - He expected that the proceedings would have received the approval - of public opinion, both in Turkey and in Western Europe, and he - finds that the reverse has been the case. The Court of Appeal, as - I ventured to predict, confirmed the sentence; but the Ulemas, - who are the custodians and expounders of the Sacred Law, made an - evasive reply to the questions addressed to them, and in the Grand - Council, composed of Ministers and other great personages, there was - a large and influential section of members who recommended that the - capital sentence should not be carried out. Both in the Assembly of - Ulemas and in the Grand Council the proceedings were very curious, - as showing that, even under the present reign of terror, there are - a few men who have the courage to maintain openly opinions which - they know to be unpalatable in the highest quarters. The obsequious - Sheik‐ul‐Islam, for example, who wished to cover the illegal - proceedings by art, encountered a determined resistance from the - Mufti Emini, whose duty it is to give a written decision to any legal - questions which may be addressed to him. The old man said in a calm - decided tone: ‘During my long life, I have never willingly given an - unjust decision, and now, when I have one foot in the grave, I shall - certainly not begin to deviate knowingly from the path of right. - The accused have been tried and condemned by a Civil tribunal, - according to laws and a procedure with which we have no professional - acquaintance. If we are to give a decision, the case must be tried - again from the commencement, according to the procedure prescribed by - the Sacred Law. To the question as it at present stands, the Sacred - Law provides no answer, and consequently no _fetva_ can be issued.’ - - “Similar courage was shown by some of the civil functionaries, - especially Haireddin Pasha, who, with his usual frankness and - fearlessness, condemned the proceedings of the Criminal Tribunal - in no measured terms. The ex‐Grand Vizier, Safvet and Kadri, spoke - more cautiously in the same sense. Osman, Mahmoud Nedim, and - Djevdet, Minister of Justice, were in favour of having the sentence - executed. Soubhi Pasha tried to find a middle course. He admitted - that irregularities might have been committed by the Tribunal, but - at the same time maintained that the Council had no power to reverse - the decision. This argument was tersely refuted by Haireddin, who - reminded his colleagues that they were called upon, not to reverse - the decision, but simply to give advice regarding the exercise of the - Imperial clemency. The Sultan, as you have heard, has commuted the - capital sentence as far as his two brothers‐in‐law are concerned, - on the ground that these personages acted according to stringent - superior orders. In this way one of the objects for which the trial - was instituted is attained more completely than by executing the - accused, for the ex‐Sultan Murad, who is supposed still to have - adherents, is thereby represented as being the real culprit.” - - * * * * * - - _Parliamentary Debates, 1st July 1881._—“Mr M’COAN asked the - Under‐Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether any other report - than that published at the time had been received from Dr Dickson - (page 90), physician to Her Majesty’s Embassy at Constantinople, and - a member of the Medical Commission, who examined the body of the - late Sultan Abdul Aziz immediately after his death, of the result of - such examination, and, if there be, whether he will lay it upon the - table of the House; and also, whether in the interests of justice - and humanity, and in view of the report made at the time by such - Medical Commission, it is the intention of Her Majesty’s Government - to interpose its friendly good offices at the Porte, or directly - with the Sultan, to save Midhat Pasha, and any or all of the other - persons convicted with him yesterday of complicity in the alleged - murder of Abdul Aziz, from execution of the sentences severally - passed upon them. He desired to express, before the question was - answered, his absolute distrust of the capacity and probity of the - members of the Turkish court which conducted the recent trial; and, - from his own personal knowledge, he accepted all the responsibility - of stating that they were persons not entitled to the respect of - Europe, or of that House. - - “Sir CHARLES W. DILKE—Sir, the substance of a report by Dr Dickson - was laid before Parliament (_Turkey_, No. 3, 1876), and no further - report has been received. Lord Granville is in communication with - Lord Dufferin with regard to the recent State trial; but it would be - premature to make any announcement at present.” - - * * * * * - - _4th July 1881._—“Earl DE LA WARR asked the noble Earl the Secretary - of State for Foreign Affairs whether any information could be given - with reference to the trial of Midhat Pasha, which was now proceeding - at Constantinople. He was quite aware that this was a question of - great delicacy as regarded interference on the part of Her Majesty’s - Government; but it could not be otherwise than a matter of deep - interest to their Lordships, and to the country generally, to know - that all that was possible was being done to insure a just trial, - as upon the issue of the trial might depend the life of a great and - distinguished statesman. - - “Earl GRANVILLE—My Lords, I have been in communication with Lord - Dufferin on this subject, which is exciting great interest in Europe. - Of the trial I have received no authentic report, and it would - clearly not be right for me to express any official opinion upon it. - I am not, at the present moment, able to give your Lordships any - further information on the subject.” - - - _7th July 1881._—“Mr STAVELEY HILL asked the Under Secretary of - State for Foreign Affairs whether he had any information from - Constantinople, with regard to the fate of Midhat Pasha. - - “Sir CHARLES W. DILKE—I can give no information upon this subject. - The telegrams which have passed, up to the present time, do not show - what are Lord Dufferin’s views; but representations are being made.” - - - _11th July 1881._—“Viscount FOLKESTONE (for Mr Staveley Hill) - asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether Her - Majesty’s Ambassador at Constantinople has been instructed to call - the attention of the advisers of the Sultan to the allegations of - the grave irregularities in the trial of Midhat Pasha, and to urge - upon His Majesty that the execution of that distinguished statesman - upon the result of such a trial may be regarded as a judicial murder - brought about by political rivals. - - “Mr M’COAN asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs - whether the Christoferides Effendi who presided at the recent trial - of Midhat Pasha is identical with the person of the same name who, in - May 1871, was an employé of the Turkish Ministry of Police. - - “Sir CHARLES W. DILKE—Sir, with regard to the first question, I - have to say that this is a somewhat delicate matter. I have already - said that communications are passing. Looking to the object which - the hon. Member has in view, it would not be wise that I should make - any public statement at the present time. The second question I must - answer in the affirmative.” - - - _21st July 1881._—“Mr M’COAN asked if there was any truth in the - newspaper report of that day that Midhat Pasha was to be sent in - exile to a place near Mecca. - - “Sir CHARLES DILKE said that up to four o’clock that afternoon no - telegram had reached the Foreign Office to that effect.” - - - _22nd July 1881._—“Mr M’COAN asked the Under Secretary of State for - Foreign Affairs if he had received any information with regard to the - execution of the sentence passed on Midhat Pasha. - - “Sir CHARLES W. DILKE said that within the last forty‐eight hours - they had received no further information from Lord Dufferin on the - subject. - - “Mr M’COAN said in view of a telegram of peculiar significance - published that morning, and which seemed to point to an almost - immediate decision in regard to the sentence passed at the recent - State trial at Constantinople, he must plead the urgency and gravity - of the case if he trespassed upon the time of the House for a few - moments, and would, if necessary, conclude with a motion. The case - was, shortly, this:—One of the most noted figures in European - politics, a statesman of the highest antecedents and reputation - (‘No!’), at least, for an Eastern statesman, had been tried in a way - notorious to the House, and his life at that moment was trembling - in the balance. He did not say that Her Majesty’s Government could - bring any more pressure to bear on the Porte than they had done - with reference to the subject. He was aware of the delicacy and - difficulty, probably the impracticability, of any Government putting - pressure upon the Sultan, except in the way of friendly intercession, - which so far, had had no effect. He therefore now wished to elicit - from the House its opinion in reference to the recent trial and the - action of the Turkish Government with respect to it, and he had - reason to believe that such expression of opinion would have the best - possible effect at Constantinople. Midhat Pasha, after passing a - distinguished official career, became Governor of Bulgaria, which he - found overrun with brigandage, and in such a state that the revenue - could not be collected. In a few months he put down brigandage, - caused the revenue to be collected, and, under his rule, Bulgaria - became one of the most prosperous provinces of the Turkish Empire. - One of his most persistent opponents was the Russian Ambassador. - Midhat was doing everything to revive European confidence in Turkey, - and as that did not suit Russian views, General Ignatieff became his - most persistent enemy, and intrigued against him. - - “Mr NEWDEGATE rose to order. He submitted that the Honourable and - learned member was asking the House to give an expression of opinion - upon a motion for adjournment, which was placing the House in a false - position, because it was precluded by its own forms from giving an - opinion on that subject on a motion of adjournment. - - “Mr SPEAKER said that, as the House was aware, the only question on - which the judgment of the House could be taken on the motion for - adjournment was whether the House should or should not adjourn. - - “Mr M’COAN said he would make his observations very brief. - Subsequently Midhat Pasha became Governor of Bagdad. It was said by - some that Midhat Pasha was a poor man, and therefore, presumably, - an honest man; by others that he was a rich man, and therefore, - presumably, a corrupt man; and he was sorry to say that a very high - authority—the Prime Minister—had given expression to the latter - opinion in an article he published. This, however, he knew: that - though the revenues of the provinces he governed, passed through - Midhat Pasha’s hands, he returned from each of them a poor man—in - one case not having sufficient funds to pay his own and his retinue’s - travelling expenses, and in another not being possessed of £500. - Afterwards he became Grand Vizier, and his famous Constitution - elicited from Liberal politicians everywhere praise and admiration, - and it was no fault of his that that admirable scheme did not become - an organic law of Turkey. He failed in his efforts to reform the - Administration, and to turn corrupt misrule into good government. - Subsequently, both in Syria and Smyrna, he carried out the same - principles of administrative reform. He was undoubtedly a party to - the deposition of the Sultan; but it was widely believed that he - was no party to his death, if he did not die by suicide. The Under - Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs had admitted that the Report - of the Medical Commission was in favour of the opinion that the death - was caused by suicide. Dr Dickson, the physician to the English - Embassy at Constantinople, joined in that opinion, and had assured - him (Mr M’Coan) that after the most careful examination of the body - he was clearly of opinion that it was a case of suicide. But what - happened at the so‐called trial? Why, that two of the doctors, who - had as Commissioners certified that it was a case of suicide—Marco - Pasha and Dr Castro—actually at the trial gave evidence to the - effect that, in their opinion, death had been caused by murder. Such - evidence was worthy of the tribunal before which it had been given. - In a reply to a question put by him, the Under Secretary of State - for Foreign Affairs had stated that the President at the trial had - been formerly an employé of the Municipal Police at Constantinople, - and that he had himself positive knowledge of the corruption of the - man when he held a judicial position. He had also evidence, though - not so direct, that this same person had continued to be one of the - most corrupt judicial functionaries in the service of the Porte; and - also evidence, less direct still, that the other members of the Court - which tried the State prisoners were of no whit better character. - No European community, therefore, would hang a dog upon the finding - of such a tribunal. He knew that Her Majesty’s Government could not - interfere directly, and that an unofficial or indirect appeal on - the part of Her Majesty’s Ambassador might have no effect, but he - was proud to know that no other opinion in Europe could have such - an effect upon the Porte, or in the Palace, as that of the House of - Commons, because it was thoroughly understood there that such opinion - reflected that of the country, and so influenced the action of the - Government. He begged to move the adjournment of the House, in the - hope that such opinion would be expressed on behalf of an innocent, - distinguished, and falsely condemned statesman. - - “THE O’DONOGHUE seconded the motion. - - “Motion made and question proposed.—‘That this House do now - adjourn’—(Mr M’COAN). - - “Sir H. DRUMMOND‐WOLFF said he would not follow the last speaker - in criticising the trial that had taken place at Constantinople, - a trial which he thought would not be considered satisfactory in - this country. He would not make an appeal to the right honourable - gentleman at the Head of the Government to interfere in regard to - the trial; but he would remind him that upon more than one occasion - the interference of the British Government had saved the lives of - men who had been condemned to death in Turkey. He trusted that the - Premier would see his way to take some steps to bring the influence - of Her Majesty’s Government to bear upon the Porte, with a view of, - at any rate, reducing the sentence passed on Midhat Pasha. He was a - man of what was called a very liberal mind, and had discharged his - duties in a remarkably impartial manner, and with much enlightenment, - considering the difficulties under which he had had to labour. He - ventured to suggest that the Premier would be doing a graceful act in - using his great influence on behalf of this unfortunate man. - - “Mr ASHMEAD BARTLETT said it was remarkable to notice the intense - interest taken in Turkish Pashas by the honourable gentleman, who - had lost no opportunity hitherto of denouncing them. The trial had - by no means been so unfair as was represented, and the evidence - against most of the accused was very strong. Everyone sympathised - with Midhat Pasha, who was a great statesman and patriot, and it - would be a most unfortunate thing if the trial resulted in his - death. He doubted, however, if there was any danger of that. The - present Sultan was a most humane and kind‐hearted man—and neither - Midhat Pasha nor the other two Ministers who were condemned with - him were in danger of execution. He thought the question might be - safely left to the discretion of Her Majesty’s Government without - any formal expression of opinion by the House. It would be most - unfortunate if any representations were made on behalf of the other - condemned Ministers, Mahmoud Damad and Nouri Pashas, who were openly - corrupt, and were guilty of almost every possible offence against the - interests of their country and of civilisation. It would be a matter - of rejoicing if they could be brought to justice. It would be better - if representations were made diplomatically by the Government without - the direct interference of the House; and although the influence of - the British Government was much less than it used to be, he had no - doubt they would have due effect. - - “Mr GLADSTONE—I do not know that much advantage would be gained - by a prolongation of the discussion. In answer to the appeals - made, especially by the honourable Member for Portsmouth (Sir H. - Drummond‐Wolff), I think I can state very briefly what is a very - simple matter—namely, the limits of action laid down for us, and - the fact that we have not scrupled to act within them. Those limits - were necessarily narrow. I was sorry to hear the honourable gentleman - who made this motion introduce statements of so pointed a character - respecting the individuals who have been called upon to conduct - the inquiry. He may be quite warranted in all he says; but it is - perfectly impossible that we can know that, and it is perfectly - impossible, in justice to those individuals, to go in this House into - the circumstances of which he speaks. If the trial be bad, an attempt - to re‐try the case in an Assembly of this kind, with the view to an - expression of opinion on the definitive merits of the case, would - likewise, be open to much objection. - - “The real state of the case is this—Have we a right of intervention - in a matter of this kind? Clearly we have none. I use the words - ‘right of intervention.’ But there are considerations of policy and - humanity which have, on various occasions, led to representations, - more or less formal, which are in the nature of interference - with private affairs, but which are grounded on a sincere and - dispassionate anxiety, in the first place, for the general - principles of humanity and justice, and, in the second place, for - the interests of the great Power in whose counsels you appear to - intervene. Unquestionably, though we have no power to pass a final - sentence on the nature of the proceedings in Constantinople, there - has been a public opinion in regard to these proceedings, both in - Constantinople and Europe generally, such as to make us believe that - it would be greatly for the interest of the Sultan of Turkey were - he moved to pursue a humane and liberal course. Recognising these - facts, we have not scrupled to act upon them. So early as 4th July - instructions were sent to Lord Dufferin to use the least obtrusive, - but, at the same time, the most confidential, direct and effective - means to make the kind of representations which we desired to be - made. Lord Dufferin has, I think, with as much tact and delicacy as - are in the possession of any man, and with, at the same time, as much - good feeling and zeal, acted readily upon these instructions, and - has, to the best of his power, made representations in the general - sense I have described. We have no doubt whatever that a lenient - and a considerate course will give satisfaction to the enlightened - opinion of Europe, and will be greatly for the interests and peace of - Turkey. Having said that, I think I had better add no more. I see no - advantage in implicating or attempting to pass judgment on anyone. - We have stood on the purely general consideration I have described; - and I believe the House will be disposed to think, on the general - statement I have made, that without any special merit on our part, we - have discharged our duty. - - “Mr J. COWEN said he was sure the House had listened with - satisfaction to the humane and generous observations of the Prime - Minister. He trusted his hon. friend, the Member for Wicklow, having - elicited such an expression of opinion, would be content, and not - push his motion to a division. He entirely sympathised with him - in the course he had pursued. It was desirable that the British - Parliament should have an opportunity of recording its opinion of the - very exceptional proceedings under the name of law that had recently - taken place at Constantinople. Midhat Pasha was a distinguished - Turkish Pasha. He had served his country ably and honourably in the - highest offices the Sultan could confer. He had proved himself to - be a friend of England and of progressive principles. He (Mr Cowen) - had the privilege of his acquaintance, and he could confirm the - high character that the hon. Member for Wicklow had given him. He - recognised the delicacy of the position, and he could appreciate the - difficulties that the Premier had referred to. To interfere with the - action of the Turkish Courts, however they were constituted, might - be regarded as trenching upon the freedom of an independent State. - If representations were made in a too emphatic way, they might be - resented by the Sultan, and have the very opposite effect than was - designed. This was a possibility which they should all bear in mind, - and of which the Government, no doubt, were conscious. They should - remember also that it was impossible for the House to review the - proceedings of the Constantinople tribunal. They might have their - opinions; but they were not, and could not, be informed of all the - details. But still, admitting all this, the English Government had - on other occasions interceded with foreign rulers on behalf of - fallen statesmen or popular leaders. There were many instances in - history where there had been such friendly interference; and they - had, therefore, the warrant of precedent for doing what was now - suggested. He trusted that the Government would—with all the energy - that they felt themselves justified in using, but at the same time, - with the necessary friendliness—intercede on behalf of Midhat - Pasha. The Prime Minister had said that instructions to that effect - would be sent to Lord Dufferin, and the House and the country would - feel satisfied that any appeal by him would be supported by a man - of great ability, high character, and of generous spirit. Having - called attention to the subject and made this representation, he - would advise that the matter be allowed to rest in the hands of Her - Majesty’s Government. - - - “Mr M’COAN asked leave to withdraw the motion.” - - - _29th July 1881._—“Lord STRATHEDEN AND CAMPBELL, in rising to ask - the Government whether their influence at Constantinople is being - exercised to arrest proceedings in the case of Midhat Pasha, said he - hoped that in the absence—which he regretted—of the noble earl the - Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, some member of the Government - would be able to give an answer to his question. No doubt all the - members of the Government knew what answer to give, because the Prime - Minister really decided these matters, and his colleagues must be in - possession of his views. The fate of Midhat Pasha was a question in - which the people of this country took great interest. There was no - doubt that he had not had a fair trial, and obstacles were put in the - way of his defending himself. There was little doubt that Abdul Aziz - had put an end to his own life; and he thought that the public law of - Europe, about which so much had been said of late years, should be - put in motion on his behalf. It might be said that public law would - be an obstacle to exercising influence to arrest proceedings in the - case; but if that were so, public law had been set at nought by every - ambassador whom the Queen had employed at Constantinople recently. - - - “Lord STANLEY OF ALDERLEY said he regretted the course which the - noble lord had taken as damaging to his consistency, since he usually - respected the law of nations; but now he asked the Government to do - something which was quite contrary to it. He was not only asking them - to obtain a commutation of the sentence passed on Midhat Pasha, but - to arrest proceedings. A month ago the noble lord intimated that the - Foreign Secretary had not the control of the Foreign Office, but that - the Prime Minister had; and the Prime Minister had stated in ‘another - place’ that this was a case in which the Government had no right - to interfere. The noble lord should have been satisfied with that - answer. When Midhat Pasha was Grand Vizier he was responsible for - what was going on at Constantinople; and after the time that Sultan - Abdul Aziz Khan’s death took place, he did not institute any enquiry - into any of the circumstances that had surrounded it. No doubt, it - was unfortunate that in the recent trial the Ottoman Government - had adopted European forms, and it would have been better if the - Turkish Government had followed their own forms of trial in this - case. However, he had no doubt that substantial justice had been done - to Midhat Pasha. The present question was, moreover, unnecessary, - because the sentence had already been commuted, and Midhat Pasha was - going into a healthy climate, where there need be no fear on account - of his health. Midhat Pasha was a good administrator in Bulgaria, - but he had been too much praised for what he had done, and, on the - whole, he was an ignorant, rather than a learned man. However, in - Midhat Pasha’s present situation, he would rather not make further - observations upon his administration of affairs. There was no ground - for any alarm in regard to the country to which he was banished. - - - “The Earl of KIMBERLEY said he was sorry that his noble friend the - Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs was not present to answer the - question of the noble lord. As to the actual form of the question, - he agreed with his noble friend opposite (Lord Stanley of Alderley) - that it would be an extraordinary interference on the part of one - Government to exercise its influence upon another, in order to arrest - proceedings which the latter had thought it necessary to take in - regard to an accusation against a subject of that Government. But - probably his noble friend desired to know what course had been taken - by Her Majesty’s Government in the whole matter; and what he had - to say was that in a question of so much delicacy, involving the - internal Government of the Porte, and touching the Sultan himself, - Her Majesty’s Government had not thought that it would be desirable - to exercise any direct advice or interference; but feeling, as they - did, an interest in this matter, they had been able, through Lord - Dufferin, in a perfectly private and unofficial manner, to express - their wish that it might be the pleasure of the Sultan to deal with - this matter in a merciful spirit. He was not in a position to state - that it had been officially notified that the sentence passed upon - the incriminated Pashas had been commuted; but he had good reason to - believe that the statement in the newspapers alluded to, that the - sentence had been commuted to banishment to Arabia, was true.” - - -The result of the humanitarian intervention on the part of the English -Government was that the death sentence on Midhat Pasha was changed to -one of imprisonment for life. - -The Sultan Abdul Hamid knew far better than any one else that Midhat -was innocent, and that Abdul Aziz had committed suicide, as was fully -proved by the Medical report; if Abdul Hamid had had genuine proof on -which to accuse Midhat before the eyes of Europe and the law, nothing -could have prevented the death penalty from being executed, since he -had sworn to put an end to Midhat Pasha. Although the Sultan was thus -foiled in his attempt to put away Midhat by form of law, he did not -relinquish his intention, but sought other clandestine means to attain -it. How this was accomplished, will be proved by documents in the -following pages. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -EXILE OF MIDHAT PASHA - - -The Sultan, yielding to the humane intervention of England and Europe, -named the town of Taïf, in Arabia, as the place of exile for Midhat -Pasha. Taïf is a town situated to the south of Mecca, and is renowned -for its verdure and for its surrounding fortress. Midhat Pasha, Damad -Mahmoud Djelaleddin and Nouri Pashas, with the other prisoners, were -taken by a special steamer and landed at Djeddah, and reached Taïf by -way of Mecca. The Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Haïroullah Effendi, who had been on a -pilgrimage to Mecca when he was accused of being an accomplice in the -alleged murder of Abdul Aziz, had been imprisoned at Taïf, where Midhat -found him on his arrival. - -After the banishment of Midhat, his family were detained in exile -in Smyrna, and his son and daughter sought refuge from any possible -contingency at the British Consulate, where they remained for three -months, returning to their mother when the storm of these events had -passed. Two years after his exile, Midhat sent his family the most -alarming information in his letters, of which we give a translation. -These letters were carried to Smyrna by men who were the devoted -friends of the family, and who made the journey for that express -purpose. - - -_Translation of an Autograph Letter from Midhat Pasha (from the Prison -of Taïf) to his Family._ - - “MY DEAR FAMILY,—Nearly a month ago I sent you a letter through - Saïd Bey—the last that I was able to write before this—in which - I gave you the list of the numbered letters which I had previously - sent you. A week after, I became ill with an abscess on the right - shoulder‐blade. Later on, this was diagnosed as being anthrax. It - caused me very great suffering. The only doctor here is quite a young - man, without any experience. My companions in exile,[26] seeing my - condition, became very uneasy, and, without consulting me, took upon - themselves to address a letter to the Governor of Mecca, asking that - a doctor might be sent here. But they did not receive any reply - from this personage, who, however, had just received through an - aide‐de‐camp sent from Constantinople the firman bestowing on him the - rank of marshal, and also strict secret orders that we must perish, - either by starvation or by some other means. - - “To this end the Vali chose Major Bekir Effendi, who was charged with - our surveillance and with the execution of this mission. As soon as - he arrived, Bekir dismissed our servants and cooks and reduced our - rations. I was in bed, suffering from the pain of this abscess, when - Bekir came and told me the orders he had received, which he did in - a severe voice, with a rough tone and without the least touch of - feeling. He told us that we must be contented with a little soup and - with vegetables, which would be served to us in one of those bowls - used by the soldiers, and that we were strictly forbidden to procure - other food than that which was provided for us. At the same time he - forbade us to have our linen washed, a task which each one of us must - perform for himself. Besides this, he took away the inkstand, pen - and paper that was at our disposition, and everything necessary for - correspondence. Luckily, I had burned your letters, although they - contained nothing compromising, but complications might have arisen - from them if they had fallen into their hands. - - “This part of his mission accomplished, Major Bekir had the wife and - child of Haïroullah Effendi, who were occupying a separate house, - sent off to Mecca that very night. Our servants and cooks followed - very soon afterwards. - - “The treatment to which we are submitted is one means of many to - get rid of us. For my companions have always been accustomed to - luxury and ease, and even though hunger may oblige them to eat the - poor food given to the soldiers, their health cannot endure such a - regimen, and they will certainly end by succumbing, but only after - how much suffering and misery! I cannot give you an idea of the - melancholy into which they are plunged. They are constantly praying - Heaven for their deliverance. As to me, what I find the most painful, - is being deprived of my servant, whom they removed by force, and - whose attentions were more than ever necessary to me at a moment when - my state of health has got so much worse. - - “The refusal of the Governor‐General of Mecca to send a doctor, and - the speech and most unjustifiable conduct of Bekir, contributed not a - little to the aggravation of my condition. I had no other consolation - than the hope of quitting this life and of at last succumbing to - the sufferings that I endured. But it cannot be helped; the supreme - hour has not yet come, and I must still suffer. I had lost all hope, - although Heaven in its mercy often reserves consolations for the - unhappy, and relief for their sorrows. - - “I was thus in despair of ever getting well, when, thanks to the - care of my companions, who applied a poultice, the abscess burst - and continued suppurating for a fortnight. Since then the pain has - diminished and the wound is beginning to heal. At the moment when - Haïroullah Effendi’s wife and child, and our servants also, were - embarking at Djeddah for Constantinople, a telegraphic order caused - them to return to Taïf in company with Major Bekir. Thus, when on the - point of becoming free, these unhappy beings were once more cast into - prison. - - “This is a brief statement of our situation, and if no change takes - place in the conditions of our existence, it will be very difficult - for me to send letters as hitherto. The linen, food and money that - you wish to send me will never reach me. Perhaps you could find some - one who might be able to send me my false teeth. Give up any idea - of sending me money, for we are now forbidden to buy any really - nourishing food, such as meat, vegetables, rice, etc., and as to - coffee, coal, and soap, I have plenty of money to buy those. I - embrace you all affectionately. - - “(Signed) MIDHAT. - - “_8th Djemazi‐ul‐Ahir, 1301_” (1883). - (_Year of the Hegira._) - - - “_P.S._—Every morning they bring a bowl of soup for eight people, a - dish of radish leaves or something of that nature; in the evening - we all assemble round these bowls and those who are very hungry are - obliged to eat from them; the others content themselves with a piece - of bread kept back from the day before. Those who have money buy - soap and coal, and heat water for washing their linen. Those who are - without the necessary means use water mixed with cinders. As to me, - who have no teeth, I live on bread‐soup. The abscess is nearly cured, - but my weakness is very great. As I have already told you, all these - means are taken with the sole aim of destroying us. Time will show - who will be the first to give me the _coup de grâce_.” - - -_Another Autograph Letter from Midhat Pasha._ - - “MY DEAR WIFE, MY BELOVED DAUGHTERS, MY DEAR SON ALI HAIDAR,—This - letter is perhaps the last that I shall ever write you; for, as - I told you in my two preceding letters, it is now proved that - in modifying our regimen and in depriving us of all means of - correspondence, they have no other aim than that of getting rid of - us. Besides which they have tried to poison us. - - “Ten days ago, my servant Arif, whom I had ordered to buy some milk - through one of the officers, discovered when he was boiling it that - it was poisoned. Four days after this, Arif, having bought some meat, - prepared it in the evening and placed it in his room. In the morning - we perceived that the metal of the saucepan bore traces of poison. - Several days afterwards they poisoned the water in the jug from - which we drink. All these attempts have been foiled by the attention - and watchfulness of the servant. Seeing this want of success, they - will try other means. We are surrounded by very dangerous people; - especially Major Tcherkesse Bekir, one of the college companions of - the famous Tcherkesse Hassan,[27] who was sent two years ago from - Constantinople to keep watch over us. This Tcherkesse Bekir has, as - accomplices, three non‐commissioned officers, who lodge with us. - Every day the most sinister orders are transmitted to the Vali, - Osman Pasha (Governor of Mecca), who in return for his services - has received a Marshal’s bâton. Yesterday there arrived Colonel - Tcherkesse Mehemet Lutfi, always with the same orders. We are face - to face with very great danger and are threatened with the blackest - designs; I believe that there is little hope that we shall escape. - Perhaps even before receiving this letter you will learn the news - of my death. In this case it is useless to suffer great affliction. - May the merciful God pardon us our sins! And if we are destined to - succumb, there can be no greater happiness than to be martyrs in a - holy cause. - - “My supreme desire is that you should live in peace, united around - the family hearth. May the Almighty God have you in His Holy keeping! - - “(Signed) MIDHAT. - - “_10 Redjeb 1301, O.S._” - (_24th September 1883_). - - -Madame Midhat had these facts brought to the knowledge of Lord -Dufferin, at Constantinople. At the same time the Duke of Sutherland, -who was going to Constantinople, passed through Smyrna and went to see -Midhat’s family, assuring them that he would do all in his power to -persuade the Sultan to give Midhat Pasha his liberty. Lord Dufferin -made representations to the Ottoman Government, and charged the -Dragoman belonging to the British Consulate at Djeddah to procure news -of Midhat’s health from the Grand Shereef of Mecca. The Grand Shereef, -Abdul Mutalib Pasha, assured the Dragoman that Midhat was perfectly -well.[28] But the Sultan, terrified at the relations between the Grand -Shereef Abdul Mutalib and the English Dragoman, accused the former of -holding secret relations with England, with a view to saving Midhat -and combining with him against his person; he therefore disgraced him, -throwing him into the fortress of Taïf. It was on this account that -Midhat, without knowing the real reason, wrote the following letter to -his family on the arrest of the Grand Shereef:— - - -Another Letter from Midhat Pasha to his Family. - - “MY DEAR FAMILY,—Two days ago a very strange event occurred. During - the night of 30th August, at midnight, the house of the Emir of - Mecca, Shereef Abdul Mutalib (who was then in residence at Taïf), was - suddenly surrounded by four battalions of Infantry and four guns. - At daybreak he was torn from his bed and conducted to the fortress - where we are imprisoned. He has been replaced in his office by the - Shereef Abdullah Pasha. It is believed that Abdul Mutalib will be - sent to Constantinople or elsewhere. He is accused of having kept - up a correspondence with the English. The fact that this personage, - who, in his anxiety to please in a high quarter, caused us so much - suffering, is now thrown into a wretched hole of a prison, is a very - great example. However, we can only pity his fate, when we think of - his great age—he is a hundred—and that he is a descendant of the - Prophet. - - “(Signed) MIDHAT. - - “_2nd September 1299, O.S._” - (_14th September 1882._) - - -Whilst the Sultan was assuring England of his good intentions, he was -at the same time maturing his tyrannical plan of execution. Damad Nouri -Pasha had already died—mad; but it was extremely difficult to put a -Sheik‐ul‐Islam to death on a false accusation, and above all before the -“Softa” (Theological Students and Ulemas, of whom he is the Supreme -Head); for this reason, Haïroullah Effendi was placed on one side. -The Vali of Hedjaz—Marshal Osman Nouri Pasha—received an order by -special envoys to see to the execution of the murder. On the 26th of -April, 1883, they entered Midhat’s room during the night, and by means -of a cord they strangled him in his bed without the least resistance. -Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin Pasha attempted to defend himself, but was -overcome by brute force. An eye‐witness of the crime, Haïroullah -Effendi, sent a letter of condolence to the family of Midhat Pasha, of -which we publish a translation. - - -_To the Honourable Family of Midhat Pasha._ - - “I humbly present my most respectful homage to Madame and - Mesdemoiselles Midhat Pasha, and also to his son Ali Haydar Bey, with - the expression of my profound regret and sympathy on the occasion of - the death of our beloved master, Midhat Pasha. May the Almighty grant - them as great a measure of happiness as there are grains of dust in - the earth that covers his martyred remains. - - “You will have heard of his tragic death and of the circumstances - under which it occurred. His Highness did not succumb, as has been - announced in the newspapers, to the illness from which he was - suffering. It is true that he had anthrax, but it was not bubonic. - The truth is that in the same night and at the same moment both - Midhat Pasha and Damad Mahmoud Pasha were strangled. May the Divine - clemency and blessing be upon them. - - “There are many things that I ought to tell you, but I dare not write - more fully, as I am in dread of our persecutors. Kindly let me hear - that you have received this letter, and do not divulge the name of - him who sent it. If you have anything that you wish to ask me you can - write to me. - - “Half of the Pasha’s possessions have been stolen by the employés, - the rest has been sent to Constantinople. - - “The servant, who so faithfully served our lamented Midhat Pasha, is - well worthy of being helped. The Pasha, shortly before his death, - left him £T100. He gave me a note signed to this effect, which I - enclose to you, begging that you will send the poor man the money. - - “I beg you, Madame and Mesdemoiselles, to accept the expression of my - respectful affection. - - - “HASSAN HAÏROULLAH. - (_ex‐Sheik‐ul‐Islam._) - - “TAÏF, _15th Zilkade, 1301_” (1883). - - -Wishing to render a last service to his country, the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, -Haïroullah Effendi, also sent to the Reform Party a record of the -details of this assassination, which is contained in the following -chapter. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -DETAILS OF THE ASSASSINATION OF MIDHAT PASHA, ACCORDING TO -INFORMATION DERIVED FROM HAÏROULLAH EFFENDI. - - -In the course of the third year of his exile at Taïf, Midhat Pasha had -a large tumour on his right shoulder. The doctor, who was permitted -to attend him, was a certain Nashid Effendi, who delayed a fortnight -before diagnosing it as anthrax, and who, being ignorant of all modern -surgical knowledge, did not even perform the necessary operation, -alleging the age of the Pasha as a cause for this omission. - -This infamous and unworthy conduct on the part of the doctor was, at -first, explained in two ways: as he had only just left the School of -Medicine, perhaps he had not sufficient experience, or perhaps he was -acting under superior orders of those who were desirous of the death -of the invalid. But what is certain is that Damad Mahmoud Pasha, -companion in exile of Midhat, having no confidence either in the -capacity or honesty of Nashid, and fearing lest he had some criminal -design, sent a telegram to the Governor‐General of Hedjaz, residing at -Mecca—Osman Nouri Pasha, who is now Marshal and Aide‐de‐camp to Abdul -Hamid—in which he implored him to send another doctor, accusing Nashid -of incapacity. But Osman Nouri had not even the politeness to reply -to him. However, fortunately the anthrax burst of itself, and it was -always this same Nashid, accompanied by an officer, Captain Ibrahim -Aga, who dressed the wound. The state of health of the invalid, which -grew worse from day to day, was caused probably by the treatment to -which he was submitted. It must be said that it is almost by a miracle -that the wound healed eventually, thanks to a different but altogether -rudimentary treatment, which was tried. - -The doctor made a report to the Governor‐General after each visit, and -that official never failed to transmit it regularly by telegraph to -Yildiz Kiosk. - -One day Nashid, after dressing the wound with Ibrahim, suddenly asked -Midhat Pasha, to the general consternation, if it were really true that -in Europe criminals were now only executed by means of chloroform. This -question, simple enough in itself, gave more than one person cause for -reflection. - -Major Bekir[29] of the Third Battalion, 10th Regiment, who was -specially charged with the surveillance of the prisoners, had gone -away some days previously to Mecca and Medina. It was with very great -surprise, therefore, that we saw him enter Midhat Pasha’s room with the -doctor and Ibrahim. When asked the reason of his sudden return, Bekir -replied simply, with extraordinary cunning, that it was only to arrange -certain affairs of the garrison, in the first place, and secondly, to -collect the taxes in the villages situated on the side of Tarié. He -added that he was getting ready for this journey on the receipt of a -special order from the _Muchir_ (Marshal). - -This was a bare‐faced lie, and we shall see further on what was in -reality the mission with which he was charged. - -The sixth day after the arrival of Major Bekir was a Friday, and, as -usual, the servants belonging to the prisoners, accompanied by a -guard, went to the mosque in the town for the Friday prayer. Arif Aga, -servant to Midhat Pasha, remained by his suffering master. - -On their return, Major Bekir stopped them all before the _caracol_ or -guard‐room, and not seeing Arif Aga amongst them, had him at once sent -for. - -Arif refused to obey this order, alleging that he could not leave his -invalid alone. When the Pashas perceived that Bekir insisted, they told -the orderly to fetch him, in order that they might learn the reason -of this inexplicable affair. Bekir, on receiving this communication, -jumped up, and going to Midhat Pasha’s room in the _kalé_ (fortress), -declared in a haughty, insulting manner that the servants would be -dismissed from their service, that in future they would have to be -contented to eat from _caravanas_, and that they would no longer be -allowed to purchase eggs, cheese, nor olives, only tobacco; and last of -all, that they would now be forbidden to present any further requests -to the Sultan. - -Such was the arrogant language employed by Bekir. Later on, changing -his tone, he added with less impertinence that he was charged with a -special mission, and that he had received an order to send Haïroullah -Effendi’s wife (who was living in the town with her baby) first of all -to Mecca, and thence to Constantinople. This was most alarming news to -many, for it all pointed to secret plots. However, there was no other -course open than to await the end with resignation. - -Damad Mahmoud Pasha, who was of a very hot‐blooded disposition, and -who easily got angry, lost patience, and replied to the explanations -of Bekir by demanding that at least the dismissed attendants might be -allowed to return to them in order to settle their accounts. Bekir, -now become almost amiable, replied that this would be contrary to the -orders he had received, but in order to do them a service, he would -take the responsibility upon himself and allow the servants to come, -accompanied by a guard. - -The servants, after their accounts had been settled, were lodged in a -room near the principal door of the barracks. The cooking utensils, -pens, paper, and ink‐stands, which until then had been placed at the -disposition of the Pashas, were now taken from them. Bekir, in order to -make the preparations for his travels, spent the night at the barracks. - -Midhat Pasha had more than once filled the office of Grand Vizier, and -had rendered eminent services to his country. The manner in which they -treated him shocked me, for even under these circumstances, taking into -consideration his age and the weak state of his health, they might have -shown him some consideration. - -A hospital attendant, a soldier, who was completely ignorant of the -habits of the Pasha, was now appointed as his servant. Nevertheless, -Midhat Pasha, we must allow, whilst we render homage to his energy, -submitted to all these humiliations with the greatest calm, and even -with indifference. - -On the 8th of April, a Sunday, Bekir visited Midhat, undoubtedly with -the intention, after some conversation, of taking the latest news to -the Pasha at Hedjaz, for that same day he was going to leave for Mecca, -taking with him the wife of Haïroullah, his child, the servants, and -the cooks. - -“Are you going now?” asked Midhat Pasha of Bekir. - -“Yes, in a few hours,” he replied; “if you have any communications to -make me, will you kindly do so now?” - -“Very well! Listen to me attentively. His Majesty, Abdul Hamid, has -recently raised the Vali to the rank of Marshal, and I congratulate -the latter with all my heart. You know, however, all the services -that I have rendered my country; no one can deny them. You are not -ignorant of the distinguished posts I have successively occupied. -Now, you see how I am treated; I see nothing before me except the -most gloomy prospect, and it is through you that they will get rid -of me. You will be the instruments, and each of you, most probably, -will be promoted; the officer will become colonel, the colonel will be -gazetted as a general, and so on; but remember that you may die after -Abdul Hamid. If you die before, your titles will be inscribed on your -tombs; but if the contrary occurs, then I am convinced it will be quite -otherwise. Pause now, examine your conscience, calculate your own moral -and material interests, and without looking so far ahead, whilst His -Majesty is still alive, just think for a moment what has become of the -Chief President of that arbitrary tribunal which condemned me in so -cowardly a manner, without any tangible proof. It is quite true that -Sourouri Effendi was appointed _Cadi Asker_; but was he not exiled -soon afterwards, under the title of Governor of Manissa. As to Djevdet -Pasha, the second President, he is, as everyone knows, deprived of his -functions, and is now at home—a disgraced man. Think of these events, -and you will form a correct idea of the situation. I see that some -crime is overhanging me. Remember the verse of the Koran which says: -‘Whosoever kills shall be punished with hell and eternal tortures.’... -We are all deserving of chastisement at the hands of Divine Justice. -And now that you know my opinion, will you communicate it faithfully to -the Vali?” - -Bekir grew pale, but plucking up courage, replied: “I have been present -at several battles; but, apart from war, I have never even cut off the -head of a fowl.” The conversation coming to an end, Bekir went out of -the prisoner’s room, and at once started on his journey to Mecca, -accompanied by the individuals we have already mentioned. - -On the seventh day after his departure—a Friday evening—we saw him -return to Taïf. To the general surprise he reinstated the servants in -the Pashas’ service. After a few days Haïroullah’s wife also returned -from Djeddah with her baby and the cook. Haïroullah ordered his servant -Ibrahim to look after his household in the town, and contented himself -with the services of a common soldier. - -The day after his return Bekir once more made his appearance in the -Pashas’ quarters, saying that a new Irade had just been telegraphed -ordering a diminution of the prisoner’s rations and the dismissal of -the cooks. He also presented the greetings from the Vali, who would, -nevertheless, allow them to purchase from the bazaar all that they -needed. - -Why this toleration? What did it mean, coming after the diminution -of the rations and the dismissal of the cooks? Bekir replied to this -maliciously, stating that such a duty was most unpleasing to him, but -that as a soldier he was compelled to obey his superiors, although he -regretted to be unable to act otherwise. - -At this time, Midhat Pasha was fortunately almost entirely cured of his -illness, but they still continued to telegraph daily the state of his -health to the Governor‐General. - -One day Midhat Pasha sent his attendant to the town to buy some milk -from a milkman named Echreff. Immediately on learning this, one of the -officers, told off to guard the prisoners, a certain Nouri, wished to -accompany the soldier to the milkman’s house. On arriving at their -destination, they asked for the milk. Echreff declared that he had only -three _kilos_ of milk, which had been ordered by the General, but -that he would give them one _ock_ at once if it were for the Pasha. -Nouri accepted this offer, and ordered the soldier to take it to Daïra. -This most unexpected and unusual amiability on the part of Nouri was -noticed, and gave rise to suspicions. - -During the Pasha’s illness, it was Saïd Bey, another prisoner, who -watched over the food prepared by Midhat’s servant, Arif Aga. Saïd Bey -at once took care to examine the can that contained this milk, and -noticed to his surprise that the colour of it was unnatural. He tasted -a small spoonful and found that the milk had a bitter flavour that -hurt his throat. Saïd mentioned this fact to several people who were -present, and especially to the lieutenant, Mehemet Aga, and they all -tasted it—some of them even had to keep to their beds for several days -afterwards, having been so imprudent as to take a sufficient quantity -to upset their system. - -When this was related to Midhat Pasha, he at once sent for Mehemet Aga, -and with much self‐restraint spoke to him as follows: “I sent to‐day -for some of the same milk as that ordered by the Binbashi (Major). It -has been found to contain verdigris; this has been proved by all those -who drank it; I believe that you also tasted it.” - -Mehemet acknowledged that the milk had been very much adulterated. -Midhat, still preserving his _sang‐froid_, continued: “Since this is -the case, why do you not go to the Binbashi (Major) and warn him to be -careful not to drink it.” - -The officer went away hurriedly, and soon after returned, saying: -“That the Binbashi was going to send for the milkman, that he intended -to investigate the matter, and that if it were deserved, a severe -punishment would be inflicted. That he meant to get to the bottom of -the whole business.” - -But we learned later on that before Mehemet went to inform the -Binbashi, this latter was in the garden of the military hospital, -surrounded by his confidants, whom he asked from time to time if all -had gone off well! If the milk had been drunk, and if it had proved -efficacious. - -At the same time we were told that several soldiers who had drunk -the Binbashi’s milk had become ill. This, undoubtedly, was nothing -but a rumour which had been purposely spread, and has never received -confirmation from any trustworthy source. - -A sample of this milk was sent to the Binbashi to be analysed by -the doctors. The only reply he made was: “That they had not got the -necessary apparatus for analysis!” This is absolutely incredible. - -In order to save appearances, Bekir sent for Echreff, the milkman, -and remonstrated with him. But Echreff, on his side, protested most -vehemently. Besides which all his cans were in good condition. He -insisted that the milk must have been contaminated by some medicament -after it had left his dairy. - -Thus the incident was closed, for the Binbashi did not follow up the -affair, which he wished to be forgotten. - -Another time a strange fact was again noticed. It was when Arif, -Midhat’s servant, was still in his service. He always passed his nights -in the Pasha’s room, having first of all locked up his own, in which he -frequently kept the food he had prepared for the following day. - -Arif perceived one morning that the lids of his saucepans had been -disturbed, and that their contents presented an unusual appearance. He -immediately told Midhat of his extraordinary discovery, and the Pasha -sent at once for Damad Mahmoud and the other prisoners, begging them -to examine the saucepans. After a summary examination they ascertained -that some foreign matter had been introduced. The perpetrator of this -odious attempt remained as much unknown as he who had put the verdigris -in the milk. The contents of all the saucepans were given to the dogs -and cats, but as these animals were none the worse, we thought that -this foreign matter could not have been a poison. However, after the -assassination of Midhat Pasha we learned that the sub‐lieutenants -Mehemet and Nouri, getting in one night by the window, had managed to -poison all those dishes of which Midhat Pasha would have partaken the -following day. These two gentlemen made a complete confession of this -crime some time afterwards. - -During this time there was an honest soldier, Mehemet Yosgad, whose -duty it was to prepare the coffee. We now know that it was suggested to -him more than once that he should give poison to the prisoners, mixing -it with their coffee. However, as this honourable man firmly refused to -commit this crime, others had to be found who would undertake it. - -Mahmoud Pasha, who was very fond of coffee, began to give up drinking -it, and no longer smoked his _narghilé_, but in order to show his -confidence in honest Mehemet, he never refused coffee that had been -prepared by him. - -Another time it was noticed that the water which was kept in a _baradé_ -had a most offensive smell. The jar was broken, and very great -precautions were taken thenceforth. - -Major Bekir was a thoroughly bad man, and extremely cunning. He took as -many precautions about the crime he was about to commit as he did about -his accomplices. So far all attempts at poisoning had failed; other -means must be employed! - -On the 9th of Redjeb, 1301 (23rd April 1883, O.S.), a Sunday, a -detachment of cavalry, with two guns, arrived at Taïf, under the -command of a Circassian colonel belonging to the 53rd regiment of the -7th Army Corps. Mehemet Lutfi at once chose out about forty of the -strongest soldiers and increased the prisoners’ guard. - -Before the arrival of Mehemet Lutfi, Bekir had several times called -Hadji Chukri Aga, Mahmoud Pasha’s servant, into his own private room -very late at night, when every one was asleep, and kept him there in -trivial conversation; but he had never dared to confide the secret to -him, nor to ask his help, for Chukri was not the kind of man to become -his accomplice, or to commit a crime against his benefactor. - -As has been stated above, the colonel reorganised the prisoners’ guards -after his own manner. The same day he sent for Arif Aga in order that -he might have the incident of the milk explained to him, but in reality -he proposed to Arif that he should poison his master. - -“The poison is ready,” he said, “and if you succeed in making Midhat -drink it, you will receive very great rewards from His Majesty the -Sultan. Another man has been commissioned to kill Damad Mahmoud, but -if you are willing to undertake that as well, your recompense shall be -doubled. If ever you divulge the secret you will be killed.” - -The promised reward amounted to £T1000 for the death of Midhat, and -£T600 for that of Mahmoud. - -Arif was a devoted and faithful servant, besides being a good -Mussulman. He not only refused the rewards, but, disregarding all -intimidations, protested strongly against the cowardly and unworthy -schemes that they had formed against his master. He hastened also to -relate to Midhat and to Mahmoud Pasha all that had been said to him. - -These two Pashas, deeply moved by this communication, held a long -consultation together, but to no purpose. What could they do? For -a long time now they had foreseen very clearly that their end was -approaching, if not by one way, then by another. - -The colonel, who had not thought fit to pay them a visit, appeared very -much preoccupied. - -On the second night after his arrival he had the prisoners’ quarters -surrounded by numerous soldiers, and gave special orders to those who -formed the inside guard. On Tuesday evening, he wished to end the whole -affair, but circumstances obliged him to put off the execution until -the following night. Ibrahim Aga, the captain, and three lieutenants -sent for Arif Aga, and told him plainly that owing to a command -received from the Palace of Yildiz Kiosk, they were obliged to put an -end to Midhat, and that as Arif had refused to poison him, they hoped -that at least he would have a little good sense and open the door of -the Pasha’s room about midnight; and that if he refused this little -service they would know what steps to take. - -Poor Arif Aga, maddened by hearing of the odious crime which was about -to be committed against his beloved master, sprang up in rage and -cried frantically to these wretches: “Oh no! I will never do what you -suggest—I will never open the door! I will not be your accomplice! I -am afraid of my conscience and of Allah!” - -They were beginning to ill‐treat him, but at that moment the prisoners -happened to be going to their separate rooms. Midhat, who was on his -way to his bedroom, was descending the stairs when he heard the voice -of his faithful servant crying out over and over again: “Master, do not -go down; return to your friends at once, and spend the night with them. -These cowards are meaning to assassinate you!” - -Midhat Pasha went up the stairs again, re‐assembled the prisoners, -and informed them of this sinister occurrence. Just then one of the -officers went to tell the colonel what had happened. He ordered that -Arif should be arrested and the prisoners all separated. The faithful -servant was dragged off to the barracks, where he was imprisoned, -whilst an officer, Memiche, was sent by the colonel to separate the -prisoners and to try and calm their fears. - -“The colonel,” said Memiche, “presents his compliments to you all, -and begs that you will withdraw to your separate bedrooms, as the law -requires.” To this command Midhat and Mahmoud replied that they would -only be separated by force. They sent for Ibrahim, who arrived somewhat -troubled by the turn of affairs. They also requested to speak with -Bekir, in order to obtain some explanation of this matter. The major -arrived, and entering the room, said—“That good‐for‐nothing Arif -doesn’t know what he’s talking about. It looks as if he were doing all -this in order to get sent away, unless he is quite out of his mind.” -The Pashas could not succeed in hiding their anxiety, for everything -foreboded the approaching crime. - -“At the present moment,” continued Bekir, “no such order exists. But -we are soldiers, and therefore owe unquestioning obedience to our -superiors. Be quite at ease! Do you think that anyone would be afraid -of you whilst you are in our safe keeping?” - -He then began to swear by all that he held most sacred in the world -that there was no cause for them to fear. Meanwhile Arif Aga was being -tortured for having divulged the secret. - -Midhat passed the whole of that night with Ali Bey, another prisoner. - -Colonel Mehemet Lutfi and Major Bekir remained in the room overlooking -the principal entrance to the barracks, whence they directed the -operations. The soldiers were given the same orders as on the -preceding night, and cartridges were distributed amongst them. - -A captain and three lieutenants were placed in the prisoners’ quarters -to superintend operations, and two soldiers, bare‐footed for the -occasion, and with bayonets fixed, were stationed at the door of each -prisoner’s room. - -About six o’clock,[30] Hadji Chukri Aga, Mahmoud’s servant was awakened -and transferred to the barracks, where he was imprisoned. - -Colonel Mehemet Lutfi remained in the barracks, whilst Major Bekir -directed the assassination from the officers’ room.[31] - -We have stated above that Ali Bey was sharing Midhat’s room. At -about half‐past six (1.30 A.M.) the door was forced open, and Ali Bey -was dragged from the room. Then they strangled this old man, who was -incapable of offering any resistance. - -On bursting in the door of Mahmoud’s room, they threw round his neck -a soaped cord, which had been specially prepared, for they were aware -that he possessed very considerable muscular strength. Mahmoud made a -most desperate resistance, giving vent to piercing cries. They tried -every means to hasten his death, with such ferocity that even the -animals in the neighbourhood trembled at the sound of his heartrending -cries for help. But soon the screams of anguish died away. - -A few moments after, two corpses, wrapped in sheets, were transported -to a room in the hospital. The perpetrators waited until the day broke -before digging their graves in the cemetery, set apart for soldiers, -which lies outside the fortifications. There these two martyrs repose -in their eternal sleep. - -Even the religious ceremonies were not carried out with regard to the -funeral—doubtless, in order that the secret might be better preserved. -They knew not that Time is the Revealer of all things! - - * * * * * - -Midhat Pasha had recovered completely from his indisposition. One -evening, a little while before his assassination, after a lengthy -meditation, he had said to his friends: “I am thinking of death. The -pain thereof only endures for five minutes. But I do not know what kind -of death may be the least painful. Perhaps poison, or a bullet, or -death at the end of some illness. My body, sixty year old, is worn out. -Why live beyond this age if it be only to suffer! I should have been -happy if my illness had carried me off. But what can I do? The hour -has not struck yet. Several innocent people are prisoners here on my -account, being obliged to mount guard over me; I should have liked to -give them back their liberty.” - -Finishing these reflections, he once more returned to his sad and -harrowing meditations. - - * * * * * - -Immediately after the horrible execution, that same night, the doors -and locks were all repaired, and two days later the belongings of the -Pashas were taken into a room in the barracks. During two consecutive -days several subordinates kept going in and out of this room, removing -small objects. - -Terror had reigned in the hearts of all the prisoners during the -assassination. The following day the sentinels were removed, and when -the prisoners went to make their morning prayer they embraced and took -a last farewell of each other, bursting into tears and awaiting their -turn with resignation. The reign of terror still continued, and every -word and gesture gave rise to suspicion. - - * * * * * - -Thus ends the faithful translation of the document sent by Halroullah -Effendi, ex‐Sheik‐ul‐Islam. We have preserved all its originality. - - - - -APPENDICES - - - - -APPENDIX A - -THE NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE BERLIN NOTE AND THE CONFERENCE OF -CONSTANTINOPLE - - - The effects of the Bulgarian troubles on British policy were clearly - visible. England, that had hitherto been favourable and friendly - to Turkey; that had counselled against the Consular Commission of - August 1875; had adhered to the Andrassy note of December (1875) only - at the express request of the Ottoman Government (on the 13th June - 1876); had pressed reforms upon Turkey as a means of forestalling - the designs of the enemies of the Ottoman Empire,[32] and had firmly - refused to adhere to the Berlin Memorandum, now took up a slightly - altered position. This nuance was clearly perceived in a despatch - from Lord Derby to Sir H. Elliot of the 25th May 1876, in which he - said: “In the course of conversation with Musurus Pasha, I took - the opportunity of suggesting to His Excellency that it would be - undesirable that the Turkish Government should misunderstand the - attitude of Her Majesty’s Government in regard to the proposals of - the Berlin Conference. Her Majesty’s Government had declined to - join in proposals which they thought ill‐advised, _but both the - circumstances and the state of feeling in this country were very - much changed since the Crimean War_, and the Porte would be unwise - to be led, by recollections of that period, to count upon more than - the moral support of Her Majesty’s Government in the event of no - satisfactory solution of the present difficulties being found.”[33] - It will be seen later on that even this attitude of benevolent - diplomatic neutrality was not entirely preserved by the British - Government at the Conference of Constantinople or the negotiations - that led up to it. - - “The three Northern and allied Powers” were evidently disconcerted by - the turn matters were taking at Constantinople. It seemed impossible - to present a comminatory note to a new Sultan and a new Government - established by a revolution, the very purpose and aim of which was to - introduce practical reforms in the country, without a certain delay - demanded by equity and even decency. They determined to make it as - short as possible. - - In spite, however, of strenuous efforts to conceal the fact, - differences had arisen among “the allied Courts,” or rather between - the two principal parties interested. Russia was in favour of an - occupation of the three disturbed provinces, with a view to the - eventual establishment of autonomies on the model of Servia and - Roumania. Austria was dead opposed to both propositions. There is no - doubt that she had been working up to an occupation by her own troops - of Bosnia and Herzegovina as the mandate of Europe—up to the time of - the Bulgarian insurrection; but now that such an occupation would be - accompanied by a Russian occupation of Bulgaria, she entirely changed - her mind. If a joint occupation took place, the last state of those - provinces would be worse than the first. At present she had the - strategical advantage of position over Russia, but Russia in Bulgaria - would have it over her. She was firmly opposed to joint occupation. - Neither would autonomy suit her. The establishment of autonomous - provinces, placed under the guarantee of the Great Powers, would make - the absorption by herself of these coveted possessions impossible. - Count Andrassy put his foot down against both these proposals. - - A very active interchange of ideas consequently took place during the - whole of the month of June between the two Empires, and it was here - that the full value of a third partner, the disinterested broker, was - revealed. Russia evidently meant business, for Servia, which was, as - Consul‐General White explained, absolutely in her hands, now (1st - July 1876) formally declared war against Turkey, and invaded the - Ottoman territory. Montenegro followed her example. In the latter - case it was rather a superfluous or _ex post facto_ formality. - - A knot had occurred worthy of the interposition of the gods, and on - the 8th July a meeting was arranged at Reichstadt between the Emperor - Francis Joseph and the Czar. Of course it is only in Homeric times - that accounts of the interviews of Olympic gods were vouchsafed to - men, and simple mortals have to content themselves nowadays with - being told the results of these interviews. The result of this - particular interview was “very satisfactory.” According to Sir A. - Buchanan, “the Emperor and Count Andrassy returned last night (10th - July 1876) _greatly satisfied_ with the interview of Reichstadt.” - “The Emperors parted on the best terms; they agreed to maintain the - present principle of non‐intervention, reserving for the future the - expediency of coming to an understanding with the Great Powers, - according to circumstances which may arise.”[34] So, according to - this authority, the Emperor of Austria returned to Vienna “greatly - satisfied” with doing nothing. It was scarcely worth while going all - the way to Reichstadt for that. It was, however, generally supposed - in well‐informed chancelleries in Europe at the time, and subsequent - events greatly corroborated the surmise, that the Emperor had - something else to be greatly satisfied about than what was vouchsafed - to Sir A. Buchanan. - - It was said that two specific points had been formally agreed upon - between the rulers of these two military Empires, in presence - of the threatening aspect that affairs were assuming. (1) That, - should affairs in the East eventuate in war between Turkey and - Russia, Russia would, under no circumstances, seek any territorial - acquisition _in Europe_. (2) That Bosnia and Herzegovina should be - considered within the exclusive sphere of Austria’s influence, and - that Russia would not actively oppose any arrangement with respect - to them that Europe might propose. All the rest would be left to - their respective chancellors, each would retain his liberty of action - and pursue the policy he deemed the best, certain that nothing that - could happen in the way of differences of opinion between them could - bring about a rupture between the two Empires. The middle term of an - agreement had evidently been found. “British interests” would pay the - bill, and the desertion of Bucharest would be avenged. - - By a curious coincidence, on the same day (8th July) that this - historical interview took place, there appeared in the _Daily News_ - the famous “atrocity article” that set all England ablaze and - started the greatest orator of the day on his crusade against the - “unspeakable Turk.” - - The indirect effect on English policy of this crusade and the - atrocity meetings all over England that followed it, was seen in the - nuance already noticed, between the terms of the despatch of the 25th - May and that of the 25th September, which was the prelude to the - Conference where it was still further accentuated. - - July was destined to bring an aggravation of trouble on the Turkish - Empire and anxiety on Turkish Ministers. Austria chose this moment - (1st July) to shut to Turkey the port of Klek, through which the - Turkish army in Herzegovina received its chief supplies. It is not - necessary to enter here into the question of international right - involved in this matter. This turned on the interpretation of ancient - treaties with the Venetian Republic, and on the boundaries of the - “enclaves” in Dalmatia, and these questions had, by mutual consent, - been left dormant for long years between the Austrian and Ottoman - Governments. Suffice it to say that a _modus vivendi_ had been - arrived at between the two Governments in 1853 (“in the hope that - an amicable arrangement will intervene relative to the question of - the enclaves of Klek and Suttorina”), and had subsisted ever since. - For Austria, after leaving the question of right in abeyance for - twenty‐three years, to choose that particular moment when the maximum - of inconvenience would be thereby caused to the Ottoman Government, - was a high‐handed proceeding of the most unfriendly nature, and - could only be justified on the principle of _la force prime le - droit_. At any rate, it finally exploded the pretext of “her deep - and earnest anxiety” for the pacification of these provinces which - she was continually putting forward as the motives of her diplomatic - actions, as well as all pretence of friendly dispositions towards the - Porte. The energy displayed by the new Government at Constantinople - in sending reinforcements to the scene of action, and the success - attending these efforts, were perhaps the real motive of this - unqualified act, for in consequence of that energy, things were not - going well with the insurrection, and new factors would have to be - imported to keep it going. - - Accordingly, at the same time the port of supply for the Turkish - troops was closed, Montenegro and Servia declared war on the Porte - (1st July 1876). (As far as the first‐named principality was - concerned this formality was rather superfluous _ex post facto_ - formality.) Ever since the “intimate relations which had existed for - two years back” between the Courts of Vienna and Cettinje, Montenegro - had never ceased to carry on war against the Ottoman troops. Indeed - her mountaineers, together with the Grenzers and Dalmatians, had - been the mainstay of the “rebellion.” Only as, nominally, peaceful - relations had never been interrupted, the Turkish Commanders were - debarred from following the rebels on Montenegrin soil, and Russia - had drawn a taboo round Montenegro, and forbidden, under penalty of - war, the invasion of that land, and Mr Jomine, the Russian diplomatic - agent at Cettinje, was, with his Austrian colleague, the confidential - adviser of the prince. - - As far back as January 1876, Sir H. Elliot had informed Lord Derby of - “the system employed by the Montenegrins in aid of the Herzegovinian - insurgents. All the men (in Montenegro), capable of bearing arms, - are considered to be soldiers, and are made into battalions of 600 - men. The commanders and majors of these battalions, who are called - commanders and pod‐commanders, receive pay; the remaining officers - and men are unpaid. When an expedition is contemplated, each man - takes with him potatoes and bread, if he has any, for five days, and - a reserve of provisions from each village is carried by women or - baggage horses. The Austrian Committees, having provided surgeons - and medicines, hospitals and ambulances have been organised in some - villages on the frontier. The prince furnishes all those who join - the insurgents _without authorisation, but he sends one‐fifth of his - effective forces into the Herzegovina. Not to overtire these poor - people, His Highness takes care to change them at the end of each - expedition, or when their provisions are exhausted. Reforms alone, it - is stated, will never put an end to the insurrection, and force is of - no avail so long as the insurgents and their Montenegrin friends have - only to cross the frontier to be in safety._”[35] - - As for Servia, Consul‐General White had for months past warned - his Government of what was preparing, and of the wholesale influx - of Russians into the Servian army, nor had Prince Milan made any - disguise of the fact of the likelihood of his being drawn into the - _mêlée_, but a certain almost comic jealousy existed between the - rulers of these two little principalities, lest the one should steal - a march on the other, and acquire a better right to the title of the - “liberator of the Slav race.” - - They consequently agreed to declare war on Turkey together. As - Servia, confident in her new levies, was now determined to act, - Montenegro could not afford to be behindhand, however much it might - have suited her to continue the particular mode of safe warfare that - she had, for twelve months, been indulging in. - - In spite of the new levies, military matters did not progress to - Prince Milan’s satisfaction. The fact was that a new spirit had - been infused into Ottoman Councils by the new ministers, and large - reinforcements of regular troops under competent generals had - been hurried to the Servian frontiers and despatched into Bosnia. - The consequence was that victory did not attend the Servian arms, - and, after the loss of an important position near Deligrad on the - 24th August 1876, barely two months after the pompous declaration - of war, Prince Milan “with the approval of his ally, the Prince - of Montenegro,” requested the good offices of the Powers for a - suspension of hostilities. All Europe eagerly seconded this request, - and although a formal armistice was never concluded, a _de facto_ - suspension of hostilities took place. It is unnecessary to detail the - negotiations that followed. - - The Porte very naturally desired that an agreement on the basis of - peace should precede or accompany an armistice, otherwise it would - lose all the advantages of its present military position. Servia - wanted an armistice without any basis of peace. When at last, in - consequence of the insistence of Europe, the Porte agreed to this, a - dispute arose about the duration of the armistice. The Porte proposed - six months to give ample time to negotiate a permanent settlement, - and England adhered to this view of the matter. Servia would have - none of it; one month or nothing. She was moving on safe ground, - for she knew well that Europe had taken the negotiations out of - her hand and would never allow a renewed attack upon her. Russia - strongly insisted on the shorter term, and when, in order to solve - the difficulty, England appealed to the honest broker at Berlin, he - proposed as a compromise an armistice of six weeks. - - These _pourparlers_ occupied about a month, and when they seemed to - be on the point of being settled, as usual by the Porte yielding in - the matter, it was found that Prince Milan had changed his mind, and - would have no armistice at all. - - What had occurred in the interval to account for this change of front? - - On the 24th September, Consul‐General White writes to Sir Henry - Elliot[36] “that the last six weeks have produced an important change - in the affairs of Servia. The Civil Government has ceased to have - a voice in public affairs; the presence of Russian officers, some - of them officers of the Imperial Guard, the courage and enthusiasm - with which they are animated, the growing influence of the Slavonic - Committees through their agents, have all given a warlike tone to - what is called public opinion here.... The Russians present here say - openly that it is their aim and object to prevent the conclusions of - peace.” And again, on 4th October 1876, he writes to Lord Derby:[37] - “It may be interesting for your Lordship to hear that money appears - abundant in the Servian Exchequer, and although the Ministers deny - that it is derived from Russian sources, it is quite impossible to - account in any other way for its origin.” - - But something more particular must have occurred to encourage Prince - Milan to order on the 26th September, the very next day on which - the suspension of hostilities terminated, a general attack on the - Turks in the Morava Valley. What was it? On the 28th September - 1876, Mr Malet (afterwards Sir Edward Malet), writing from Rome to - Lord Derby,[38] states that Sig. Melegari, the Minister for Foreign - Affairs, in order to convince him “of the imminence of the danger to - the Ottoman Empire” read the following paper to him, as coming from - Livadia, adding that England alone was able to avert the execution of - the design by “compelling” the Porte to acquiesce in His Lordship’s - demands. The paper was dated 26th September, and ran as follows: “The - Emperor has sent General Soumarakoff to Vienna with instructions to - propose a peace, should Turkey attempt to evade the armistice, upon - conditions that would suit all the Powers, viz. Austrian military - intervention in Bosnia, Russian military intervention in Bulgaria, - and the joint entry of all the squadrons of the Levant into the - Bosphorus. These steps appear to us indispensable in order to bring - the Porte to its senses, to prevent war, and save the Christians from - a general massacre.”[39] - - This _grandis epistola a Capreis_ which frightened Mr Malet so - much that he immediately telegraphed its substance to Lord Derby, - and which was, no doubt, intended to frighten Lord Derby, had no - chance at all of being accepted at Vienna, and if the constant and - continuous intercourse between the three Northern “and allied Powers” - was to any purpose at all, it is quite impossible that the nature of - the reception it should meet with there, should have been ignored. It - could therefore only have been intended as a “spur” to the Foreign - Office, and it succeeded admirably in its intention. - - It is scarcely worth while to waste many words over the proposal - from Livadia. Austria feared nothing so much as a joint occupation - with Russia. It would have been a guarantee exacted from her for - her own eventual simultaneous retirement, which would have upset - all her plans. Nor was England yet brought up to concert pitch. But - the notice had served its purpose. England, a little timorously, - and with the best intentions towards Turkey, and with the general - approval and even applause of Europe,[40] had undertaken the lead - in proposing terms to Turkey as a basis of pacification. As early - as the 11th September Count Schouvaloff in an interview described - “(1) The _status quo_, speaking roughly, both as regards Servia - and Montenegro. (2) Administrative reforms in the nature of local - autonomy for Bosnia and the Herzegovina. (3) Guarantees of some - similar kinds (the exact details of which might be reserved for later - discussion) against the future maladministration of Bulgaria.”[41] - - Ten days later, on the 21st September, Lord Derby, having in the - meantime secured the agreement of the Austrian Government[42] to - these proposals, these terms were forwarded to Sir H. Elliot for - communication to the Porte. The second condition relating to Bosnia - and Herzegovina was amplified by the important stipulation “that the - Porte should undertake, _in a Protocol to be signed at Constantinople - with the Representatives of the mediatory Powers_, to grant, etc.”[43] - - Sir H. Elliot, in obedience to positive instructions, went to the - utmost limit of friendly pressure[44] to induce the Porte to accept - these conditions. The Porte, on its side, showed the greatest - possible desire to meet the wishes of the English Ambassador.[45] - The term “local autonomy,” and still more the form of a Protocol - demanded, were the two most serious obstacles to an understanding. - So great was Sir H. Elliot’s influence on the Turkish Minister, - and so great was their confidence in England’s loyalty, that an - understanding was almost arrived at when the news of General - Soumarakoff’s Mission reached the Porte. On the 4th October, the new - Turkish Government telegraphed to the Ottoman Ambassador in London - an indignant protest against the proposals of which that envoy was - the bearer, and concluded by saying: “If the Sublime Porte has, - though challenged (by Servia), not made use of her victory, she will - never forget that she is still an independent State, and that she - owes it to herself to choose an honourable death rather than the - dismemberment and partition of her States.”[46] - - This incident did not facilitate Sir H. Elliot’s task. On the day - following the 5th October, Lord Derby instructs Sir H. Elliot to - inform the Porte that it is intended that the armistice should be - followed by a Conference, and that if an armistice for not less than - a month is not granted, the Ambassador was to quit Constantinople and - leave Turkey to its fate.[47] - - On the 8th October, the Porte asks the very pertinent question - whether, in the event of the conditions being accepted, a Conference - would still be proposed.[48] No answer seems ever to have been given - to this important question. - - The Turkish Ministers now submitted the question of the armistice - to a Grand Council, which acceded to it for five months.[49] On the - 13th October, in a long telegram to Musurus Pasha, the Porte makes a - last despairing attempt to stay the decision for a Conference, which - it says “will at least give rise to the danger of certain impulses - on which head we have the right to be anxious, and which in reality - would be of no use. The five months’ armistice would leave ample time - for the Powers to exchange explanations and observations without - any Conference. During this time, the work of internal reform would - go on, and Europe would have the opportunity of being edified as to - the serious and practical character of the promises of the Imperial - Government,” and concluded by saying, referring evidently to the - negotiations with Sir H. Elliot, “I hope His Lordship will agree - with us in preventing the question, _which was just beginning to - look brighter_, thanks to so many sacrifices and efforts, from being - turned into a path of new difficulties and perils.”[50] - - If it had not been for the Soumarakoff Mission, and the scare it - created in the Foreign Office, it would have been an inexplicable - mystery why Lord Derby, abandoning negotiations carried on by Sir H. - Elliot, which “were just beginning to look brighter,” should have - hurriedly fathered this proposal of a Conference. If the Soumarakoff - Mission was only intended to secure this point, it was most eminently - successful. Anyway, from this time forth, Lord Derby stuck grimly - to a Conference. Without a Conference there was no salvation. The - question, however, of the duration of the armistice was not yet - settled, and as England, having accepted six months, could not - recant, General Ignatieff arrived from Livadia to settle it. - - But here an incident occurred of a too charmingly amusing character - to be passed over in silence. _La note comique_ is never entirely - absent from these negotiations. Lord Adolphus Loftus, Her Britannic - Majesty’s Ambassador at St Petersburg, received leave in the middle - of October to go to the Crimea, whither the Russian Court had - removed, and where Prince Gortchakoff, the Chancellor, was slaying, - in order to be nearer the official source of diplomatic information. - On Friday, the 27th, accordingly, he arrived at Yalta, accompanied - by Mr Egerton of his Embassy. On Sunday, the 29th, he had an - interview at Orianda with Prince Gortchakoff, “who received him very - cordially, and after some friendly remarks, the conversation turned - to Constantinople.” After stating that the state of affairs there - was grave, the Chancellor expressed “a hope that the question of - the armistice was arranged, the Porte having, on the advice of Sir - H. Elliot, yielded to the considerations in favour of the shorter - term.” His Highness further stated “that General Ignatieff had been - instructed to be yielding and conciliatory on the subject of the - armistice.” - - Two days after this, _i.e._ on Tuesday, the 31st October, Lord A. - Loftus “met” Prince Gortchakoff, who, in answer to the question - whether there was any news from Constantinople, replied that there - was, but “that he preferred that the Emperor should communicate it.” - Lord A. Loftus’s audience with the Czar had been arranged for the - next day, 1st November, but was subsequently postponed till the 2nd. - Between the accidental meeting with the Chancellor and this audience, - Lord A. Loftus received the _Journal de St Petersbourg_ of the 31st - October, in which he read that General Ignatieff had presented that - day an ultimatum to the Porte to conclude an armistice with Servia, - and had required an answer within forty‐eight hours. So that the - English Ambassador, having traversed the whole length of Europe in a - four days’ journey with a secretary of his Embassy attached to him, - in order to be near the fountain of official information, would have - received the news two days sooner if he had stayed at home! - - We will let Lord A. Loftus describe his audience on the 2nd at - Livadia, himself: “I had an audience with the Emperor of Russia - to‐day at Livadia, when His Majesty was pleased to receive me with - his customary kindness and cordiality (_sic_). After some gracious - enquiries after my family, His Majesty at once opened on the Eastern - question. His Majesty stated that he had that morning received a - telegram from Constantinople announcing the probable acceptance of - the armistice, and he read to me another telegram reporting that - orders had been already sent by the Porte to their commanders to - suspend military operations. This, His Majesty observed, was very - satisfactory. On my observing on the _sudden change which had taken - place between the Sunday when I had seen the Chancellor and the - following day when the ultimatum was despatched_, His Majesty said - that this had been caused by the intelligence he had received of the - complete discomfiture of the Servian army, and his fear that it might - be followed by similar atrocities to those which had occurred in - Bulgaria....”[51] - - It would indeed be a pity to spoil the uniqueness of this _tableau_ - by any superfluous commentary, but a despatch from Sir H. Elliot - at Constantinople, dated on the same day as this audience (2nd - November), throws some further light on this already luminous - incident. “In the course of conversation this morning with General - Ignatieff, I remarked that I understood that he had returned from - Livadia with instructions to present his ultimatum. He answered - _that he had brought it with him_ with a discretionary authority to - withhold it if he thought desirable. _This is a rather different - version_ from that which he had previously given to my colleagues - and myself, when he told us on Tuesday (31st October) that he _had - received the ultimatum two days before_, and that he had taken on - himself the responsibility of withholding it, but had now imperative - orders to execute his instructions. It is impossible to doubt - that he had kept his Government fully informed of the progress of - his negotiations with the Porte, or that they were perfectly well - aware that his own proposals had been accepted with very trifling - modifications, upon which an understanding could very easily be - arrived at. It is evident enough that the sudden sending in of the - ultimatum was decided upon in the hope that by an immediate cessation - of hostilities, and the acceptance of an armistice, the fall of - Alexinatz would be averted. The capture of the Servian positions at - Junis made it certain that “the occupation of Alexinatz and Deligrad - would soon follow, and the only hope of saving the Servians and the - Russian Auxiliary troops from this mortification lay in the chance of - stopping the Turks before they had time to reap the fruits of their - success.”[52] - - But, independently of the object lesson in veracity that this - narrative inculcates, it gives the measure of the value attached by - the Emperor of Russia to the European concert, and the degree to - which it was likely to hamper his own liberty of action whenever he - thought proper to liberate himself from it. The _procédé_ with regard - to the British Ambassador only concerns the British Government. - - The Porte had yielded to the ultimatum. - - In the meantime negotiations for assembling a Conference continued. - The Czar had expressed to the English Ambassador “a very earnest - wish that the Conference should meet with the _least possible - delay_, and that instructions should even be immediately sent by the - several Governments to enable the Ambassadors at Constantinople to - deliberate _at once_ on the necessary preliminaries of peace.”[53] - Prince Gortchakoff, too, _expressed his anxious wish_ that on the - arrangement of the armistice _no time should be lost_ in organising a - Conference.[54] - - But Austria was coy. The term “local autonomy” accompanied by no - matter what gloss, seriously perturbed her; and yet this was the - very point on which Russia insisted the most. In reporting his - conversation with Prince Gortchakoff at Orianda, Lord A. Loftus - said: “It is evident to me that Prince Gortchakoff does not wish to - make the question of the armistice the ground for a rupture with the - Porte, and that he _looks to the question of the ‘autonomy of the - three Provinces’ as being the important deciding point of peace or - war_.”[55] - - Until Count Andrassy received guarantees that no kind of _political_ - autonomy was meant, he would have nothing to do with a Conference, - and it was only when, after a good deal of fencing, this guarantee - was at last accorded him, that he gave his consent to the proposal. - - Although there had been a serious proposal to exclude Turkey from - the Conference to be held in her own capital to decide on the - administration of her provinces, the cynical incongruity of the - proposition had procured its rejection, and now the Porte was asked - to adhere to it. Without any illusion, since Russia’s ultimatum, - as to whither the Conference would lead, the Porte, on the 18th - November, with the sanction of a Grand Council, gave her assent to a - proposal, the rejection of which would have meant immediate war. - - In the course of the six months that intervened between the 13th of - May (date of the Berlin Note) and the meeting of the Conference in - December, an apparent contradiction seems to manifest itself between - the “intimate alliance” of the three Northern Powers (which for the - purpose of these negotiations means between Austria and Russia), and - the frictions and disagreements between their respective Governments. - On no less than five points did this disagreement manifest itself: - (1) as to whether Turkey should be coerced into an armistice, pure - and simple, with Servia, or whether a basis of peace should, at the - same time as the armistice, be proposed;[56] (2) as to inculcating - prudence of conduct on Servia;[57] (3) as to the joint occupation - with Russia of the Turkish provinces;[58] (4) as to the “autonomy” of - the revolted provinces;[59] (5) on the question of the Conference.[60] - - On the other hand, we have seen Count Beust calling at the Foreign - Office to assure Lord Derby that never was the alliance of the three - Northern Powers so “intimate”; we have the meeting of Reichstadt, and - General Soumarakoff delivering an autograph letter from the Czar to - the Emperor of Austria, and we have a very mysterious communication - from Lord A. Loftus on the 15th August 1876, in which he says: “In - speaking of Austria, Prince Gortchakoff again repeated to me that - he had fully discussed the question of a pacification with Count - Andrassy, and _that they were entirely agreed on all points and for - all eventualities_. ‘I can state no more,’ said the Chancellor, ‘but - that much I can tell you, as I have done to your Colleagues; and I - can add that our Ambassadors at the other Courts know no more than - you do.’ This language,” continues Lord A. Loftus, “though, perhaps, - satisfactory ... is mysterious, and we can only unravel the mystery - by conjectures.”[61] - - Perhaps the mystery, as Lord A. Loftus calls it, is not so mysterious - after all. A reference to what took place in another diplomatic - discussion in 1859 will help to unravel it without the aid of much - conjecture. In that year Mr Disraeli startled the House of Commons - by informing it, on the faith of information on which he relied, - that there was a secret treaty between Italy and France for the - cession to the latter Power of the provinces of Savoy and Nice. Lord - Palmerston denied the existence of any such treaty, and twitted Mr - Disraeli with having discovered a mare’s nest. When Mr Disraeli’s - information was proved to be substantially correct, Lord Palmerston - explained that there had been no treaty but a mere _pacte de famille_ - agreed upon on the occasion of the marriage of the Princess Clotilde - to Prince Jerome Napoleon. The mystery that puzzled Lord A. Loftus - is easily unravelled. There was undoubtedly a distinct and specific - understanding between the two Emperors; but none between their - Governments; so that Lord Derby could, on the 20th October, write to - Sir A. Buchanan that “The Austro‐Hungarian Ambassador called upon - me to‐day, and informed me, by order of his Government, that the - reports which have been recently, and are still, current as to the - existence of a secret understanding _between the Austrian and Russian - Governments_ are absolutely unfounded.”[62] In countries and ages - where the letter of a declaration is considered more important than - its spirit, such hair‐splitting distinctions may pass current. At any - rate, they serve their purpose. - - - - -APPENDIX B - -THE INSURRECTION OF HERZEGOVINA AND BOSNIA, AND THE BERLIN NOTE - - - On the 2nd July 1875, Consul Holmes, writing to Lord Derby from - Bosna‐Serai, says:[63] “I have the honour to report to your Lordship - that there is disturbance in the Herzegovina. Early last winter some - 164 of the inhabitants of the district of Nevesinje left their homes - and went into Montenegro. After remaining there some months, however, - they petitioned the Porte to be allowed to return to Nevesinje. The - Governor‐General advised the Porte to reply, that, as they had chosen - to leave their country for Montenegro, they might remain there. The - Government, however, decided to grant their request, and allowed - them to return. Shortly afterwards they appeared in revolt, declared - that they were oppressed, refusing to pay their taxes or admit the - police amongst them, and they have been endeavouring by intimidation - to cause their neighbours in the surrounding districts to join them. - The Mutesarif of Mostar invited them to come to that place to state - their grievances, which he assured them would be redressed, but they - refused, and the Governor‐General tells me that they cut to pieces - a man quite unconnected with them, who had gone to Mostar to seek - redress for some grievance, and threatened with the same fate any - within their reach who should do so in future. The Governor‐General - informs me that at present he has no intention of sending troops - against them, but will prevent their efforts to extend their revolt - by surrounding those districts with policemen, and he will probably - send some of the notables of Serajevo to endeavour to bring them to - reason.” - - In a subsequent despatch dated a week later, Consul Holmes adds - that “Haidar Bey and Petrarchi Effendi, two notables of Serajevo, - were sent to communicate with the rebels, but before they reached - Nevesinje they found that the rebels had forced and persuaded many - others to join them, and had attacked and captured a caravan of - twenty‐five horses on the road from Mostar to Nevesinje, belonging - to some merchants of Serajevo, laden with rice, sugar, and coffee, - which they carried off to the village of Odrichnia. At the same time, - they murdered and decapitated five Turkish travellers, named Salih, - Hassosunovich, Marich, Sarnich, Ali of Nevesinje, and another whose - name is not yet known, a native of Erassni. One of the insurgents, - named Tschoubate, at the head of some three hundred followers, drove - away forty Zaptiés placed in the defile of Stolatz, and, separating - into small bands, have, for the moment, interrupted the various - roads in the neighbourhood. One band is stationed out at the bridge - over the Krappa, and renders the road between Mostar and Meteorich - unsafe. The detached bands of insurgents are endeavouring to force - others to join them by burning the houses of those who refuse to do - so, and by other means of intimidation. The Governor‐General has - received telegrams from Mostar signed by the two Commissioners and - the Mutesarif and Commander of the troops at Mostar, stating these - facts; also that the headless bodies of the Turks have been recovered - and burnt. Under these circumstances, the Commissioners hesitated - to continue their journey; and the authorities at Mostar state that - great excitement prevails throughout the Mussulman population, who - are impatient to attack the insurgents and avenge the savage murders - of their co‐religionists, whose decapitation has particularly roused - their feelings, and requesting five battalions to keep order.”[64] - - The methods adopted by the insurgents were the same as those adopted - in Bulgaria, and wherever an organised attempt at insurrection was - made in the Ottoman provinces by agents _provocateurs_ and foreign - bands with a view to provoke the Mussulmans to deeds of retaliation - which would be exploited by the Committees and excite indignation in - the world. It will be remembered that when Midhat Pasha was Governor - of the Danubian vilayet (p. 43), the band that crossed into Bulgaria - from Sistovo began by massacring five Mussulman children between the - ages of eight and twelve. When the Consuls, sent on a peace message - to the insurgents visited Nevesinje, they “found all the Eastern part - of the town towards the plain and all the bazaar, burnt and in ruins. - Dead bodies were lying in various corners unburied; and we noticed - the head of a boy in one of the streets blackening in the sun. A - little Turkish girl was brought to us, wounded in the throat, and we - were told that an insurgent was on the point of cutting off her head - when she was snatched from him by one less bloodthirsty, and allowed - to escape.”[65] - - Another aim of the insurgents was to force an emigration _en masse_ - into Austrian territory by promises that they should be well fed and - cared for by the Austrian authorities until favourable conditions - were secured for them. Montenegro, too, was let loose on Turkey and - well supplied with the sinews of war. It was determined at Vienna - that no time should be lost in “putting their pin in the game,” and - in taking the lead in negotiations that must necessarily precede - an occupation. The principle of interference once admitted, all - the rest would follow in due course. On the 24th August 1875, Lord - Derby writes to Sir H. Elliot that: “Her Majesty’s Government have - had under their consideration your telegraphic despatch of the 20th - inst., in which you report that a proposal, _concerted at Vienna - by the three Northern Powers_, had been made to the Porte by their - Ambassadors. Your Excellency states that they propose that Consuls - should be delegated by the Embassies to proceed to the scene of - the insurrection and inform the insurgents that they must expect - no support or countenance from their Governments. They are also to - advise the insurgents to desist from hostilities, but to make known - their complaints to a Commission.... The proposal is favourably - received by the Porte, and the Grand Vizier (Mahmoud Nedim) had just - been to beg you not to stand aloof.... Her Majesty’s Government - consent to this step with reluctance, _as they doubt the expediency - of the intervention of foreign consuls. Such an intervention is - scarcely compatible with the independent authority of the Porte - over its own territory, offers an inducement to an insurrection as - a means of appealing to foreign sympathy against Turkish rule, and - may, not improbably, open the way to further diplomatic interference - in the internal affairs of the Empire._”[66] Prophetic words on the - part of Lord Derby. Of course the consular farce came to nothing. - The rebels would not even meet the Consuls. Facts were more eloquent - than words, and they had their cues from the Committees. Now was - the time, if the Powers had been in earnest, to shut the Dalmatian - frontier to the rebels, as they had undertaken to do. We shall see - how Austria fulfilled this part of the bargain. Instead of occupying - themselves in the slightest degree with this part of the business, - they immediately set about concocting another diplomatic move. - - On 11th December 1875, the Austrian Ambassador, Count Beust, called - on Lord Derby, and said that “The Turkish Ministers had hitherto - directed their energies exclusively to the task of preventing - anything which could be construed into an interference of any kind - with the internal affairs of Turkey. This standpoint, however - respectable it may be, has the disadvantage the Austro‐Hungarian - Government considered, of prolonging a regrettable state of things, - and therefore of aggravating the danger. _Negotiations respecting - the affairs of the East are now being carried on between Vienna and - St Petersburg_, the result of which will be communicated as soon as - an agreement has been arrived at, to Her Majesty’s Government, not - in the light of an accomplished fact, but for their consideration, - and for them to state their own opinions on the propositions agreed - upon.”[67] - - On the 3rd January 1876, Lord Derby received from Count Beust a - copy of the famous despatch, which goes by the name of the Andrassy - Memorandum, of the 30th December 1875, which, after stating that - the three Courts of Austria‐Hungary, Russia, and Germany, after - exchanging their views on this subject, “have united for the - purpose of employing in common their efforts for pacification, - and this object appeared too much in conformity with the general - wish for them to doubt that _the other Cabinets when invited to - associate themselves in the movement_, through their representatives - at Constantinople, would hasten to join their efforts to ours,” - proceeded to recommend to the Porte the following five points:— - - (1) Full and entire religious liberty. - - (2) Abolition of the system of farming the taxes. - - (3) A law guaranteeing the produce of direct taxes being employed in - the interest of the provinces. - - (4) The institution of a special commission composed of an equal - number of Christians and Mussulmans, to control the execution - of the reforms. - - (5) The improvement of the position of the rural population. - - And in submitting these proposals to the English Minister, Count - Beust added that “they were not regarded by his Government in the - light of mere good advice. _They wanted a pledge_ that the reforms - that they recommended should be carried into execution, failing - which, they would not undertake to use their influence with the - Christian population to advise them to lay down their arms.”[68] And - in another interview, the next day, he spoke again of an “explicit - engagement” from the Porte, adding that “there could be no doubt that - the postponement of the pacifying influences of the Powers _even - by single days_ might in the present state of affairs be fraught - with incalculable danger.”[69] The Austrian Government, however, - repudiated any idea “of armed intervention, and stated that it had - no desire to constitute itself guardians of the peace beyond its own - frontiers,” and that if the Porte accepted, and the insurgents did - not submit, “then the Porte would be left to subdue them by force - of arms, and that they (the insurgents) would be prevented from - obtaining the support derived by them from exterior aid.”[70] - - This was six months after the so‐called insurrection had broken out, - and had been all the time “obtaining continuous support from exterior - aid,” and three months after the Consular Commission, which had been - obtained from the Porte by a formal promise to shut the frontier to - the rebels if they refused the advice of the Consuls. Lord Derby, - after distinctly stating that he would be no party to any pressure - being brought to bear on the Porte to carry out these reforms, and - having ascertained that the Turkish Government desired England’s - adhesion to the Note, consented to support it at Constantinople. - - In connection with this famous Memorandum, it is interesting to - note an interpolation that took place in the Hungarian Diet on 11th - March with respect to it. In answer to Deputy Pollit, Mr Tisza, the - Minister President, stated “in the answer to the question as to - whether the Hungarian Government approves of the intervention, _there - is no question of intervention, but only of good advice_, which had - been given in concert with the European Powers, and which had been - accepted in the most friendly manner by the Porte.... In answer to - the question as to the action of Hungary if the pacification was not - effected, and if Servia intervened, _such an eventuality was most - improbable_ ... but in that case the policy of the Empire would be - guided by the interests of Europe.... With reference to the question - of the refugees, the Empire had not disregarded the interests of - humanity ... as was shown by the subvention amounting to nearly - 1,000,000 florins which had been already given to them.... The - speaker concluded by expressing a hope that the House would accept - his explanation.” If they did, they were easily satisfied, these - Hungarian Deputies. Not a word about the capital question of shutting - the frontier to the rebels. Servia, too, was arming to the teeth, and - was to declare war on Turkey three months later. - - We shall see the literal fulfilment of this prediction. Bosnia - was the first to follow suit with the Herzegovina. On the 8th - February 1876, Sir H. Elliot writes to Lord Derby: “The Porte is - much disturbed by the unsatisfactory account received from the - Governor‐General of Bosnia, who has applied for fresh troops. _Bands - supposed to consist of old Grenzers are stated to have passed the - Save from Austria at four different points, but have been repulsed. - The body which invaded Bosnia is stated to have consisted of 400 or - 500 men all well‐armed._ Much excitement is said to prevail on both - sides of the Servian frontier, and apprehensions are entertained - of an aggression from that quarter. Reschid Pasha tells me that - Count Zichy has given him, on the part of Count Andrassy, the - strongest assurance ... that measures shall be adopted to prevent the - recurrence of such acts, and has promised ... that those who have - taken part in them shall be disarmed and _internés_.”[71] - - It would be difficult to carry intentional bad faith further. All - this time, notes and memorandums were flying about the Chancelleries - of Europe to force the Porte to give guarantees for suppressing - an insurrection which was being organised and fed by bands “all - well‐armed” across a friendly frontier, its suppression being thus - rendered materially impossible. As well might one try to extinguish - a conflagration, over an unlimited area, that was being continually - fed by petroleum springs, the sources of which could not be got - at. Nor let it be supposed that to guard such a line of frontier - was impossible. The rebels had it all their own way. And so had - the Diplomatists of the “Allied Courts of Berlin, Vienna, and St - Petersburg.” Russian Committees were joining their efforts to - Austrian. - - On the 14th February 1876, Sir H. Elliot writes to Lord Derby: “The - accounts of the encouragement given to the insurgents at Ragusa - greatly exceeds all that I was prepared for. The Russian Consulate is - the open resort of the insurgent chiefs; their correspondence is sent - to the Consul, who is a party to all their projects, and associates - himself intimately with them. He does not appear to make any attempt - to conceal the part he is playing, for on the occasion of the death - of the chief Maxima, in one of the late encounters, the Russian flag - at the Consulate was hoisted at half‐mast, and M. Jomini himself - joined the funeral procession. - - “Some of the wounded when asked why they continue the struggle when - the Porte is ready to grant all their demands, have answered plainly - that they are bound to go on as long as they are told by Russia to do - so. The assurances given at St Petersburg of the wish of the Imperial - Government that the insurgents would lay down their arms, must - naturally go for nothing as long as its official Representative, with - whom they are in communication, encourages them to go on.”[72] Pretty - plain speaking this! and Austria that continued the “exequatur” to - a foreign Consul, acting thus on its territory towards a friendly - Power. So gross and palpable was this assistance given by Austria - to the insurgents, whilst pretending all the time to be so keenly - anxious for its suppression, that Lord Derby thought it necessary - on the 10th March 1876, to give the following instructions to Sir - A. Buchanan, the English Ambassador at Vienna: “I have to inform - Your Excellency that it has come to the knowledge of Her Majesty’s - Government, through Her Majesty’s Ambassador at Constantinople, - that the Porte had received information that a severe fight took - place on the Dalmatian frontier on the 4th inst., and that on the - following day, the combat was renewed by a force said to be _700 - strong, who came from Austrian territory with large supplies of - ammunition, and that this having occurred so immediately after the - assurances of the Austro‐Hungarian Government that their frontier - would be officially guarded_, has caused great discouragement to - the Turkish Government, and it is feared that the effect of it in - Montenegro will be very mischievous, and I have therefore to request - Your Excellency to call the serious attention of the Imperial - Government to this matter.”[73] But these remonstrances, which were - evidently sincere and well‐meaning, had not the very slightest effect - at Vienna. The Hungarian Chancellor was always ready to give any - amount of assurances and promises to the credulous Sir A. Buchanan. - On the 3rd April 1876, Sir H. Elliot was obliged to write again: - “I learn that the Porte has received information of the passage - of considerable bands _said to be accompanied by two pieces of - artillery_ from Dalmatia and Croatia, into the north‐western district - of Bosnia.”[74] And further, on the next day, 4th April, he writes: - “A telegram from the Governor‐General of Bosnia, which has been read - to me by Reschid Pasha, gives a very alarming account of the state - of things in that province. _Armed bands are passing freely from the - Austrian territory_, and there are symptoms indicating a probable - insurrection of the populations along the rivers Save and Una. The - Governor‐General states that he has been unable to re‐establish the - line of telegraph along the Save, _as the workmen are continually - fired at from the Austrian bank of the river, and his remonstrances - addressed to the Austrian authorities have been unattended to_.”[75] - The reason why Austria was not content to confine her operations - to Herzegovina, but had extended them to Bosnia, was clear. The - Porte was succeeding, in spite of all difficulties, in pacifying - the former, and as the Berlin note was being drawn up at Berlin for - the three “Allied Powers” and would be presented in a month, such a - precipitation would derange all their plans. - - The following despatch of Sir H. Elliot of 7th April 1876 clearly - indicates this state of things. “The enclosed report from Mr Sandison - of the account received at the Porte from Haidar Effendi (the Turkish - Commissioner) gives a very serious aspect to the state of affairs - in Bosnia. It is evident that the Austro‐Hungarian Government _have - failed lamentably in their engagement to guard their own frontier, - and by means of well‐armed bands coming from their territory, a - formidable insurrection has been excited in districts which have - hitherto remained quiet. Although the news received from the - Herzegovina is good, and gave hopes of a pacification_, it would be - too much to expect that the movement in Bosnia should not produce its - effect in the districts which have been so long in insurrection.”[76] - - In the month of May we arrived at another stage of the business. It - is time that diplomacy should register another point of “terrain - acquis.” On the 4th May 1876 Lord Derby, writing to Sir A. Buchanan, - says: “The Austrian Ambassador called upon me this afternoon and - placed in my hands for perusal a despatch which he had received from - his Government. The purport of the despatch was to state that there - is _an entire agreement between the Governments of Austria, Germany - and Russia as to affairs in the East_, and that any reports that may - have been circulated to the contrary are simple inventions.”[77] - - The purport of making this communication could be no other than a - warning to all whom it may concern, that they could join or not - join the “European Concert,” as they thought proper. It would make - no difference to the European Concert. It was a notice certainly - calculated to open the eyes, even of the blind, to what was going on. - - As the fact of armed bands could not be disputed, it was obviously - the interest of Austria to endeavour to throw the blame on others, - Montenegro and Servia especially. We shall come to these little - - States later, but _à propos_ of shifting the blame on Servia, there - is a very significant despatch from Consul‐General White, dated - Belgrade, 28th April 1876. “The Prince (of Servia) takes no pains to - conceal that, more than ever, he considers a collision with the Porte - as within the range of possibilities; but he continues to disclaim at - the same time any intention to act as the aggressor. He pointed out - to me the other day that the portion of Bosnia which is conterminous - to Servia has been entirely free from armed bands since last - November, when the Papas Zarko was repulsed into Servia, _whilst the - insurgents who had within the last few weeks made their appearance - on the river Unna between Bihatch, Novi and Kostainitza, were all in - proximity to the Austrian frontier_, and he defied anyone to show - that Servia had been instrumental in fostering insurrection in that - department of Bosnia, though he added that such an accusation had - been made somewhere, evidently alluding to Austrian Authorities.”[78] - The explanation of these apparent mysteries was really simple enough. - Servia was reserving herself for Bulgaria, which was within the - sphere of her action, as she herself was within the orbit of Russia’s - influence, and she had no intention of playing Austria’s game for - Austria’s sole benefit. - - Unless strongly backed by Russia, Servia knew well enough that - Austria, posted in the conterminous province of Bosnia, would be a - most awkward neighbour, and render any hope of future independence - on her part purely illusory. Turkey’s yoke would be light indeed - in comparison to that of Austria, if she were surrounded on three - sides by the Kaiserlich. A great deal of the apparent contradiction, - see‐sawing and hesitation of this period is to be accounted for by - these conflicting inner currents, set in motion by two of the three - allied Governments, whose agreement Count Beust was instructed to - inform Lord Derby was “entire.” It was entire as regarded Turkey, - there was no doubt about that, but there was a very pretty little - by‐play going on besides, within the circle of the larger drama. No - wonder this state of things created a situation, as Consul Holmes - pithily described it, “in which everyone seems to profess precisely - what he fails to practise.” - - -BERLIN NOTE. - - Whatever light friction there may have been between Russia and - Austria in the Spring of 1876, it seems to have been smoothed over, - probably by the intervention of the third disinterested partner in - the Alliance; for on Saturday, the 13th May 1876, Lord Odo Russell, - the British Ambassador at Berlin, received an invitation from Prince - Bismarck to call on him that day in order to meet Count Andrassy - and Prince Gortchakoff, together with the Ambassadors of France - and Italy; M. de Bülow and Baron Jomini were also present at the - interview. “After a few preliminary words from Prince Bismarck, - Prince Gortchakoff and Count Andrassy confirmed the cordial - understanding that exists between them, and expressed their sincere - hope and anxious desire that the Governments of England, France - and Italy, _who have given their moral support_ to the attempted - pacification of the Herzegovinians, will equally agree to support - the further attempts they have now met to concert, in consequence - of the alarming state of affairs in Turkey. Baron Jomini was then - invited to read the enclosed document to us, and the proposal to - which they solicit the co‐operation of the Great Powers.... Prince - Gortchakoff observed that he and Count Andrassy would remain till - Monday (15th inst.) at Berlin, and that they hoped the Governments of - England, France and Italy would be able to express an opinion on the - telegraphic summary of their proposal, before they left.”[79] - - It is no part of the purport of this book to comment on the - _procédés_ of the “three Allied Powers” vis‐à‐vis of the other - so‐called Great Powers, England, France and Italy. That is a matter - of their interior _ménage_. We are exclusively concerned with their - conduct, severally and collectively, towards Turkey. If it were - otherwise, one might have something to say concerning the strangeness - and singularity of the proceeding among Great Powers, supposed to - stand on a footing of equality, of three of their number convoking - the rest to hear a document of the very highest international - importance read to them for their assent to it, if possible by - telegraph, within two days! But let us proceed with the narrative. - - The document referred to, which goes in history by the name of - the “Berlin Note,” was a very curious document. It started with - the declaration that “the alarming tidings which come from Turkey - are of a nature to _impel the three Cabinets to draw closer their - intimacy_. The three Imperial Courts have deemed themselves called - upon to concert among themselves measures for averting the dangers of - the situation, _with the concurrence_ of the other great Christian - Powers.” After referring to the history of the question up to the - Andrassy Memorandum, by which the Powers acquire a moral right and an - obligation to insist on “pacification,” and enumerating the causes - that have prevented the success of that action, and especially the - agitation caused by the prolongation of the strife in other parts of - the Turkish Dominions, and laying stress on the deplorable events at - Salonica, it declares that it is most essential to establish certain - guarantees of a nature to insure beyond doubt the loyal and full - application of the measures agreed upon between the Powers and the - Porte.” - - As the first step in this direction, the three Imperial Courts - propose to insist with the Porte on a suspension of arms for - two months, and to open negotiations between the Porte and the - rebel delegates _on the basis of the wishes that the latter have - formulated_, and which may be enumerated as follows:— - - (1) That materials for the reconstruction of their houses should be - provided the refugees by the Turkish Government. - - (2) The appointment of a mixed commission to superintend reforms. - - (3) The concentration of the Turkish troops on some points to be - agreed upon. - - (4) Christians and Mussulmans to retain their arms. - - (5) The Consuls or Delegates of the Powers to keep a watch over the - application of the reforms in general, and on the steps relative - to the repatriation in particular. - - And then the Note concludes: “If, however, the armistice were - to expire without the efforts of the Powers being successful in - attaining the end they have in view, the three Imperial Courts - are of opinion that it would become necessary to supplement their - diplomatic action by the sanction of an agreement with a view to such - efficacious measures as might appear to be demanded in the interest - of general peace, to check the evil and prevent its development.” - - It is not intended here to criticise at length these five heads, - but one interesting and significant point must be noted. The Note - says, in a passage _underlined_ above, that these five heads were - framed “on the basis of the wishes formulated by the Bosnian and - Herzegovinian Delegates.” Who were these Delegates? On the 27th - May, the _Times_ quoted an article from the _Nord_ of April 1876, - in which another Note was addressed by one Golub Babitch, in the - name of the Bosnian insurgent chiefs, confirming full powers on one - Gabriel Vasilitchki (a Russian subject who had made himself very busy - in these matters) to treat on their behalf for peace on the basis - of four points which were absolutely identical with four points of - the Berlin Note.[80] Now, who was this Golub Babitch, who describes - himself in this Note as “voivode,” and who signs in the name and on - the behalf of the “chief Bosnian chiefs”? Mr Consul Freeman, who was - by no means prejudiced against the insurgents or in favour of the - Turks, and knew his _monde_ well, describes him. He was a “former - brigand,” now the chief of one of the principal bands, consisting of - 3000 men, all well armed, that had invaded Bosnia.[81] - - This, then, was the source of the inspiration of the five heads of - the famous Berlin Note. It might certainly be more justly described - in history as the “Golub Babitch Note.” The five heads, however, seem - to have been admirably adapted to secure the object perhaps intended, - viz., to perpetrate and aggravate the bloodshed between the armed - Mussulmans and the armed returning refugees, and so by “bleeding - Turkey to death” to justify the action of the last and most important - notice thrown in carelessly, and almost as an afterthought, and at - the end of the Berlin Note, but which was, of course, the whole point - of it, viz., that if the measures proposed did not produce their - effect (or, let us add, produced the exactly opposite effect), “the - three Imperial Courts would consider it necessary to supplement their - diplomatic action by the sanction of an agreement,” etc., etc. If - ever there was a case of the sting being in the tail, it was in this - “Berlin Note.” - - Lord Derby was not deceived either as to the intrinsic value, or - worthlessness, of the four points which he politely but mercilessly - dissected in an interview with Count Munster, the German Ambassador - in London, on the 15th of May 1876,[82] nor was he intimidated by - the “still closer intimacy of the three Imperial Courts,” which - the Note ostentatiously declared. France and Italy thought fit to - adhere to it. The rejection of it by England made its rejection by - Turkey doubly certain. It was certain in any event. The courteous but - unshakeable resolution of the English Cabinet to have nothing to do - with the Berlin Note, in spite of the “still closer intimacy of the - three Imperial Courts,” and the adherence of the other two Cabinets, - brought the whole proposal down like a house of cards. But the allied - quiver was not empty. - - A stage, however, was reached in the Berlin Note which it is - necessary to note carefully, as a new departure, involving a - readjustment of compasses all round, became henceforth necessary. - - We have seen the apparently unaccountable hurry that Austria was - in to get matters in Bosnia and Herzegovina diplomatically settled - to her satisfaction. The Consular intervention in August 1875, the - Andrassy Note in December 1875, General Rodich’s parley with the - insurgents in April 1876, and the Berlin Memorandum on 15th May - 1876, were the different stages of this pragmatical interference. - The reason was clear. Austria was quite well aware, through her - Intelligence Departments, that Russia was making superhuman, albeit - unofficial, efforts to catch up the advance that Austria had secured - for her operations in the Turkish provinces, and that every day made - it less probable that the lead in the negotiations would be left in - her hands. - - We shall see that from this moment, _i.e._, on the rejection of the - Berlin Memorandum, Austria’s precipitation no longer exists, and that - she takes ample time to readjust her compass to the altered condition - of things. The principal object of this Appendix being to describe - the conduct and follow the policy of Austria in these matters, it is - necessary to examine a little more closely the relations of Austria - with Montenegro, end the part played by this principality in this - so‐called rebellion. - - It was generally taken for granted that Montenegro was completely - and exclusively under Russian influence and protection, that it was - a citadel and outpost of Russia in this part of the world, and that - its prince moved in obedience to orders from St Petersburg alone. - This belief, which assumed the character of an axiom in men’s minds, - served admirably the purpose of Austria in the general mystification - with which it suited her to surround her policy at this time. - - As the active and effective action of Montenegro in the insurrection - was a secret to none in Europe, and as Russia exclusively pulled - the strings which moved its prince, it was obvious that Russia was - at the bottom of the Herzegovinian insurrection which Austria was - doing all she could to assist the Porte in suppressing—_quod erat - demonstrandum_. Now, there can be no doubt that Russia had for a - very long time past preponderating influence in the Black Mountains, - and that during the whole period that Austria followed what we have - called her “normal policy” with respect to the Ottoman Empire, the - influence of Russia over Montenegro was exclusive of any other - followed in the nature of things; but Consul‐General White, at any - rate, knew better than to suppose that this meant that no steps - had been taken by Austria (and the nature of the steps is evident) - to acquire that influence over the prince that the “new policy” of - Austria rendered desirable and necessary. In a despatch of the 25th - of February 1876, Consul‐General White, writing from Belgrade to - Sir H. Elliot, says: “I beg to inform Your Excellency that I have - been assured, from a source which I have hitherto found reliable, - that the chief reason that has prompted Prince Milan to assume a - bolder and quasi‐martial attitude is the growing suspicion in his - mind that a bait in the shape of an accession of territory was about - to be offered by Austria on behalf of the Porte to the Prince of - Montenegro. This opinion is strongly entertained here by persons _who - are supposed to be well acquainted with the nature of the relations - which have existed during the last two years between the Court of - Vienna and that Prince_.”[83] - - Not only did money pour into the principality, and arms, munitions - and military science, as we shall presently see, were lavishly - provided to these interesting mountaineers, but when the conditions - of peace between Servia and Montenegro on one side, and the Porte - on the other, came to be discussed (in the month of August 1876), - Austria, who opposed the claim for any accession of territory to - Servia, advocated a considerable extension for Montenegro. There can - be slight doubt that this was one of the conditions of the bargain - arranged “during the last two years between the Courts of Vienna and - that Prince.” It is, of course, a noteworthy coincidence that the two - years mentioned at the beginning of these intimate relations brings - us exactly to the date when Count Andrassy became Chancellor of the - Austro‐Hungarian Empire. - - Mr Monson, the English political agent at Ragusa—afterwards sent - on a special mission to Cettinje, and now H.B.M.’s Ambassador at - Paris, who will certainly not be accused of prejudice against the - Prince of Montenegro, by whom, on the contrary, he seems to have been - quite fascinated, be it said in passing—in writing to Lord Derby - from Ragusa, on the 14th June 1876, says: “The town of Ragusa, the - capital of Dalmatia, is daily visited by armed insurgents who, at - Vienna, are represented to be peaceful Dalmatians from the rural - districts ... or Montenegrins on their travels, whose costumes would - be incomplete without the traditional carbines and poniards.... - During the period in which the export of munitions of war was - suspended, _the contraband traffic was openly carried on at Ragusa - and Meglina without hindrance; cases of dynamite were passed across - the frontier, to be used for the destruction of the Turkish forts - and block‐houses_; and it is alleged that certain _military stores_ - have been furnished to the insurgents at Grebgi by way of Ombla.... - _The share taken by Austrian subjects in the late battles of the - Douga Pass is notorious; it is now known that 179 Crevoscians were - killed during the three days’ fighting; but, as far as I am aware, no - measures have been taken to prevent a repetition of such violations - of neutrality_.... My own conviction is that had it not been for the - money spent by Russia and by Dalmatian Panslavic Committees upon - certain influential chiefs, _the insurrection would long since have - collapsed_.... If these considerations are correct, as I honestly - believe them to be, it is clear that, as far as the Herzegovina is - concerned, a great step in the suppression of the insurrection would - be effected _if the Austrian Government would dissolve the Panslavic - Committees, enforce a strict surveillance of the frontier, and would - absolutely forbid and put down the export of arms and ammunition to - Montenegro._”[84] - - The facts stated in this important despatch need no addition, and - would be only weakened by any commentary. - - Let us proceed with others. Consul Holmes, writing from Bosna Serai, - on the 15th June 1876, to Lord Derby, says: “On the 6th inst., the - authorities at Mostar announced to the Baron Rodich (Governor of - Dalmatia) the fact that 1800 cases of rifles and their cartridges - were being landed at Cattaro for the Montenegrins. On the 9th, Baron - Rodich thanked them for their information, and said he would order - an enquiry into the matter and punish any illegality. Of course, the - arms will all be at Cettinje before he commences....”[85] - - This is what Consul Holmes, who had resided fifteen years in the - country, and who knew more of it than any foreigner alive (it was he - whom the English Government lent to Baron Calice at the Conference, - on account of his special knowledge of the country, and who received - the thanks of both Governments for his services), says: “To people - residing in these countries, and who know the real state of parties, - _and the true nature of the insurrection_, the idea of securing - pacification by concessions to the insurgents appears simply absurd. - In the first place, reforms and concessions cannot be executed until - pacification is obtained, and in the next, for reasons which I have - frequently explained to your Lordship, those who are in arms and who - keep up the insurrection, _care nothing about them; they have other - objects and other interests_.”[86] - - Such was Austria, that was at peace with Turkey, entertaining - friendly relations with the Porte, and protesting in every tone of - diplomatic expressions to every Cabinet in Europe her earnest and - anxious desire for the pacification of the Turkish Provinces! - - - - -APPENDIX C - -BULGARIAN‐ATROCITIES - - - The Slav Committees that had been for thirteen years “working up” - the recalcitrant materials of rebellion in Bulgaria, were proceeding - leisurely in their work when Count Andrassy stole a march upon - them in the Herzegovina; but in spite of every effort on the part - of Austria to precipitate a diplomatic crisis before the Bulgarian - plot was ripe, the Slav Committees, whose venue was Bulgaria, caught - him up before his work was completed. The head Slav Committee was - at Moscow, and there were two central Committees at Kichenew and - Bucharest. They had been established for about thirteen years, but - although their activity had been intermittent, it was through their - influence that the Bulgarian Church had been separated from the - Greek Patriarchal, and that a Bulgarian School under Government - patronage had been established at Odessa to form young Bulgarians - into missionary propagandists of the Slav idea. When, however, the - Herzegovina insurrection broke out, and matters were fast ripening - on that side, a revival of energy at once manifested itself in the - action of these Committees with reference to Bulgaria. As General - Tchernagoff wrote in his paper, the _Russki Mir_ (on 11th May 1876): - “I chose the route by way of Kischenew and the Danube, _along the - whole course of which_, commencing from the Russian frontier to the - Servian boundary, _Committees were formed towards the end of last - year_ for organising the plans of the Bulgarians in their approaching - struggle for independence. Commencing from Bolgrad (a Bulgarian - colony that fell away from Russia and became incorporated with - Roumania by virtue of the Treaty of Paris), I everywhere heard the - same thing, which was to the effect that all had been done that was - possible by the people for the impending struggle.... The movements - of the insurgents are regulated by a fixed programme.” - - We have seen (p. 43) during Midhat Pasha’s Governorship of Bulgaria, - how a raid over the frontier, following the usual tactics of - exasperation, had endeavoured to excite a rising, which was promptly - suppressed by the energy of the Vali. In the beginning of 1874 - unrest began to show itself again in the districts of Trianova, - Kezanlic, and Zagra, but, warned by the effects of neglect in - a recent instance, the authorities had all the leaders of the - movement arrested. Thereupon General Ignatieff made such energetic - representations to the Porte, that orders arrived, not only for the - release of the imprisoned, malcontents, but for the dismissal of all - functionaries concerned in their arrest. The effect of this novel - and original mode of dealing with an insurrection was soon apparent - in the effervescence and excitement it caused among the Mussulman - population throughout the Province. They saw rebel bands organising - without disguise, and approaching their own hearths, the leaders of - which were patronised by foreign consuls and supported by foreign - embassies, whereas defensive measures on the part of their own - natural leaders were discountenanced and punished. - - It was in this frame of mind of the Mussulman population of the - Empire, that the troubles both at Salonica and in Bulgaria occurred. - In October 1875, a local rising took place in the village of Eski - Zagra. Mr Vice‐Consul Brophy writes to Sir H. Elliot:—“In October - 1875 everything was settled for a rising in Bulgaria, in eight or ten - places simultaneously. Something occurred which made it advisable - that the rising should be put off, and messengers were sent to all - the centres, but the “put off” for Eski Zagra arrived twenty‐four - hours late, and that town rose in the full conviction that it was - being seconded by all the force of the insurgents. In fact, the - _émeute_, revolt, rebellion, revolution, or whatever it was, of May - last (1876) was to have come off in October 1875, but did not.”[87] - - The Committees were not ready. But the unrest continued, and when - the Provincial Governors begged the Porte to send regular troops - into the district, General Ignatieff dissuaded Mahmoud Nedim, the - Grand Vizier, from doing so, on the ground that “the presence of - regular troops would have the effect of still further increasing the - excitement.” - - We will now allow Vice‐Consul Dupuis, writing on 7th August 1876, to - give an account to Lord Derby of the origin of the outbreak: “This - was the condition of things when, on the 2nd of May, the insurrection - organised and planned by the Revolutionary Committees, established - during the last thirteen years in Bucharest and Moscow, suddenly - exploded at Avrat Alan. The plan of operation of the revolutionists, - assisted by the village priests and schoolmasters, was to destroy - the railways and bridges throughout the vilayet, to set on fire - Adrianople and Philippopolis, and to attack Tatar Bazardjik with 5000 - men, and seize upon the Government stores there.” An accident caused - the premature explosion of the revolt. “A sergeant of Zaptiés, who - had gone to Avrat Alan, either to collect taxes or to effect some - arrests, was suddenly attacked by armed Bulgarians (who thought their - plans had been betrayed), and had to fly for his life. Shortly after, - troubles broke out at Otloukeuyi and Bellowa; at the same time, the - inhabitants of several Bulgarian villages, it would appear, under the - impression that the impending massacre was at hand, left their homes - and fled to Otloukeuyi and Avrat Alan. - - The alarm then appears to have become general. The Christians were - afraid that they would be massacred by the Mussulmans, while the - latter were afraid that they were going to be exterminated by the - Christians. The numerical strength of the insurgents was stated to be - 15,000. The Mutassarifat of Philippopolis was at that time a Tatar - Bazardjik. Troops were telegraphed for to the Governor‐General of - Adrianople, who, it is said, replied that _as he had no military - force at his disposal_, he thought the best plan would be to - raise irregulars. On the 4th May, a meeting of some notables at - Philippopolis was held, under the presidency of the Mollah, when - the recommendation of the Governor‐General, for raising Nefer Ami - (public soldiers) was approved of, and a decision to that effect was - signed and forwarded to Adrianople. Orders were then immediately - sent to different parts of the vilayet for enlisting irregulars or - Bashi‐bazouks.”[88] These Bashi‐bazouks attacked Peroushtitza Batak - and Klissoura and Otloukeuyi, and there is no doubt that very great - excesses were committed by them. But Mr Dupuis goes on to say: - “It is said, without any attempt at concealment, that the Russian - Vice‐Consul in Philippopolis is solely responsible for the sad - disasters which have befallen Peroushtitza. In many instances, too, - the villages were set on fire by the Bulgarians themselves in order - to compel their inhabitants to take up arms. The village of Singerli, - now a complete mass of ruins, was in the first instance set on fire - by a priest. This man, in order to force the people to rise against - the Government, rushed about the place, knife in hand, telling - them that their hour of deliverance had arrived, and that Russian - soldiers were at hand to aid them against the Turks. I am assured, on - reliable and independent authority, that the Bulgarian insurrection - was carefully and skilfully planned by men possessing knowledge and - experience in military tactics from foreign parts. Had their plans - succeeded, and if the Bulgarians had got the upper hand of the Turks, - there is little doubt the existence of Turkey in Europe would have - been endangered, and the Bulgarians would have committed far greater - excesses than are laid to the charge of the Mussulmans, from the - fact that the former had, from the commencement of the disturbance, - _killed every Turk they came across, regardless as to age or sex, and - by the practising upon them, in several instances, of unspeakable - atrocities_. Atrocities have, undoubtedly, been committed by the - Bulgarians as well as by the Turks. Thus at Carlowo, it was related - to me, on good authority, that a Turkish boy had both his arms flayed - to the elbows by the Bulgarians; while at Otloukeuyi, the Bulgarians - massacred eighty Mussulmans, and cut up a child into pieces, and - publicly offered the flesh for sale, and committed other unspeakable - atrocities on females.”[89] - - As for the Russian Vice‐Consul at Philippopolis, Mr Gueroff, - Vice‐Consul Dupuis says of him: “The news of the Russian Vice‐Consul - at Philippopolis having been insulted, though repeated, is not - generally confirmed. Some say, if he was not insulted, he is trying - his best to provoke it by his conduct.”[90] - - Sir H. Elliot, on 11th August, writes to Lord Derby: “A letter from - Mr Baring, received yesterday, contains these words: ‘There is not - the slightest doubt that the Russian Consul at Philippopolis had a - leading part in creating the late insurrection.’”[91] - - As to the menacing character of the insurrection, there is cumulative - evidence to that effect. On 13th May, Vice‐Consul Brophy, writing - to Sir H. Elliot, says: “I have the honour to express to your - Excellency my belief that the Bulgarian insurrectionary movement, - commenced in the Caza of Philippopolis, will not be confined to that - district. I have some reason for thinking that the plans of the - insurgents embrace six centres of revolt, most of them in the high - Balkan (Kodga Balkan, Stari Planina), in each of which localities - depôts of arms—rifles, revolvers, etc.—ammunition, and provisions are - hidden.”[92] - - The cruelties practised by the insurgents on the Turks were also - beyond all doubt. They were, moreover, in strict conformity with the - practice and instructions of the insurgents in all similar risings. - On 12th May, Mr Dupuis informs Sir H. Elliot: “The burning of Bellowa - seems to have been attended with horrible cruelties to the small - Turkish guard in charge of the place, which, being overpowered, - was hacked to pieces by the Bulgarians. My informant adds that, - shortly after this occurrence, a party of about a hundred and fifty - well‐mounted and equipped insurgents, led by the priests, presented - itself in the village, declaring, with crucifixes in hand, that that - was the way to exterminate Islamism.”[93] Mr Sandison, the first - dragoman of the English Embassy, writing to Sir H. Elliot on 11th - July 1876, says, _à propos_ of these cruelties: “I may here quote the - testimony of the artist employed by the _Illustrated London News_, - who in his travels through Bulgaria came across the body of a Turk - who had been impaled and roasted by Bulgarians. Such acts could not - but lead to reprisals, and to the consequent destruction of many - thousand lives, as well as of a large number of villages, amongst - which must also be included a good many Mussulman ones.”[94] Consul - Reade reports from Rustchuk on 19th July (1876) that “Some Bulgarian - insurgents one day seized two Mussulman women, whose breasts they cut - off _and then put_ them to death.”[95] - - Vice‐Consul Calvert, writing from Philippopolis on 29th August - 1876, says; “The Christian Commissioners, one of whom, Yovantcho - Effendi, is himself a Bulgarian, state themselves to be satisfied - that deeds of great atrocity on the part of the insurgents marked - the commencement of the rising in May last, and that _cruelties - were designedly committed by the insurgents as being the means - best calculated to bring on a general revolution in Bulgaria_, - by rendering the situation of the Christians, however peaceably - inclined, so intolerable under the indiscriminate retaliation - which the governing race was sure to attempt, as to force them in - self‐defence to rise. Among other instances of this Blacque Bey - mentioned to me that the Christian inhabitants of a village near - Tirnovo related to him, how, at the beginning of the revolt, the - insurgents had seized a wealthy Turk of the locality, beloved by - Christians and Moslems alike, for his justice and benevolence, had - buried him up to the waist in the earth, and then stoned him to - death.”[96] - - With reference to the invariable mode of procedure of the leaders of - the insurrection for the very purpose of exciting reprisals, Sir H. - Elliot, in a communication to Lord Derby, says: “The inhabitants of - another village stated that at the beginning of the insurrection, - they were told by _the priests and the schoolmasters_ that the Turks - were advancing, that they must leave this village or they would be - killed by the Turks, and that those who objected were driven out - by force. The Mussulmans who happened to be there were murdered; - their number was differently estimated at twelve and thirty‐two; the - village was then set on fire. The Mussulmans in the neighbourhood - seeing part of the village in flames, went there and pillaged and - burnt the remaining houses.”[97] The revolutionary agents from the - Slav Committees had, since the recrudescence of their activity in the - winter, been working zealously among the Bulgarians. On 4th May Sir - H. Elliot, in acquainting Lord Derby with the movement at Otloukeuyi, - says: “It was known that revolutionary agents were working actively - among the Bulgarians, and that arms and ammunition have latterly been - introduced in considerable quantities.”[98] They knew, too, pretty - well what they were about and when to strike, so that reprisals could - be most surely counted on. Consul Reade, from Rustchuk, informs (9th - May) Sir H. Elliot: “I have also just heard of an event said to - have occurred near Avrat Alan, which, if true, may bring on serious - complications. It is said that a Circassian village in that vicinity - has been burnt; if so, the Circassians, generally a lawless set, are - sure to take their revenge, and this may severely tax the Government - to put down, when once commenced.”[99] Prophetic words indeed! The - revolutionary agents of the Committees found this work difficult - in the face of the repressive measures taken. On the 16th May 1876 - Consul Reade reports from Rustchuk: “Many of the revolutionary - Bulgarians in Wallachia are said to be entering this vilayet, and - some have already been discovered and arrested.”[100] Here, then, we - have revolutionary agents coming from abroad and exciting the people - already long worked upon by priests and schoolmasters brought up in - Russia, to rise in rebellion and to commit every species of atrocity - on the Mussulman population with the direct object of provoking them - to reprisals, which could be exploited against them all over Europe. - We have further the Consul of a friendly Power, one of the chief - leaders of the insurrection, and the “Ambassador of the same friendly - Power” at Constantinople, strongly counselling against the despatch - of regular troops to districts where the Governor‐General urges the - necessity of their presence, and when the Mussulman inhabitants, in - their defence and under the impulse of panic and exaggerated fear - of what was going to happen, without any regular force to protect - them, arm irregular bands from any quarter they can procure them - with, likely enough, not sufficient discrimination and examination - as to their character, scenes are, no doubt, enacted, and atrocities - committed, which every human being, be he Christian or Mahometan, - would in cold blood deprecate and deplore. - - As Sir H. Elliot says: “An insurrection or civil war is everywhere - accompanied by cruelties and abominable excesses, and this being - tenfold the case in Oriental countries where people are divided into - antagonistic creeds and races, the responsibility and sin of those - who incite a peaceful province to rise becomes doubly heavy, and - they now endeavour to throw them upon others.”[101] Nobody outside - Timbuctoo approves or condones cruelties, but the charge against the - Ottoman authorities really amounts to their arming and employing - irregular troops, Pomaks, Circassians, Gipsies, etc., over whom they - could exercise very imperfect control. But as Mehemet Rushdi Pasha - told the English Ambassador, “the emergency was so great as to render - it indispensable at once to stamp the movement out by any means - that were immediately available.”[102] Mehemet Rushdi himself, it - will be remembered, only came into office after those acts had been - committed. He was consequently in no way responsible, neither he nor - Midhat, either for their commission or for the events that led up to - them. - - With reference to the _Daily News_ article on Turkish atrocities, - which started the agitation against Turkey in England, Sir H. - Elliot, writing on the 25th July 1876, says: “I have reason to - believe that the credulity of the correspondent of the _Daily - News_, whose letters on the subject of the Bulgarian atrocities - attracted so much attention in England, has been imposed upon by - two Bulgarian relatives of one of the presumed ringleaders of the - revolt, inhabiting Philippopolis. One of these was for a time editor - of a Bulgarian journal in Constantinople, and it is evident that - information derived from such a source can only be regarded as - untrustworthy.”[103] - - As the very aim and purpose of the insurrection was to create - excitement and provoke hatred of the Turk in Europe, it is no wonder - if the most monstrous exaggerations passed current as peremptory - truths. - - Sir H. Elliot, writing on 6th July, says: “The excesses committed - in the suppression of the insurrection have unquestionably been - very great, as was inevitable from the nature of the force which - the Porte was, in the first emergency, obliged to employ, but it - is equally certain that the details which have been given, coming - almost exclusively from Russian and Bulgarian sources, are so - _monstrously exaggerated_ as to deprive them of much claim to much - attention. Cases of revolting cruelty have been mentioned to me in - such a circumstantial manner as to make it almost impossible to - doubt this truth, but which proved, on investigation, to be entirely - fictitious.... Turkish ministers deny that the cruelties have been on - a scale at all approaching to what they are represented; they point - out that the horrors committed on Turkish women and children are - passed over in silence, and they plead that they had no alternative - _but_ to use the irregular force at their disposal to put down an - unprovoked insurrection fomented from abroad, the authors of which - are responsible for the sufferings which have been entailed upon both - Christians and Mahometans.”[104] - - Some of the fictions invented were quite picturesque and dramatic. - These fictions and legends were not confined to Bulgaria, and Canon - Liddon and a Rev. Mr MacColl carried off the palm for ingenious - credulity. On the 2nd October 1876, Sir H. Elliot telegraphs to - Her Majesty’s Consul at Bosnia Serai: “Canon Liddon and a friend, - who went to Servia by the Bosnian frontier, state that they saw - examples of revolting cruelties practised by Turkish officers of the - regular army, who have _impaled_, at all military stations along the - frontier, men and women. Report as to truth of these statements.” - On the 5th inst. the startled Consul sends the following reply: - “Everything known here would make statement in your telegram of 2nd - inst. perfectly incredible, _but_ for the name of your Excellency’s - informant. I will write of this by next post.”[105] The statement of - the distinguished ecclesiastic created a great sensation. It turned - out, however, that he had obtained his information from passengers - in a steam vessel on the Save, and that they had not travelled along - the frontier at all, as Sir A. Buchanan, who first reported to Sir - H. Elliot, had been led to believe. “The whole story, therefore,” - adds Sir A. Buchanan, “probably resolves itself, as suggested by Mr - Holmes, to heads or even bodies having been exposed on poles, as I - have myself seen hanging in chains during the British Protectorate - of Corfu.”[106] Mr Holmes, in his report, after demonstrating the - absurdity of the story, politely adds: “Now, if Canon Liddon states - that he saw what he describes, of course I can say nothing to the - contrary; but if he has only been assured of these atrocities, it - is most certain that he has been grossly deceived, with a view to - make use of his voice and influence as a means of increasing and - confirming public opinion in England, in the belief of the barbarous - conduct attributed to the Turks, and in hostility to them.”[107] - These reverend gentlemen had evidently been the victims of, as Mr - Holmes further says, “a monstrous joke,” and he proceeds to explain - the matter. “After much reflection, however, the matter is, I think, - as clear as possible. Near most Bosnian farm‐houses there are stakes, - such as Mr MacColl describes, around which the haricot beans ... are - fixed up to dry with something above them to keep off the birds.... - At the time of Mr MacColl’s voyage down the Save, it is probable that - most of the beans had been garnered, but a portion might have been - left on one of the stakes which attracted his attention. This, on - being pointed out to some practical joker amongst the officers of the - steamboat, with its accidental likeness to a body, together, perhaps, - with the previous conversation of the travellers, suggested the hoax, - which, on seeing that it was seriously accepted, was kept up till the - end of the journey.”[108] - - Another and most probable explanation of this astounding story was - that what Canon Liddon and his friend really saw, “was a watchman who - had mounted on his stake, probably to look at the steamer descending - the Save.”[109] Anybody may be mistaken, even distinguished - ecclesiastics; but what, in such quasi‐sacred persons was scarcely to - be expected, was the tenacity with which they stuck to the impalement - theory, after it was exploded in the minds of all impartial persons. - Even high dignitaries of the Church don’t like being laughed at. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] “History of the Ottoman Empire,” vol. ii. p. 356. - -[2] “La Motraye,” La Haye, 1727, vol. i. pp. 383, 462. - -[3] See the “Relation du Baile Garzoni,” of 1586. - -[4] See Gervinus’ “Insurrection et Régéneration de la Grèce,” vol. i. -p. 16. - -[5] Pozzo di Borgo to Count Nesselrode, November 1828. - -[6] _“The First Dragoman of the Russian Embassy to Mahmoud Nedim._[A] - -“MY DEAR HIGHNESS,—I have communicated the observations of your -Highness to His Excellency the Ambassador, who has assured us in his -reply that he will use his influence to arrest the Herzegovinian -insurrection. No one desires more earnestly than ourselves the success -of Your Highness’ projects. - -“Your Highness may give the necessary assurances to whom they may -concern.” (1873). - -[Taken from a pamphlet called “Ussi Inkillab,” which was published at -the beginning of the reign of Abdul Hamid—an interesting document in -proving this fact.] - -[A] _Nineteenth Century_, January 1903. - -[7] See Appendix.—“Bulgarian Atrocities.” - -[8] See Appendix—“Bulgarian Atrocities.” - -[9] See Appendix. - -[10] _Nineteenth Century_, February 1888. - -[11] Boat. - -[12] _Nineteenth Century_, January 1903. - -[13] “Blue Book,” _Turkey_, 2, No. 105. - -[14] _Nineteenth Century_, February 1888, p. 279. - -[15] Although a man of this description, unfit for Parliament, was -quite fitted to represent his Sovereign at one of the most important -Courts of Europe.—AUTHOR. - -[16] The Director‐General of official and private correspondence -between the Palace and the Sublime Porte. - -[17] Blue Book, _Turkey_, 2, 1877, No. 152. - -[18] _Nineteenth Century_, January 1903. - -[19] Blue Book, _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 985. - -[20] _Times_, 10th February 1877. - -[21] Mr Blunt, H.B.M. Consul at Salonica, addressed the following -despatch to Lord Derby:— - - “SALONICA, _10th February 1877_. - -“MY LORD, - - * * * * * - -“The leading men with whom I have conversed, and the people in general -here, manifest much surprise and some irritation at the sudden -dismissal of Midhat Pasha from the Grand Vizierate, in whom they had -full confidence that he would carry out reforms. - -“The prevailing impression here is, especially among the Turks, that -the fall of this popular statesman has been prepared and effected by -the Sultan’s immediate _entourage_. - -“In case there is any demonstration at Constantinople, in favour of -Midhat Pasha, the popular feeling at Salonica would, I think, coincide -with it.[B]—I have, etc., - - J. E. BLUNT.” - -[B] Blue Book, _Turkey_, 15, 1877, No. 171. - -[22] At the accession of Abdul Hamid, he was his favourite First -Secretary, and was thereupon appointed Grand Vizier. - -[23] He had been Grand Vizier in the time of Abdul Aziz, and ruined the -Empire by his wretched and Russophil policy. - -[24] “_Turkey. Constantinople, 11th May._—The doubts I expressed in -a recent despatch, concerning the veracity of the chief witnesses in -the enquiry about the death of Abdul Aziz, are being confirmed, and -the Sultan now hesitates about bringing the affair before a public -tribunal. Several important personages, who cannot be suspected of -complicity, declare openly that the raising of the question was the -result of an intrigue, and at the Palace the opinion is gaining ground -that the matter will terminate with the degradation and exile of the -Sultan’s two brothers‐in‐law, and the temporary imprisonment of their -supposed accomplices, without any formal trial. When the enquiry was -first instituted, an old and devoted friend of the dynasty reminded the -Sultan of an unsavoury Turkish saying, equivalent to our proverb about -the wisdom of letting sleeping dogs lie, and His Majesty has now reason -to regret that he did not follow his advice.”—_Times_, 12th May (p. 5, -col. 3). - -[25] “Midhat Pasha, on taking refuge at the French Consulate, sent -letters to all the other Consuls, requesting the protection of the -Powers. The Consuls accordingly held a meeting, and decided to ask -instructions from their respective Governments. The reason alleged -by Midhat is that he is a victim of personal animosity, and that he -is in danger of personal violence, but this ground of defence has -been anticipated by the Imperial decision that the whole affair shall -be submitted to the regular tribunal, the sittings of which will -be public. His Majesty is evidently anxious that the whole matter -should be thoroughly sifted, and for this purpose has appointed a -sub‐commission to interrogate the native and foreign doctors who held -the post‐mortem examination on the body of the late Sultan, as it has -been rumoured that the medical report made at the time, is not quite in -accordance with the testimony of certain witnesses recently examined. -This procedure seems to remove effectually the danger of personal -violence, which Midhat alleges as the reason for having put himself -under foreign protection.”—_Times_, 19th May (p. 5, col. 4). - - -_By Indo‐European Telegraph._ - -“_Constantinople, 18th May._—On receiving instructions from his -Ambassador, the French Consul at Smyrna requested Midhat Pasha to quit -the Consulate, whereupon the latter proceeded to surrender himself to -the Turkish Military Governor. A judicial enquiry will be commenced at -Smyrna.” - - -“_Turkey. Constantinople, 21st May._—Letters from Smyrna give some -details concerning the arrest of Midhat Pasha. Between one and -two o’clock on Tuesday morning he was awoke by a bugle‐call. He -discovered that troops were advancing under the command of Hilmi Pasha, -accompanied by one of the Sultan’s aides‐de‐camp, who had recently -arrived from Constantinople. He at once suspected the motive of the -nocturnal visit, and as a small body of soldiers were entering the -courtyard, he made his escape by a door in the wall of the harem -garden, and reached safely the French Consulate. At an early hour the -Consul assembled his colleagues, and Midhat Pasha declared to them that -he placed himself under the protection of the Powers. Then followed the -interchange of despatches with Constantinople and Paris, which I have -described in a previous telegram. Midhat Pasha declared that he had no -wish to leave the country, and was ready to proceed to Constantinople -if he could obtain the necessary guarantees that he would be fairly -tried, but Hilmi Pasha thought it prudent to take precautionary -measures against a second flight by preventing small boats from -approaching that part of the quay. Meanwhile, the French Consul had -received stringent orders to withdraw the temporary protection which he -had afforded, and accordingly, after having again called his colleagues -together, he formally surrendered the fugitive to the Military. Next -morning the Minister of Justice arrived in a special steamer to make a -judicial enquiry. Midhat Pasha is being carefully guarded in a room in -the barracks.”—_Times_, 23rd May 1881 (p. 7, col. 2). - -[26] The Sheik‐ul‐Islam Haïroullah Effendi, and the two brothers‐in‐law -of Abdul Hamid—Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin and Damad Nouri Pashas. - -[27] Who had killed the Ministers in Midhat Pasha’s house in 1876. - -[28] _Times_, 5th June 1882, page 8, col. 2.—“Constantinople, 3rd -June. According to a despatch from Djeddah, the Dragoman of the British -Consulate at that place has gone to Mecca, the bearer of a letter from -the British Government to the Grand Shereef, expressing the friendly -sentiments of England towards him, and asking for news of Midhat Pasha. - -“The Grand Shereef, in reply, is stated to have assured the Dragoman -that Midhat Pasha was in no danger of any kind. This step on the part -of England has produced considerable sensation among the Arabs, who -continue to attribute to the British Government designs of gaining -ground and influence in Arabia.” - -[29] Afterwards General of Division with title of Pasha, and -transferred from Adrianople to Yemen. - -[30] About midnight European time. - -[31] The following is a list of the officers and men who assassinated -Midhat, 29th Redjeb, 1301 of the Hegira, or 12th May 1883. - - Captain Ibrahim Circassian. - Non‐Commissioned Officer Lieutenant Nouri Native of Coumla. - - Soldiers - 1st Company of Foot The Sergeant Ahmed Native of Adremid. - 1st ” Coundirédji Ismail ” Yozgad. - 2nd ” Ahmed ” Kutahia. - 2nd ” Mehemet ” Kutahia. - 2nd ” Redjeb ” Kumuljina. - 4th ” Osman ” Kara Hissar. - 2nd ” Berber Ismail[C] ” Adrianople. - - -The following persons were commissioned to deal with Mahmoud Pasha. - - - Non‐Commissioned Officer Lieutenant Memiche Native of Sparta. - Non‐Commissioned Officer Lieutenant Mehemet ” Eudemiche. - - Soldiers - 2nd Company of Foot The Sergeant Hassan Native of Kutahia. - 2nd ” The Sergeant Suleiman ” Kara Hissar. - 4th ” Corporal Mehemet ” Antalia. - 1st ” Osman Baltadji ” Kara Hissar. - 1st ” Ahmed ” Tchoroum. - 1st ” Ali (Roumelian) ” Samanli‐Kieuï. - 4th ” Berber Mustapha ” Dimétoka. - 4th ” Ali ” Zile. - -[C] These soldiers belong to the conscription of 1296 S.T. except the -one who belongs to 1300 S.T. - -[32] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 422. - -[33] _Ibid._, 3, 1877. - -[34] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, Nos. 529 and 530. - -[35] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 1. - -[36] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, Incl. No. 554. - -[37] _Ibid._, No. 559. - -[38] _Ibid._, No. 452. - -[39] _Ibid._, Incl. No. 479. - -[40] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 452. - -[41] _Ibid._, No. 197. - -[42] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, No. 325. - -[43] _Ibid._, No. 324 - -[44] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, No. 564. - -[45] _Ibid._, Nos. 470 and 498. - -[46] _Ibid._, No. 508. - -[47] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 516. - -[48] _Ibid._, No. 540. - -[49] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, No. 584. - -[50] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, No. 612. - -[51] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 952. - -[52] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 986. - -[53] _Ibid._, No. 952. - -[54] _Ibid._, No. 950. - -[55] _Ibid._, No. 950. - -[56] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, Nos. 166 and 239. - -[57] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 23. - -[58] _Ibid._, 1, No. 544. - -[59] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, Nos. 459 and 517; and _Turkey_, 1, 1877, Nos. -551 and 898; and _Turkey_, 2, 1877, No. 27. - -[60] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, Nos. 528, 541, 551, and 552. - -[61] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, No. 52. - -[62] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 718. - -[63] Blue Book, _Turkey_ 2, 1876, No. 1. - -[64] Blue Book, No. 2. - -[65] _Ibid._, No. 32. - -[66] _Turkey_, 2, 1876, No. 16. - -[67] _Ibid._, No. 47. - -[68] _Turkey_, 2, 1876, No. 70. - -[69] _Ibid._, No. 71. - -[70] _Ibid._, No. 63. - -[71] _Turkey_, 3, No. 6. - -[72] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 11. - -[73] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 44. - -[74] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 121. - -[75] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 128. - -[76] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 130. - -[77] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 195. - -[78] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 221. - -[79] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 248. - -[80] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, Incl. No. 313. (Lord Odo Russell pronounces -this document authentic. 3rd July 1876, No. 363.) - -[81] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 185. - -[82] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 259. - -[83] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 51, Incl. - -[84] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 479. - -[85] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 491. - -[86] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 491. - -[87] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 674 Incl. - -[88] _Turkey_, 3, 1877, No. 57 Incl. - -[89] _Ibid._ - -[90] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 343, Incl. - -[91] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, No. 24. - -[92] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, Incl. 4 in 289. - -[93] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 289, Incl. - -[94] _Ibid._, 5, 1876, Incl. 1 in No. 18. - -[95] _Ibid._, 5, 1876, Incl. 2 in No. 21. - -[96] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, Incl. in No. 222. - -[97] _Ibid._, 5, 1876, No. 22. - -[98] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 252. - -[99] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 273, Incl. - -[100] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No. 315, Incl. - -[101] _Turkey_, 1, 1877, No. 221. - -[102] _Ibid._, 3, 1876, No 513. - -[103] _Ibid._, 5, 1876, No. 24. - -[104] _Turkey_, 3, 1876, No. 538. - -[105] _Ibid._, 1, 1877, No. 539. - -[106] _Ibid._, 686. - -[107] _Turkey_, Incl. in No. 687. - -[108] _Ibid._, Incl. in No. 961. - -[109] _Ibid._, 2, 1877, Incl. in No. 179. - - - PRINTED AT THE EDINBURGH PRESS, 9 AND 11 YOUNG STREET. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The life of Midhat Pasha; a record of -his services, political reforms, bani, by Ali Haydar Midhat - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF MIDHAT PASHA *** - -***** This file should be named 51243-0.txt or 51243-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/1/2/4/51243/ - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - diff --git a/old/51243-0.zip b/old/51243-0.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 3938dc8..0000000 --- a/old/51243-0.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51243-h.zip b/old/51243-h.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 1ce9c34..0000000 --- a/old/51243-h.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51243-h/51243-h.htm b/old/51243-h/51243-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 711dbc1..0000000 --- a/old/51243-h/51243-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,13447 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> - <head> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=utf-8" /> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> - <title> - The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Life of Midhat Pasha, by his son Ali Haydar Midhat Bey. - </title> - -<link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> - - <style type="text/css"> - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - - h1 { font-weight: normal; - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; -} - h2 { font-weight: normal; font-size: 1.1em; - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; -} - - h3 { font-weight: normal; font-size: .8em; margin-top: 1.51em; - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; -} -p { - margin-top: .51em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .49em; -} - -p.tb { - margin-top: 1.51em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .49em; -} -p.indent { margin-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em; - margin-top: 0em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: 0em; -} - -p.indent2 { margin-left: 1em; text-indent: -1em; - margin-top: 0em; padding-right: 1em; - text-align: left; - margin-bottom: 0em; -} - -p.indent3 { margin-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em; - margin-top: 0.51em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .49em; -} -.f12 {font-size: 1.2em;} -.f08 {font-size: .8em;} -.f09 {font-size: .9em;} -.padr1 {padding-right: 1em;} -.padt1 {padding-right: 1em;} -.padr2 {padding-right: 2em;} -.padr5 {padding-right: 5em;} -.padt1 {padding-top: 1em;} -.padl4 {padding-left: 4em;} -.vertb {vertical-align: bottom;} -.vertt {vertical-align: top;} -.h {visibility: hidden;} -.f15 {font-size: 1.5em;} - -hr { - width: 34%; - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-left: 33%; - margin-right: 33%; - clear: both; -} - -hr.short { - width: 10%; - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-left: 45%; - margin-right: 45%; - clear: both; -} - - -table { - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; -} -table.content { - margin-left: auto; font-size: .9em; - margin-right: auto; -} - .tdl {text-align: left;} - .tdr {text-align: right;} - .tdc {text-align: center;} - -.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ - /* visibility: hidden; */ - position: absolute; - left: 92%; - font-size: smaller; - text-align: right; -} /* page numbers */ - -.blockquot { line-height: .97em; font-size: .95em; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; - -} - -.center {text-align: center; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 1em; } -.center2 {text-align: center; margin-top: 0em; margin-bottom: 0em;} - -.right {text-align: right;} - -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} -@media handheld {.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;}} -.gesperrt -{ - letter-spacing: 2em; - margin-left: 0em; max-width: 100%; -} -@media handheld {.gesperrt -{ - letter-spacing: 2em; - margin-left: 0em; max-width: 100%; -}} -/* Images */ -img { - max-width: 100%; /* no image to be wider than screen or containing div */ - height:auto; /* keep height in proportion to width */ -} - -div.figcenter { - clear: both; - margin: 2em auto; - text-align: center; - max-width: 100%; /* div no wider than screen, even when screen is narrow */ -} - -/* Footnotes */ - -.footnote {margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%; font-size: 0.9em;} - -.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 90%; text-align: right;} - -.fnanchor { - vertical-align: super; - font-size: .8em; - text-decoration: - none; -} - -</style> - </head> -<body> - - -<pre> - -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The life of Midhat Pasha; a record of his -services, political reforms, banishment, , by Ali Haydar Midhat - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The life of Midhat Pasha; a record of his services, political reforms, banishment, and judicial murder (1903) - -Author: Ali Haydar Midhat - -Release Date: February 17, 2016 [EBook #51243] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF MIDHAT PASHA *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<p class="center">THE LIFE OF MIDHAT PASHA</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;"> -<img src="images/i_frontis.jpg" width="400" height="529" alt="" /> -<table summary="photo" border="0" width="100%"><tr> -<td class="tdl"><small><small><i>From a Photograph.</i></small></small></td> -<td class="tdr"><small><small><i>The Typographic Etching Co. Ph. Sc.</i></small></small></td> -</tr></table></div> - -<p class="center f12"><i>Midhat Pasha.</i></p> -<hr /> - -<h1><small>THE LIFE OF</small><br /> -MIDHAT PASHA</h1> - -<p class="center f12">A RECORD OF HIS SERVICES,<br /> -POLITICAL REFORMS, BANISHMENT,<br /> -AND JUDICIAL MURDER<br /><br /></p> - -<p class="center">DERIVED FROM PRIVATE DOCUMENTS AND<br /> -REMINISCENCES<br /> -BY HIS SON ALI HAYDAR MIDHAT BEY<br /><br /> -WITH PORTRAITS<br /> -<br /> -LONDON<br /> -JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.<br /> -1903</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">vii</a></span></p> - -<h2>PREFACE</h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">As</span> the Son of Midhat Pasha I was for fifteen years -compelled to reside as an exile in Smyrna, but finding -the physical and moral sufferings to which I was there -subjected greater than I could endure, I succeeded in -quitting the territories of the Sultan, and came to take -up my residence in this hospitable land, and among this -great and free people.</p> - -<p>In the following pages I have endeavoured to -carry out a duty which has long been incumbent on -me, by letting the public, and especially the English -public, know the true story of my father’s career, and -of his death.</p> - -<p>The record is based mainly on documents and notes -left by him. In obedience to requests from high -quarters I abstain from publishing certain documents -and correspondence which, bearing as they do on -International affairs, might be calculated to cause -embarrassment and do harm.</p> - -<p>It is possible that some of my father’s papers -which I have now printed, and which were written in -Turkish, may have lost some of their original brightness -in the process of translation, but at least, most scrupu<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">viii</a></span>lous -care has been taken to give the sense of them -accurately.</p> - -<p>There can be no doubt that at the present time -Turkey is suffering from a Reign of Terror, and is in -a state of anarchy. I hope that the narrative contained -in these pages may afford some evidence of the -methods by which this condition of affairs has been -produced.</p> - -<p>My readers will learn how the Sovereign of the -Ottoman Empire, in order to carry out his own system -of Government, has suppressed every effort for reform, -and has removed those men, who by their force of -character, by their uprightness, and by their popularity, -seemed capable of thwarting his designs, and amending -the condition of the country and of the people.</p> - -<p>I wish to state here that I have a profound respect -for the Imperial Throne, and it is this consideration -alone, I repeat it, and the honour of my country, which -makes me regard it as a duty to humanity to expose -the nefarious system of Sultan Abdul Hamid.</p> - -<p>In conclusion, I would beg to offer my thanks to -the Proprietors of the <em>Times</em> newspaper for giving me -permission to reprint the excellent report of my father’s -trial which appeared in their columns.</p> - -<p class="right padr2">ALI HAYDAR MIDHAT.</p> - -<p><small><span class="smcap">Eastbourne</span>, <i>August 6, 1903</i>.</small></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">ix</a></span></p> - -<h2>CONTENTS</h2> - -<hr class="short" /> - -<table class=" content" summary="CONTENTS" border="0"><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER I</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">EARLY HISTORY OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr" colspan="2"><small>Page</small></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Christians in Turkey—Turkish treatment of Subject Races—Corruptions -of the Ottoman System—Persistent policy of -Russia—Panslavic Committees—The Palace and the -Porte—Growth of Autocracy—The Janissaries—Revolt -of Mehemet Ali—Reforms of Abdul Medjid—The Czar -Nicholas—Origins of the Crimean War—The Crimean -War—Attitude of France—Attitude of Austria</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_1">1</a>–31</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER II</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">MIDHAT’S EARLY YEARS</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Midhat in the Balkan Provinces—Governorship of Nish, etc.—Widdin -and Silistria—Midhat’s Success in Danube -Provinces—Intrigues of General Ignatieff—Insurrection -stirred up—Organisation of local Militia—Appointed -Vali of Bagdad—Fighting and Reforms—Finance and -Engineering Work—Bussora—Koweit, the Nedjed—The -Conquest of Nedjed—Defeat of Abdul Kerim—Aali -Pasha—Extravagance of Abdul Aziz—Midhat as Grand -Vizier</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_32">32</a>–66</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER III</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">DEPOSITION AND DEATH OF ABDUL AZIZ</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Troubles in Herzegovina—Riots at Salonica—Outbreak in -Bulgaria—Meeting at Reichstadt—The Andrassy Memorandum—The -Sultan opposes Reform—Deposition of -Abdul Aziz—Preparations for the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Coup d’État</i>—Sultan -Murad—Death of Abdul Aziz—Breakdown of Sultan -Murad—Damad Mahmoud’s Conspiracy—Prince Hamid—Deposition -of Murad</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_67">67</a>–99</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">x</a></span>CHAPTER IV</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">ABDUL HAMID SULTAN</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Abdul Hamid II.—The Imperial Household—The Speech -from the Throne—Nominal Reforms—Midhat’s Difficulties—Nominal -and Real Reforms—The New Constitution—Sovereign -Rights</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_100">100</a>–115</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER V</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">SECOND GRAND VIZIERATE OF MIDHAT PASHA</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Opposition Intrigues—“Midhat’s Constitution”—Intrigues -against Midhat—Zia Bey—The Press—Promulgation of -the Constitution—Rescript of Abdul Hamid—Favourable -Reception of the Constitution</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_116">116</a>–131</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER VI</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">THE CONFERENCE AND MIDHAT’S EXILE</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Conference at Constantinople—General Ignatieff’s Conduct—The -New Constitution and the Powers—Galib Pasha -and the Finances—Mixed Schools—Protest of Midhat—Midhat -Exiled—The Sultan’s Precautions—Prince Gortchakoff -and General Ignatieff—Russian Declaration—Prince -Gortchakoff’s Circular</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_132">132</a>–154</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER VII</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">MIDHAT PASHA IN EUROPE</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The Sultan’s Speech—Russia Declares War—Midhat in -Naples—Midhat’s Efforts for Peace—Midhat’s Recall by -the Sultan—Midhat and Kiamil Bey</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_155">155</a>–171</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">xi</a></span>CHAPTER VIII</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">THE RETURN OF MIDHAT PASHA TO TURKEY</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Midhat in Crete—Appointed Governor of Syria</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_172">172</a>–175</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER IX</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">MIDHAT PASHA, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SYRIA</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The Sultan Opposes Reforms—Cause of Midhat’s Resignation—Condition -of Syria—The Druses and the Arabs—The -Turbulent Druses—Troops to be sent—The -Druses—Resignation of Midhat—The Palace and Judicial -Reforms—Midhat and Syria</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_176">176</a>–195</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER X</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">MIDHAT, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SMYRNA</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Abdul Aziz’ Death—The <cite>Terdjumani Hakikat</cite>—Attack on -Midhat—Attitude of the French Consul—Midhat’s Arrest</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_196">196</a>–206</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XI</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">THE TRIAL OF MIDHAT PASHA</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Mustapha the Wrestler—The Case for the Defence—Midhat’s -Defence—A Parody of Justice—The Public Prosecutor—Before -the Court of Appeal—Grand Council—The -British Parliament—Questions in Parliament—Mr -M’Coan—Mr Gladstone—Lord Stratheden and Campbell—England’s -Intervention</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_207">207</a>–233</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XII</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">EXILE OF MIDHAT PASHA</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Midhat in Prison—Attempt to Poison Midhat—Arrest of -Shereef Abdul Mutalib—Haïroullah Effendi</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_234">234</a>–241</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XIII</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">DETAILS OF THE ASSASSINATION OF MIDHAT PASHA, ACCORDING -TO INFORMATION DERIVED FROM HAÏROULLAH EFFENDI</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Return of Bekir—Midhat and Bekir—Tampering with Food—Attempts -to Poison—Preparations for the Murder—The -Murder</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_242">242</a>–256</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">xii</a></span>APPENDIX A</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">THE NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE BERLIN NOTE AND THE -CONFERENCE OF CONSTANTINOPLE</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Negotiations following the Berlin Note—The Conference at -Reichstadt—Servian Diplomacy and Defeat—England -Proposes Terms—An Ultimatum to the Porte—Disagreement -among the Powers</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_257">257</a>–270</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">APPENDIX B</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">THE INSURRECTION OF HERZEGOVINA AND BOSNIA AND THE -BERLIN NOTE</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Herzegovina and Bosnia—Lord Derby and Austria—Intentional -Bad Faith—Austrian Diplomacy—The Berlin -Note—Austria and Russia—Mr Monson’s Despatch</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_271">271</a>–284</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">APPENDIX C</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">BULGARIAN ATROCITIES</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">A Bulgarian Insurrection—Revolutionary Agents at Work—Fictions -and Ingenious Credulity</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_285">285</a>–292</td> -</tr></table> - -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">1</a></span></p> - -<p class="center f15">MIDHAT PASHA</p> - -<hr class="short" /> - -<h2>CHAPTER I<br /><br /> - -<small>EARLY HISTORY OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE</small></h2> - -<p>It would be inconsistent with the general plan of this -book to give more than a very summary and cursory -view of the early history of the Ottoman Empire before -the time of Midhat Pasha; but it will not be inappropriate, -and may possibly aid in elucidating the -history of his times, and throw light on his work of -reform, if the main features of that history be here drawn -in outline, and some of the phases traced through which -the Turkish Empire passed during the four centuries -that elapsed between the taking of Constantinople by -Mehemet II. and the Crimean War.</p> - -<p>It has sometimes been objected to Midhat Pasha and -the Constitution of 1876, by those who have given a very -superficial study to the subject, or who have a political -object in depreciating all reforms in Turkey, that, however -admirable the Constitution may have been in itself, -it was prematurely and precipitately introduced, and ill -adapted to the peculiar conditions of the Ottoman -people. One of the aims of this book is to show that, -so far from this being the case, the reforms associated -with the name of Midhat Pasha were conceived in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">2</a></span> -very spirit of the early Ottoman Constitution, and were -expressly suggested by the wants and requirements of -that country as revealed in the course of its administration -to a succession of statesmen, who found themselves -in practice hampered at every turn, and their best efforts -continually thwarted by the absence of the very checks -and safeguards which Midhat’s Constitution endeavoured -to impose. Within half a century of the taking of -Constantinople (1454) by Mehemet II., Bulgaria, Servia, -Moldavia, Wallachia and large portions of Hungary and -Poland were added to the Ottoman dominions. It was -(as all impartial writers now admit) as much by virtue -of the simplicity and purity of its creed, and the force -of propagandism that it in consequence possessed, as by -the force of arms, that Islam made such astounding -progress in those days. If extensive provinces and -important kingdoms yielded with slight resistance before -the advance of the Ottoman armies, and if large masses -of the conquered populations adopted the religion of the -conquerors, it was because their moral conquest was -effected before their political subjection was attempted.</p> - -<p>The reputation, too, for justice and moderation enjoyed -by the early Ottoman sovereigns was no insignificant factor -in conciliating the goodwill and blunting the opposition -of nations, who might under different conditions have -opposed a more serious resistance to the advance of the -Ottoman armies. Sixty years before the appearance of -the Turks before Constantinople, the people of the -ancient kingdoms of Roumania were called upon to -choose between the Magyars—who, in conformity with -their traditional policy, desired to Magyarise Wallachia—and -the Ottoman sovereign, who offered the inhabitants -the enjoyment of their religious and civil liberty. -They did not hesitate between the two, and Mircea -signed, with the Sultan Bayazid, the first capitulation of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">3</a></span> -Roumania (1393). Twenty‐six years later, in 1419, the -Servian ruler Brankovich, pressed by John Hunyadi, ruler -of Hungary, to join him in an alliance against the Turks, -invited him to state the policy in respect to religion -that he proposed to adopt, in the event of victory -attending their joint military efforts. Hunyadi answered -without periphrasis, that the Servians would have to -adopt the Catholic worship. Brankovich then addressed -a similar question to Mehemet I. “I propose,” replied -the latter, “to build a church next to every mosque, -and proclaim that every one shall be at liberty to follow -his own worship and religion.” Brankovich rejected the -Hungarian alliance, and declared himself the vassal of -the Turkish Sultan.</p> - -<p>But, it has been contended, the condition of the -Christian populations (<em>Raias</em>) of the countries actually -conquered by Islam was very different; and there is -even a widespread popular belief that these populations -were forced to “opt” (to use a modern phrase) between the -religion of the conquerors and death, the poll‐tax (<em>kharadj</em>) -being the money composition imposed in commutation -of the death sentence. Nothing can be more erroneous. -The <em>kharadj</em> was the tax imposed on the Christian -population in lieu of the military service and other similar -duties from which they were exempted, disabilities -generally regarded by them as privileges, and in consequence -of which they have increased and multiplied and -become rich and prosperous in the land. An entirely -false interpretation has been given to a passage in the -Koran, which was even quoted by the Austrian plenipotentiaries -at the Conference of Niemirow, in 1737, in -support of the “Death or Koran” theory here referred -to. The true answer, which indeed is obvious from the -context, was given by the Ottoman negotiators on this -occasion, viz., that the text quoted applied only to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span> -idolaters and not to the “people of the Book.” Anyone -who knows anything of the religion of Mahomet is aware -of the important distinction recognised therein between -the “people of the Book” (<em>kitabi</em>) and idolaters (<em>medjous</em>), -and knows that whereas little mercy, it is true, was shown -to the latter, the former were included in the Dar‐ul‐Islam -(the house of Islam), where they formed an integral portion -of the empire, and that the true Mahomedan was taught, -with respect to the latter, that “their substance is as our -substance, their eyes as our eyes, and their souls as our -souls.” The fable, too, that the murder of a Christian by -a Mahomedan was considered by the Cheri (sacred law) -as a trivial offence, and was visited by a lighter punishment -than the same crime committed on the person of -a Mussulman, is disposed of by the <em>Fetva</em> delivered by the -Mufti (Supreme Judge of the Sacred Law), and quoted -by Cantimer<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> in answer to the question, “What should be -the penalty if eleven Mussulmans murdered one Christian?” -“If the Mussulmans were one thousand and one in number, -instead of only eleven, they should all be put to death.”</p> - -<p>So far indeed is it from being historically true that -the conquered Christian populations were forced by the -sword to adopt the religion of Mahomet, that when -Selim I. desired, for reasons of what he considered long‐sighted -policy, so to convert the Christians of the Balkans, -he was stopped short in the attempt by a <em>Fetva</em> of the -Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Zenbilli Ali Effendi, who pronounced -such a proceeding to be contrary to the Koran and -the Cheri (sacred law), and the attempt was accordingly -abandoned.</p> - -<p>It may be remarked, in passing, that history does not -relate that Cromwell was ever diverted from a policy -similar to that from which Selim was deflected, or -hampered in his enactment of the penal laws in Ireland -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">5</a></span>by any such scruples or protests on the part of the -ecclesiastical authorities of his day. However that may -be, the policy of the Ottoman sovereigns with reference -to the conquered Raias was the exact opposite to that -popularly supposed. Nor was the policy actually adopted -the result of any idiosyncracy or peculiar generosity on -their part. It was in strict obedience to the injunctions -of the Prophet, and in conformity with the policy pursued -by himself in the “letters patent,” accorded to the -Christians (<em>nassara</em>) on the 4th day of Moharem of the -year 11 of the Hegira. It was in fact the fixed and settled -policy of the Mussulman political system.</p> - -<p>In proof of this position some European authorities, -by no means particularly inclined to the Ottoman cause, -Montesquieu for example, may be quoted. This author -bears testimony to the happy change effected in the -condition of the Greek population of the empire after -the occupation of their capital by the Turks: “The -people,” he says, “in place of that continued series of -vexations which the subtle avarice of the Byzantine -Emperors had devised, were now subjected to a simple -tribute, easily paid and lightly borne, happy in having -to submit to even a barbarous nation (<i>sic</i>) rather than -to a corrupt government under which they suffered all -the inconveniences of a fictitious liberty with all the -horrors of a real servitude.”</p> - -<p>The reports of the Venetian ambassadors, and the -narratives of travellers in the sixteenth century, like -La Motraye, offer concurrent testimony to the tolerance -and moderation of this “barbarous nation.” “The other -(<i>i.e.</i> the Christian) subjects of the Empire,” says La -Motraye, “enjoy all the liberty of conscience that they -can desire. They go to the churches and pilgrimages -and practise all the rights of their religion, without fear -or molestation. The same thing applies to their commerce<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span> -and temporal affairs. They have no dread of being -deprived of the fruits of their labours, which they enjoy -without let or hindrance.”<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">2</a></p> - -<p>Compare with this condition of the Greek Raias of -the Ottoman Empire that, for instance, of the Greek -population of Chio under Genoese domination, as -described by Genoese writers themselves, and quoted -by Mr Fustel de Coulanges, where the unfortunate -population, in addition to daily exactions and injustices, -were compelled four times a year, at Christmas, Easter, -Whitsunday, and the Feast of the Circumcision, to attend -a ceremony, best described as “a feast of humiliation,” -at which their clergy and chief citizens were summoned -to the palace of the Podesta, where a herald, mounted on -a stand, with a wand in his hand, read four prayers for -the Pope, the Emperor, the Republic of Genoa, and the -family of the Justiniani, and obliged the assembled -Chiotes, at the end of each prayer, to answer in responsive -and quasi‐enthusiastic acclamations; these poor -Chiotes being thus compelled to acclaim and pray for -the Pope—their greatest enemy—the Emperor they knew -nothing about, the Republic that had subjected them, -and the family of the Justiniani whom they detested, -representing as it did the “Maona” (a financial company) -that ruthlessly pillaged them.</p> - -<p>Take again the case of the Candiotes under the -domination of the Venetians, in which the Greek population -of the island did not hesitate to conspire with -the Turkish besiegers in order to deliver their capital -into their hands, and thus free themselves from the -oppression of the Italian Republic.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">3</a></p> - -<p>Even the Greeks of the Morea complained bitterly -of the religious persecution of the Venetians, whereas, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">7</a></span>said they, “the Turks allowed us all the liberty we -required.”<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">4</a></p> - -<p>These quotations, which could be multiplied <em>ad -infinitum</em>, will probably suffice. It was indeed the -universal cry of all the Christian population in the -East, from the middle of the fifteenth century to the -beginning of the eighteenth—“A thousand times rather -the Turks than the Latins.”</p> - -<p>That corruptions gradually grew up in the land of -the Osmanli; that perversions of the law crept into its -practice, and that prejudices, engendered by ignorance, -created abuses which in earlier days were sternly -repressed, it is not intended here to deny. Indeed it -is the contention of this book that such perversions, -the causes of which it will be its purpose to trace, did -spring up, as rank weeds, in the Ottoman system; but -what is strenuously asserted, and what will, it is hoped, -be proved, is that they formed no part or parcel of the -original Ottoman Constitution, but were, on the contrary, -excrescences in that system, violations of its spirit and -essence; and further, that the efforts of the reforming -party in the nation, from the days of Selim III. to the -accession of Abdul Hamid II., through an apostolic -succession of patriots and statesmen—including the -Keuprulu Mehemets, the Reshids, the Aalis, the Fuads -and the Midhats—were directed to the end of restoring -the spirit of that Constitution, with such adaptation of -it to the requirements of the day as the experience, -science and political conditions of the world required.</p> - -<p>Mehemet II., from the moment he sheathed his sword -on victory being assured, manifested his determination -that the lives and properties of the conquered populations -should be respected, and, in order to give weight -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span>to his orders to that effect, took immediate measures -to offer a conspicuous example of respect for the -religion of his new subjects by his conduct as its -hierarchical chief. He summoned the Greek Patriarch -(<em>Roum milleti patriki</em>) to a solemn Divan, stepped down -from his throne, and breaking through all established usage, -advanced ten steps to meet him, took him by the hand, -and seated him next to himself in the place of honour, -delivering into his hands, as a symbol of power, a golden -sceptre, which to this day is carried in processions on -occasions of great ceremonies, investing him with -unlimited authority over all Orthodox schools, monasteries -and churches, and with judicial and administrative -functions over all his co‐religionists.</p> - -<p>Such a delegation of power was the nearest approach -to the establishment of an <em>imperium in imperio</em> as is -afforded in history, with, let it be added, all the weakness -that attaches to such a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">régime</i>, as was subsequently too -clearly proved by the pernicious use made of these -privileges by a foreign Power, in founding on them a -claim to interfere in the internal affairs of the empire, -and in using them as a lever to overthrow it.</p> - -<p>But wise or unwise, such at any rate was the policy -adopted by the Sultans of Turkey towards their Christian -subjects, and the legend of conversion by the sword must -be relegated, with so many similar fables with respect to -Turkey, to the mythology of history.</p> - -<p>From the foundation of the empire, and under the -ægis of its government, the Hellenisation of the Raias, -under the authority of the Patriarch of the Phanar, proceeded -apace throughout the country. So effectually -indeed was this taking place, that the very name of Slav, or -Bulgarian, implying as it did an inferior social status, was -gradually falling into disuse, and the prouder appellation -of “Roum,” or Greek, substituted for it.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span></p> - -<p>It is probable that another half‐century of this process -would have blotted out the very name of Slav, had not -a new Power appeared on the world’s stage, introducing -a new factor in the Eastern problem, and profoundly -modifying its conditions. This was the rise of Russia as -a world Power, under the rule of that extraordinary man -of genius, Peter I. After finally breaking the power of -Sweden at the great battle of Pultava, and after adding -Livonia, Esthonia, Ingria, Finland, and Lithuania to his -already vast dominions, and founding a capital with a -maritime outlet on the Northern Seas, he turned his -ambition to the sunny lands of the South, which the legend -of the marriage of a Byzantine princess with a Russian -<em>Kneze</em> had already annexed in imagination to the Empire -of Moscovy.</p> - -<p>This is the place to refer to an historical event which -has more than a passing interest, as it may be said to be -the source and origin of the undeviating policy of Russia -in her dealings with Turkey. At the historical interview -between Peter the Great and Cantimir, Voivode of -Moldavia, the latter initiated the Russian Czar into the -secret of the Eastern problem, and explained to him the -profit that might be derived from taking adroit advantage -of the privileges of self‐government enjoyed by the -Christians in the East, and from the steady pursuit of a -policy exploiting this autonomy to the best advantage.</p> - -<p>The lesson here learnt was never forgotten, and the -political strategy here determined on became henceforth -the very keystone of Russia’s policy in regard to Turkey.</p> - -<p>Whether the famous will of Peter the Great be -apocryphal or not, as historically speaking it probably is, -there is no doubt that it expresses, with prophetic instinct -at any rate, the great lines of policy that have ever since -been pursued with reference to Turkey by all Peter’s -successors.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">10</a></span></p> - -<p>Two distinct phases have marked the manner of -Russia’s dealings with the Christians of the East, -although those dealings have been undeviating in their -aims and in general plan of attack on the Ottoman -Empire.</p> - -<p>The first phase was marked by a close alliance with -a Greek Patriarch and his Metropolitans, and a general -identification of views between the Russian and Greek -propaganda.</p> - -<p>The Greek liturgy and the Greek priesthood were -accepted without a question, whilst portraits of the Czar, -with the superscription “Emperor of the Greco‐Russians,” -were freely circulated by the Greek clergy among their -flocks. Colonel Repnin’s plot, in 1837, took place in -connivance with the Greek Patriarch, and a few years later -Marshal Munich was received by the peasants of Moldavia -with the Greek archbishop and his clergy marching at their -head. The convents and monasteries in Moldavia, -Wallachia, Servia, and Montenegro were used as <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">dépôts</i> -for arms, and monks were not the least audacious of the -leaders of the revolutionists. Piccolo Stefano in Servia -and Montenegro, Papazoglou in Greece, and Gamana in -Wallachia, put themselves at the head of armed bands, that -were joined by others from across the frontier. This -alliance continued until Russia, having by her victories and -prestige acquired the position of the recognised leader of -the anti‐Turkish movement, was strong enough to dispense -with the Greek alliance and to champion the cause of pure -Slavism undiluted with Hellenism.</p> - -<p>The second phase of Russian policy in the Slav -provinces was marked by the feverish activity of the -Panslavic Committees of Bucharest, Kischnoff, Moscow -and Kieff, the cynical intrigues of the Russian ambassadors -at Constantinople, and the fanatical articles of -Katkoff in the <cite>Moscow Gazette</cite>, the aim of all which was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">11</a></span> -to give a national direction to the Slavic movement in the -Turkish provinces. The nationalisation of the religion of -the people, the substitution of the authority of national -Exarchs as heads of their churches, in the place of the -Greek Patriarch, and of a native clergy educated in Russia -in the place of that nominated at the Phanar, were the -measures called for, and successively adopted, to stimulate -a movement that now embraced all Slav dependencies of -Turkey in its action. The pretext of protecting and -securing the privileges of the Christian communities in the -Turkish Empire was finally dropped, and the liberation of -the oppressed nationalities of the South‐West of Europe -became the watchword of the new propaganda.</p> - -<p>All the machinery of the heavily subsidised Panslavic -Committee was set in motion; band after band -was raised and sent across the frontier; rebellion was -openly preached, and the ignorant peasantry were deluded, -by arguments which they did not understand, to complain -of grievances which they did not feel.</p> - -<p>The answer to the question of how such an encroaching -and cynically pursued policy, violating as it did every -principle of international law and comity in its dealings -with a neighbouring nation, was possible—in a century, too, -that was roused to indignation against a not dissimilar but -entirely unofficial raid in South Africa—must be sought in -the unfortunate condition and weakness of the Ottoman -Empire that exposed it, almost defenceless, to the attacks -of its powerful neighbour, and dispensed the latter from -even the decencies of international intercourse as practised -among civilised nations.</p> - -<p>This weakness in its turn was the result, as this work -is specially intended to show, of corruptions and perversions -that had crept into an originally admirable -Constitution, and had produced a paralysis of all its -important functions, placing its nation almost as much<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span> -at the mercy of its enemies as had the <em>Liberum Veto</em> the -fair land of Poland.</p> - -<p>The successive steps of these innovations must now -be rapidly traced. When the conquering energies of the -new empire were exhausted, and its victorious armies -checked under the walls of Vienna by Sobieski and his -Poles, and the maritime power of its fleet broken by Don -John of Austria’s victory at Lepanto, a new phase was -entered upon in which internal re‐organisation took the -place of external conquest.</p> - -<p>The latter half of the sixteenth century was devoted -to attempts to organise the empire on quasi‐feudal -principles. It was divided into <em>timars</em> and <em>zeamets</em> -(fiefs), represented by the great feudatories, the Derebeys. -This was the first serious innovation, involving a perversion -of the cardinal principle of the Ottoman Constitution, -which was in spirit and essence purely democratic; and -when the counter‐revolution took place, and the Sultans -determined to get rid of the Derebeys, so as to establish -their own exclusive power, the mischief was already done, -for the old principle of democracy, as understood by the -companions of Othman, was by this time seriously impaired -by the long disuse of its ancient rights and -functions; so that this counter‐revolution, instead of -restoring the old order of things, only redounded to -the exclusive profit of autocracy. Nothing but the -Porte (that is the Government), and the traditional -authority it exercised, now stood in the way of the -complete absolutism of the Sultan, and, owing to the -veneration of the Ottoman people for their sovereigns—a -veneration founded partly on religious, partly on secular, -sentiments, and due in no small measure to the exceptional -merits of their early rulers—the Sultans entered on the -struggle for absolutism equipped with superior advantages. -Having no fear of popular encroachments before their eyes,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span> -or of popular passion directed against their persons, they -could devote their entire thoughts and energies to the task -of dominating the Porte and monopolising power in the -State.</p> - -<p>The struggle of these two contending forces, the -Palace and the Porte, continued for a long time, -with alternate preponderance on either side, a strong -Sultan and a weak vizier inclining the scales towards -autocracy, whilst a strong vizier with a weak or -luxurious Sultan, redressed the balance to the other side. -The Keuprulu Mehemets, Reshids, Aalis and Fuads -left the impress of their minds on the Ottoman policy -and administration, whilst a host of so‐called Grand -Viziers—whom it would be superfluous to name singly, -inasmuch as their collective name is legion—were the -mere registers of the will, and instruments of the caprices, -of their masters. The Sultan Abdul Medjid counted with -Reshid Pasha, and Abdul Aziz with Aali and Fuad, as -long as they were alive; but it was reserved for his -successor, after he had suppressed a Constitution that he -had sworn to observe as the very condition of his mounting -to the throne, to brush all checks and counterpoises -of every kind aside, and to set up a pure, unmixed -despotism, based on caprice and corruption alone. Such a -system of government had been hitherto unknown to -the Ottoman Constitution, was emphatically denounced -by the prophets, was contrary to the express provisions -of the Sacred Law, was repudiated by Mehemet II. -and all the early Sultans as well as Caliphs of Islam, -and ran counter to all the traditions of the Ottoman -people.</p> - -<p>Simultaneously with the beginning of this fatal perversion -and this gradual absorption by the Sultans of all power -in the State, another change was taking place, closely -connected with it, and aggravating all its worst effects.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span></p> - -<p>The high character of the early Sultans of Turkey—to -which all contemporary authorities, Christian and -Mahomedan alike, bear testimony—had, as has been said, -profoundly affected the Ottoman character. Their fervid -loyalty to their rulers sprang in no small measure from -the lessons inculcated by their early history and their -most cherished traditions. Now, up to the reign of -Selim II., the Sultan of Turkey received a very superior -education. They were not merely patrons of learning, -but often themselves men of letters of no mean order. -Mehemet II., the conqueror of Constantinople, was a -distinguished poet; Selim I., a poet and a litterateur, -prided himself, above all his prerogatives, on being the -patron of men of letters and of science. This pursuit -of science and learning was, moreover, in strict conformity -with the spirit and letter of the Koran. “Seek science, -even if it be in China”; “The wise and learned are -the heirs of the Prophet,” are not isolated texts in a -book teeming with passages of a similar kind. The -early Caliphs, too, of Bagdad and Cordova, the Abdur -Rahmans, Solimans, and Haroun el Reshid, were living -proofs and typical examples of enlightened Mahomedan -teaching.</p> - -<p>But from the middle of the seventeenth century a -change came over the spirit of the Sultanate in Turkey. -Instead of identifying themselves with the life of their -people and priding themselves on being the light that -guided them, the Sultans now retired into the harems -and gave themselves up to a life of ease and indulgence -utterly foreign to the habits and principles of their -great predecessors. They surrendered the reins of -government into the hands of their Kizlar‐Agassi (chiefs -of eunuchs), or Bostandji Bashi, and as one favourite -succeeded another, or one palace clique displaced another, -so vizier followed vizier in rapid and bewildering succes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span>sion. -All the corrupt and turbulent elements in the State -were now unchained, justice was sacrificed to private -interests, the muscles of the State were relaxed, and its -most vital interests neglected and ignored. To such a -pass had things come in this “State of Denmark,” that -when at last a reforming Sultan arose in the person of -Selim III., he had to pay with his life his reforming ardour, -and leave to his successor, Mahmoud II., a task almost -beyond human strength to accomplish. The reigns of the -next three Sultans after Selim are the history of honest, -though intermittent, struggles against the fatal legacies of -the past two centuries, and of many abortive attempts -to grapple with the evils that a departure from the -primitive Constitution of the Empire had entailed on it, -aggravated as these evils were by revolutions organised -across its borders, and the systematic intrigues and almost -uninterrupted hostility of its nearest neighbours.</p> - -<p>But in following the evolution of the struggle between -autocracy and the Ottoman people, and endeavouring -to trace its origin, we have been anticipating the -chronological order of events. We must now return to -the narrative of the military movement of the eighteenth -century, from the time that Peter the Great turned the -energies of his diplomacy and his armies in the direction -of the Ottoman provinces.</p> - -<p>The first collision between the armed forces of Turkey -and Russia ended unfavourably for the latter. By the -treaty of Falksen (1711), Russia was compelled to restore -Azov, that she had seized, and to undertake to abstain from -meddling in the affairs of Poland. But for the treachery -of Baltadji Mehemet Pasha, it is probable that this first -campaign would have ended still more disastrously -for Russian arms, and possibly the final partition of -Poland would have been averted. That unhappy country -found, at this crisis of her history, in the Sultan of Turkey<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span> -her sole champion and defender among the sovereigns -of Europe, and her name figured for the last time in -history in a public instrument in which her rights were -safeguarded by a Mahomedan sovereign against the -deadly machinations of her Christian neighbour.</p> - -<p>It was certainly unfortunate for the Ottoman Empire—and -it may possibly not have been altogether fortunate -for the rest of Europe—that the rise of the power of -Russia should have been synchronous with the period -of the greatest weakness of Turkey. Russia’s principal -attacks on the integrity and independence of Turkey -were skilfully timed so as to coincide with the moment -when that empire was in the throes of internal revolution, -and could offer the least resistance to an external -foe. At the time of Mahmoud II.’s accession to the -throne, after the murder of Selim III., the accumulation -of difficulties and dangers that beset the empire were -such that it seemed as if nothing short of a miracle -could prevent its complete destruction. It required at -any rate some very potent principles of internal strength -and cohesion to resist the centrifugal forces in full -activity at that crisis. Servia was in open revolt under -Michel Obrenowitz, Egypt was in the hands of the -able and ambitious Mehemet Ali, Arabia was in the -effervescence of a Wahabee rising, the Pasha of Janina -had raised the standard of revolt, and the Governor of -Widdin, the famous Pasvan Oglou, had proclaimed his -independence, and—most serious danger of all—the insurrection -of Greece, supported by a consensus of -enthusiasm in Europe, threatened the integrity of the -empire; all this, too, at the very moment when the -military forces of the empire were undergoing the -complete reorganisation which Selim had begun, and -Mahmoud was resolved to carry out. This revolution, -for it was nothing less, consisted in the abolition of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span> -the ancient corps of Janissaries and the substitution for -it of a regular force (the <em>Nizam</em>) drilled and organised -on the European model.</p> - -<p>The Janissaries from being a redoubtable <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">corps d’élite</i> -recruited from Christian youths, who embraced the -military as a life‐long profession, and were imbued with -a military spirit which proved its worth on the hard‐fought -fields of Mohacs, Nicopolis and Cossovo, had -become through successive relaxings of the bonds of -discipline and the ruin of its military <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">esprit de corps</i>, -nothing but an unruly Pretorian Guard, a greater terror -to the sovereign and to peaceful citizens than to -the enemies of the empire. The gratuities that they -were accustomed to receive on the accession of a new -Sultan, and the licensed pillagings that invariably ensued -on these occasions, were irresistible temptations to them -to render this event as frequent as possible, and they -consequently deposed sovereigns and proclaimed new -ones almost at their will. The privileges, moreover, that -they wrested from the terrified sovereigns, especially -after the death of Soliman I.—such as the right to -marry, to desert barrack life (their <em>odjaks</em>), and to -pursue trades and industries—completely changed and -deteriorated their martial character, and from the -victorious soldiery that they were in the days of Ilderim -Bayazid they became nothing but a turbulent militia. -At last the scandal caused by their depredations and -violence became intolerable, and their disbandment was -loudly demanded by public opinion in all classes of the -population. Selim III. determined to suppress them, and, -as a necessary preliminary, commenced the re‐organisation -of the naval and military forces of the empire by -inviting French engineers to build ships of war, and -French officers to drill and discipline a new army on -European principles. Unfortunately Bonaparte’s expedi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span>tion -to Egypt, and the declaration of war that ensued -between France and Turkey, recalled these military -instructors before the work of instruction and re‐organisation -was half completed. It was these threatened -Janissaries who, on their return to Constantinople from -an expedition to Syria, willingly lent themselves as -instruments of the ambition of the Sultan’s brother, -Mustafa, and who deposed and finally murdered Selim. -But the deposed sovereign, in his retirement and before -his death, found time and opportunity thoroughly to -imbue with his reforming enthusiasm his cousin Mahmoud, -and he, on ascending the throne, determined, as the -only means of saving the empire from ruin, and in -spite of the menacing attitude of the new Czar Nicholas -of Russia—who inaugurated his accession by sending an -Ultimatum to Constantinople—to carry out unflinchingly -the whole programme of reforms conceived by Selim. -At a Grand Council (<em>Divan</em>) assembled in 1826, a -unanimous vote was passed in favour of the total -suppression of the Janissaries, and shortly afterwards, -the decree being resisted by the mutinous soldiery, they -were surrounded and overpowered, and in the massacre -that ensued this famous Pretorian Guard finally disappeared.</p> - -<p>The organisation, however, of the regular forces -(<em>Nizam</em>), which were to take their place, being only -half complete, it was just at the moment when the -military organisation of the empire was undergoing a -radical transformation that the new Sultan was called -upon to face all the complications of internal revolution -and foreign wars that confronted him on his accession. -Mahmoud, however, set resolutely about the task, and a -certain measure of success attended his first efforts. The -Pashas of Widdin and Janina were successively reduced -to subjection, and by the help of the Pasha of Egypt<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span> -who had not yet thrown off his allegiance, the Morea -was reconquered by the troops of Ibrahim Pasha, and -Greece would undoubtedly have been restored to her -position as the Western horn of the Ottoman Crescent -but for the forcible interference of Europe and the -military expedition of Marshal Maison.</p> - -<p>By a protocol, signed at St Petersburg, on 4th April -1826, Greece was declared an autonomous and vassal -State; but after the rejection by the Sultan of the -collective mediation of the four Great Powers (5th -February 1827), Austria, France, Great Britain and Russia -(Protocol of London), and the destruction by the allied -forces, without the formality of a declaration of war, of -the Turkish fleet at Navarino (1827), immediately followed -by a declaration of war on the part of Russia, and the -campaigns of Diebitch in Europe, and Paskiewitz in -Asia Minor, terminating in the disastrous Treaty of -Adrianople (14th September 1829), Mahmoud had no -choice but to consent in the following year (1830) to the -creation of Greece into an independent kingdom, an -arrangement confirmed by the Treaty of London on -the 13th July 1841.</p> - -<p>The still more serious revolt of Mehemet Ali—imperilling -as it did not only the integrity of the empire, but -the solidarity of Islam—immediately followed. On the -Ottoman sovereign refusing to concede the government -of Syria to Mehemet Ali, in return for his services in the -campaign against Greece, the latter, picking a quarrel -with the governor of the coveted province, quickly invaded -Syria, and, defeating the Ottoman troops in a great battle -at Konia, compelled the Sultan to agree to a truce -(credited with the name of peace), whilst both sides -prepared for an early resumption of hostilities. When -this took place the Egyptian troops were again successful -in a decisive battle at Nezib (24th June 1839), which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span> -placed the whole of Syria, up to the walls of Acre, in -the possession of the victorious Pasha of Egypt.</p> - -<p>Russia was, of course, too alert in following the -traditional policy in regard to Turkey not to profit -by these distractions, and it was at this mortal crisis -of the Ottoman Empire that she stepped in and secured -the secret clauses of the Treaty of Unkiar Iskelessi (8th -July 1833), by which she bound Turkey to an offensive -and defensive alliance that was to last for eight years, -and to exclude all flags but her own from passing through -the Bosphorus.</p> - -<p>These events, however, at last brought England and -Austria into the field, and an English fleet under Napier -appeared before Alexandria, and an English force under -Sydney Smith before Acre (Saint Jean d’Acre). Mehemet -Ali, who was now deserted by France, was thus obliged -to sign the Convention of Alexandria, by which Egypt -was restored to the suzerainty of the Sultan, with, -however, the viceroyalty of the country made hereditary -in his family. By the Treaty of London (13th July 1841), -this arrangement became part of the public law of Europe, -and at the same time the clauses of the Treaty of Unkiar -Iskelessi were revised, and the neutrality of the Straits -was solemnly reaffirmed.</p> - -<p>Six days after the disastrous battle of Nezib (June 25, -1839), the Sultan Mahmoud died, and was succeeded by -his son, Abdul Medjid. The youthful sovereign, who was -only seventeen years old, in spite of the misfortunes that -had befallen his country, or, perhaps, rather on account -of them, resolved to persevere steadily in the course of -reform initiated by his two predecessors. Fortunately he -possessed in Reshid Pasha a great Minister, who shared -and seconded, and perhaps prompted, the reforming ardour -of his master; and on the 3rd November 1839 an -Imperial Rescript, the famous Hatti Humayoun of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span> -Gulhané, proclaimed the following reforms for the whole -empire:—</p> - -<table summary="reforms" border="0"><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">I.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">A guarantee of life and honour to all Ottoman -subjects, without distinction.</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">II.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">A regulation of taxation so as to put an end to -arbitrary exactions.</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">III.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The equality of all before the law.</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">IV.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Public instruction to be secularised.</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">V.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The slave trade to be abolished.</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">VI.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The decentralisation of the provincial governments, -and a separation of civil, military, and -fiscal functions.</p></td> -</tr></table> - -<p>This great charter was certainly not intended by its -author to be a dead letter. It was, on the contrary, an -earnest attempt to grapple with the new conditions of -the empire, and to restore the spirit of its ancient Constitution, -whilst reconciling it to the new requirements of -the day.</p> - -<p>This double purpose was clearly manifested in every -line of the new decree, the preamble of which ran as -follows:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Every one knows that when the Empire was first -founded, its laws and precepts, which were of a high -standard, were scrupulously obeyed. Therefore the Empire -grew in strength and grandeur, and all its subjects, without -distinction, attained to a high degree of ease and prosperity. -For the last five hundred years a succession of -accidents and divers causes have brought it about that -men have ceased to conform to the sacred code of laws -and regulations that flow from it, and therefore the force -and prosperity of former days have been converted into -weakness and poverty—for a nation always loses all -stability when it ceases to observe its laws. These considerations -have been ceaselessly present to our mind, -and since the day of our accession to the throne the -thoughts of the common weal, the amelioration of the -condition of the provinces, and the lessening of the -burdens of the people, have been the subjects of our -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span>constant preoccupation. Moreover, if the geographical -position of the Empire; the fertility of its soil; the -aptitude and intelligence of its inhabitants; be considered, -they will lead to the conviction that if a ruler -applies himself diligently to discover the efficacious means -to effect necessary reforms, the results that we hope to -attain, with the help of the Almighty, may be achieved -in the course of a few short years. Therefore, full of -trust in the help of the Almighty, and leaning on the -intercession of our Prophet, we consider it right and -proper to set about, by the help of new institutions, -procuring for the provinces of our Empire the blessings -of a sound administration.”</p></div> - -<p>Reshid Pasha, by order of the Sultan, set himself -earnestly to the task of translating the general principles -enunciated in the Hatti Humayoun, with special laws -and regulations that should reduce them to practice, -and four years after its promulgation at Gulhané, the -<em>Tanzimat</em>, or regulations for the organisation of all the -branches of administration, was published throughout -the empire. Under the four general heads:—</p> - -<table summary="reforms" border="0" width="100%"><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">I.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The Government proper (<em>Mejalice devleti aliie</em>);</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">II.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The Administration (<em>Zaptié ve mulkie memourlari</em>);</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">III.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Justice and Public Instruction (<em>Ylmie</em>);</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">IV.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The Army and Navy (<em>Seifiie</em>),</p></td> -</tr></table> - -<p>it gave the most elaborate directions for the organisation -of each branch of the public service. Considering the -condition of confusion into which the administration of -the country had fallen in the course of ages, and the -absence of any guiding principle in it, the <em>Tanzimat</em> -must be considered one of the most remarkable efforts -of administrative organisation ever displayed in any -country, and a monument of the genius of Reshid Pasha. -It is not altogether without reason that he has been -called the “Richelieu of Turkey.”</p> - -<p>But it does not suffice to decree great changes; it is -in the endeavour to reduce them to practice that the chief<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span> -difficulty arises. And no great wonder if in a country -like Turkey, where vested interests had grown around -the old order of things; where conservative prejudices, -as in every country in the world, obstruct the path of -reform; where trained civil servants did not exist but -had to be created, that the execution of these important -and all‐embracing reforms should not have taken place -by decree as by a magician’s wand, but required time -and patience for their realisation. Events, too, were taking -place in Europe which were destined to change the aspect -of things and divert the minds of statesmen from internal -organisation to the necessities of defending the existence -of the national independence. The revolutionary movement -of 1848–1849 in Europe afforded a little respite to -a country outside the sphere of this movement, and it -was just at this disturbed period of the rest of Europe -that Turkey enjoyed the greatest peace and made the -greatest progress in the work of re‐organisation. But -scarcely had the revolutionary effervescence calmed down -in Europe, and the fears connected with it been laid to rest, -when the Emperor Nicholas—who had finally suppressed -the Magyar insurrection and restored Hungary to the -House of Hapsburg—turned his attention once more to -Turkey, and resolved on decisive action. To suppose -that the progress in organisation that was being effected -in that country was not entirely unconnected with this -determination would be only to deny that the arguments -and reasons of State put forward by Pozzo di Borgo, in -1828, were operative in the mind of the Emperor Nicholas -twenty years later:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“When the Imperial Cabinet examines the question -as to whether the moment had not arrived to take up -arms against the Porte, some doubt might possibly have -existed as to the urgency of such a measure in the minds -of those who had not sufficiently meditated on the effects -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span>of the sanguinary reform (destruction of Janissaries) that -the Ottoman ruler had just executed with such terrible -force. Now, however, the experience that we have just -had ought to enlist the sympathy of all in favour of the -course that we have adopted. The Emperor has put the -new Turkish system to the proof, and His Majesty has -discovered in it a commencement of moral and physical -organisation which it never possessed before. If the -Sultan has been enabled to oppose to us a more spirited -and regular resistance than before, whilst scarcely able -to put together the elements of his new plan of reform -and amelioration, how much the more formidable should -we have found him if he had had the time to give it -more solidity.”<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">5</a></p></div> - -<p>However that may be, hardly had the Russian troops -withdrawn from Hungary than the Emperor Nicholas, -addressing Sir Hamilton Seymour, the English -Ambassador at St Petersburg, dwelt on the moribund -condition of the Turkish Empire, and proposed to him -its partition. Crete and Egypt were to be the spoils -of England, whereas Servia, Montenegro, Wallachia, -Moldavia, and Bulgaria were to fall to the share of -Russia. This offer was duly reported to the Cabinet -of St James, and categorically declined by it. The -state of Europe at the time was not unfavourable to the -Czar’s designs. Austria was bound to Russia by gratitude -for important services rendered, and only Metternich suspected -her to be then capable of “stupendous ingratitude.” -Prussia was united to the Czar by ties of near kindred, -and by her traditional indifference to the affairs of the -East. France having fallen into the hands of a sovereign -capable of reviving Napoleonic traditions, was as much -an object of suspicion to all the crowned heads of Europe -as by his <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup d’état</i> he was to liberal opinion throughout -the world. The last thing that seemed likely, or even -possible, was a coalition between Napoleonic France and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span>the England of Lord Aberdeen. The omens seemed -favourable for striking a decisive blow.</p> - -<p>A quarrel in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at -Jerusalem, between Greek and Latin monks, afforded the -desired pretext. After some diplomatic haggling between -the Porte and France, in which the latter first put forward -and then withdrew claims which would have afforded a -precedent and pretext for Russian pretensions, Prince -Mentchikoff suddenly appeared, with much bluster, at -Constantinople, as the bearer of an Ultimatum demanding -the assent of the Porte, within the space of five days, to a -Russian protectorate over all the Orthodox subjects of -the Sultan in his dominions. Europe, startled by the -brusqueness of this action, as well as the serious import of -the demand, endeavoured immediately to interpose her -mediation to avert a crisis. Sir Strafford de Redcliffe and -Mr de la Cour, who happened to be absent from Constantinople -on the arrival of Prince Mentchikoff, returned -precipitately to their posts, and, seconded by the Austrian -Ambassador, Prince Leiningen, spared no effort that ingenuity -could devise to give effect to their conciliatory -instructions. But as no compromise could possibly be -found between the pretensions put forward in the Ultimatum -and what the Porte was willing to concede, -Prince Mentchikoff had the escutcheon removed from the -Russian Embassy at Pera, and with his whole suite quitted -Constantinople.</p> - -<p>Three weeks after this (31st May 1853), Count -Nesselrode despatched another Ultimatum reiterating the -same demands, and giving the Porte eight days within -which to execute them. The only answer vouchsafed to -this document was the proclamation by the Sultan, on -the 6th June, of a new Hatti Cherif confirming the rights -and privileges of all the Christian subjects of the empire. -The combined French and English fleets, at the same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span> -time, received orders to sail to Besika Bay, and although -war was not formally declared, the Emperor Nicholas -gave orders for his armies to cross the Pruth and to seize -the Danubian principalities as a “material guarantee” for -compliance with his demands.</p> - -<p>It was not till 28th September that war was formally -declared between Russia and Turkey, and that Omar -Pasha received orders to summon the Russian Commander -to evacuate the principalities. The interval between this -period and the date of Prince Mentchikoff’s mission had -been employed by a lively diplomatic correspondence -between Lord Clarendon and Mr Drouyn de Lluys, on one -side, and Prince Gortchakoff on the other, relative to the -interpretation of the seventh clause of the Treaty of -Kainardje, on which Russia based her claims to -interfere with the Christian subjects of the Ottoman -Empire. The destruction of a Turkish squadron by a -superior Russian fleet in the harbour of Sinope at last -terminated this diplomatic interlude, and brought the -armed forces of England and France into the field. On -the 27th December the allied fleets entered the Black -Sea, and an expeditionary force was sent to Varna and -the Dobrutcha.</p> - -<p>Here is the place to note the influence exercised on the -course of events by the action of Austria.</p> - -<p>It was one of the principal aims of English and French -diplomacy at this period to secure the co‐operation of the -Middle Empire. By her geographical position and the -revived force of her empire, as well as by the magnitude -of her interests in the Eastern Question, she seemed called -upon to exercise a preponderant influence on the issue of -the coming struggle. It was even generally taken for -granted that, could her active co‐operation be secured, -such powerful pressure could be brought to bear on Russia -as would secure the objects of the Western nations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span> -without actual recourse to arms; and, at any rate, that if -Russia were still to persist in her policy of encroachment, -the military forces at the command of the coalition would -be so overwhelming as to compel her rapidly to retreat -from the position she had taken up. Austria was -generally considered to hold the key of the situation.</p> - -<p>There was no lack of political motive on the part of -Austria to bring her into line with Western Powers. The -free navigation of the Danube, the arrest of the dangerous -Panslavic propaganda of Russia, the curbing of limitless -ambition of her colossal neighbour, were undoubtedly -objects of State policy of the first magnitude. On the -other hand, strong dynastic sympathies, and the obligations -of gratitude for important services recently rendered, -weighed heavily in the opposite scales. The result of -these conflicting motives was a line of conduct which, -whilst diplomatically supporting the contentions of the allied -Cabinets, seriously hampered their military resolutions.</p> - -<p>Had Austria not placed her veto on the march of the -allied armies into Poland, that country would have become -the battle‐field between the forces of the East and West, and -as far as human forecast can determine, the whole face of -Europe would have been changed, the Eastern Question -would have been settled for ever, and the nightmare of -Cossack preponderance lifted once for all from the -shoulders of Western civilisation.</p> - -<p>Instead of prosecuting the war on the continent of -Europe, an expedition to the Crimea was resolved upon, -and a French and English army landed at Eupatoria, -and after a victorious advance across the Alma, and -making a flank march to the south side of Sevastopol, -they invested that portion of the great arsenal of Sevastopol -which after two years’ siege and the taking of the fortress -of Malakoff, at last surrendered to the allied army.</p> - -<p>On the 25th February 1856, a congress was assembled<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span> -at Paris, and on the 30th March the Treaty of Paris was -signed by the plenipotentiaries of Russia, Turkey, England, -France, Prussia and Italy, by which Turkey was admitted -into the full benefits of international law, and into the -Concert of Europe, and all right of interference in her -internal affairs was expressly disclaimed and repudiated -by all the Signatories. Russia and Turkey were expressly -debarred from maintaining any armed forces in the Black -Sea, and a small strip of Bessarabia was ceded by Russia -to the Danubian principalities.</p> - -<p>This was followed by the proclamation of a new Hatti -Cherif on the part of the Sultan, which closed this particular -chapter of the history of Europe.</p> - -<p>Before concluding this short epitome of the history of -the Ottoman Empire, and proceeding with the narrative of -the life of Midhat Pasha, the incidents of whose career -begin at this point to be interwoven with the general -history of his country, it will be useful to cast a glance at -the state of Europe and the general trend of events and -alliances that succeeded the settlement of 1856.</p> - -<p>The death of the Sultan, Abdul Medjid (1861), and the -character of his successor were the chief factors, as will -shortly be seen, that influenced the direct destinies of -Turkey. Unfortunately, in a country where absolutism -had gradually become the established form of government, -this was, and could only be, the determining element in -the problem of government</p> - -<p>Russia, defeated but not humiliated, or even seriously -crippled in a war which had, however, strained her -resources, and absorbed by the great measure of the -emancipation of her serfs, which inaugurated and -rendered illustrious the reign of the successor of Nicholas, -was, to employ the now classic phrase of Prince Gortchakoff, -“collecting herself” (<cite>La Russie se recueille</cite>). This did -not, however, prevent her giving a free hand, and even<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span> -officious support, to the Panslavic Committees of -Moscow and of Kieff, that now, through the promptings -and under the direction of Katkoff and his school, entered -upon a militant career, and the crafty Ignatieff was sent -to Constantinople to defend and support the machinations -of these committees, and to play with consummate -astuteness on the weaknesses and vices of a sovereign -who possessed none of the qualities of his three -predecessors, but was remarkable only for an inordinate -passion for expenditure and a morbid jealousy of his -autocratic power. His perfect sanity, moreover, became -more and more questionable.</p> - -<p>With respect to France, from the first meeting of the -plenipotentiaries at Paris, in May 1856, it became -evident that a change had come over the spirit of -the Court of the Tuileries. The representatives of -France no longer showed themselves as irreconcilable to -the views of Russia as was the case when Mr Drouyn de -Lluys penned his famous despatches two years before, -and in the discussions that took place at the Congress, -and still more in the various Commissions appointed to -settle the details of the articles of peace, the envoys of -France were found to be constantly ranged on the side -of Russia, whereas the views and contentions of England -and Turkey were invariably supported by the representatives -of Austria.</p> - -<p>This new orientation of French politics, which -continued to the time of the Polish insurrection in -1862, was further emphasised by the exceptional pomp -and circumstances attending the French mission to -St Petersburg, on the occasion of the coronation of the -new Czar. The matrimonial and political <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">rapprochement</i>, -too, between the House of Savoy and the Napoleons, -culminating in the war of 1859, was a further cause -of estrangement between France and Austria.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span></p> - -<p>In compensation, however, for the gradual parting of -the ways of French and English diplomacy in the East, -the Cabinet of Vienna seemed to have reverted frankly -to what may be called the normal policy of Austria with -reference to Turkey, and the policy of Metternich and -Castlereagh was for a time steadily and consistently -followed by Buol and Palmerston. This state of things -continued until the double election of Prince Couza in -the Danubian principalities caused a rift in the alliance.</p> - -<p>To Austria everything connected with the free -navigation of the Danube and the political status of the -provinces bordering on that great artery is, and must -ever be, State interests of the first magnitude.</p> - -<p>To England, apart from their indirect bearing on the -integrity and independence of Turkey, these questions -were only matters of sentimental interest founded on -academic sympathy with the general principle of nationalities. -This sentiment, however, called into activity by -the events unrolling themselves in Italy, was particularly -strong in England at the time when the question of -the principalities presented itself as a practical problem -to the statesmen of Europe, and found in the Prime -Minister of the day, Mr Gladstone, one of its keenest -and most enthusiastic partisans. England completely -severed her policy on this occasion from that of Austria. -Whether such conduct, with reference to a branch of a -much larger problem, was quite consistent with an Eastern -policy considered as a whole, and whether such a deviation -from the obligation of loyalty to an indispensable ally -was or was not responsible for much of what subsequently -occurred, is perhaps too delicate a question to be discussed -here. Certain, however, is it that the desertion of Austria -on this occasion by the ally she counted on in Eastern -matters to maintain intact the provisions of the Treaty -of Paris, and the instability of English foreign policy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span> -that it revealed, made a profound impression on the -minds of the Austrian Emperor and his counsellors, and -justified in their view the revolution that subsequently -took place in the Eastern policy of Austria. Placed as -the Middle Empire is—between jealous rivals and powerful -neighbours, and with enormous and vital interests to -safeguard—it is obliged to lean on one system of alliance -or another, and what has been called “la politique du -Cascole” is, as it were, a necessity of her position, and -even a condition of her existence. When the events -connected with the Herzegovinian insurrection come to -be narrated in these pages, the part taken in them by -Austria, and the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">rôle</i> played by her statesmen throughout -the long negotiations preceding the Russo‐Turkish War and -during its continuance, until the final act of the comedy -enacted at Berlin, will have to be clearly set forth in detail, -for it was Austria that played the chief part in all of them, -and that finally secured the chief part in the spoil.</p> - -<p>This chapter, which only seeks to point out the particular -circumstances that determined a change of policy -on Eastern matters on the part of this empire, must be -considered rather as an apology for, than an indictment -of Austria with respect to Turkey. Moreover, it is the -author’s aim throughout this work to narrate and explain -events according to the lights vouchsafed to him, rather -than to accuse any nation of bad faith or unjustifiable -aggression with respect to his country. A nation worthy -to exist at all must exist by its own strength and vigour, -and not by the sufferance of its neighbours; and indeed -the only indictment which will be proclaimed in this book -will be against the descendants of the Othmans, Orkhans, -Solimans, Bayazids and Mahmouds who have turned their -backs on the traditions of their faith, and have allowed the -muscles of the nation to be relaxed, and its heritage to -become the prey of the spoiler.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER II<br /><br /> - -<small>MIDHAT’S EARLY YEARS</small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">Midhat</span> was born at Constantinople in 1822. His father, -Hadji Ali Effendi, was a native of Rustchuk, and gave -his son the usual education provided by the local schools, -until he was of an age to follow him in his different displacements, -first to Widdin and Lofdja, and afterwards to -Constantinople in 1836. A few years after this he -obtained a position in the Secretariat of the Grand Vizier’s -office, whence he was promoted to superior employment -in the provinces. He remained two years at Damascus, -and then, after a short interval spent in Constantinople, -he proceeded, in 1844, to Konia, as secretary to Sami Bekir -Pasha’s Council. In 1849 he was nominated to the -Presidency of the <em>Medjlissi‐Vala</em> (Grand Council of State) -and promoted to the rank of Sanie, which is the first rank -in the Ottoman hierarchy, and in 1851 to that of Mutemaiz, -with the functions of First Secretary to the Grand Council.</p> - -<p>Soon after this, difficulties in the provinces of Damascus -and Aleppo, connected with the Custom House, and with -the conduct of the Commander‐in‐Chief of the Army of -Arabia, Kibrissli Mehemet Pasha, necessitated the despatch -of a public functionary with full power to inquire into the -irregularities, civil and military, which were notorious in -those provinces. Midhat was chosen for this important -and confidential mission. In the space of six months he -settled the question of the Customs in favour of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span> -Government, by which the sum in dispute, £T150,000, -was restored to the Ottoman Treasury, and a further -surplus of £70,000 was secured. He further fixed the -responsibility for the insurrection of the Druses on the -Commander‐in‐Chief, Kibrissli Mehemet Pasha, and recommended -his recall.</p> - -<p>The courage and capacity of which Midhat gave proof -in this mission attracted to him the attention of the Grand -Vizier of the day, the famous Reshid Pasha, who appointed -him to a confidential post in the Superior Council of the -State, which he occupied during the successive Grand -Vizierates of Reshid, Aali, and Great Rifat Pashas. This -may be considered the initiation of Midhat into political, -as distinguished from administrative, life. It was in this -post that he assisted, in 1852, at the historical interview -between Rifat Pasha, Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs, -and Prince Mentchikoff, the special envoy of the Emperor -Nicholas, in the negotiations that preceded the Crimean -War.</p> - -<p>In 1854, Kibrissli Mehemet Pasha, who in consequence -of Midhat’s report had been dismissed from the command -of the Syrian Army Corps, became Grand Vizier. He -now charged Midhat with the difficult and delicate -mission of pacifying the disturbed provinces of Adrianople -and the Balkans, and clearing them of the brigandage -that infested them. The organising genius of Midhat -proved equal to the task. He suppressed brigandage -with a strong hand, and by restoring tranquillity in this -district he deprived the neighbouring States of all pretexts -for chronic complaints. To prevent the return of trouble -he further elaborated a whole plan of re‐organisation, -which he submitted to the approval of the Government -at Constantinople, where Reshid Pasha had again become -Grand Vizier. The draft of this plan arrived at the very -time that Reshid and Aali Pashas were engaged in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span> -drawing up regulations for the government of the <em>Eyalets</em> -(provinces), with a view to their decentralisation. Midhat’s -plan was accepted, and it was decided that he should be -nominated to the governorship of the important province -of the Danube (Bulgaria), when suddenly another change -of Ministry at Constantinople delayed the execution of -the whole plan of reform. In the meantime an appalling -earthquake at Broussa had caused terrible damage in -that important city and much misery among its inhabitants. -Midhat was now despatched thither with a mission to -succour sufferers and to help to restore confidence among -the terrified inhabitants.</p> - -<p>On his return from Broussa he was despatched as -special commissioner to inspect the provinces of Widdin -and Silistria, which were in open rebellion against the -central authorities. Here Midhat, as he had previously -done in Syria, made a detailed report, pointing out the -faulty administration of the provinces, and fearlessly -inculpating the two Valis (governors).</p> - -<p>This discharge of a public duty was met by the usual -manœuvres of inculpated Pashas. Their friends at the -Palace bestirred themselves in their favour, and induced -the Sultan to reject the proposals of Midhat, and to -send a well‐known Ulema at Constantinople, Haireddin -Effendi, to the two vilayets in question, to make a further -report in verification or contradiction of that of Midhat. -To the confusion and disappointment of the friends of the -incriminated Valis, Haireddin Effendi made a report in -every way confirming the views and recommendations, -and emphasizing the accusations of Midhat.</p> - -<p>At this time (1858) Reshid Pasha died, and Aali Pasha, -his successor, obtained six months’ leave of absence for -Midhat, to be spent in travelling in Europe, with a view -to the study of certain points of European administration -with which he desired to make himself acquainted. Paris,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span> -London, Vienna, and Brussels were successively visited -in this short period of time, and much valuable information -obtained, both as to the spirit and working of -European governments.</p> - -<p>Midhat had by this time already acquired a certain -reputation as a successful provincial governor and whenever -trouble in the empire declared itself, his name -recurred as a fit and proper person to be despatched as -special envoy or governor to pacify the province in -question. Kibrissli Mehemet Pasha had now again -become Grand Vizier, and as trouble of a serious -kind had for some time been brewing in the vilayet of -Nish (Servia), where, in spite of the presence of an imposing -force of regular and irregular troops, insecurity -of life and property was rampant, and an alarming emigration -of the inhabitants was taking place, he nominated -Midhat to the Governorship of this important province -(1861).</p> - -<p>Midhat resolved to make an attempt to pacify -the province without the use of armed force, and to -gain the confidence of the Bulgarians by the redress of -their just grievances. His first step was to invite the -notabilities of the different districts to conferences, to -state their complaints, and attentively examine with him -the remedies that should be applied. These grievances -practically resolved themselves into two: (1) the entire -absence of roads and other means of intercommunication, -which made it impossible for the inhabitants—exclusively -cultivators of the soil—to find markets for their produce; -(2) the rampant brigandage that everywhere existed, -rendering life and property insecure. These two causes, -it was, that induced the emigration into Servia, which -was assuming large proportions, where the Bulgarians -found among their fellow‐Slavs both greater security and -more favourable conditions of labour.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span></p> - -<p>Midhat readily acknowledged the justice and reasonableness -of these complaints, and proceeded to strike a -bargain with the notables. They were to undertake to -use their influence to pacify the country and discourage -emigration for two years, and Midhat engaged within -this time to carry out the reforms and improvements -that were mutually agreed upon between them. Midhat -strictly carried out the terms of this agreement. He -ordered the troops back to their barracks, commenced -the great high road between Nish and Sofia with the -byroads connected with it, and by means of military -patrols sent out in every direction, brigandage very soon -entirely disappeared from the country. Roads were now -being laid out in every direction, and bridges constructed -over the Morava and other rivers, so as to meet the requirements -of an agricultural population, and facilitate the -outlet for their produce. An elaborate system of block‐houses -all along the Servian frontier put an end to the -incursions of armed bands of Servians, which had long -fostered and sustained disturbance in the province, and -many Bulgarian families who had emigrated into Servia -now began to return to their former habitations. Concurrently -with these material ameliorations, Midhat -occupied himself with the solution of other economical -and moral problems that concerned the well‐being of -the community. The relations between proprietors and -tenants of the soil had long been in an unsatisfactory -condition. Midhat convoked representatives of both these -classes to a conference, and with much pains, and after -long discussions, he succeeded in finding a means of -reconciliation between their opposing pretensions, to the -satisfaction of both parties.</p> - -<p>At Prisrend, in that part of the provinces inhabited -by the Arnauts, he was confronted with problems of a -peculiar nature. Here a vendetta (similar to the Corsican<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span> -vendetta) existed among the unruly mountaineers of -Albanian descent. Midhat, faithful to his system of -working hand in hand with the inhabitants themselves, -convoked an assembly of notables of the district, and -with their co‐operation, and by their own initiative, instituted -a permanent commission to settle money compositions -for bloodshed, and by this means he succeeded -in suppressing a vendetta that had existed for centuries -among this brave but unruly people. He further induced -them to give up the practice of carrying arms, and, for -the first time in the history of the provinces, to submit to -Imperial conscription; he further organised a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmerie</i>, -secured the peaceful collection of taxes, and put an end -to all religious persecution; schools, too, were established, -and hospitals for members of all religious denominations -without distinction. Thus the vilayets of Nish and -Prisrend gradually recovered the full enjoyment of tranquillity -and peace, and Christians and Mussulmans alike -began to enjoy the prospect of returning prosperity.</p> - -<p>In the provinces of Widdin and Silistria the problem -of pacification was complicated by a factor which rendered -the solution far more difficult. Here the continued and -systematic interference of Russia by means of her consuls -and agents, supported by the Russian ambassador at -Constantinople, working hand in hand with the agents -of the Slav Committees, who were overrunning the -country and preaching the gospel of rebellion, created -quite a new set of problems to be dealt with. It was no -longer local grievances to be redressed, but a political -propagandism to be faced.</p> - -<p>Aali and Fuad Pashas, the successors of Reshid Pasha, -appreciating the administrative and reforming talents of -Midhat, summoned him in 1864 to Constantinople, to -consider with them a general organic law for the government -of the provinces of the empire (<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">loi des vilayets</i>), and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span> -it was there resolved that the vilayets of Silistria, Widdin, -and Nish should be combined into a single government -under the name of the “Vilayet of the Danube,” and entrusted -to Midhat. The Imperial sanction to this appointment -and to the organic reforms proposed was obtained -(in 1865) in spite of the opposition of the reactionary party -in Constantinople, headed by the Sheik‐ul‐Islam of the -day, Saadeddine Effendi, strenuously backed by Sourrouri -Effendi Naib, an avowed enemy of the new Vali, whom we -shall meet with later on figuring, as a reward for his zeal, -and in acknowledgment of his impartiality, as the President -of the tribunal that tried and condemned Midhat. But -the influence of Fuad Pasha was sufficient to overcome -all such opposition, and Midhat forthwith entered upon -his new and important functions.</p> - -<p>It will be sufficient to give a summary account of -the radical reforms introduced by the new Vali in the -government of this important province.</p> - -<p>The whole vilayet was divided into seven distinct -<em>sandjaks</em> (districts), the sandjak into <em>cazas</em> (cantons), and -the cazas into <em>nahies</em> (communes), and in each of these -centres councils were created for the levying of taxes and -local administration of the district.</p> - -<p>Forced labour (<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">corvée</i>) was abolished; bridges to the -number of 1400 were constructed; and 3000 kilometres -(circ. 2000 miles) of roads constructed; brigandage was -effectually stamped out and a local <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmerie</i> raised, and -agricultural banks, with a view of relieving the small farmer -from the exactions of the usurer, established. The capital -for these purposes was procured by an ingenious system, -founded on the cultivation of the public and waste lands, -by which not only was relief given to distressed and needy -agriculturists, but a local fund was created for important -local improvements. Agriculture, the staple industry of -the inhabitants, soon began to flourish in consequence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span> -of these wise and energetic measures, and with agriculture -the affiliated industries and commerce of the country. The -navigation of the Danube, the great artery of the province, -next engaged the attention of the Pasha, and soon two, -and then four, vessels, flying the Ottoman flag for the first -time, made their appearance on this river. A postal -service was likewise started, and through the initiative of -the governor a manufactory of carriages established at -Rustchuk, which at the end of the very first year paid -a dividend of 10 per cent. Charitable institutions too -were not neglected, and orphan asylums for Christian and -Mahomedan children alike were constructed at Rustchuk -and Sofia, and the pupils initiated in trades and -industries.</p> - -<p>The key of all these reforms, and the cardinal principle -of this administration, was to work hand in hand with the -local authorities. By their aid the valuation of all property -held in the respective districts was carried out equitably -and fairly, and taxes founded on this assessment were -levied without complaint; and although the salaries of -responsible officials, such as the police and judges, -were considerably increased, and many vexatious taxes -abolished, the new revenue of the province showed a -considerable and increasing surplus.</p> - -<p>The prosperity of this large province under its new -administrator could not fail to attract the attention of the -authorities at Constantinople, and Midhat now received -the congratulations both of the Sultan and of the Sublime -Porte. An Imperial Irade, moreover, enjoined all the -governors of the other provinces of the empire to apply -in their respective vilayets the same reforms that Midhat -had introduced in that of the Danube, a detailed plan and -description of which had been forwarded to Constantinople -by Rifat Effendi, the secretary of the vilayet (subsequently -Grand Vizier).</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span></p> - -<p>So far everything seemed to go well, and a new era of -prosperity seemed about to dawn for the provinces of the -empire generally. It is worth while for those who really -desire to obtain an inside view of the working of Turkish -absolutism, and to discern the secret springs that move the -Government of Turkey, and make themselves acquainted -with the hidden causes that have time after time wrecked -the hopes of Turkish reformers, to follow attentively what -we are now about to relate, on the authority, be it noted, of -one in a position, if any one was, to know the truth and -put his fingers on the plague‐spot.</p> - -<p>Midhat felt that his work would not be complete, -nor would the return of material prosperity suffice to -attach his province permanently to the Government of -the Sultan, unless he applied himself as well to the moral -side of the problem and succeeded in counteracting the -manœuvres of the enemies of the empire to sow disaffection -in the minds of the youth of the province. -One of the most effective devices contrived by them -with this view was the plan, pursued for many years, of -sending large numbers of Bulgarian youths to carry on -their studies at the Russian universities of Odessa, -Kharkoff, and Kieff, and these, on their return, became -the chiefs of the staffs of the active propagandists of -Panslavic ideas among the youths of Bulgaria. These -missionaries of disaffection constituted one of the most -serious dangers to Ottoman sovereignty, and one of the -most difficult problems to deal with. Midhat determined -to grapple with it, and with this view he determined to -establish in the principal centres of the province schools -and universities where the Bulgarian youths, Christians -and Mussulmans alike, should enjoy all the advantages -of a first‐class modern education without having to -seek it abroad. The incidental advantage of a fusion -of Christian and Mussulman elements in the country,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span> -under the inspiring influence of a common education, at -an age when friendships are most easily formed and -generous sentiments evoked, did not escape the sagacity -of Midhat. The whole project was explained by him -in a detailed report to the Sublime Porte, the expenses -being provided half by the surplus revenues of the -province, and the rest by voluntary subscriptions.</p> - -<p>When this project was made known at Constantinople, -the person who most readily seized the full import of it -was General Ignatieff, the Russian ambassador. It went -directly counter to all the most cherished plans and -projects of the Panslavic party, of which he was the -moving spirit. There was nothing that he did not do -to wreck the plan and upset the Pasha. Unfortunately -the nature of an absolute government and the character -of an Eastern autocrat afforded him ample means of -action. The interference of a foreign ambassador in the -internal economy of a province of the empire had nothing -in it which appeared abnormal or impertinent; such -interference was consecrated by long usage and had -become chronic and accepted. Ignatieff began by representing -to the sovereign that the spirit of the reforms -effected by Midhat in his vilayet, especially the institution -of local councils (which was of the very essence of -the reforms introduced), were in direct opposition to -the spirit of absolutism, and that the result would infallibly -be that little by little the province itself would become -detached from the body of the empire, and would claim -its entire independence, as had already happened in the -case of Egypt. It is not certain, however, that the -ambassador would have gained his point, even with a -sovereign so tenacious of his prerogatives as was Abdul -Aziz, had not an unfortunate error of typography, eagerly -seized on and exploited by Ignatieff, played into the -hands of the ambassador. In a passage of the official<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span> -journal of the province, the term “deputies” was inadvertently -applied to the members of the chief council -of the vilayet. This apparently trivial circumstance, the -slip of a typographist, was sufficient to turn the scale -in the Sultan’s mind and to wreck the project. Abdul -Aziz refused his consent to the proposal, on the obviously -insincere pretext of the expense connected with it. Thus -this crowning act of Midhat’s work, the reform which -above all others was calculated to attach the Bulgarians -to the central government and to destroy a nest of disaffectation -in the province, was defeated by a foreign -ambassador playing on the ignorant susceptibilities and -autocratic instincts of the sovereign of the country. If -this were a single and exceptional example of the working -of autocracy, it might be passed over in comparative -silence, however regrettable it was in this particular -instance; but the whole modern history of Turkey shows -that such intervention was nothing less than a system -of statecraft whereby autocracy was cunningly worked -for the ruin of the country in as certain and deadly a -way as was the <em>Liberum Veto</em> of the Polish constitution. -The spontaneous caprices and whims of an autocrat -are the least part of the baneful effects of autocracy; it -is in the shadows that flit behind the throne, stronger -than the throne itself, working systematically on the -ignorance and fears of the autocrat, with settled purpose -and in pursuit of settled plans, that lies, in the East -at any rate, the real curse of absolutism.</p> - -<p>Simultaneously with this diplomatic action at Constantinople, -order was given to the Panslavic Committees -established at Bucharest and Kichenew to prepare for action -in the field. Midhat’s agents had kept him informed of -the revival of agitation entertained by the agents of these -committees among the Bulgarian peasants, and he lost no -time in transmitting this information to the Porte.<br /></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"> -<img src="images/i_042fp.jpg" width="600" height="376" alt="" /> -<p class="center2"><span class="smcap">Midhat Pasha and his Suite in the Government of the Province of the Danube.</span></p> -<table class="content" summary="Midhat and suite" width="100%"><tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">1. Midhat Pasha.</td><td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent2">2. “Inspecteur de la Cour Judiciare.”</p></td><td class="tdl vertt">3. “Juge du Cheri.”</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent2">4. Adib Effendi, Minister of Customs (1889).</p></td><td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent2">5. Rifat Pasha, Grand Vizier (1897).</p></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">6. Raïf Pasha, Minister (1890).</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"> </td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">7. Chakir Pasha, “Maréchal” (1878).</p></td><td class="tdl"> </td> -</tr></table></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span></p> - -<p>On the 2nd May, 1867, Midhat received the following -telegram from Sistovo:—“Last night numerous armed -bands crossed the frontier close to Sistovo, and were -immediately joined by other bands who were waiting -for them on this side of the frontier, and early this -morning they commenced operations by the horrible -mutilation of five Mussulman children, aged from eight -to twelve, who were tending sheep on the plains.”</p> - -<p>The object and purpose of these barbarities was -obvious: it was to excite reprisals on the part of the -Mussulman population, which would afford a pretext -to the enemies of the empire to fill Europe with an -outcry against Turkish barbarity and fanaticism. The -same policy, heralded by the same acts, ruthlessly -pursued later on, did produce the desired effect, and -Bulgarian atrocities became a proverb and byword in -the world; but on this occasion the energy of Midhat, -and the patience and forbearance of the Mussulman -population, defeated the purpose of the conspirators. -Midhat, immediately on receiving the above telegram, -embarked two companies of regulars on board a steamer -and despatched them to Sistovo, whither he accompanied -them himself. He found the whole population, Christian -and Mussulman, in a state of the greatest excitement, -and his first care was to calm the effervescence and -to inspire confidence in the energy and resolution of the -authorities.</p> - -<p>The plan of the insurgents was to push on as rapidly -as they could to the Balkans, increasing their forces as -they went along by the native levies which had been -organised by the committees for this purpose, until they -reached the monastery of Kapanbova, where a large <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">dépôt</i> -of arms had been collected, and which was intended to be -the headquarters of the insurrection.</p> - -<p>The presence of four battalions of regulars at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span> -Capriova prevented the execution of this plan, and after -suffering several defeats in the field, the bands dispersed -in various directions, closely pursued by the troops and the -local levies that had joined them. Midhat now instituted -a special tribunal, composed of six Mussulmans and six -Christian judges, to try the rebel prisoners, and the -evidence given by the prisoners themselves, clearly demonstrated -that the invading bands had been equipped and -sent out by the Slav Committees of Bucharest and -Kichenew, and were acting in unison with corresponding -committees established throughout the province. By the -unanimous vote of this tribunal, sentences of death were -passed on the leaders, and penal servitude and minor -punishment, according to their status and degree of -culpability, on all the rebels taken in arms. By these -energetic means the insurrection was effectually stamped -out and tranquillity restored to the province.</p> - -<p>An outcry, however, was quickly raised in the -European Press against the “methods of barbarism” -adopted to repress the insurrection, and the Pasha was -accused of ultra severity against Christian insurgents and -reprehensible leniency towards Mussulman offenders.</p> - -<p>So far from this latter accusation having any real -foundation, the very composition of the special tribunal -appointed to deal with these troubles was a guarantee of -its impartiality. Moreover, the following fact will afford -an example of the impunity enjoyed by the Mahomedan -criminals. In the course of these troubles two dead bodies -of Christians were found in a field near Biscara; a judicial -investigation was immediately ordered on the spot, and -the result was that the evidence pointed to a sergeant -of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmerie</i>, a Mussulman of the name of Mehemet -Tchavouch, as having committed the murder. Pressed by -questions Mehemet made a full confession, and he was -thereupon condemned to death and forthwith executed.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span></p> - -<p>Midhat now turned his attention to the best means of -anticipating and guarding against similar raids and -insurrections in the future. He knew well that the central -revolutionary committees at Bucharest and Kichenew -would not disarm, but would simply watch for a more -favourable opportunity to put their plans into execution. -To garrison the whole frontier with regular troops would -expose the province to large expenditure, and the troops, -when called upon to act, to calumny and misrepresentation. -He accordingly conceived the plan of organising a local -militia of 40,000 men, recruited from all classes of the -population, Christian and Mussulman alike, to whom the -defence of their own localities should be entrusted, and -they were to be indemnified if called upon to act beyond -the boundaries of their district. By this means a cheap -and effective force was provided against all contingencies, -and at the same time the confidence reposed in the -loyalty of the population generally received a conspicuous -demonstration. The defence of the line of the Danube -was secured in a similar manner. A succession of guard‐houses -was established throughout the length of the river, -and their defence confided to a river‐guard recruited equally -from the Christian and Mussulman riverine population.</p> - -<p>So ingenious was the plan of organisation, that the -term of service for each guardsman did not exceed one -month in ten years. The arms and equipments were -provided by voluntary subscription raised from all the -inhabitants of the province.</p> - -<p>During all this time the greater the energy shown by -Midhat in the organisation, development and defence of -this frontier province of the empire, the greater became -the determination of the Slav Committees to undo and -defeat his work.</p> - -<p>After the late exploits of these committees in Bulgaria, -Midhat had organised a system of surveillance at the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span> -headquarters of these committees, and information having -reached him that emissaries had been despatched from -Galatz to Belgrade in order to organise a new raid -into Bulgaria, he ordered these emissaries to be closely -watched and followed in all their movements. On their -embarkation at Rustchuk, on board the Austrian vessel -<em>Germania</em>, he sent photographs of them to the Austrian -Consul, with a request that the Ottoman authorities should -be allowed to examine the passports of the passengers. -Accompanied by an Austrian Consular Agent the Turkish -authorities accordingly proceeded on board, where they were -immediately received by shots from revolvers on the part -of the two suspected agents, who had barricaded themselves -in the saloon of the vessel, and had determined to resist -arrest. After an indescribable scene of confusion among -the panic‐stricken passengers aboard, the Turkish <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmerie</i>, -acting with the consent of the Consul, succeeded -in effecting the capture of the agents, who were both -mortally wounded in the encounter.</p> - -<p>The capture of these revolutionary agents made a -great noise in Europe. General Ignatieff at Constantinople, -seized on the circumstance as a pretext to demand -the recall of Midhat, accompanying the Servian Agent to -the Palace in the audience accorded to the latter, whose -complaints were founded on the fact that one of the -captured agents was a Servian. Midhat’s influence, however, -was still in the ascendant, and these intrigues -remained for a time without effect.</p> - -<p>Other means failing, a desperate and criminal attempt -was now made to get rid of this too energetic Pasha. -Two attempts to assassinate him followed in quick -succession, the first at Rustchuk, where the overseer of -the training school fired a shot, fortunately without effect, -on the Pasha as he was walking in the school enclosure; -and the other by a Servian, who attempted to enter his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span> -service with the view to assassinating him, and who made -a full confession seriously compromising two important -personages in Servia. He was sent to Constantinople, -tried, and condemned to penal servitude for life, in spite -of the strenuous efforts of General Ignatieff in his favour.</p> - -<p>Not very long after these stirring events (1868) -Midhat was summoned to Constantinople, where he was -placed at the head of the Council of State, and he -was succeeded in the governorship of the province, for -which he had done so much, by Sabri Pasha, the deputy‐governor -of Nish.</p> - -<p>As President of the Council, Midhat marked his short -tenure of that office by the institution of a school of Arts -and Sciences at Sultan Ahmed, in Stamboul, and by the -establishment of a bank for loans, with the special -purpose of relieving small employers from the tyranny -of usurers. This bank (Emniet Sandighie) still exists. -It soon, however, became obvious to Midhat that his -system of usefulness in his new ministerial position was -strictly limited; his authority in matters pertaining to his -own office was constantly overruled on important matters, -especially those concerning finance, by the Grand Vizier, -acting on the authority of the Sultan, and this incompatibility -of views culminated on the question of Turkish -railways, whereupon Midhat insisted on resigning. Just -at this time Nakieddine Pasha was dismissed from the -governorship of the province of Bagdad, and Midhat was -appointed Vali of Bagdad (1869).</p> - -<p>Hardly had the new Vali reached his post, when he -found himself confronted with some difficult problems of -quite a different order from those he had dealt with on -the Danube, but of a not less serious description. The -question of recruiting was the most urgent, and called for -immediate solution. The Arab tribes, turbulent and independent -by nature, had always shown themselves refractory<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span> -to enlistment, and were now in open revolt against its -enforcement. One of the difficulties of the situation consisted -in the fact that the military authority in the province -was separated from the civil, and was in the hands of -the commander of the 6th Army Corps, Samih Pasha, -whereas the situation required all authority, military as -well as civil, to be concentrated in the hands of a single -strong central authority. Midhat did not hesitate at such -a crisis to assume the full responsibility of this concentration, -and took immediate military steps to suppress the -insurrection by force. He ordered the city of Bagdad to -be surrounded by cavalry, and sent infantry and artillery -to protect the foreign Mission Houses and the non‐Mussulman -quarters from the fanaticism of the Arabs. -He at the same time ordered the bridge over the Tigris -to be cut, so as to prevent intercommunication among -the rebels; and when these energetic measures had fairly -intimidated the Arabs, he offered them a general amnesty -on condition of immediate surrender. These conditions -were now accepted, and the insurrection suddenly -collapsed, and no further resistance was offered to the -recruiting. The promptitude with which this dangerous -rebellion was suppressed was appreciated by the Porte, -and a telegram was received from Constantinople approving -the measures he had taken, and placing officially the -supreme command of the 6th Army Corps in his hands.</p> - -<p>The next serious difficulty was connected with the -levying of taxes. This had always been a difficult operation -among the nomad tribes, of which the population in -a great measure consisted, and was the cause of continual -disputes and insurrections. Matters had, however, now -reached a crisis, for a colonel at the head of a battalion of -regulars sent to Divanie and Dogara to collect the tithes -was surrounded by tribesmen to the number of ten -thousand men, and himself killed and his troops killed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span> -or dispersed. The new Vali seized at once the seriousness -of the situation, for the encouragement which this success -afforded the tribesmen threatened to give rise to a general -insurrection of all the surrounding nomads.</p> - -<p>It was necessary to avenge the defeat at once and -to make a signal example of the tribesmen concerned. -Midhat accordingly ordered a large force, consisting of -seven battalions of infantry, four thousand cavalry, with -a complement of artillery, to proceed directly to Dogara, -under the command of Samih Pasha, whilst with three -thousand chosen troops he hastened himself to the disaffected -district. A pitched battle now took place between -the Arabs and the troops, which resulted in the complete -defeat of the former and the capture of their chief. A -not unusual incident accompanied the close of the battle. -A Shiite Sheik, Abdul Kerim, was marching at the head -of a considerable force of tribesmen from the Shiite -districts of Urfa and Aleppo to join the rebels, when -he received the news of their defeat. Pretending that he -was on the road to offer his services to the Government, -he joined his forces to those of the Vali, and accompanied -the victorious troops on their entry into Bagdad. A -military tribunal was at once instituted to try the rebels; -the rebel chiefs were condemned and executed, but the -tribesmen, on the promise of future good behaviour, were -released.</p> - -<p>Midhat Pasha clearly discerned that if an end was -to be put to these chronic troubles, and these nomad -tribes were to be reduced to anything like permanent -order, it was not sufficient to defeat them in battle, and -that a radical change had to be brought about in their -general status, and especially the conditions of land -tenure in the country. The Arab cultivator, for the most -part, held his lands from the State on the condition of -giving three‐fourths of the produce to the State, retaining<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span> -one‐fourth for himself. Such a system naturally discouraged -agriculture and rendered all improvements in -cultivation impossible. The consequence was that, for -the most part, the Arab shunned the soil, preferring -predatory to industrial modes of gaining his living. -Midhat determined to attach him to the soil by giving -him rights of proprietorship, and divided large tracts of -land into plots, which were offered for sale on easy and -advantageous terms, special provision being made against -accumulation of plots into single hands. The success of -this policy was remarkable, and whereas the revenues of -the State increased, the turbulence of the tribesmen, and -the risings which had become chronic, greatly diminished.</p> - -<p>The agricultural prosperity that resulted from these -measures stimulated other branches of industry and -rendered it necessary to provide outlets for the newly -created surplus of the country. The first step in this -direction was to render navigable the Tigris and -Euphrates, the great arteries of the country, and to -improve or create the means of communication between -their two banks, and between the different towns situated -along their course. The only service of the kind that -existed consisted of the boats of an English company -plying between Bagdad and Bussora. Midhat determined -to start a service of Turkish boats to supply adequately -the needs now felt, in the same way that he had formerly -done on the Danube when he was Governor of Bulgaria. -He ordered the existing vessels to be repaired, new -vessels of a larger tonnage to be constructed, and coal -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">dépôts</i> to be formed at Mascat, Aden, Bender and -Bushire; and now, for the first time in history, steamers -under the Ottoman flag were to be seen periodically -in the Suez Canal, on their way to Constantinople. The -<em>Babel</em>, one of these vessels, which had originally cost -£T88,000 for construction, was bought for the sum of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span> -£T33,000 from a bankrupt company, and on its very -first voyage between Constantinople and Bussora, which -coincided with the time of the pilgrimages, it cleared -£T35,000—more than sufficient to cover its purchase -price. A net surplus of £T1000 a month resulted from -this improved river navigation, and Midhat now determined -on extensive dredging works, with a view to -extending the navigation northwards and adapting it -to vessels of a larger tonnage. Chakir Bey (afterwards -Marshal and Ambassador to St Petersburg, and one of -Midhat’s faithful partisans) was despatched north with a -company of engineers, and reported favourably on the -enterprise. Thereupon dredging and other engineering -works were immediately ordered to be undertaken.</p> - -<p>The periodical overflow of the waters of the Euphrates -had converted large tracts of country into marshes, and -marsh fevers in consequence becoming endemic, rendered -them uninhabitable. Drainage works on a large scale, -with a view of reclaiming these lands and of curing the -insalubrity, were also undertaken. Irrigation works were -likewise started, and much attention was devoted to this -subject by the Pasha, with a view to gradually restoring -the system introduced by the first Arab conquerors, which -had converted this country into the Garden of the East, -and rendered the Caliphate of Bagdad proverbial for its -wealth and prosperity. A tramway, too, between Bagdad -and Kiazimie was constructed, and its entire length, 7 -miles, completed within a year. A textile manufactory, too, -was started, and an engine of 70‐h.p. ordered in France, -the despatch of which was only delayed by the breaking -out of the Franco‐German War (1870).</p> - -<p>Whilst energetically pursuing these material improvements, -Midhat Pasha was far from neglecting the moral -side of the problem of Reform. Schools were opened -in every district; hospitals, refuges for old age, and loan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span> -banks everywhere arose, and a printing‐press established -where the newspaper <cite>Zora</cite> was published, and municipal -institutions for lighting and watering and other local -purposes were instituted in all the principal centres. A -petroleum spring discovered in the vilayet was immediately -utilised for public purposes. It was not too much -to hope that a decade of such enlightened government -would have repaired the neglect of centuries and restored -their ancient prosperity to the rich valleys of the Tigris -and Euphrates.</p> - -<p>In 1870 the Shah of Persia, accompanied by a -numerous suite, came to visit the holy places of Nejef -and Kerbela, and although the province had to support -the whole expense of this costly visit, amounting to -over £T30,000, Midhat Pasha determined to give the -royal visitor a reception worthy of his exalted rank, and -to profit by the occasion by settling some vexed questions -long pending between the two neighbouring Mahomedan -countries. The circulation of depreciated Persian money -in the province had long disturbed the value of exchanges -and created confusion in commercial transactions. The -exchange value of this currency, and the amount of it -to be issued in the future, were now agreed upon. The -incursions and depredations of nomad Kurds, the Hamavends, -Sendjabi, etc., shifting their camping‐ground from -Persian to Turkish territory, and <em>vice versa</em>, so as to -evade taxation and elude the authorities of either nation, -whilst plundering indiscriminately the peaceful inhabitants -of both, had long been a scandal, creating a state of -affairs on the frontier difficult to cope with. A better -understanding and a combined policy of surveillance -between the Persian and Turkish authorities on the -frontier were now established, and block‐houses on the -model of those successfully introduced on the Servian -frontier were constructed, to the infinite relief of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span> -agricultural population of both nations, situated on -the entire length of this extensive line. Midhat Pasha -failed, however, to obtain the sanction of the Persian -authorities to a scheme which he had long cherished, -and which he trusted to this occasion to be able to put -into execution.</p> - -<p>At Nejef, one of the sacred places to which periodical -pilgrimages were made, there were rich treasures, the -proceeds of the offerings of Indian and Persian devotees -of the Shiite sect during centuries past, which, on the -invasion of the Wahabites, had been hidden in a cave. -Midhat Pasha had ordered the cave to be opened and -an official inventory to be made of the treasures that it -contained. This inventory revealed treasures of diamonds, -rubies, pearls, and other precious stones, to the value of -no less than £T300,000, and Midhat proposed a public -sale of the treasure and the appropriation of its proceeds -to works of public utility, such as a railway between -Persia and Bagdad, or, if such an appropriation of a sacred -treasure appeared too secular, at least to the creation of -such much‐needed institutions as hospitals and refuges -and caravanserai for the pilgrims on the route of their -pilgrimages to the holy places. Even this reasonable -proposal, however, was vetoed by the Persian Ulemas, -and the whole scheme falling through, Midhat ordered -the treasure to be carefully deposited again in the cave -from which it had been taken, and its entrance secured -with the official seals of the Turkish and Persian -authorities.</p> - -<p>Certain events now took place having a bearing beyond -the boundaries of the province and of a quasi‐international -character. The town of Bussora, important on account -of its geographical position as the terminus station of -the Euphrates on the Persian Gulf, suffered from the -inconvenience of an extremely unhealthy climate, result<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span>ing -from the stagnant waters of the Achar, a branch of -the river Shat‐el‐Arab, on which it was built. Midhat -determined to remove the site of the township on to -the main river, and with that view built a Governor’s -house and Government buildings on the new site as a -nucleus for a new city. Outside this enclosure, the -township of Nassrieh was laid out on plans furnished by -the Pasha, to become the capital of the sandjak of -Muntefik, and to replace the old town of Suk esh‐sheyuh -which was falling into ruins, and was deficient in all the -necessaries of civilisation.</p> - -<p>Sixty miles from Bussora, and on the coast of Nedjed, -is situated the little town of Koweit of six thousand houses, -the inhabitants of which are all Mussulmans. Midhat -Pasha’s predecessor, Namik Pasha, had endeavoured to -bring this population within the influence of his jurisdiction, -but they successfully resisted all attempts at imposing -taxation upon them, and had maintained their -quasi‐independence under their own chiefs, the descendants -of one Sabah who had come with this tribe of -“Moutayer” from Nedjed five hundred years before, and -had maintained ever since with practical independence a -republican form of government, choosing by election their -own judges (<em>cadis</em>) and the professors of their religious -schools (<em>medresses</em>). Owing to the restricted extent of -their territory, the inhabitants, like those of Venice, took -chiefly to maritime pursuits, and upwards of two hundred -small vessels of various tonnage traversed in every -direction the Indian Ocean, as far as the coasts of -Zanzibar, and practically monopolised the pearl fisheries -of the Persian Gulf. Although they had adopted a -special flag of their own, they occasionally hoisted a -Dutch or English flag, to secure certain privileges -accorded to these flags by the capitulations. It seemed -highly desirable to Midhat Pasha to put an end to this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span> -equivocal status of the inhabitants of Koweit, and to -regularise their position. He accordingly entered into -negotiations with them, and offered the full enjoyment -of their autonomy and privileges under the government -of their own Sheik Sabah, provided they recognised -themselves as forming part and parcel of the Ottoman -empire, and adopted the Ottoman flag as their national -ensign. These conditions were accepted by the people -of Koweit, and their territory became a sandjak of the -vilayet of Bagdad. A formal treaty to that effect was -drawn up and signed and confirmed by <em>berats</em> (writs of -investiture) from Constantinople, and new schools and -mosques arose in Koweit.</p> - -<p>After the settlement of Koweit, Midhat’s attention was -turned to the conquest of the Nedjed, the most important -event that marked his governorship of Bagdad.</p> - -<p>The Nedjed is the geographical denomination of an -extent of country including about a quarter of the Arabian -peninsula. Soliman, the conqueror, after defeating the -Portuguese squadron in the Persian Gulf, had annexed -it to his empire, and had despatched a special governor -from Constantinople to administer the province of Hassa. -A century after this, the inhabitants rose in revolt and -formed themselves into a separate State, which included -the island of Bahrein in its limits. On the first breaking -out of these troubles, the Egyptian troops sent out to -repress the revolt had been successful, and had defeated -the rebels at Riad and Derayeh, forcing the Wahabites to -recognise the authority of the Sultan, but the Ottoman -Government, whose attention was now turned elsewhere, -neglected to follow up this success, and the Nedjed -gradually regained its independence under the dynasty -of Wahab.</p> - -<p>In the time of Midhat Pasha, the reigning Sheik, -Abdul Fazil, whilst in the enjoyment of quasi‐independ<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span>ence -himself, had never dreamt of encroaching on the -neighbouring territories under the authority of the Sultan, -nor of exciting revolt among their inhabitants by preaching -among them the particular tenets of Wahabism; -but his brother Saood, under the instigation of certain -counsellors, with a view to supplanting him in the -government of the country, declared war on him, and -succeeded in dethroning him.</p> - -<p>Abdul Fazil now had recourse to the intervention -of Midhat Pasha, whom he warned of the probable -consequences that would follow the victory of his brother -with respect to the propagandism of Wahabite ideas -among the surrounding tribes. Midhat determined to -act, but before entering on a campaign that might prove -an arduous undertaking, he took measures to ascertain -the exact forces that Saood had at his disposal, as well -as the topography of the country where military operations -would have to be carried out. With this view, spies -and agents disguised as merchants were sent in various -directions, and soundings were taken of different parts -of the coast. A full report as to the situation of the -Nedjed in all these respects was in due course furnished -to Midhat, who in the meantime had requested and -obtained the necessary authorisation from the Grand -Vizier, Aali Pasha, for the projected campaign.</p> - -<p>Midhat was aware that certain delicate international -questions might arise in the course of the expedition. -The policy of England, as represented by its Indian -Government, had always been to favour rather than to -discourage the desire of independence on the part of -the Arab chiefs in this part of the world. A serious -and systematic attempt, therefore, to suppress their independence -and to attach these distant members permanently -to the body of the Ottoman Empire might -seem to run counter to the policy of the Indian Govern<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span>ment -on the shores of the neighbouring Persian Gulf. -Midhat had always been a stout and consistent supporter -of the English Alliance, but he was by no means inclined -for that reason to sacrifice to that alliance the essential -interest of the Ottoman Empire; and while resolved to -proceed with tact and due considerateness for the interests -and susceptibilities of a friendly Power, he did not hesitate, -in spite of a certain amount of sympathy manifested by -England towards Saood, to proceed with the expedition -he had resolved upon.</p> - -<p>The most populous province of Nedjed was Hassa, -with its port Elkatif. Thirty‐two hours distant from this -port are situated the townships of Elhofuf and Elmuberez, -surrounded by fortified walls. Six hours distant from -Elkatif is the port of Ras Tannurah, offering favourable -conditions for a disembarkation of troops. Securing his -communications between Bussora and Elkatif, a distance -of 360 miles by sea, by means of the proffered co‐operation -of Abdullah Elsabah, Sheik of Koweit, who put his flotilla -at the disposal of the Pasha for that purpose, Midhat embarked -five battalions of regular troops with a complement -of artillery under the command of Nafiz Pasha, General -of division, for the port of Ras Tannurah, whence they -immediately marched to Elkatif, which after a faint resistance -capitulated to the Ottoman troops. The surrender -of Elmuberez and other strategical points in the Wahabs’ -country followed in quick succession, and in a very short -space of time the partisans of Saood were dispersed and -the whole country brought under Imperial rule.</p> - -<p>Midhat was now about to start himself for the Nedjed, -with a view to organise the country as a province of -the Ottoman Empire, when his attention was called by -the Governor of Diarbekir, Kurd Ismail Pasha, to the -suspicious movements in the neighbourhood of Urfa of -Sheik Abdul Kerim, of the tribe of Chamar, the same, it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span> -will be remembered, who, on the occasion of the revolt -of the Dogara tribesmen, arriving too late to assist the -defeated rebels, turned round and offered his services to -the victorious Pasha.</p> - -<p>Thinking the present occasion more favourable for -carrying out his cherished policy, he was marching straight -on Bagdad, killing and pillaging on his route. Warned -by Kurd Ismail, Midhat took immediate steps to crush -him. Abdul Kerim had divided his forces into three -parts, the first advancing on Zor, the second on Mosul, -and the third, under his own command, marching on -Bagdad. On this information reaching him, Midhat -ordered two battalions of regulars to reinforce Kurd -Ismail, whilst General Echeref Pasha was directed to -fortify Zor and other strategical points on the Tigris -and Euphrates. These troops coming into collision with -the first division of Abdul Kerim’s army in the neighbourhood -of Zor, easily dispersed them, whilst Kurd Ismail -himself, attacking the second division of the rebels in the -neighbourhood of Mosul, completely routed it. On -learning of the successive defeats of the two wings of -this invading army, Abdul Kerim quickly abandoned all -idea of advancing, and took measures to secure his own -safety. His retreat by the desert being cut off by the -droughts prevailing at this season, he made for his own -native country, the Chamar, but Midhat threatening Sheik -Ibn Reshid, chief of the tribe Djebel, if he ventured to -offer refuge to the rebel, diverted Abdul Kerim’s retreat -to the direction of Muntefik by Hilah and Kerbela, where -he fell in with Nassir Pasha, and in the fight that ensued -was wounded and taken prisoner. After a regular trial for -armed rebellion and treachery, he was condemned to death, -and the sentence being approved of by the authorities at -Constantinople, he was in due course hanged at Mosul. -His brother, Ferhan Pasha, now received the chieftainship<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span> -of the tribe Chamar, with an increase of territory and a -regular monthly subsidy, whilst the turbulent tribesmen -acknowledged the authority of the Imperial Government -and consented to pay the taxes. This settlement was -followed by a resumption of agricultural pursuits on the -part of the inhabitants, and the general pacification of the -country.</p> - -<p>But troubles in these parts did not end with the -conquest of the Nedjed and the defeat of Abdul Kerim. -Abdullah Fazil—who had by means of Ottoman arms -been restored to the government of Elkatif, with the -Turkish title of Mutessarif, in the new vilayet of Nedjed—once -freed from all apprehension respecting the ambition -of his brother Saood, began to manifest restlessness under -Turkish regular administration. Discontent, too, with -Turkish fiscal arrangements was felt by the tribesmen, -and affairs began again to assume a threatening aspect. -Midhat determined to inquire into the causes of this -discontent, and finding that exemption from all taxation, -save that sanctioned by the Mussulman law, viz. the tithe, -had been consecrated by secular usage among them, and -that the neighbouring tribes who had come under English -protection, Oman, Mascat, etc., fully enjoyed the privilege -of this exemption, determined to satisfy the population -of Elkatif in this respect, and forthwith consented to limit -their liability to taxation to the regular payment of the -tithe.</p> - -<p>There remained the island of Bahrein, the conquest -of which, on account of the importance of its position on -the Persian Gulf, Midhat now determined to effect. In -order to superintend operations himself, and in case of -any international friction demanding his presence, Midhat -started for the Nedjed. Abdullah Fazil hearing of this, -and fearing that his own equivocal conduct was the cause -of the journey, fled from Elkatif to Riad, and in spite of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span> -the Pasha’s assurances, refused to return. His dismissal -from the Government was thereupon pronounced, and the -district converted into the sandjak of Hassa, and together -with the command of the troops, was entrusted to Nafiz -Pasha. A friendly interchange of views now took place -between Midhat Pasha and the Government of India, the -result of which was that the island of Bahrein was officially -annexed to the Mutessarifat of Hassa. Two Turkish -corvettes, the <em>Libnan</em> and the <em>Iskenderoun</em>, under the -command of Arif Bey, sailed for the island, followed -by two English gunboats under Commander Pelly, and -the Turkish and English vessels exchanged salutes and -other friendly courtesies in the port. When the Turkish -sailors disembarked on the island they were received with -the most indescribable enthusiasm by the islanders, who -had not seen the Turkish ensign flying on a man‐of‐war -for two centuries past. The Sheik of the island offered -an appropriate piece of land to be used as a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">dépôt</i> for -coals for Turkish vessels, and offered to place the resources -of the island at the disposition of the Turkish authorities -if necessity should arise. On weighing anchor from -Bahrein the two corvettes were joined by the vessel that -had Midhat Pasha on board, and the little flotilla sailed -together to Koweit. Here the same scenes were enacted -that had distinguished the visit to Bahrein, and nothing -occurred to mar the cordiality that existed between the -Ottoman and British forces that met in these Eastern -ports. The convention which had been previously agreed -upon between Midhat and the British authorities prevented -any friction between them.</p> - -<p>The re‐establishment of Imperial authority in these -regions justified, and indeed necessitated, a considerable -increase in the Turkish flotilla in these waters. Before the -opening of the Suez Canal, Turkey only possessed the -two corvettes the <em>Boursa</em>, and the <em>Ismir</em>, neither of which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span> -was in a sea‐going condition. Midhat sent the <em>Boursa</em> -to Bombay to undergo repairs, and added the <em>Libnan</em>, -<em>Iskenderoun</em>, <em>Deniz</em>, <em>Babel</em>, <em>Ninova</em>, <em>Nedjed</em>, and <em>Assour</em>, -besides ten vessels of light draught for river police, -and to reinforce the Bagdad squadron. The port of -Bussora, no longer adequate to the naval requirements -of the province, was enlarged and improved, and works -for an inner harbour capable of anchoring vessels of 10‐feet -draught were commenced at Kut‐el‐Frenghi on the -river Shat‐el‐arab.</p> - -<p>All these various improvements and reforms, and the -general advance in the political and administrative status -of this important province, were highly appreciated by -the Government of the Porte, which was now under the -enlightened guidance of Aali Pasha, who addressed the -following letter to Midhat Pasha:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Excellency</span>,—The very weak state of health from -which I have been for some time suffering has been the -cause of the delay that has occurred in answering your -letters concerning the voyage of His Majesty the Shah. -Pray accept my most sincere excuses. I beg to congratulate -you in a very especial manner, on your brilliant -successes in the Nedjed. Everything seems to indicate -that, thanks to the tact with which you have brought -about the pacification of the Provinces of Assir, the political -importance of which is so considerable, the whole Arabic -peninsula will soon return to its ancient status. By your -services you have merited the glorious title, ‘Haremein -Muhteremein.’</p> - -<p>“The effect of the Shah’s visit on the Shiite population -in the province was the subject of considerable preoccupation -with us, but the good intentions and loyalty -manifested on both sides, have smoothed over many -difficulties and brought about highly desirable results.... -It is quite certain that Nevab Ikbal Eldevle, being a -just and upright man, will blame and discourage any -flagrant departure from justice and equity on the part of -his co‐religionists.</p> - -<p>“Be good enough to thank him in my name, when the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span>occasion offers, for the seal in agate, the engraving and -inscription on which are very fine.</p> - -<p>“Prince Abbas Mirza has arrived here, and he has -twice been received in Audience by his Majesty.... He -seems a polished and intelligent person, but I have not yet -had any opportunity to form an estimate of his character.</p> - -<p>“I am,</p> - -<p class="right padr1">“(seal) <span class="smcap">Mehmed Emin Aali</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“23 <i>Djemaziel Evel, 1288</i> (1871), <i>Hegira</i>.”</small></p></div> - -<p>By the same courtier the Sultan Abdul Aziz sent -Midhat Pasha a sword of honour set with diamonds, with -the inscription “Nedjed” engraved on it. This was the -closing scene of Midhat’s governorship of Bagdad, and -with it closed the first half of his career, viz., as Provincial -Governor. Circumstances were occurring at Constantinople -destined to bring him on the scene there, to play -his part in the important political events about to occur in -the metropolis.</p> - -<p>But a change of a portentous nature had taken place -at Constantinople. Fuad Pasha and Aali Pasha, whose -prestige and popularity had gained an ascendancy over -the Sultan, and had, since his accession, practically monopolised -power, and who had strenuously supported Midhat -in all his reforming measures both on the Danube and the -Euphrates, died within a few months of each other. The -disappearance of these two able and powerful Ministers -synchronized with the return of Abdul Aziz from a tour -in Europe, when symptoms of an ominous character began -to reveal themselves in the sovereign. He showed himself -impatient of contradiction or advice of any kind, expressing -openly his relief at being freed from the incubus of -his former Grand Viziers; he completely changed the etiquette -of the Court, imposing on the occasion of audiences -an antiquated ceremonial, accompanied by unwonted prostrations -to be observed on entering the Imperial presence, -and he directed that henceforth he should be addressed in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span> -inflated language, strange even to the forms of Oriental -adulation. But what was more serious than these triflings -of Imperial vanity, was the fact that he now launched out, -careless of the resources of the budget, on the most -lavish expenditure of every kind both of a public and -private nature. Fleets of costly ironclads were ordered -and equipped without regard to their cost; marble palaces -rose, as by enchantment, on the banks of the Bosphorus, -and every whim and caprice on his own part or that of the -Palace had to be gratified without stint or delay. He -found in Mahmoud Nedim a compliant Grand Vizier, who, -in return for the retention of power, undertook to find the -ways and means for the gratification of all his master’s -wishes.</p> - -<p>The reflex action of this state of things at headquarters -was felt in the most distant provinces. When -the exactions of the Palace had expropriated the balance -of the sums destined to the various services of the State, -recourse was had to the provinces to make good the -deficiencies by extraordinary “benevolences” and remittances. -Works of public utility or necessity were -accordingly suspended, and the funds necessary for their -completion diverted to the metropolis. Incompetent -favourites arrived from Constantinople with orders to -the Vali to provide them with lucrative posts, and by -these means the whole fabric of the new administration, -painfully and patiently built up, was dislocated and -deranged. Midhat, recognising the impossibility of governing -in such conditions, resigned his Governorship and set -out for Constantinople.</p> - -<h3>THE FIRST GRAND VIZIERATE OF MIDHAT PASHA.</h3> - -<p>On his arrival in Constantinople, Midhat found that an -order had been issued for his banishment from the capital, -under cloak of nominating him to the government of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span> -Adrianople. Insisting, however, on the exercise of his -right of audience with the sovereign before setting out for -his new post, he made such strong representations to the -Sultan with respect to the general situation of the empire, -that Abdul Aziz thereupon abruptly dismissed Mahmoud -Nedim, and appointed Midhat Grand Vizier in his place -(1873).</p> - -<p>As soon as he had filled the principal offices of State -with the best material he could find—Chirvani Rushdi -Pasha, Djémil Pasha, and Sadik Pasha—the first and -most pressing necessity that confronted him was to -endeavour to put the Finances in order. This was no -easy task. The public accounts presented were entirely -fictitious. His first discovery was to the effect that whereas -the budget showed a surplus of half a million (£T), -there was in point of fact a deficit of three millions. The -actual appropriation of the sums debited in the accounts -presented another difficulty. A sum of £T100,000 disbursed -by the Treasury was not accounted for at -all. Midhat insisted on a full inquiry, and, discovering -that this sum had been appropriated by the late Grand -Vizier, directed an investigation into the matter before the -members of the Council of State, who ordered its immediate -restitution by Mahmoud Nedim, and recommended -his banishment. He, however, alleging in private that this -sum in question although nominally attributed to him was -really allotted to the Palace, found in the Valide Sultan -and her <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">entourage</i> most powerful allies in his duel with -Midhat. Banished by the insistence of the Grand Vizier, -first to Adrianople and then to Trebizond, he soon -obtained permission to return to Constantinople.</p> - -<p>Two distinct parties began now to stand out in clear -relief. On the one side was Midhat, warmly supported by -public opinion in the capital and in the provinces, and by all -that was most enlightened among the Softas and Ulemas,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span> -headed by Chakir Effendi, and on the other side the whole -army of corruption, headed by Mahmoud Nedim and -protected by the Valide Sultan and the Palace Camarilla. -Another powerful ally of the late Grand Vizier was -General Ignatieff, who by the most ingenious and persistent -methods—condescending even to the resources of -the stage—worked on the mind of the Sultan in order -to restore Mahmoud Nedim to power.</p> - -<p>An incident soon occurred which brought matters to -a crisis. The Khedive of Egypt, desirous of changing -the order of succession in his family and of obtaining -various privileges and prerogatives from his suzerain, was -in the habit of making periodical visits to Constantinople, -carrying away with him each time, by judicious payments, -some shred of the sovereign rights of the Porte. These -visits became a regular source of income and emolument -to the Palace and all its myrmidons. Arriving at -Constantinople on the occasion of one of these visits -he found Midhat Pasha installed as Grand Vizier, and -to his surprise and disappointment, and to the discomfiture -of the Palace clique, he was obliged this time -to return to Alexandria with his presents, <em>re infectâ</em>.</p> - -<p>It soon became apparent that one of two things must -happen: the Sultan would either have to change the -whole <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">régime</i> and scale of expenditure of the Palace, -or change his Grand Vizier; and as he never really -contemplated the former course, he adopted the latter. -The determining cause was Midhat’s action with reference -to certain scandals—incidents connected with Baron -Hirsch’s railway schemes.</p> - -<p>It is only in a despotic country, where State contracts -are signed in the dark, and <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">cahiers de charge</i> are examined -by carefully chosen experts and passed by complaisant -accountants, that such a scandal as the Hirsch railways -is possible or conceivable. If the cynicism of the whole<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span> -transaction had not become notorious, and thus excited -as much laughter as its nefariousness caused indignation, -it would be worth while to set out in detail all the -circumstances of this stupendous business.</p> - -<p>To obtain a contract giving unlimited control over -the richest forests in the world, on the pretext of cutting -sleepers, is in itself a pretty smart stroke of business. -To stipulate for payment of railways according to the -mileage executed, irrespective of topographical considerations -or local requirements, is a triumph of -contracting skill; but to claim payment for work -done in the plains only, on the basis of an average -calculated for working through plains and mountain‐chains -alike, is the very glory of financial genius. The -secret, too, of the art was as simple as the result was -lucrative. Backsheesh in adequate amounts, distributed -at appropriate moments in the right quarters, was the -alpha and omega of the business.</p> - -<p>Midhat, in his determination to strike at the root of -the whole system of corruption, irrespective of persons -or of consequences, having discovered that the highest -person in the land was himself a recipient of the largesses -of the Austrian baron, insisted on the restitution of the -sums received. The Sultan listened to the advice -tendered, returned the money, and dismissed his Grand -Vizier.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER III<br /><br /> - -<small>DEPOSITION AND DEATH OF ABDUL AZIZ</small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">After</span> an honourable exile as Governor of Salonica, -Midhat obtained leave to return to Constantinople, and -after a brief tenure of the office of Minister of Justice and -of the Presidency of the Council of State, he handed in -his resignation in the following terms, and retired to his -Konak in the neighbourhood of the capital and awaited -developments:</p> - -<p class="center f09"><em>To Midhat Pasha, President of the Council of State.</em></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“I beg that your Highness will be good enough to -instruct me as to the reply I am to make to His Majesty, -in case he should question me as to the motives for -your resignation.</p> - -<p class="right padr5">“<span class="smcap">Hafiz Mehemed</span></p> - -<p class="right padr1 f09">“<i>Head Chamberlain</i> (<i>of Sultan Aziz</i>).”</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Reply.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Excellency,—My request is not based upon any -personal motives. I have nothing but praise for all my -colleagues, both high and low; but the motives which -have forced me to this decision are, as I have already -set out in my petition, the difficulties of the position -in which we are placed, that is to say, our finances are -in a hopeless condition, the civil administration is utterly -disorganised, and the state of the army is beyond -description; all this compromised the security and -credit of the country, and the non‐Mussulman element -loudly proclaims the intention that it long ago formed -of placing itself under foreign protection. While the -faults and mistakes made twenty years ago have prepared -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span>the way for the disasters which are now showing themselves -in rapid succession, and which are sufficient to -employ all our time, our foreign policy has also been -misdirected, the feelings of the Powers have changed -towards us, and they entertain hostile intentions towards -our country to such a degree that the most friendly Power -has lost all confidence in us. It is impossible for us not -to deplore the unfortunate results which this line of -conduct cannot fail to produce for Turkey, and for the -faithful servants of His Majesty—that of being unable -to see the future clearly before them. In view of the -attitude adopted by His Highness the Grand Vizier, -which gives reason to hope that this state of affairs may -be remedied, I feel compelled to devote my feeble efforts -and support to those duties which are specially incumbent -on me in the existing crisis through which the Ministry -is passing. But as I have explained in the petition which -I have already sent in, I have passed the greater portion -of my life in provincial service, and have never taken part -in such delicate and complicated affairs, and am therefore -compelled to ask you to have the goodness to intercede -with His Majesty to accept my resignation.</p> - -<p class="center2">“I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“29 <i>Cheval</i>, 1291 (1874).”</small></p></div> - -<p>In the meantime things went from bad to worse in the -affairs of the State. Grand Viziers one after the other -were appointed and dismissed. Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, -Essad Pasha, Chervani Rushdi Pasha, held office for a few -months only, and with the best of intentions were utterly -unable to grapple with the situation, and the “villain of -the piece,” Mahmoud Nedim, was at last recalled to office. -The finances of the country were fast getting beyond all -remedy. Although it was only twenty years since the -fatal secret of a national debt had been learnt in Turkey, -bankruptcy was already staring the country in the face. -So palpable was this to the best friends of Turkey, that -Mr Yorke in the British Parliament, in the interests of a -long‐standing ally of Great Britain, and of the alliance -itself, called attention to the state of Turkish finances, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span> -summoned the British Government to intervene through -its ambassador at Constantinople to endeavour to ward -off impending catastrophes. Three months after this -warning the Turkish Treasury suspended payment on -half the amount of the coupons of the public debt.</p> - -<p>The outcry caused by this measure throughout Europe, -not only in strictly commercial and financial circles, but -in every class of the community, was indescribable. -Tempted by the high rate of interest, and confiding in the -assurances of financiers interested in floating successive -loans that “Turkey always has paid and therefore -always would pay” the coupons of its debts, the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">petite -bourgeoisie</i> and the small investor had largely placed their -savings in Turkish bonds, and the “tightness” and misery -caused by the suspension was undoubtedly very great -(1875). Meetings of indignant bond‐holders were held in -every capital and large city in Europe, and the Turkish -Government and the Turkish nation, the Pasha and the -people, were confounded in a common anathema. The -ground was admirably prepared for an explosion of -political passion directed against Turkey. The occasion -for this was not long in presenting itself.</p> - -<p>During the second Vizierate of Essad Pasha, certain -movements of a suspicious nature took place on the -Montenegrin frontier which would have arrested the attention -of a more vigilant Government. A party of sixty Slav -peasants from the village of Nevesinje in the Commune -of Mostar, on some trivial quarrel with the local authorities, -emigrated in a body across the frontier into Montenegro. -In a short time, through the good offices of the Russian -Ambassador, they obtained leave to return to their homes; -but very soon, in concert with their Montenegrin friends, -they organised a <em>razzia</em> on the lands of the neighbouring -Mussulmans. Instead of nipping this incipient rebellion in -the bud and enquiring into its cause, the local authorities<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span> -temporised with its leaders and awaited instructions from -Constantinople as to how they were to proceed. Encouraged -by this impunity, and with the assurance of -external support, the insurgent bands rapidly increased in -numbers, and when at last the Government determined to -act, it found itself in presence of a serious rebellion. Essad -Pasha, well‐intentioned but weak, and preoccupied with -the serious outlook of affairs generally, accepted the -insidious offer of the Russian and Austrian Ambassadors -to intervene between the leaders of the bands and the -Supreme Government. No policy could have been more -fatal. It afforded the greatest possible encouragement to -the rebels, who considered the step an acknowledgment -by the Government of its own inability to deal with -the movement; it practically conceded belligerent rights -to the rebels, and it encouraged the habit and consecrated -the principle of interference by foreign governments in the -internal affairs of the empire.</p> - -<p>The hollowness of the offer was apparent the moment -the terms of surrender came to be discussed, and the net -result of this diplomatic comedy was, as was no doubt -intended, that what was at first an insignificant rising -of a handful of peasants was raised to the dignity of a -recognised rebellion that could negotiate on equal terms -with the Imperial Government through the medium of -foreign consuls and ambassadors.</p> - -<p>Mahmoud Nedim had now succeeded Essad Pasha as -Grand Vizier (1875), and as no effective measures were -taken to suppress the rising, it went on spreading from -village to village and district to district till the contagion -was caught in Bulgaria. There, in the beginning of 1874, -a commencement of unrest showed itself in the districts of -Drenova, Kazanlik, and Zagra; but the local authorities -(warned by what had taken place in the Herzegovina -through the neglect of initial precautions) had all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span> -leaders of the movement arrested. Thereupon General -Ignatieff made such energetic representations to the -Porte, that orders arrived not only for the release of the -imprisoned malcontents, but for the dismissal of all the -functionaries concerned in their arrest.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">6</a></p> - -<p>The effect of this novel and original mode of dealing -with an insurrection was soon apparent in the effervescence -and excitement it caused among the Mussulman population -throughout the province. They saw rebel bands, the -leaders of which were patronised and supported by foreign -consuls and diplomatists, being organised without disguise -and approaching their own hearths, whereas all defensive -measures on the part of their own natural leaders -were discountenanced and punished. They thereupon -resolved to take the matter into their own hands, and -formed vigilance committees and organised local bands -under the command of retired <em>zaptiés</em> throughout the -province.</p> - -<p>In such psychological conditions an explosion of -popular passions was certain sooner or later to take place. -The occasion for this was furnished by an incident that -occurred at Salonica on the 5th May 1875. This incident -was, with the Bulgarian insurrection and the Berlin Note, -one of the external difficulties that confronted the Govern<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span>ment, -and placed it in a very critical position. A young -Bulgarian girl had come by rail to Salonica from a neighbouring -village on the evening of the 5th May, accompanied -by a <em>hoadja</em>, with a view to making a declaration of -conversion to Mahomedanism before the Grand Council of -Salonica—a formality required by the law, as a preliminary -to her being married to a young Mahomedan of her village. -On her arrival at the station she was met by a mob of -Greeks and Bulgarians who pulled off her <em>yashmak</em> and -<em>feradje</em> (mantle and veil), and forcing her into a carriage, -in spite of the efforts of four <em>zaptiés</em> who came up in the -middle of the disturbance, drove her at a gallop to the -American Consulate, where the brother of the Vice‐Consul -(a Bulgarian), who had arranged the abduction, concealed -her during the night. The next day he had her removed -to the house of a friend, so that all trace of the girl should -be lost. But early next morning a Mussulman mob, comprising -(as in such occurrences is certain to be the case) the -worst and most violent sections of the population, had -assembled at the Konak and loudly demanded the restoration -of the girl and her appearance before the Grand -Council. As their demands were not complied with, they -retired to the Saatli Mosque, adjacent to the Governor’s -Konak, where they reiterated their demands for the restoration -of the girl. Unfortunately, by some fatality which -was never satisfactorily explained, the German and French -Consuls found their way into the mosque in the very midst -of excited Mussulmans. Whether they went there of their -own accord to remonstrate and argue with the people, or -approaching the scene of the demonstration were hustled -into the mosque, was never cleared up. But once they -appeared there, the frenzy of the mob burst all bounds, -and the most violent amongst them, pursuing the Consuls -into one of the apartments of the <em>Muderris</em> (Academy) in -connection with the mosque, fell on them with iron bars<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span> -hastily snatched from the windows of the mosque, and -murdered them on the spot. The English Consul, Mr -Blunt, accompanied by his <em>cavass</em>, seems to have been -the only one who kept his head on this occasion -and acted with presence of mind and sagacity; for, at -the risk of his own life, he forced his way to the Konak, -and when he found that the Governor could not effect the -restoration of the girl, which was the only way to calm the -mob and rescue the Consuls, he sent to the American Vice‐Consulate -to apprize Mr Lazaro, who was the cause of the -whole disturbance, of the perilous situation of his colleagues, -the French and German Consuls, and to implore him to -restore the girl. Unfortunately, Mr Lazaro at first procrastinated -and pretended that he did not know where the -girl was, and so precious time was lost; and when subsequently, -on a further appeal from Mr Consul Blunt, he -delivered up the girl, it was too late, for the crime -against the foreign Consuls who had intervened had been -accomplished.</p> - -<p>Although the Ottoman Government took immediate -steps to punish the authors of this crime—the six principal -leaders of which were immediately executed, and the -remainder punished with severe terms of penal servitude—the -effect of the outrage on the public opinion of Europe, -in the existing state of feeling in regard to Turkey, -can easily be conceived. It excited indignation everywhere; -but the anti‐Turkish Press, now pretty numerous, -seized on it with avidity and pointed to it as irrefragable -evidence of the incorrigible fanaticism of the whole Mussulman -population of the empire, and called for various -coercive measures, amounting in some cases to a combined -crusade, to protect the Christians in the country, now -threatened with wholesale massacre.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">7</a></p> - -<p>It was in vain that Europeans who had lived all their -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span>lives in the country, and were acquainted from personal -experience with the feelings and opinions of the inhabitants, -protested against these exaggerations and deprecated -their vain terrors. Colonel James Baker, an English resident -for twenty years in the neighbourhood of Salonica, where -he had been farming on a large scale, and whose occupation -had brought him in contact with all sorts and conditions -of men, Christian and Mahomedan alike, wrote a book -ridiculing these apprehensions, and communicating his -experiences of the harmony and good fellowship existing -among the adherents of both religions, with whom he had -for twenty years been brought into contact.</p> - -<p>But the experience of people living on the spot could -not stem the torrent of hostile prejudice fortified by such -dramatic examples as the murder of the Consuls at -Salonica. General Ignatieff, whose plans were being -admirably served by events, was not slow in lending the -weight of his authority to the propagation of these -imaginary terrors. He embodied 300 Montenegrin workmen -at Constantinople to serve as a body‐guard of his -Embassy, to the amusement of his more sensible colleagues, -who were quite aware of the baselessness of the fears that -were the pretext of these ostentatious precautions. But the -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mise en scène</i> contrived by the ingenious ambassador was -not the less effective, and these picturesque mountaineers -as they lounged about the streets of Pera, in their handsome -national costume, bristling with multifarious arms -in their embroidered sashes, were striking advertisements -of the terrible dangers that threatened all Christians in the -fanatical land of the Osmanli.</p> - -<p>Servia, too, was preparing to enter the lists. Although -without the shred of a grievance against the suzerain -Power, nor indeed alleging any, Prince Milan, moved -by the sole ambition to convert his principality into a -kingdom, had easily allowed himself to be drawn into the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span> -conspiracy of a concerted attack on the Ottoman Empire. -All the reserves of his army were called out and armed -with newly imported rifles; and trains full of Russian -officers of all grades and ranks, from Generals of divisions -to corporals and sergeants, arrived daily at the capital to -organise this militia into a fighting machine, and to drill -the raw peasants into soldiers. The whole country, in fact, -from Belgrade to Alexinatz, was an armed camp.</p> - -<p>Everything portended important developments for the -ensuing spring (1875). Early in the year, information -reached the Porte that a serious outbreak would take place -in Bulgaria in the month of April, and that the districts -of Philippopolis, Eski‐Zagra, and Tirnova would be the -scene of the explosion. The information which was very -detailed and supported by evidence as to its accuracy, was -accompanied by an earnest request by the authorities of the -threatened districts that a body of regular troops should -be despatched to the spot to inspire confidence in the -inhabitants and to protect the lives and property of peaceful -citizens. General Ignatieff again interfered, and in the -capacity of <em>amicus curiæ</em>, insisted that the presence of -regular troops would only inflame the passions of the -population and precipitate a crisis. Mahmoud Nedim -allowed himself to be persuaded by the Russian -Ambassador, and persisted in turning a deaf ear to the -reiterated requests of the local authorities for the despatch -of a regular force.</p> - -<p>Three weeks before the appointed day (16th April -1875) the anticipated rising took place. It was accompanied -by exactly the same incidents that had characterised -every previous rising that obeyed a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mot d’ordre</i> -from outside. The armed bands fell on the first -Mussulmans they met with, and massacred them all, -regardless of age or sex, with the obvious aim of provoking -reprisals that should play into the hands of the enemies of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span> -Turkey.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> These reprisals did, in fact, take place, and were, -no doubt, of a sanguinary and wholesale character. It is not -intended here to defend or condemn the atrocities that -took place on this occasion; but human nature being what -it is, and the provocation endured by the Mussulman -population being taken into account, and due allowance -being made for the contagion of passion and panic, it is no -great wonder if scenes were enacted in Bulgaria that -have marked revolution and <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">jacqueries</i> in all ages in -every part of the world; and perhaps still less if a confessedly -and bitterly hostile Press in Europe denounced -“methods of barbarism” with little sifting of evidence -and with much dramatic exaggeration. Party spirit has -occasionally not scrupled to apply exactly the same terms -without much reason to the methods of warfare of its own -regular troops. One fact was clearly and conclusively -established by the various commissions subsequently sent -to prosecute enquiries on the spot, viz., that not a single -instance occurred of an unarmed Christian being injured, -or of a Christian village being destroyed whose inhabitants -had not actually risen in armed rebellion. Fanaticism, in -the strict acceptation of the term, is not so discriminating.</p> - -<p>Matters had now come to such a pass that a general -cataclysm was to be apprehended. Bulgaria, Montenegro -and Herzegovina in flames, Servia arming to the -teeth under the supervision of competent foreign officers, -Roumania preparing to move in the same direction, -a bankrupt treasury at home, a Grand Vizier whose -sole resource seemed to be in the promises and counsels -of a perfidious ambassador, the arch‐enemy of his country, -and a sovereign wholly unconscious, or careless, of the -condition of the empire, provided his own extravagant -caprices were gratified—such was the aspect of affairs -in Turkey in the spring of 1876. But that was not all.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span></p> -<p>Under the spur of public opinion, and moved by secret -springs in the same direction, European diplomacy was -meddling with the matter. Rulers of State and masters -of many legions were holding meetings to discuss the -situation in the East, and “Notes” and “Memorandums” -were flying about the Chancellories of Europe. The -diplomatic outlook was quite as menacing as the situation -at home was critical.</p> - -<p>It was in such a condition of affairs that counsel -was being taken in Midhat’s Konak, among a few patriots -who did not yet despair of their country, as to the best -mode of saving the empire. But before the events that -led up to the deposition of the Sultan Abdul Aziz are -detailed, it will be useful to cast a glance at what was -passing in the diplomatic world in Europe.</p> - -<p>The first and most important event in this respect, -inasmuch as it was the key of all that subsequently -occurred, was the meeting of the Czar and the Emperor -of Austria at Reichstadt, 8th July 1876.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">9</a></p> - -<p>The outcome of that interview, with respect to Turkey, -is no secret to‐day, but twenty‐five years ago it was -certainly ignored in London, otherwise the negotiations -that took place between the English and Austrian Governments -relative to the contingency of an armed intervention -in the Turko‐Russian War—carried on through the -Austrian Embassy in London in the significant absence -of the Ambassador, which went so far as to discuss the -terms of a guaranteed war loan—would certainly not -have occurred. The acumen of the English Government -on this occasion would seem to have been somewhat -at fault, and the information that came to it from Vienna -strangely unreliable; for it acted, throughout negotiations -extending over two years, in undisturbed reliance on -the <em>bonâ fides</em> of the Austrian Chancellor’s assurances, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span>and apparently in a secure trust in the force of his Magyar -prejudices with respect to Russia. The fact is patent -to‐day—and was well known at Berlin, and was not ignored -in Paris—that Austria was, if not the actual instigator of -the Herzegovinian rising—which is by no means certain—the -Power that was determined to profit by it, and that -her whole policy and diplomatic action with respect to -the events that were taking place in the South‐East of -Europe was governed by this determination.</p> - -<p>The turning‐point of Austrian policy with respect -to Turkey has already been indicated: the abandonment -by England of Austria’s interests on the Danube left -her free, or even compelled her to have regard to what -she considered her own exclusive interests; and the -meeting of the two Emperors, at the breaking out of -the Herzegovinian disturbances, was the confirmation -of this change of policy.</p> - -<p>Two assurances seem to have been given by the -Czar at this now historic interview. First, that whatever -might be the outcome of events in Turkey, he would not -seek for Russia any territorial aggrandisement in Europe; -and secondly, with regard to Bosnia and Herzegovina, that -in the contingency of the continuance of disturbances there -he would not oppose the occupation of those provinces by -Austria if sanctioned by the rest of Europe.</p> - -<p>If this agreement had not been a secret one, and -the terms of it had been known or suspected in London, -does any one imagine that events would have followed -the course they did, or that the “Notes” and “Memorandums” -coming from Vienna and Berlin would have -been taken seriously by the English Cabinet? The -pact between the two Emperors, sealed at Reichstadt, -was quite as much at the expense of England in Asia -as of Turkey in Europe. It was a practical corollary -of Prince Bismarck’s avowed Eastern policy.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span></p> - -<p>There is only an academical interest now in pointing -out the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">rôle</i> that the personality of Count Andrassy and -his reputed Magyar sentiments played in all these transactions, -and it is not necessary to interrupt the course of -this narrative by dwelling on them.</p> - -<p>After the Andrassy Memorandum had prepared the -Cabinets of Europe for some sort of diplomatic interference -in the affairs of Turkey, and familiarised them with the -idea, the natural course of events in the Turkish Empire -did the rest. The ball set going at Vienna was taken -up at Berlin. The comparatively colourless diplomatic -Memorandum concocted in the first‐named capital was -followed by a far more coercive Note emanating from -the latter. The former contained recommendations, the -latter added external sanctions to them. The policy -intended to be pursued with reference to Turkey was -contained in germ in this remarkable “Note,” and the -diplomatic strategy to be employed was herein clearly -revealed. The “Conference,” which was to impose the -conditions and insist on the sanction, was already on -the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">tapis</i>, and formed the subject of an interchange of -views between the various European governments; and it -was, as it were, under the shadow of this menace to the -integrity and independence of the country that the -friends of Midhat now hastened their deliberations.</p> - -<p>As early as the winter of 1875, Midhat, with a view -of profiting by the lights, and seeking the advice of the -eminent diplomatist who represented the Court of St James -at Constantinople, paid a visit to Sir Henry Elliot, the -purpose of which can best be described in the words of -the Ambassador himself.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">10</a></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“In the beginning of December 1875, I was informed -by one of Midhat’s partisans, a Pasha who had filled some -of the highest offices of the State, that the object of his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span>party was to obtain a ‘Constitution.’ This was more than -a year before its promulgation, when it was declared to -have been invented only to defeat the Conference then -sitting at Constantinople.... A few days later Midhat -himself called upon me and explained his views more -fully than he had ever done before, though I was -acquainted with their general tenor. The Empire, he -said, was being rapidly brought to destruction; corruption -had reached a pitch that it had never before attained; -the service of the State was starved, while untold millions -were poured into the Palace, and the provinces were -being ruined by the uncontrolled exertions of governors -who purchased their appointments at the Palace, and -nothing could save the country but a complete change of -system. The only remedy that he could perceive, lay, -first, in securing a control over the sovereign by making -the Ministers—and especially as regarded the finances—responsible -to a national popular Assembly; and secondly -in making this Assembly truly national, by doing away -with all distinctions of classes and religions, and by -placing the Christians on a footing of entire equality with -the Mussulmans; thirdly, by decentralisation and by the -establishment of provincial control over the governors. -It must surely be admitted that these were enlightened -and statesmanlike views, deserving of every encouragement.... -He dwelt repeatedly on the value that the -sympathy of the British nation would be to the reformers, -and on the manner in which his countrymen were now -looking to England as the example they hoped to follow. -I told him in reply that I could not doubt that measures -framed upon the lines he had laid down must command -the approval and ensure the good wishes of every -Englishman who, like myself, had faith in the advantages -of constitutional checks upon arbitrary power. I gave -him this assurance confidently and in good faith; for -certainly the very last thing that I anticipated was that -those who in this country make the greatest parade of -their devotion to constitutional principles would be the -first to heap contumely upon men who were trying to -introduce it into theirs, and to hold up their proposals to -ridicule....”</p></div> - -<p>The first of the many incidents that soon after this -conversation began to follow each other closely, took<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span> -place on the 10th May 1876, when an assemblage of -several thousand Softas stopped Prince Izzeddine, the -Sultan’s eldest son, on his way to the Seraskierat -(Ministry of War), desiring him to return to the Palace, -and to inform the Sultan that they demanded the dismissal -of Mahmoud Nedim, the Grand Vizier and of Hassan -Fehmi Effendi, the Sheik‐ul‐Islam. The Sultan did not -venture to reject the demand. Mahmoud and Hassan -Fehmi were dismissed, the latter being replaced by -Hassan Hairullah Effendi, who enjoyed a high and -exceptional reputation for learning and enlightenment. -Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, an old man universally respected, -was named Grand Vizier; and as he insisted on Midhat -joining his Cabinet (although holding no specific office), it -was believed that he would be the guiding spirit, and general -satisfaction was felt. Sir Henry Elliot proceeds to say:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“This general satisfaction did not last long. The -Sultan quickly showed his determination to resist all -reforms by appointing to high posts several of the worst -of the old school of Pashas, and it then became so -evident to me that an attempt to depose him would -certainly very shortly be made, that on the 25th May I -put my conviction on record in a despatch in which I -wrote that the word ‘Constitution’ was in every mouth; -that the Softas, representing the intelligent public opinion -of the Capital, knowing themselves to be supported by -the bulk of the Nation—Christian as well as Mahomedan—would -not, I believed, relax their efforts till they obtained -it, and that should the Sultan refuse to grant it, an attempt -to depose him appeared almost inevitable; that texts -from the Koran were circulated proving to the faithful -that the form of Government sanctioned by it was properly -democratic, and that the absolute authority now wielded -by the Sovereign was an usurpation of the rights of the -people and not sanctioned by the Sacred Law; and both -texts and precedents were appealed to to show that -allegiance was not due to a Sovereign who neglected the -interests of the State. The disaffection, I said, now ran -through every class, and from the Pashas down to the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span>porters in the streets and the boatmen on the Bosphorus, -no one thought any longer of concealing his opinions.... -Within a week after my reports were written, the deposition -had been effected....”</p></div> - -<p>The two moving spirits in the deposition of Sultan -Abdul Aziz were undoubtedly Midhat Pasha and Hussein -Avni Pasha, the Minister of War (<em>seraskier</em>). The latter, -a thorough soldier and a sterling patriot, distinguished for -the great energy and decision of his character as well as -the impetuosity of his temper, had occupied the highest -military posts in the country, and had been repeatedly -exiled from Constantinople by the Sultan. He was -particularly feared and disliked by Mahmoud Nedim, -who had procured his banishment each time that he -had been made Grand Vizier. Although not sharing -all Midhat’s constitutional views and professing more -confidence in the efficacy of the sword than in the -saving grace of popular institutions, he had lent a -willing and energetic support to his colleague’s views as -to the indisputable necessity of deposing the Sultan as -a preliminary to any attempted amelioration in the condition -of the State.</p> - -<p>As soon as the final resolution of Ministers was arrived -at, and before any commencement of execution could be -given to it, it was indispensable to obtain a <em>Fetva</em> (authoritative -decree) of the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Hassan Hairullah, the -highest authority and mouthpiece of the Sacred Law, in -order to give legal validity to the act of deposition. -Accordingly the following <em>Fetva</em> was issued for the -deposition:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“If the Chief of the Faithful gives proof of mental derangement; -if he displays ignorance of State matters; if he -employs the public revenues for his personal expenditure, -beyond what the Nation and the State can support; if he -introduces confusion into political and spiritual concerns, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span>and if his continuance in power becomes injurious to the -nation, may he be deposed?”</p> - -<p>Answer: “The Cheri pronounces ‘Yes.’</p> - -<p class="center2">“Signed by the humble</p> - -<p class="right padr5">“<span class="smcap">Hassan Hairullah</span>,</p> - -<p class="right">“To whom God grant His indulgence.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>Djemaziel Evel</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxxxx</span>(30<i>th May</i> 1876.)</small></p></div> - -<p>Armed with this <em>Fetva</em>, Ministers decided on the -immediate execution of their plans, the details of which, -it was agreed, should be left to the Grand Vizier, to -Midhat, and to the Minister of War.</p> - -<p>There was a slight divergence of views between Midhat -and the Seraskier with reference to the form of procedure -which should accompany the deposition. Hussein Avni -inclined to a simple military <i lang="it" xml:lang="it">pronunciamento</i>, whereas -Midhat wished to give the consecration of popular sanction -to the act. For this purpose he proposed that the Softas -and the population of Stamboul should be convoked <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en -masse</i> to the Noure‐Osmanieh Mosque, where they should -set forth the griefs of the nation and demand a change of -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">régime</i>; and that on this demand being refused or ignored, -they should proceed at once to the execution of the decree -of deposition. The majority of Ministers inclined to this -latter method of proceeding; but a circumstance occurred -which necessitated a change of plans and determined the -abandonment of the proposal for a popular demonstration.</p> - -<p>The 31st May was chosen for the execution of the -plan agreed upon. On the eve of that day information -reached Midhat from a woman of the Palace that the -Sultan had had wind of the affair, and that the whole plot -was about to be discovered. This was corroborated by -the fact that twice that same day Hussein Avni had been -peremptorily summoned to the Palace, although on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span> -first summons he had pleaded illness as a reason for -disregarding it.</p> - -<p>It was decided thereupon by the Ministers to anticipate -the hour fixed upon, and to proceed at once with the -execution of their design.</p> - -<p>At midnight accordingly, of the 30th of May, Mehemet -Rushdi and Midhat, accompanied each by a single -attendant carrying a lamp, proceeded to Sirkedji to -embark on a <em>caïque</em><a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> for Pachalimani on the Bosphorus, -the residence of Hussein Avni. It was a pitch‐dark night -with rain falling in torrents, and it was with some difficulty -that they reached the place of rendezvous. Here they -found Hussein Avni anxiously waiting for them, and after -a hurried interview in which the final dispositions were -made, they separated to their respective posts. Hussein -Avni started for the palace of Dolma‐Bagtche, whilst -Rushdi and Midhat proceeded to the Seraskierat.</p> - -<p>It had been decided that the Ministers and high civil -and military dignitaries should assemble at the War Office -and await the arrival of Prince Murad, whom Hussein -Avni had undertaken to conduct there in person; and -that as soon as he should arrive, the proclamation and -investiture of the Prince as the new Sultan should take -place. It was further arranged that immediately on the -arrival of the Prince a bonfire should be lit on the tower -of the Seraskierat, as a signal to the fleet of what was -taking place, and thereupon a Royal salute should be -fired by Kaisserli Ahmed’s ironclads, to announce to the -whole city the commencement of a new reign.</p> - -<p>Hussein Avni, proceeding in the direction of the -Palace, was, according to preconcerted arrangement, met -by Suleiman Pasha, to whom the delicate task of executing -the measures necessary to be taken at the Palace had -been entrusted.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span></p> -<p>Suleiman Pasha, marshal in the army and director‐in‐chief -of the school of military cadets at Pancaldi, the -trusted lieutenant and right‐hand man of Hussein Avni, -himself a strong partisan of Midhat Pasha and the young -hope of the Reform Party, was the very man to carry -out an operation requiring careful preparation and unflinching -resolution for its successful execution.</p> - -<p>The troops in the barracks of Tash‐Kishla and -Kumuch‐Suyou had already received their orders from -Redif Pasha, the commander of the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">corps d’armée</i> of -Constantinople, and had been so posted as to blockade -all approaches by land. The fleet of ironclads under the -personal command of Kaiseli Ahmed, the captain Pasha, -had taken the same precautions by sea, so that nothing -remained but to disarm the sentinels and <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">corps de garde</i> -along the immediate approaches to the Palace. Suleiman, -taking with him a selected body of military students from -Pancaldi, under the command of Ahmed Bey (colonel) and -Bedry and Rifat Beys (captains), after successfully performing, -without disturbance but not without some opposition, -the delicate operation of disarmament, hastened to -the apartments of Prince Murad. Although the Prince -had been made aware of the intentions of the Ministers, -and had acquiesced in their general arrangements, it had -been found impossible to acquaint him with the change of -date resolved upon. He, therefore, fearing some surprise -or treachery, hesitated for some time before he could be -induced to comply with Suleiman’s urgent request that -he should immediately join Hussein Avni, who was waiting -for him in a carriage at the gates of the Palace to drive -him to the Seraskierat, where his proclamation and investiture -as the new sovereign were to take place. At -one moment it looked as if the solemn drama about to -be enacted would have to be played out with the part of -the “Prince of Denmark” omitted.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span></p> - -<p>Having surmounted this unexpected difficulty and -despatched Murad on his way to the Seraskierat, -Suleiman proceeded to discharge the second and more -distasteful part of the mandate confided to him. Making -his way to the Imperial apartments, and overcoming -the hesitation of the attendants by presenting an -order signed by all the Ministers, he peremptorily -demanded to be immediately led into the presence of -the Sultan. The demand being at last complied with, -he proceeded to communicate to Abdul Aziz the justification -of his intrusion, and read to him the <em>fetva</em> of -the deposition. Whilst the Sultan and Suleiman were -engaged in parleying, the big guns of Ahmed’s ironclads -were heard booming in the distance. Abdul Aziz at once -took in the import of the firing, and from that moment -yielded to the inevitable. He prepared to comply with the -order communicated to him to quit the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche -for that of Top‐Kapou, which had been assigned -as a residence for him.</p> - -<p>The new Sultan confirmed all his Ministers in their -posts, addressing the following letter to the Porte:—</p> - -<p class="center"><i>To my Grand Vizier and very patriotic Mehemet Rushdi -Pasha</i>—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“By the favour of the Almighty and the will of my -subjects, we have ascended the throne of our ancestors, -and by reason of your patriotism and ability in the discharge -of your duties as Grand Vizier, we confirm you and -all your colleagues in your former posts. The numerous -difficulties experienced for some time past both in our -domestic affairs and foreign relations, have produced uneasiness -in the public mind, and caused detriment to the -material and territorial interests of the country. The -necessity of amending this state of things and of adopting -remedial measures such as shall insure the happiness -and secure the confidence of our subjects, imposes itself -imperatively upon us; and to effect these purposes, it -is absolutely necessary to organise the administration of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span>the State on a basis of stability and justice. Our exclusive -attention will be directed to this end, and for this purpose -we desire that our Ministers, after due deliberation, shall -submit to us for our approbation their views on the means -by which, whilst respecting the laws of the Cheri and of -Justice, the organisation of our Empire in accordance with -the wants and requirements of our people can be effected, -with the view of procuring to all our subjects alike, without -distinction or restriction, the completest liberty compatible -with order; and, moreover, that our Ministers shall -communicate to us their views on the application of such -just laws and regulations as shall be calculated to consolidate -and unify the national and patriotic sentiments of all -our subjects. It is clear, moreover, that in order to obtain -these objects, it is indispensable to reorganise the Council -of State, the Ministers of Justice, as well as of public -Institutions and of the Finances, as well as other departments -of State; and it is, moreover, evident that one of the -principal reforms of all will consist in establishing on a -sound foundation the financial situation of the Empire, and -in taking steps that no expenditure shall be tolerated that -shall not have been provided for by the Budget of the -State, by which measures it may be hoped that public -credit and confidence will be restored. In order to help -to obtain this result, we hereby diminish our Civil list by -the sum of £T300,000, and surrender to the State the -coal‐mines of Heraclia and the other mines and manufactories -appertaining to the Civil list; and we recommend -that like economies shall be effected in all the various -branches of the administration, so as to establish an -equilibrium in our finances. Our liveliest desire is for -a continuance of intimate relations with all the friendly -Powers, by the strictest observance of treaty obligations, -and all our efforts will be directed to this end, and we -pray the Almighty to crown them with success.</p> - -<p><small>“9 <i>Djemaziel Evel</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> -<span class="h">xxxxxx</span>(2<i>nd June</i> 1876.)</small></p></div> - -<p>Besides the retention of their portfolios by all the -Ministers, Kemal Bey (the best known and most distinguished -poet and litterateur of Turkey) and Zia Bey -(equally celebrated as a poet and patriot) were appointed -as his private secretaries, and Sadullah Bey (well known<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span> -for his liberal sympathies and opinions) made chief of the -Sultan’s secretariat—important guarantees for the smooth -working of the machinery of State, and security against -the revival of the old pernicious intrigues of the Palace -against the Ministers of the Porte. Murad had, moreover, -undertaken to promulgate the Constitution prepared by -Midhat and his colleagues at the earliest date compatible -with the despatch of urgent public business.</p> - -<p>So far everything seemed to favour the Reformers. A -revolution of the most fundamental character, involving -the destruction of autocratic power in Turkey, and -carrying the promise of a Constitution which would lay -the foundations at any rate of stable government in the -country, effected not only without bloodshed or disturbance -of any kind, but with the assent and approval -of all classes and creeds in the land, and with a new -sovereign on the throne known sincerely to share the -views of his Ministers and the aspirations of his people, all -this seemed to ensure the prospect of healing the wounds -of the much afflicted land of the Osmanli, and of opening -up a new era of progress and prosperity in the East.</p> - -<p>But suddenly a cloud, not bigger than a man’s hand, -lowered over the destinies of the country, and from this -time the stars in their courses fought against Turkey, and -violently set back the date of the promised era of -prosperity.</p> - -<p>On the eventful night of the 30th‐31st May, during -the drive with Murad to the Seraskierat, Hussein Avni -had perceived that the Prince was suffering from violent -nervous excitement, and these symptoms were still further -accentuated in the return journey to the Palace of -Dolma‐Bagtche after the ceremony of investiture was -over—so much so that Midhat Pasha, who accompanied -him, thought it prudent to remain in the Palace, without -quitting it, for three days. The physicians called in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span> -consultation did not at first take a grave view of the -case, and sanguine hopes were entertained that, in a -short time, by pursuing the regimen of repose and hygiene -recommended by these authorities, Sultan Murad would -rapidly recover his health and be able to discharge the -duties incumbent on him. Dr Lamsdorf of Vienna, the -celebrated specialist, made a very favourable diagnosis of -the case. A happy issue of this most unfortunate and -inopportune malady was now generally hoped for and -expected, when two startling events occurred in rapid -succession, each seriously aggravating and affecting the -Sultan Murad’s nervous condition of health, and together -fatally compromising the hope of rapid recovery.</p> - -<p>The first of these tragedies referred to was enacted in -the Palace of Tcheragan, five days after the dethronement -of the late Sultan. Abdul Aziz, whose imperious temper -could ill brook the change of destiny that had overtaken -him, had already made one or two unsuccessful attempts, -which were with difficulty thwarted, to throw himself out -of the windows of the Palace. On the morning of the 5th -June, he asked for a pair of scissors with which to trim his -beard. On the attendants demurring to comply with -this request, the Valide Sultan ordered the scissors to be -given to her son. Shortly after this, the ladies of her -suite, looking out of a window of a corridor that commanded -a view on the room occupied by the late Sultan, -saw him sitting quietly in an armchair with his back -turned to the window; but shortly afterwards, perceiving -that his head had dropped on his lap, they ran to the -door and tried to open it. Finding it locked, and fearing -a catastrophe, they ran screaming to the Valide Sultan -and informed her of what they suspected. Orders being -given to break into the room, they found Abdul Aziz -sitting in the posture already described, and in a pool of -blood flowing from two wounds in his arms, evidently<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span> -caused by the scissors, which had fallen beside him on -the floor. The physicians, who were hastily summoned, -could only confirm the apprehension that life was extinct, -and the Ministers, immediately apprised of the fact -of the tragedy, ordered an immediate examination of -the body to be made by all the available medical men -in Constantinople, hastily summoned to draw up an -official report on the subject. Seventeen medical men -of all nationalities, comprising all the most distinguished -in the city and in the Embassies of the great Powers, -signed a unanimous report to the effect that death was -undoubtedly due to suicide, and handed the following -certificate:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“The year 1876 <span class="smcap">A.D.</span>, on the 23rd of May, O.S., the -4th of June, N.S., or the year of the Hegira, the 11th of -the month of Djemazi‐el‐ewel 1293, Sunday, at 11 o’clock -<span class="smcap">A.M.</span>, we, the undersigned doctors of medicine, namely, -Marco Pasha, Nouri Pasha, Julius Millingen, Caratheodori, -Sotto, Dickson, Marroin, Nouridjian, Spadare, Vitalis, -S. Spagnolo, Marc Markel, Jatropoulo, Miltiadi Bey, -Abdinour Effendi, Mustafa Effendi, Servet Bey, Mehmed -Bey and Jacques de Castro, being summoned by the -ministry by order of His Imperial Majesty to ascertain -the cause of the death of the ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz, -proceeded to the guard‐house situated near the Imperial -Palace of Tcheragan. There we were ushered into a -chamber on the ground floor and found a body lying -on a mattress on the floor. The body was covered with -a new white linen cloth. On removing this cloth we -recognised the ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz. All the parts of -the body were cold and bloodless, pale, or covered with -coagulated blood. The corpse was not rigid, the eyelids -were partially unclosed, the corneæ were slightly opaque, -the mouth partly open. Linen cloths, soaked in blood -covered the arms and legs. On lifting the linen coverings -on the arms we discovered a gash near the joint of the -left arm five centimetres long and three centimetres deep. -The edges of the wound were hacked and irregular. The -direction of the wound was from above to below, and -from inside to outside. The veins of this region were -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span>cut, and the cubital artery at its emerging point was -three‐fourths severed. At the joint of the right arm we -discovered a wound, slightly oblique, also hacked, two -centimetres long and one centimetre deep. On this side -the wounds were only in the smaller veins; the arteries -were intact.</p> - -<p>“We were shown a pair of scissors ten centimetres -long, very sharp, one point of which bore a small lateral -projection near its summit. The scissors were stained -with blood, and we were told that the ex‐Sultan Abdul -Aziz had with these scissors inflicted upon himself the -wounds above described.</p> - -<p>“We then proceeded to the residence of the late -Sultan, where we were ushered into a large chamber -looking on to the sea. There we found in the corner of -a sofa, placed near a window, a pool of blood spread -over that article of furniture, and on the matting of the -floor a great quantity of coagulated blood in one mass, -and further several stains spread over the room.</p> - -<p>“From what precedes we are unanimously of opinion:—</p> - -<p>“1. That the death of the ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz was -caused by the loss of blood produced by the wounds -of the blood‐vessels at the joints of the arms.</p> - -<p>“2. That the instrument shown to us could certainly -produce such wounds.</p> - -<p>“3. That the direction and nature of the wounds, -together with the instrument which is said to have -produced them, lead us to conclude that suicide had -been committed.</p> - -<p>“In witness whereof we have accordingly drawn up -and signed the present minute of proceedings at the -guard‐house of Tcheragan on the day, month and year -aforesaid.</p> - -<p class="center">“<i>Signed</i>:</p> - -<p>“Dr Marco, Nouri, A. Sotto, Physician attached to -the Imperial and Royal Embassy of Austria‐Hungary; -Dr Spagnolo, Marc Markel, Jatropoulo, Abdinour, Servet, -J. de Castro, A. Marroin, Julius Millingen, C. Caratheodori; -E. D. Dickson, Physician of the British Embassy; Dr -O. Vitalis, Physician of the Sanitary Board; Dr E. -Spadare, J. Nouridjian, Miltiadi Bey, Mustafa, Mehmed.”</p></div> - -<p>The body was transferred to Top‐Kapou and buried -in the mausoleum of Sultan Mahmoud.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span></p> - -<p>Ten days after the tragedy at the Palace of Tcheragan -the news of which had deeply affected Sultan Murad, -another quickly followed, in some respects of a still more -startling character, and calculated to prostrate still further -a mind already unhinged.</p> - -<p>A Circassian captain, formerly aide‐de‐camp of the -Sultan Abdul Aziz, one Hassan by name, on whom -certain suspicion of violent intentions rested, had been -ordered to Bagdad, and on his showing signs of -recalcitrancy, he was imprisoned for insubordination by -orders of Hussein Avni, the Minister of War. Feigning -submission, he was released after two days’ detention. -On the 15th June, during a Cabinet Council which was -being held at the house of Midhat Pasha, and at which -all the Ministers were present, Tcherkess Hassan, armed -with no less than six revolvers, forcing the consigne -without much difficulty, managed to penetrate into the -room where the Council was sitting, and advancing straight -up to Hussein Avni, discharged a barrel of a revolver -at him, and turning sharply on Reshid Pasha, the -Minister of Foreign Affairs, shot him dead on the spot. -The Minister of Marine, Kaisserli Ahmed, threw himself -on the assassin and tried to disarm him, but he was -immediately stabbed with a poniard that Hassan carried -in his left hand. Hussein Avni, although severely -wounded, managed to make his way to the staircase, -but Hassan, following him, struck at him furiously in the -neck with his dagger and despatched him. Returning to -the Council room he discharged his revolvers promiscuously -all around him, smashing the chandelier suspended in -the middle of the room, and consequently plunging the -room into darkness. It was this that probably saved the -lives of the remaining Ministers, for Kaisserli Ahmed, -though wounded, and Mehemet Rushdi, and Halid -succeeded in escaping into an adjoining boudoir, where<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span> -they barricaded the door against their furious assailant, -who, having despatched the War Minister, seemed chiefly -bent on wreaking vengeance on the Minister of Marine. -Midhat escaped by a miracle, and by slipping off his -coat, the sleeve of which he left in the hand of Hassan -who had seized it in the darkness. One of Midhat’s -servants, Ahmed Aga, on hearing the firing, had rushed -into the room and tried to seize the assassin from -behind, but Hassan turned sharply on him and shot -him dead. The same fate attended Chukri Bey, the -aide‐de‐camp of the Minister of Marine, who also rushed -in to the rescue. At last a guard of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmerie</i> appeared -on the scene, and a regular fusillade ensued between the -Circassian at bay and the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmes</i> reinforced by a picket -of soldiers; it was only then, after a regular pitched battle, -that this determined criminal was at length overpowered -and seized.</p> - -<p>He was very soon afterwards tried, and hanged in -due course, stoutly denying to the last that he had any -accomplices.</p> - -<p>The effect of these compound tragedies on the mind -of the Sultan Murad was disastrous. His recovery, -sanguine hopes of which had been held out by Dr -Lamsdorf, the famous specialist summoned from Vienna -to give his opinion on the state of the Sultan’s health, -seemed destined to be indefinitely postponed. Two -parties, holding distinct views on the situation and the -manner it should be dealt with, now showed themselves -among the Ministers and the high Court officials. -Mehemet Rushdi especially, the old experienced vizier -and the majority of Ministers well aware of the favourable -disposition of Sultan Murad towards the cause of reform, -and very averse to taking a plunge in the dark, leant to the -opinion that patience should be exercised and reasonable -time given for the recovery of the Sultan’s health.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span></p> - -<p>But another and very active party had in the meantime -been formed, of which Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin Pasha -(the Sultan’s brother‐in‐law) was the moving spirit, and -which included, together with some high Palace officials, -one or two of the influential marshals, such as Redif -Pasha, the commander of the Constantinople <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">corps d’armée</i> -and under the influence of Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin. -This party—as far as it could be said to have been based -on any particular political opinions, and not on the simple -ground of ambition and the desire to exercise a preponderating -influence in the future <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">régime</i>—consisted of -the men who had acquiesced, and even participated, in -the dethronement of the late Sultan, but did not share, -and some of them were even bitterly opposed to, the -constitutional views advocated by Midhat and the reforming -party. Borne along by the current of events which -they would have been impotent to resist, they would -have constituted a helpless minority in the State without -power or influence, if they had had to do with a reforming -Sultan on the throne, a palace where men like Zia Bey, -and Kemal Bey were the guiding spirits, and the party of -reform in strong possession of the Porte. The prospect, -however, of being able to change the occupant of the -throne and place their own candidate upon it afforded -them the precious opportunity of upsetting the whole -edifice of reform, of themselves seizing the chief power of -the State, and turning the revolution that had been -accomplished to their own exclusive advantage. It was -less a victory of reaction than a triumph of ambition.</p> - -<p>Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin was a very ignorant -and uncultivated man, and though careless and without -a conviction in respect to political opinions, he enjoyed -the reputation of being neither careless nor indifferent -with respect to matters of personal or pecuniary concern -to himself. On the other hand, he was endowed with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span> -great, almost brutal, determination of character, and was -utterly reckless as to the means of carrying out his -ends. His position of Damad (brother‐in‐law to the -Sultan) gave him great influence in the Palace, and -at the same time secured him weight in the Councils -of the State. He was the very soul of the anti‐reform -conspiracy.</p> - -<p>Having described Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin, the -character of his lieutenant, Redif Pasha, can be described -in a sentence: he was Damad Mahmoud <em>in petto</em>. -Whatever qualities distinguished the master were conspicuous -in the lieutenant, and only in a less degree, -inasmuch as he was physically of a somewhat less -robust nature. He had, like Mahmoud, lent himself -with all the weight of his military position to the -dethronement of Abdul Aziz, but he viewed with an -evil eye the advance of reform, and still more the -triumph of the reformers.</p> - -<p>These two men practically constituted the central -power of the conspiracy, for those who co‐operated with -them were scarcely admitted into the inner councils or -secret plans of the Duumvirate, although themselves the -willing participators in the conspiracy.</p> - -<p>Among them was Djevdet Pasha, Minister of Justice, -who, during all the stirring events of the Vizierate of -Mehemet Rushdi, had been lying low in the Cabinet waiting -for the opportune moment to show his colours and -take part in the overthrow of the ministry.</p> - -<p>Whilst enumerating the instruments of Mahmoud’s -ambition, it would be impossible to omit the names of two -other men who, although they had not yet emerged into the -notoriety which they were soon to enjoy, were indispensable -tools of Mahmoud’s ambition, and powerfully contributed -to the success of his plans. These were the two -Saïds. The one was brother‐in‐law of Mahmoud, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span> -destined for the important post of first aide‐de‐camp to -the Sultan Abdul Hamid. He was generally known as -“Ingless Saïd Pasha,” for his having been educated at -Woolwich, and though entirely wanting in initiative or -political convictions, was naturally of a frank and loyal -disposition, not deficient in energy, and an invaluable -coadjutor in carrying out the views of his brother‐in‐law. -With Redif Pasha he formed the third member of the -Triumvirate, which Mahmoud intended should, during the -succeeding reign, govern the country. The other Saïd, of -whom a great deal more will have to be said hereafter, -was known, on account of his small stature, as “Saïd -Kutchouk” (small), and when he reaches the dignity of -Pasha, it will be necessary to distinguish him from the -other Saïd by this appellation. He was supposed to be -the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">âme damnée</i> of Mahmoud, especially by Mahmoud -himself, who destined him for the important confidential -post of First Secretary to the Sultan.</p> - -<p>Without any doubt, Damad’s plans were well conceived, -and his net was well spread. The post of Vice‐Sultan he -reserved for himself.</p> - -<p>Behind these were marshalled the whole phalanx of -Reaction, and the Konak of Mahmoud become the Cave -of Adullam of all the malcontents.</p> - -<p>The means of action were not wanting to the conspirators -in this respect; indeed, the material to their -hand was only too abundant. A sovereign of unsound -mind is not recognised by the Ottoman Constitution. -The girding of the Padishah with the sword of Osman, -as an essential part of the ceremony of investiture, was -to the Ottoman sovereigns what the sacred oil of Rheims -was to the kings of France, and this ceremony had not -taken place.</p> - -<p>No Sultan, moreover, had ever before absented himself -from attendance at the mosque on Friday, and the Selam<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span>lik -that follows. The public anxiety and excitement on -the subject were genuine and universal. Public affairs, -too, were suffering: the Constitution was, in a double sense, -suspended; the new Constitution could not be promulgated, -and the old Constitution, such as it was, could -not be worked; the mainspring of the machinery of State -was deranged. Foreign diplomacy, too, was beginning to -take an active part in the matter. The ambassadors and -envoys from foreign States were asking to whom, and -when, they could present their credentials. The Russian -Embassy—that seemed to have better information relative -to Prince Hamid’s character than Ministers themselves—was -particularly persistent and active in this respect. It was -evident that the crisis could not be indefinitely prolonged.</p> - -<p>In these circumstances, it was resolved by Ministers -that Midhat should go to Muslou‐Oglou, where Prince -Hamid, heir presumptive to the throne, resided, in order -to ascertain by a personal interview with him whether -Ministers could rely on his co‐operation to carry out the -important reforms that they had in hand, should it become -absolutely necessary to remove Murad from the throne, -and in that event, to agree to certain clear and definite -stipulations with the Prince as conditions of their support.</p> - -<p>These stipulations were the following:—</p> - -<p>1. To promulgate without delay the new Constitution.</p> - -<p>2. To act in matters of State only with the advice of -his responsible advisers.</p> - -<p>3. To appoint Zia Bey and Kemal Bey his private -secretaries, and to make Sadullah Bey the head of the -Palace Secretariat.</p> - -<p>The importance attached by Midhat and Rushdi to -this last condition was very great. It afforded a guarantee -against those intrigues of the Palace which had ship‐wrecked -so many schemes of reform, and prevented, so far -as was possible, a renewal of that mute opposition between<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span> -the Palace and the Porte which had existed for centuries, -and had paralysed the efforts of so many Ministers.</p> - -<p>At this historical interview at Muslou‐Oglou Prince -Hamid evidently “played a deep game” with Midhat -Pasha. He promised all and more than all that was -asked of him. He pretended to opinions more advanced -than the most advanced of his Ministers, and in favour of -even a more democratic Constitution than the one elaborated. -The other condition he accepted without demur.</p> - -<p>On receiving these clear and emphatic declarations, -Midhat returned to Stamboul and reported the result of -his interview to the assembled Ministers, who thereupon -resolved to take the decisive step and put Prince Hamid -on the throne in the place of his brother Murad.</p> - -<p>As on the occasion of the dethronement of the Sultan -Abdul Aziz, it was necessary to obtain a <em>Fetva</em> from the -Sheik‐ul‐Islam to the effect that the contemplated step -was in accordance with the Sacred Law. Mehemet Rushdi -thereupon demanded an official report from six principal -physicians in Constantinople—of whom four belonged to -the Embassies of the Great Powers—who, after examination -of Murad, handed to him the following certificates:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“On the 31st of the month August, 1876, Chaban 11: -1293 Hegira, we have made a report on the health of -His Majesty Sultan Murad, and come to certain conclusions -which we hereby confirm, and add thereto the -following opinion, viz. that even should the Sultan Murad -after a long lapse of time, contrary to expectation, recover -his intellectual faculties, these can never recover their normal -condition.”</p> - -<p>“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Castro</span>.<br /> - -<span class="smcap padl4">Akif.</span><br /> - -<span class="smcap padl4">Dickson</span>, <cite>Physician to English Embassy</cite>.<br /> - -<span class="smcap padl4">Marroin</span>, <cite>Physician to French Embassy</cite>.<br /> - -<span class="smcap padl4">Muhlig</span>, <cite>Physician to German Embassy</cite>.<br /> - -<span class="smcap padl4">Sotto</span>, <cite>Physician to Austro‐Hungarian Embassy</cite>.”<br /> -</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span></p> - -<p>Thereupon Mehemet Rushdi made a speech to the -people gathered together to hear the report of these -physicians at the Palace of Top‐Kapou.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Our sovereign, the Emperor Murad,” he said, “has been -enabled to reign for only twelve days, but during that time -he has been afflicted with an illness which, in spite of all the -efforts of human science, has shown no amendment. His -intellectual faculties are in a state of great feebleness, and -the physicians pronounce them incurable. Nevertheless -we have waited for the expiration of the legal delay, and -this delay has now expired. This is the sum total of the -truth of the matter. Let us be informed of what, under -such circumstances, the law of the Cheri dictates.”</p></div> - -<p>The assembled crowd expressed its sense of the -justice of these words, and the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Hassan -Hairullah, gave the following <em>Fetva</em>:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“If the Commander of the Faithful is suffering from -mental alienation and if the exercise of his function is -thereby rendered impracticable, can he be deposed?</p> - -<p>“Answer: The Cheri says ‘Yes.’</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Hassan Hairullah</span>,</p> - -<p class="right">“To whom God grant His indulgence.</p> - -<p><small>“12 <i>Chaban</i> 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> - (1<i>st September</i> 1876.)</small></p></div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER IV<br /><br /> - -<small>ABDUL HAMID SULTAN</small></h2> - -<p>The act of dethronement of Sultan Murad V. was -now accomplished. On Thursday, 1st September 1876, -Prince Hamid, surrounded by all the great Civil and -Military dignitaries of the State, descended the Grand -Rue of Pera on horseback, on his way to Top‐Kapou -at Stamboul. The people thronged in large crowds to -see the procession, but dazed by the series of dramatic -events that were so rapidly succeeding one another, they -viewed the spectacle with silence and without enthusiasm. -There seemed a feeling of anxiety in the air as of the -prescience of future evils.</p> - -<p>From Stamboul the Prince passed in a State <em>caïque</em> -to the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche. Monday, the 15th of -the month Chaban, was fixed for the reception of the -Biat (first ceremony of the investiture), and on that day -a deputation of notabilities of Finance, accompanied by -the chiefs of the five non‐Mussulman communities, headed -by Jean Lorando, presented the Sultan elect with an -address of congratulation in the name of the city of -Galata, and to this the Sultan made the following reply:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“I thank you for your congratulations; I have only -one desire, and that is the progress of our country and -peace for all our subjects. They will perceive by the -logic of facts the fulfilment of the promise of the reforms -made to them. They, too, on their part, must, in order -to enjoy these privileges, give proof of the strict observance -of the duties incumbent on them.”</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span></p> - -<p>To his Ministers he made a short speech, counselling -union and agreement among themselves as the condition -and symbol of union among all the subjects of the empire, -and “counselled and ordered” them to prove their union -by their acts.</p> - -<p>The following Thursday, 18th of the month Chaban, -was fixed for the great ceremony of investiture. On the -morning of that day Abdul Hamid embarked in a <em>caïque</em> -for Eyoub, the suburb on the Golden Horn, where the -sword of Osman and the other sacred relics are kept, and -on his passage thither he was saluted by the guns of the -fleet anchored there, and the shout of the sailors manning -the yards, “Padishahim tchok Yasha!”</p> - -<p>After the important ceremony here was over, and the -investiture of the new Padishah was thus completed, he proceeded, -according to usage, to the mausoleum of Selim I., -the founder of the Ottoman Caliphate, and thence to -the mausoleum of Abdul Medjid, his father and the father -of Murad, and lastly to the Palace of Top‐Kapou, where -the mantle of the Prophet and the sacred Banner are -deposited; and at night, the ceremony of this important -day being over, he returned to the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche, -where the ceremony of the investiture was -completed.</p> - -<p>Girt with the sword of Osman, Hamid II. reigned -over Turkey, and the dark gloom of the Hamidian epoch -was now about to settle over the land of the Osmanli.</p> - -<p>On leaving the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche that night -old Mehemet Rushdi, turning to his colleagues, said to -them: “We have been in a great hurry to get rid of -Murad. May we never have cause to repent what we -have done.”</p> - -<p>With these quasi‐prophetic words on his lips, feeling -no doubt that a new era of struggles was about to open -for which younger men were required, the veteran Grand<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span> -Vizier, who had piloted the country through one <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup d’état</i>, -and had very unwillingly assisted at a second dethronement, -in consideration of his great age and feeble state -of health, requested to be relieved of the duties of Grand -Vizier. His request was granted, but three months after, -Midhat, universally designated for the post, was nominated -as his successor. These three months were passed under -the Grand Vizierate of Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, but it was -Midhat who was leader of the Cabinet, and Mehemet -Rushdi was only the mouthpiece of Midhat, until the -latter finally replaced him on the 16th December -1876.</p> - -<p>The first audience accorded by the new sovereign -to foreign envoys was to Count Zichy, the Austro‐Hungarian -Ambassador, accompanied by the Secretary -of his Embassy. Safvet Pasha, the Minister of Foreign -Affairs, was present. The audience lasted one hour, and -turned exclusively on the affairs of Herzegovina, the -ambassador laying stress on the gravity of the events -passing there, the anxiety and expenses that disturbances -on its borders caused the Dual Empire, and exhortations -to the new sovereign to listen to the advice of the -friendly Powers. All this was, as we have seen, in the -strictest conformity with the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">rôle</i> that Austria had been -playing for two years. Having set light to the gunpowder -in her neighbour’s house, she quoted to that neighbour -the familiar proverb, “Proximus ardet Ucalegon,” and -warned him of the consequences.</p> - -<p>The next audience was granted to the Russian -Ambassador, General Ignatieff, recently returned from -St Petersburg with the last instructions from his Court. -The tone that the ambassador and envoys of Russia, the -Strogonoffs, and Mentchikoffs, and Ignatieffs, had rendered -familiar to the Porte on its communications on critical -occasions, was not absent on this occasion:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“His Majesty the Emperor, my master, officially -informed of Your Majesty’s accession to the throne, has -conferred on me the signal honour to represent him at -Your Majesty’s court. The friendly relations of the -two countries may continue on the condition of the -interests of both being assured. His Majesty the -Emperor cannot view with indifference what is passing -in the Ottoman Empire, possessing, as it does, the -commercial routes of the Black Sea and the Mediterranean, -and a portion of the inhabitants of which is of the same -religion as his own.</p> - -<p>“It is to the interest of our country that peace should -reign in Turkey, and my country desires that late sad -events should not be renewed, and that peace should be -assured. His Majesty the Emperor is aware of the -difficulties and critical moments that accompanied the -accession of Your Majesty, and is convinced that the -troubles will disappear, and that the re‐establishment of -peace in the interior will be secured. His Majesty the -Emperor prays for the success of Your Majesty.”</p></div> - -<p>To this speech the Sultan made answer in a few -appropriate words:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“More even than the Emperor of Russia ... I desire -the progress of Turkey, peace in my provinces, and my -most ardent desire is to secure the happiness of my -people.”</p></div> - -<p>Hardly had Abdul Hamid mounted the throne than -the conflict between the two parties already described, -commenced. The first act of the new reign was to -appoint the <em>personnel</em> of the Imperial Household. Damad -Mahmoud Djelaleddin Pasha was named Grand Marshal -of the Palace, and Saïd (Ingless) Pasha, first aide‐de‐camp -to the Sultan. To these no objections had been raised or -conditions imposed. Their duties had reference to what -might be considered the more strictly household functions of -the Palace, and their appointment lay within the exclusive -domain of the sovereign’s personal choice. But it was -very different with the office of First Secretary to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span> -Sultan (or his successor) inasmuch as this important -functionary has always been the right hand and mouthpiece -of the sovereign, and the person by whom and -through whom all communications pass between Ministers -and the Sultan; and through the confidential character -of his office, and his ready and continual access to the -person of the sovereign, has always enjoyed a position of -exceptional importance, hardly second to that of the -Grand Vizier himself. It was for this reason that -Midhat, attaching such importance to the worthy occupancy -of this post, had not only laid stress on the necessity of -its being filled by a functionary in harmony with the -views of Ministers, but had actually laid down as one of -the three conditions to which Prince Hamid was required -to subscribe at the interview at Muslou‐Oglou, that -Sadullah Bey, Zia Bey and Kemal Bey should be chosen -as occupants of the post of Secretary respectively. In -spite of his formal acceptance of this condition, the -Sultan informed Midhat Pasha on his very first visit to -the Palace, that he had appointed Saïd Bey (Mahmoud’s -man) as his First Secretary. Astounded at this breach -of faith, and aware of its significance—although perhaps -not recognizing the full import of it—Midhat strongly -remonstrated with the Sultan and urged a reconsideration -of the appointment; but in spite of the remonstrances and -prayers of his Ministers, the Sultan remained unmoved, -and Midhat eventually acquiesced.</p> - -<p>It is easy enough to be wise after the event and to see -that Midhat ought to have put his foot down on this -question and accepted the decisive battle thus offered -him by the Sultan; that it ought to have been clear to -him that this was only the first contest in a campaign -that would decide the fate of Turkey during the whole -of the coming reign, and that the first blow would -probably decide the issue in the campaign. But our per<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span>spective -of things is of course better than was Midhat’s. -By the light of all the subsequent events that have -unrolled themselves before our eyes, we now know the -character of all the actors in the drama which was commencing, -especially of the principal actor, and of this very -First Secretary, who was the appropriate subject of the -first contention. We can now appreciate the character of -Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin, the backbone and arm of -the reaction; of some of the Ministers who had been -feigning for months past to support Midhat’s views and -were only waiting the moment to betray him; and can -recognise the existence of a matured and carefully -laid plot to upset reform by crushing the reformers—all -these things are palpable and clear to us in the broad -daylight of subsequent events; but they were scarcely -surmised or imagined at the time we are now dealing -with. The important citadel of the Palace was delivered, -with all its defences, into the hands of the conspirators, -and the Palace as a whole was organised for the express -purposes of the reformers. This strong position being -once firmly secured, the new Sultan could afford to show -his hand with little disguise. He could not yet afford to -treat with Midhat; it would have been clumsy to do so -at once, for Midhat in opposition would have been a force -with which he would have had to reckon, and, moreover, -he and the Constitution were both necessary as a means -of combating the conference that was assembling; but -short of a rupture with his Grand Vizier, which was to -be studiously avoided, he could afford to emphasize more -and more his opposition to the policy of Midhat, so that -when the moment arrived he could strike a decisive blow -with effect, and with less fear of the consequences.</p> - -<p>Subjects of contention between them were not far to -seek. The speech from the throne, written by Midhat, -which was a <i lang="it" xml:lang="it">pronunciamento</i> of the policy of a new reign<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span> -inaugurated under such exceptional circumstances, and -looked for with great eagerness, was revised by the Sultan -beyond recognition; the essential sentences were omitted, -others of quite incomprehensive character substituted in -their place. The keynote of the original was “a new -Regime, the Constitution, and Reform”; this was changed, -and meaningless colourless phrases took its place.</p> - -<p>In order to give the reader an exact idea of the art -displayed in this transformation, the speech actually -delivered on this occasion is here appended, and the -omitted sentences of the original, placed in parentheses:</p> - -<h3>“HATTI HUMAYUN.</h3> - -<p class="center2">“<i>On ascending the Throne</i>.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“My illustrious Vizier, Mehemet Rushdi Pasha,—</p> - -<p>“By the Divine will my elder brother, Sultan Murad -V., vacated the throne, and according to the law -of succession We have mounted the throne of our -Ancestors.</p> - -<p>“Appreciating your great qualities, your ability and -experience in the affairs of State, We confirm you in the -functions of Grand Vizier and of President of the Council -of Ministers (avec le titre de Premier Ministre), and -direct all Our Ministers to keep their respective posts. -Confident in the assistance of the Almighty, We will -pursue Our object of strengthening Our Empire, and of -making all Our subjects, without exception, participate -in the blessings of liberty, peace, and justice; We trust -that Our Ministers will help us in the realisation of Our -wishes (for Turkey ranks among the great Powers, and -in order to attain this object and to march on a footing -of equality with its neighbours in the progress of the -sciences, she must needs follow the same methods; and -as the Constitutional system is one of the principal causes -of the progress of Nations, <cite>We hereby declare this system of -Government to be adopted by Us</cite>, whilst holding strict -account of the laws of the Cheri and the customs of Our -people.) No one who casts a glance at the causes -of the critical condition of affairs to‐day, can fail to -recognise among the various and numerous factors two -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span>principal ones, viz. the non‐observance of the strict laws -of the Cheri, and the capricious and wilful actions of -men. If the disorganisation that has for some time -reigned in the affairs of State has latterly greatly increased; -if our financial operations no longer inspire confidence; -if our Courts of Justice no longer command respect, if -Our Empire, with its vast capacities for commerce, -industries and agriculture, and of every kind of progress, -has profited by none of these things—if, in fine, all the -efforts that have been made to insure liberty and peace -for Our subjects have remained fruitless, this comes from -the non‐observance of the laws and regulations; hence the -necessity, whilst pursuing the noble object of assuring the -happiness of Our subjects of commencing in the first -place by the strict observation of existing laws, and of -those which shall be elaborated and proclaimed in strict -accordance with the laws of the Cheri and the wants of -Our subjects, and by keeping a strict eye on the expenditure -and revenues of the State, in order so to gain public -confidence. (Each administrative department, therefore, -must act prudently and abstain from useless expenses; -and likewise with respect to the Household and other -expenses of the Imperial Palaces, these shall be diminished -and reduced to what is strictly necessary; and the Civil -list of the Princes of the Imperial family shall also be -reduced, and their amount shall be paid directly by the -Minister of the Finances; and We make over to this -same Minister, as reduction from our Own Civil list, the -sum of £300,000, and We hereby fix the expenses of our -Palace at the sum of £30,000 per month).</p> - -<p>“The necessity of convoking a general assembly -compatible with the habits and customs and capacity of -Our population being more and more recognised and felt, -Our Ministers will carefully and minutely study this -question and submit their report on the subject to Our -sanction. (In order to elaborate the Constitutional laws -in conformity with the needs of Our population and their -customs and usages and the law of the Cheri, We -command our Ministers of State, the learned doctors of -the law, and all those whose knowledge and experience -can contribute to the perfection of the common work -to unite in Council to express their opinions on the -subject, and that on their report being approved by the -Council of Ministers, it shall be submitted for Our approbation.) -Further, the confusion in the affairs of State, result<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span>ing -as it does from the incapacity of certain functionaries -in their posts, and from the frequent and unnecessary -changes in the personnel, it is Our desire that from -the present time, according to their different ranks, all -office‐holders shall be chosen according to their merit -and capacity, and shall be irremovable without serious -reason, and that each of these shall be responsible for -the proper execution of his allotted duties. Moreover, Our -attention is directed to the question of public instruction, -and seeing that European nations have acquired the -prosperity that they enjoy by means of public instruction, -We desire that all Our subjects, without distinction of -classes, shall be able to profit by the benefits of knowledge, -each according to his personal capacity; (and in order that -the progress of the country may produce the happiness -of all its subjects alike, and in order to inculcate these -ideas, We decree the foundation of schools in which -instruction and education shall be common to all), and -with this object We desire that the credits allotted to -public education shall be increased, in order that without -loss of time we may endeavour to realise this programme. -In order, too, that the civil and financial administration -of the Provinces may be restored to their normal condition, -We must without loss of time endeavour to institute an -organisation in the Provinces resembling as much as -possible the Central organisation.</p> - -<p>“(It is also absolutely necessary that the laws regulating -the levying of tithes, taxes and indirect contributions -shall be placed on a just and equitable basis, and all -Our efforts will be directed to prevent any derogation or -abuse in the execution of these laws. The buying -and selling of slaves being contrary to the prescriptions -of the Sacred Law (Cheri), We hereby enfranchise -the slaves and eunuchs of Our Palace, and declare that -henceforth all trade in slaves, whether purchase or sale, -is hereby formally forbidden in Our Empire, and a date -will be fixed for the gradual emancipation of all existing -slaves, and special measures will be adopted to prevent -any return of slavery.)</p> - -<p>“Since last year, owing to malevolent instigations, -Bosnia and Herzegovnia have been in a state of insurrection, -and the revolt of Servia is now added as an outcome -of this insurrection, so that the blood of the children of our -common country is being spilt. The continuation of such -a state of things is a subject of profound sorrow to Us, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span>and Our most sincere desire is to put an end to it by the -employment of the most energetic measures.</p> - -<p>“Our treaties with foreign Powers having been renewed -and recognised by Us, it will be Our aim to cultivate -still further the friendly relations already existing with -them.</p> - -<p>“May the Almighty, our common Ruler and Master, -grant through His mercy and goodness, success to our -efforts.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>Saturday</i>, 22 <i>Chaban</i>, 1292, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxxxxx</span>(9<i>th September</i> 1876.)</small> -</p></div> - -<p>The points of contention between the Palace, or the -Sultan (which now become synonymous expressions), and -Midhat were all contained in germ in the foregoing -variations in the first speech from the throne.</p> - -<p>(1) In the very first sentence of the Hatti Humayun -of inauguration the Sultan had cut out a passage which -would have introduced a change to which Midhat attached -some importance—“my Grand Vizier with the title of -Prime Minister.” Midhat desired to abolish the title -of Grand Vizier and to substitute for it that of Prime -Minister, a change which would have entailed as a -consequence the collective, instead of the individual, -responsibility of Ministers. What the first Minister would -lose in dignity and personal influence would be acquired -by the Ministry collectively, and would thus consolidate -the component parts of the Constitution. Midhat was well -aware that this post of Prime Minister would require -strengthening and developing for some time in Turkey, in -view of the power and influence which the Throne derived -from the very nature of the traditions and sentiments of -the Ottomans, and the position of Islam in the world.</p> - -<p>The purport and tendency of the proposal did not -escape the new sovereign, and, faithful to his own views -and interests, he simply cancelled the sentence and -rejected the proposal.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span></p> - -<p>(2) Midhat had placed in the mouth of the Sultan the -following phrase: “As the Constitutional system is one -of the principal causes of the progress of nations, we -hereby declare this system of government to be adopted -by Us, whilst holding, etc.”—instead of which, after some -colourless commonplace sentences about the non‐observance -of laws and regulations and pursuing the noble object -of assuring the happiness of our subjects, he speaks of -the necessity of convoking “a general Assembly compatible -with the habits and customs and capacity of -our population” (which might mean anything or nothing -according to the estimate of their capacity), and he orders -his Ministers carefully and minutely to study this question -(which they had done for a year past), and submit the -report to his sanction.</p> - -<p>(3) In connection with the same important subject -Midhat had proposed, for the purpose of elaborating the -Constitutional laws, the convention of a Grand Council -composed of the Ministers of State, the Doctors of the -Law, and all those whose knowledge and experience -entitled them to a voice in the country, to express their -opinion on the subject, and that on their report being -revised by the Council of Ministers it should be submitted -to the approbation of the Sultan.</p> - -<p>This proposal evidently meant business, and would -not only have fixed a limit of time for the inauguration -of the new Constitution, but would have given it the -<em>imprimatur</em> of all that was enlightened and worthy of -respect and attention in the empire. The Sultan -rejected the sentence <em>in toto</em>.</p> - -<p>(4) Midhat, who was deeply concerned by the actual -condition of Turkish Finances, and thoroughly convinced -that the first step in setting this right must be the exercise -of rigid economy in all branches of the administration, -and who, moreover, had experience of all that had taken<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span> -place in the reign of Abdul Aziz, did not hesitate to -propound to Abdul Hamid what his predecessor Murad -had unhesitatingly accepted, viz., that the expenses of -the household and of the Imperial Palace should be -diminished and reduced to what was strictly necessary, and -the Civil list of the princes of the Imperial family -should be in like manner reduced, and their amount -paid directly by the Minister of Finance, and he -left it to the sovereign to make over a sum that -he should fix himself for the monthly expenses of the -Palace.</p> - -<p>The Sultan omitted the whole paragraph.</p> - -<p>(5) Midhat attached the greatest importance to the -question of mixed schools in the provinces where Christians -and Mussulmans lived together. The reader will recollect -(p. 40) that when Governor of the provinces of the -Danube he desired to establish this system in Bulgaria, -and it was this very proposal which excited the anxiety -and stirred the energies of the vigilant Ignatieff to defeat -the proposal and obtain the dismissal of the Vali.</p> - -<p>The Governor of Bulgaria—who now became for the -second time the Grand Vizier of the empire—desired to -make this cherished scheme general in all the provinces -of the empire, and in the inaugural speech he had placed -in the Sultan’s mouth words that signified the adoption -of this measure and its inauguration in the empire, “in -order that the progress of the country may produce the -happiness of all its subjects alike; and in order to -inculcate these ideas, <cite>We decree the foundation of these -schools</cite>, in which instruction and education shall be -common to all.”</p> - -<p>Instead of this categorical declaration the Sultan -substituted the colourless proposal: “We desire that all -Our subjects, without distinction of classes, shall be able to -profit by the benefits of knowledge, each according to his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span> -personal capacity,” which will bear the exact sense that -anybody may choose to attribute to it.</p> - -<p>We shall very shortly see what practical sense the -Sultan himself attributed to it.</p> - -<p>(6) Midhat desired to abolish the slave trade, which -he considered a scandal and a disgrace to the empire, and -incompatible with its pretensions to a high place in the -ranks of civilised nations. He proposed, therefore, in this -inaugural speech to proclaim its abolition, and that the -Sultan should inaugurate the change by enfranchising all -the slaves in the Palace. The Sultan cut out the whole -paragraph.</p> - -<p>With such a radical difference in the whole point of -view from which the Palace clique and the new Grand -Vizier regarded the situation, it was clear that occasions -for serious conflict would not be wanting, nor would be -long in manifesting themselves. They arose indeed at -once, and it will be seen that each subject of contention -was implicitly contained in the divergence of views manifested -with reference to the speech from the throne that -has just been analysed.</p> - -<p>The question of the Constitution naturally occupied -the foreground in these disputes. The Sultan, as has been -seen, refused to submit its provisions to a Grand Council -to be summoned <em>ad hoc</em>, lest it should receive, as it -undoubtedly would have received, this important sanction. -He preferred that Ministers should be its sole sponsors, -which would leave him free to deny subsequently that its -details had been stamped with the seal of national approval. -From the very first days of his accession he had shown the -greatest anxiety on this subject of the Constitution, and no -wonder: it was what the Magna Charta was to John of -England—the curb and limit of arbitrary power and -exaction.</p> - -<p>Knowing that Midhat was its chief champion, it was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span> -with him that he entered into negotiations on the subject, -even before the actual resignation of Mehemet Rushdi -Pasha. The following significant letter signed with his -own name (instead of through the usual vehicle of the -First Secretary’s signature) was the warning shot fired -across the enemy’s bows:—</p> - -<p class="center"><small><cite>Letter addressed by the Sultan to Midhat Pasha on the -eve of his Grand Vizierate.</cite><a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">12</a><br /><br /> - -“<i>To my illustrious Vizier, Midhat Pasha</i>.</small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“We have made ourselves acquainted with the Constitution -which you unofficially forwarded to us, and we -have noticed in it passages incompatible with the habits -and aptitudes of the nation. Our desire is to assure the -future of the country by just administration, and we cannot -but appreciate all efforts towards that end. And one of -the objects to which we attach much importance is that of -<cite>safeguarding the Sovereign rights</cite> by a new organisation -drawn up with regard to the needs of the people. We -desire therefore that the Constitution should be discussed -by the Council of Ministers, and should be revised in the -manner referred to above. Communicate our greetings to -our Grand Vizier and show him this order. In any case -we expect from your patriotism that your efforts shall -tend towards the object we have in view, and demand -that this Irade shall be kept secret between our Grand -Vizier and yourself.</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Abdul Hamid</span></p> - -<p><small>“9 <i>Zilkade</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> - - (25<i>th November</i> 1876.)</small></p></div> - -<p class="center"><small><i>Reply.</i><br /><br /> - -<i>To the First Secretary of His Majesty.</i><a name="FNanchor_12a_12a" id="FNanchor_12a_12a"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">12</a></small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Excellency</span>,—As it was impossible for me to thank -His Majesty for the favours and the many proofs of -goodwill with which he overwhelms me every day and -every moment, I am entirely unable to testify my gratitude -for the signal honour, so disproportionate to my -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span>deserts, which I have received in the reply of an autograph -letter from His Majesty, inviting me to furnish -certain explanations of the text of the Constitution -unofficially forwarded to His Majesty. As to the contents -of the report which has been submitted, I myself also -recognise that the majority of the articles require to be -modified and changed, and I think it is not necessary to -say that if this text has been submitted to His Majesty -as an incomplete rough draft, it was simply with the -intention of correcting it later according to the views and -wishes of His Majesty. This report has been drawn up -and completed by the Commission convened for the -purpose by Imperial command, and, as the time has -come when the text should be studied by the Council of -Ministers, the terms of the Imperial Irade have been -communicated to His Highness the Grand Vizier. Now, -urged by fidelity to my Sovereign and my love for my -country, I feel it incumbent upon me, and have the -courage to be of opinion that there are two methods -of extrication from our present position. The first -consists in putting into execution, before the meeting -of the Conference, the reforms for our home government -that were promised and proclaimed to all the Powers, and -the time needed for so doing would be three or four -days at the outside. The second method is to accept -the proposals formulated by the Powers, and to make -up our minds to live henceforth and for ever under their -tutelage. If the first method is not adopted, or even if its -promulgation is delayed and retarded until after the -meeting of the Conference, the second becomes inevitable. -My attachment to my Sovereign and my love for my -country force me to give utterance to these ideas.<br /> -<span class="h">xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx</span>“I am....</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“11 <i>Zilkade</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> - (27<i>th November</i> 1876.)</small><br /><br /></p></div> - -<p>The inner meaning of the words “safeguarding the -Sovereign rights” contained the pith and kernel of the -conspirators’ views and intentions. It had direct -reference to a clause which the Sultan desired to have -inserted in the text of the Constitution, or rather (and -the difference is very material) to a rider which he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span> -desired to be added to a clause (the 113th), referring -to the declaration of a state of siege in disturbed -districts. The purport and intention of the clause would -naturally govern its different branches. It could not -possibly be supposed to apply to Ministers themselves, -inasmuch as the Constitution specially and elaborately -provided for their trial and punishment in clauses 31, 32, -and 34 of the text. In spite, however, of the provisions -and safeguards which were to hedge and limit the exercise -of this prerogative, Midhat had long combated the -insertion of this rider to the 113th article. Anxious above -all things, however, to get the Constitution promulgated not -later than the first sitting of the Conference, and not as -yet fully grasping the character of the man he was dealing -with, he listened to the explanations and glosses offered -with reference to this rider, and finally, though reluctantly, -consented to its insertion in the text of the Constitution.</p> - -<p>It is easy to see now that this was the second error -of tactics committed by Midhat. “Put not your trust in -princes” is an especially wise injunction when you do not -know the character of the princes you are dealing with. -If Midhat had forced the Sultan Hamid—as he might have -done, if he had been less trustful and more strenuous—to -observe strictly the terms of the treaty of Muslou‐Oglou -that Prince Hamid had agreed to as a condition -of his mounting on the throne at all, Midhat would never -have been banished, and the Constitution would never -have been strangled. Good men are rarely as determined -and strenuous as bad men. It is a pity, for half -the political ills of the world come from this weakness -on their part.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER V<br /><br /> - -<small>SECOND GRAND VIZIERATE OF MIDHAT PASHA</small></h2> - -<p>On 19th December 1876, three months after the accession -of Abdul Hamid to the throne, Midhat was appointed -Grand Vizier. His nomination to this post was again -welcomed with great rejoicing in Turkey, and gave -Europe generally hopes of the accomplishment of some -reforms. Sir Henry Elliot addressed the following -despatch to Lord Derby:—</p> - -<p class="center"><small>“<i>Sir H. Elliot to the Earl of Derby</i>.</small></p> - -<p class="right padr2"><small>“<span class="smcap">Constantinople</span>, 19<i>th December</i> 1876. -</small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My Lord</span>,—Midhat Pasha has been appointed Grand -Vizier in the place of Mehemet Rushdi Pasha. The -importance of this appointment at this moment is very -great. Midhat Pasha is beyond question the most -energetic and liberal of the Turkish statesmen, and a -man of action, although his decisions are sometimes -hasty.</p> - -<p>“He has always advocated the equality of Mussulmans -and Christians, and wishes for a constitutional control -over the power of the Grand Vizier as well as of the -Sultan. He is opposed to centralisation, and in favour -of giving the provincial populations much control over -their local affairs.</p> - -<p>“He has at times spoken strongly to me against the -grant of special institution in the Slav Provinces; but he -is a man who listens to argument, and may, perhaps, be -brought to see the necessity of it under the present -circumstances.</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span> -<p>“He is disliked by the old Mussulman party, but is -regarded as the hope of the Mussulman reformers and of -the Christians.</p> - -<p>“He used formerly always to wish to follow the advice -of Her Majesty’s Government, but I am not aware what -his feelings towards England are at this moment.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">13</a><br /> -<span class="h">xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx</span>“I have....</p> -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Henry Elliot</span>.”</p></div> - -<p>Midhat pointed out to the Sultan, in a letter addressed -to Saïd, the danger of the delay and procrastination -that would be caused by too prolonged discussion on the -text of the Constitution; further, that the text which -had been submitted to the Sultan was such as had been -decided upon by the Commission appointed by His -Majesty himself, and that that text, after having been -submitted to His Majesty as it came from the hands -of the Commission, was now, together with His Majesty’s -observations on it, being considered by the Ministers as a -final stage, requiring at most three or four days’ deliberation, -and that any longer delay before its actual promulgation -would assuredly raise in the minds of the friendly -Powers a doubt as to the sincerity of the Turkish -Government in the work of the reform; and he insisted, -finally, that, in order to convince them of this sincerity, -it was essentially desirable that the promulgation of -the Constitution should take place before the date fixed -for the assembly of the Conference.</p> - -<p>At the very first Ministerial Council under Midhat’s -presidency as Grand Vizier, held at the house of -Mahmoud Damad—a significant circumstance in itself—the -conspirators showed their hand. When the subject of -the Constitution and its promulgation came under discussion, -Djevdet Pasha, Minister for Justice, and Mahmoud’s -man, who had hitherto been “lying low” awaiting -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span> -developments, suddenly sprang upon his colleagues the -proposal that the whole question of the Constitution -should be indefinitely adjourned, on the pretext that -with the change that had taken place in the occupancy -of the throne it was no longer necessary. The indignation -and wrath of Midhat can easily be imagined at the -audacity and perversity of this audacious proposition; he -apostrophised his colleague in no sparing terms, and -pointed out to him that the sole ground and justification -of the solemn act of deposition to which they had -lent their countenance was the necessity of having the -Constitution promulgated; and he made Djevdet and -Mahmoud, and any other weak‐kneed colleague who -might be inclined to support their views, very clearly -understand that he would throw up his office and retire -into private life if the slightest hesitation was shown -on their part with respect to this essential matter. By -this uncompromising firmness he dispelled any illusion -that might have been harboured that a frontal attack on -the Constitution, with Midhat at the helm, could be of -any avail, and the opposition feigned acquiescence in the -Grand Vizier’s views. The incident, however, was not -the less significant, and ought to have warned Midhat -of what was secretly preparing in the councils of the -conspirators.</p> - -<p>It has been said, among other equally groundless and -disingenuous criticisms, that “Midhat’s Constitution,” as -it has been called, was a simple device to defeat the -Conference that was about to assemble. One single -fact, vouched for on an authority that will not be disputed, -absolutely disposes of this calumny. Sir Henry -Elliot, referring to these very matters, distinctly says that -Midhat Pasha and his friends had informed him that they -were working for the promulgation of a Constitution, and -explained their views fully to him, twelve months before<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span> -there was any question of a conference at all: “This -was more than a year before its promulgation, when it was -declared to have been invented to defeat the Conference -then sitting at Constantinople!”<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">14</a></p> - -<p>That Midhat and his friends used the fact of the -promulgation as a weapon to oppose the decisions of -the Conference is likely enough; but this was perfectly -fair dealing, and a legitimate weapon to make use of. -Another proposition which is not true, and is proved to -have been false, is that the Constitution was invented for -the purpose of defeating the Conference. It is abundantly -evident that if there had been no Conference at all, the -Constitution would none the less have been elaborated and -its promulgation insisted on.</p> - -<p>Another disingenuous and captious criticism passed -on the Constitution by its enemies is the implication -contained in the expression “Midhat’s Constitution,” as -if it was a “one‐man’s” Constitution, and not the work -of what may be called the national mind—that is, the -majority of the best minds in it. That Midhat had a -great deal to say in its elaboration, and still more in its -promulgation, in spite of the unconcealed opposition of -the Sultan, and the Palace, and the whole phalanx of -reaction behind them, there can of course be no doubt -whatever, and to his eternal honour be it said; but that -it was a “one‐man’s” work, in the sense that it was not -the expression of the wants and wishes of the nation, -is disproved by all the circumstances connected with it. -Chakir Effendi, one of its warmest partisans, was one of -the most learned, distinguished and highly esteemed Ulema -at Constantinople; it was he who headed a deputation of -Ulemas and doctors of the law, to congratulate Midhat -immediately after the ceremony of promulgation was -over. The most enthusiastic champions of both Midhat -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span>and the Constitution were the Softas, or body of students, -numbering several thousands, of all the <em>medresses</em> (schools -and universities) in Constantinople, the future generation -of the educated mind of the nation. The provinces, without -exception, were in favour of it. The important city -of Adrianople sent a congratulatory address to Midhat, -which the Sultan would not allow to be published in the -papers. The instinct of the masses looked upon it as -the one resource in the dire straits of the nation. The -very fact that, with an opposing Sultan clinging to his -“sovereign rights,” and a bitterly hostile and determined -Palace clique, and in spite of all the means at the disposal -of Turkey’s nearest and most powerful neighbour unscrupulously -put into action, the Constitution ever saw -the daylight, and actually lived for a twelvemonth in such -an environment, is the very strongest evidence that can -possibly be adduced of its inherent vitality, and an undeniable -proof that it was something more than a “one‐man’s” -Constitution.</p> - -<p>The Constitution, although the principal, was not the -only subject of contention between the new Sultan and -his Vizier. There were questions of persons, questions -of money, questions of education that divided them irreconcilably. -The Sultan, who had no doubt fixed on -Edhem Pasha as the pliable instrument that he would -need after the Conference was over, and when the work -of getting rid of Midhat had to be gone through, desired -to elevate one who, in his opinion, “was not quite the -person for a very high position,” to a post whence -subsequent promotion to the very highest position would -seem a little less incongruous. He accordingly selected -Edhem Pasha for the post of President of the Council -of State, the important office concerned with the elaboration -of the laws of the country. Midhat’s candidate was -Sadik Pasha, whose competency was beyond dispute.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span> -Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin wished to have Djevdet -Pasha, his faithful henchman—whom we have already -seen at work—nominated to this post, but even the -Sultan thought his knowledge and intellectual capacity -altogether too circumscribed. The accompanying letter -shows the strong insistence of the Sultan on his own -intention. He had the great advantage over Midhat -which conspirators always have, viz., of having his plan -of campaign with a distinct aim already settled, and -knowing therefore beforehand the strong position which -it was necessary to occupy on the field of battle.</p> - -<p>Midhat, ignorant of the game that was being played, -sacrificed point after point in it, considering their importance -with reference to public affairs secondary to that of -having the Constitution promulgated as soon as possible.</p> - -<p>The following letter makes these points clear:—</p> - -<p class="center"><small><i>To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier.</i></small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Highness</span>,—After you had left the Palace, His Majesty -sent for me and questioned me as to the cause of the -delay in the nomination of Edhem Pasha as President of -the Council of State. I told His Majesty that the Irade -(order) relative to that appointment had been communicated -to your Highness yesterday, and that probably the -visit of the French Envoy to your Highness was the -cause of the delay in my receiving an answer to the -communication, and I told His Majesty that the only -motive of your opposition to the appointment was the -incapacity of Edhem Pasha to fulfil the duties of a post -to which were confided the constitutional functions of -elaborating the laws; that as for Sadik Pasha, whom you -proposed for that post, there could be no doubt that his -nomination would add a useful person to the Ministerial -Councils. At that moment Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin -was called in, and he expressed the same opinion, but proposed -that Djevdet Pasha should be appointed President -of the Council, and that Edhem Pasha, whose incompetency -you objected to, might fill the post of Minister of -Justice. On this His Majesty made the following declaration: -‘I am not acquainted with Edhem Pasha, in spite -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">122</a></span>of his services to my father, but I have now learned to -appreciate his abilities; I intend therefore to profit by -everybody’s capacities, and <em>although Edhem Pasha is not -quite the person to occupy a very high position</em>, I think -nevertheless he is capable of performing the duties of -President of the Council of State. The knowledge and -learning of Djevdet Pasha are very limited, whereas the -accomplishments and capacity of Edhem Pasha are great -in comparison with his. In a word, I shall be glad if His -Highness the Grand Vizier will acquiesce in my wishes, -and will to‐morrow propose his nomination to me. Write -and tell him so.’ This is the reason why I have written -at length to you on the subject.—I have the honour to be,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Saïd</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“6 <i>Zilhidje</i>, 1293, 1 <i>o’clock, Hegira</i>.”<br /> -<span class="h">xxxx</span>(22<i>nd December</i> 1876.)</small> -<br /><br /></p></div> - -<p>Another and still more serious difference of opinion, -relative to persons, arose concerning Zia Bey. This -person, one of the most distinguished litterateurs and -poets Turkey possessed, who had been appointed private -Secretary of the Sultan Murad, and whose nomination -to the same post by the present Sultan had been made -an article of the treaty between Midhat and Prince -Hamid at Muslou‐Oglou, was suspected of inspiring -certain articles in the Turkish paper <cite>Istikbal</cite> which threw -doubts on the Sultan’s sincerity with reference to the -Constitution. These articles gave great offence at the -Palace, and were considered of dangerous tendency. The -Sultan determined not only to proceed against the paper, -but also to remove Zia Bey, at any price, from the capital.</p> - -<p>The accompanying letter will show the feelings of the -Sultan on the subject:</p> - -<p class="center2"><small><i>To Midhat Pasha.</i></small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Highness</span>,—The Imperial Irade (written order) relative -to the nomination of Zia Bey to the post of Ambassador -at Berlin, was communicated to your Highness yesterday -evening, and His Majesty has just asked me if the proposed -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">123</a></span> -nomination had arrived, and on my reply in the -negative His Majesty ordered me to insist upon it, adding -the following observation: ‘Zia Bey is very ambitious, -and if he had known how to profit by this quality with a -view to his advancement and his future, he would have -succeeded in obtaining a post here suited to his capacity; -but this person has never yet shown any stability of -character or fixity of purpose, and when anything occurs -contrary to his views and wishes, he is in the habit of -weaving intrigues in the matter, which is not favourable to -his prolonged sojourn in Constantinople. His removal, -moreover, from the capital cannot but facilitate for the -Grand Vizier the exercise of his functions in freeing him -from this kind of obstacle. These observations of mine -are no exaggerations; but if on the one hand Zia Bey’s -individual merit is only mediocre, the people are naturally -attracted by these critics and attend to their criticisms, -and in this way lend an importance to these polemics -which they do not intrinsically deserve. As for the -despatch of Zia Bey to Berlin, the Government is resolved -to take the same steps at Berlin as it has determined to -take at Paris, London, and Vienna, and to endeavour to -gain the sympathies of Prince Bismark (<i>sic</i>), and if Zia -Bey succeed in this, he will have shown his <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">savoir faire</i>, -earned the gratitude of the State, and by the fact itself -shown his aptitude for foreign affairs, and then his further -promotion will be justified. Moreover, his selection will -provoke no opposition on the part of the Court of Berlin.’ -On account of these considerations His Majesty orders -this nomination to be submitted to him as soon as -possible. It is, moreover, by Imperial command that I -have written to you at such length on the subject, and -have repeated what has already been said; and His -Majesty desires that you will carry out these injunctions -by to‐morrow at the audience you will have with His -Majesty.</p> - -<p class="center">“I have the honour to be,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Saïd</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“12 <i>Zilhidje</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(28<i>th December</i> 1876.)</small><br /><br /></p></div> - -<p>In the meantime the population of Constantinople, -who have been represented by interested critics as indifferent -about the Constitution and reform, hearing of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span> -proposed exile of this champion of the Constitution and -reform, determined to prevent his departure from the -capital by electing him as one of their representatives -in the new Parliament. Consternation is not too strong -a term to describe the feelings that this proposal excited -in the Palace. Zia Bey had an influence among the people -of the capital. What if his presence among them in the -Parliament should checkmate all the plans of a carefully -hatched conspiracy? The following letter clearly reveals -this consternation:—</p> - -<p class="center"><small><i>To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier.</i></small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Highness</span>,—His Majesty has just read in the paper -<cite>Istikbal</cite> that the population of Constantinople have -decided to elect Zia Bey as their representative, and that -a petition signed by several thousand persons will be -addressed to the Palace with a view of retaining Zia Bey -in the capital. Thereupon His Majesty declared categorically -that the candidature of Zia Bey as deputy was -not acceptable; that numerous acts proved the participation -of Zia Bey in acts against his Sovereign; that the constitution -forbade the entry into Parliament of individuals -compromised in any way.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">15</a></p> - -<p>“‘It is to be observed that this person has had recourse -to various methods, including the intervention of the Press -and other contrivances, to gain popularity for himself. -Although these proceedings have constituted no claim -on his part for favourable consideration from the Government, -the rank of Vizier has been conferred upon him, -and the post of Governor‐General in one of the most -important vilayets, viz., Syria, simply in order to comply -with the request of the Grand Vizier. But Zia Bey, far -from exhibiting any gratitude, has sought more than ever -to exercise an influence in the Capital, through his position -as Vizier, by announcing in the <cite>Istikbal</cite> that he is one of -the originators of the Constitution, which was, in fact, -promulgated by our desire with the co‐operation of a few -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span>patriots. We have consequently directed the Grand Vizier -to proceed against Zia Bey in such matter as may seem -proper to him.’ Such was the declaration of His Majesty. -His Majesty further criticised the action of the <cite>Istikbal</cite>, -which, without reason, has just published the famous -letter of Mustafa Fazil Pasha, and calls your attention to -the fact of that paper, though suspended indefinitely, having -reappeared. His Majesty considers it urgent to find means -to put an end to such doings in the Press.</p> - -<p class="center">“I have the honour to be</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Saïd</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“24 <i>Zilhidje</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxx</span>(9<i>th January</i> 1877.)</small><br /><br /></p></div> - -<p>As the concluding passage of this letter shows, the -Sultan, whilst banishing Zia Bey, determined, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">pour -encourager les autres</i>, to proceed with all possible vigour -against the Press. There was to be no faltering in so -grave a matter. For this purpose the <cite>Istikbal</cite> was to be -suspended, and a Draconian law against the Press prepared -“within three or four days,” although by Article 12 of the -Constitution this matter ought to have been left to be -dealt with by the Parliament.</p> - -<p>The following letters speak for themselves:—</p> - -<p class="center"><small><i>To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier.</i></small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Highness</span>,—His Majesty, after having made the -remark to me that the contents of the article ‘The -Future of Islam,’ published by the <cite>Vakit</cite>, and especially -the words underlined, were calculated to lead astray public -opinion, and referring to an interview with your Highness -yesterday evening on the subject of the Press, orders -your Highness to inform him of the measures you -intend to take against the Editor of this particular paper, -for having published facts calculated to make a bad impression, -and, moreover, to propose to him a competent -person ... as Director of the Bureau of the Press, in -the place of the present functionary, who has been guilty -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span>of inattention and negligence, and must be nominated to -some other post.</p> - -<p>“As the Press, basing its pretensions on the liberty it -enjoys under the Constitution, does not cease to publish -all sorts of things, His Majesty, with a view to putting an -end to abuses, and placing a curb on the license of the newspapers, -commands your Highness to give the necessary -orders in the proper quarter to complete within the delay -of three or four days, the law on the Press, referred to -in the Constitution.</p> - -<p class="center2">“I have the honour to be</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Saïd</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“15 <i>Zilhidje</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(31<i>st December</i> 1876.)</small><br /><br /></p></div> - -<p class="center"><small><i>To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier.</i></small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Highness</span>,—With reference to the measures to be -taken against the Editor of the <cite>Vakit</cite>, I presented to His -Majesty the note sent by your Honour last night on this -subject. Whilst accepting the spirit of your observations, -and even granting that the article in that paper was not -in itself seditious, it is not the less a fact that that paper -published, without any plausible justification, a statement -to the effect that the <em>Fetva</em> of Sheik‐ul‐Islam is sufficient to -depose a Sultan, a declaration calculated to prompt the -people to a seditious movement, and to nullify the conditions -and safeguards on which the promulgation of -the <em>Fetva</em> depends, teaching the people that all power -is attached to the individual will of the functionary who -issues the <em>Fetva</em>. If such acts are tolerated, the papers -will not fail to profit by the license, and to abuse it, and His -Majesty orders that the Imperial Irade issued against the -<cite>Vakit</cite> and its Editor shall be executed as soon as possible -by way of example; the present law with respect to the -Press being sufficient for this purpose. Further, the journal -<cite>Istikbal</cite>, in its number of last Tuesday, published a long -article to the effect that the delay in the promulgation of -the Constitution, which was elaborated and ready for promulgation -in his reign, had caused all kinds of ills, and -this article corroborates the facts above referred to; and -it is with a view to preventing the Press, either from -ignorance or evil intention, from adopting a line of reasoning -in contradiction to the views and intentions of His -Majesty, that His Majesty commands me, with a view of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span>emphasising his views on the subject, to send you a copy -of the incriminated article.</p> - -<p class="center2">“I have the honour to be,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Saïd</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“18 <i>Zilkidje</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(2<i>nd January</i> 1877.)</small></p></div> - -<p>Two other subjects of grave difference were the cause -of a good deal of fencing between Midhat and the Palace. -The one was the position of Galib Pasha, Minister of -Finance, whom Midhat was determined to remove from -the post of Minister of Finance; the other had reference -to mixed education in the State schools, a subject on -which Midhat had always held very strong views. But -as the foreign envoys in the capital were now demanding -the convocation of the official meeting of the -Conference, it was determined to postpone the final -resolution on these subjects till after the Conference -was over.</p> - -<p>The preliminary difficulties being at last overcome, or -at least their discussion postponed till after the Conference -was over, the date for the proclamation of the Constitution, -with the Sultan’s famous rider inserted in the text, -like the fatal gift of the evil fairy in the fable, was finally -determined on.</p> - -<p>On the morning of the 23rd December, 1876, in the -big open space in front of the Sublime Porte, facing -the apartments reserved for the Sultan, a large platform -was erected, profusely decorated with Turkish flags. -Hither all the notabilities and Ulemas and Ministers -were convoked to hear the promulgation of the new -Constitution which, in the view of its promoters and -supporters, was to inaugurate a new era for the sorely -tried empire of the Osmanli. It might indeed have -been a day marked in red, the greatest date in Turkish -history. As it was, it was only the first act of a -stupendous comedy.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span></p> - -<p>The notabilities were now assembled, and in spite -of a downpour of rain, an immense crowd of people came -to witness and applaud the ceremony. The troops lined -the road between Sirkedji and the Sublime Porte, and -along it, at mid‐day. Saïd Pasha, the first Secretary to -the Sultan, in full uniform, preceded by a military band, -arrived at the Sublime Porte, bearing the Sultan’s letter -(<em>Hatti Humayun</em>) of promulgation, addressed to the Grand -Vizier Midhat Pasha, and the text of the Constitution. -The letter ran as follows:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><em>Rescript</em> (<em>Hatti Humayun</em>) <i>of the Sultan promulgating -the Ottoman Constitution</i>.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My Illustrious Grand Vizier, Midhat Pasha</span>,—The -power of Our Empire was lately declining. Foreign -affairs were not the cause of this, but men had strayed -from the right path in the administration of home affairs, -and the bonds that attached Our subjects to the Government -had been relaxed. My august Father, the late -Sultan, Abdul Medjid, granted a Charter of Reform, the -<em>Tanzimat</em>, which guaranteed, in accordance with the sacred -law of the Cheri, life, property, and honour to all.</p> - -<p>“It has been in consequence of the salutary effect -of the <em>Tanzimat</em> that the State has, up to the present -time, been able to maintain itself in security, and that -We have been enabled to found and proclaim this day -the Constitution which is the result of ideas and opinions -fully expressed.</p> - -<p>“On this auspicious occasion I desire to recall with -a feeling of special devotion the memory of My late -august Father, who has been rightly considered the -regenerator of his country. I doubt not that he would -have himself inaugurated the Constitutional era that we -are about to enter this day, if the period of the promulgation -of the <em>Tanzimat</em> had been adapted to the necessities -of our own times. But it has been to Our reign that -Providence has reserved the task to accomplish this -happy transformation, which is the supreme guarantee -of the welfare of Our peoples. I thank Heaven for -allowing me to be its instrument.</p> - -<p>“It is evident that the principle of our Government -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">129</a></span>had become incompatible with the successive modifications -introduced into our internal organisation, and the increasing -development of our foreign relations. Our most -earnest desire is to cause the disappearance of all obstacles -to the full enjoyment by the nation of all the natural -resources it possesses, and, in a word, to see Our subjects -put into the possession of rights which appertain to all -civilised society, and to be united together in a common -bond of progress, union, and concord.</p> - -<p>“In order to attain this object it was necessary -to adopt a salutary regular organisation, to safeguard -the inalienable rights of the Governing body by the -abolition of faults and abuses of all kinds, <em>which result -from illegality—that is to say, from the arbitrary power of -one or more individuals</em>: to accord the same rights and -to prescribe the same duties to all the members of the -several communities composing our Society, and to enable -them all to profit, without distinction, by the blessings -of liberty, justice and equality—these being the only -possible methods of guaranteeing and protecting the -interests of all.</p> - -<p>“From these essential principles flows the necessity of -another eminently useful work: viz., that of connecting -Public Right with a deliberative and constitutional System. -That is the reason why in the Hatt that We promulgated -on Our accession to the Throne We declared the urgency -of creating a Parliament.</p> - -<p>“A special Commission composed of the highest -dignitaries, Ulemas and functionaries of the State, has -carefully elaborated the basis of a Constitution, and this -again has been studied and approved by Our Council of -Ministers.</p> - -<p>“This fundamental Charter confirms the prerogatives -of the Sovereign; the civil and political equality of -Ottomans before the law; the responsibilities and duties of -Ministers and Officials; the complete independence of the -Tribunals; the efficient balancing of the Budget, and -lastly, the decentralisation of provincial administration, -whilst preserving the decisive action and the powers of the -Central Government.</p> - -<p>“All these principles, <em>in strict conformity with the -dispositions of the Cheri</em>, as well as to Our aptitude and -aspirations, are equally in harmony with Our generous -desire to assure the happiness and prosperity of all Our -subjects, which is Our Supreme wish.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">130</a></span></p> -<p>“Confiding in the Divine Grace and in the intercession -of the Prophet, I am now placing in your hand this -Constitution after having invested it with My Imperial -sanction. With the assistance of God, it will immediately -be applied to all portions of Our Empire.</p> - -<p>“Therefore, it is My decided will that you shall -publish it, and shall see that it shall be executed, from -this day forth.</p> - -<p>“You must, moreover, take the promptest and most -efficacious measures to proceed with the study and -elaboration of the laws and regulations mentioned in this -instrument.</p> - -<p>“May the Almighty deign to accord success to all -those who work for the salvation of the Empire and the -Nation.</p> - -<p>“Given this 7th of Zilhidje 1293, Hegira.”</p> - -<p class="center2 f09">(23<i>rd December</i> 1876.)</p></div> - -<p>The reading of the <cite>Hatti Humayun</cite> concluded, the -First Secretary ceremoniously handed the Grand Vizier -the text of the Constitution, after reverently raising it -to his lips. The Grand Vizier received it with the like -ceremony, and then handed it to the Grand Referendary,<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> -Mahmoud Bey, who read it to the assembled people, -while thousands of fly‐leaves bearing the text of the -Constitution were distributed in all directions.</p> - -<p>After the text was read, Midhat made a speech, expressing -gratitude to the Sultan for the graciousness of -this act in promulgating the Constitution, the immense -importance of which he proceeded to point out to the -people. When he had concluded, the Mufti of Adrianople -offered up a prayer, and all the people cried “Amen,” and -a salute of 101 guns from the Seraskierate announced to -the whole city that “the Constitution” was proclaimed.</p> - -<p>The Ulemas with the Sheik‐ul‐Islam (Hairullah Effendi) -at their head; the Christian clergy with their patriarchs; -the Ministers; the learned and distinguished Chakir Effendi, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span> -followed by the Softas and students; the representatives of -all the corporations, and the populace of the capital, with -flags bearing the inscription “Liberty,” came to congratulate -Midhat, at his own residence, on the new era of liberty. -In the evening the mosques were illuminated, and the -people, carrying torches, paraded the streets, crying, -“Long live the Sultan and Midhat Pasha!” Telegrams of -congratulation were received from all the provinces of -the Empire, expressing the joy felt at this great event. -In short, the whole populace was in a state of rejoicing; -the Palace of Bechiktashe was the only place not -illuminated. The Sultan was indisposed.</p> - -<p>Although it was contrary to custom for a Grand -Vizier to pay an official visit to the religious communities, -Midhat Pasha went the following day to the Greek and -Armenian Patriarchs and to the Jewish Chief Rabbi, to -thank them for their expressions of rejoicing at the new -Constitution. He was received with enthusiasm by the -patriarchs, and the Christian populace threw flowers in -his way. The Grand Vizier made speeches in which he -declared that he recognised no distinctions between -Mussulmans and Christians, as they were all children of -the same country, urging that all should work together -as brothers to promote the progress of their country, -under one flag, and by the aid of the new liberty pronounced -by His Majesty the Sultan.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">132</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER VI<br /><br /> - -<small>THE CONFERENCE AND MIDHAT’S EXILE</small></h2> - -<p>The day fixed for the first plenary meeting of the -Conference of Constantinople was the same as that -chosen for the promulgation of the Constitution. That -there was a purpose in the simultaneous occurrence of the -two events admits of no doubt; but to conclude from that -fact, as has been disingenuously argued, that the Constitution -was a mere device to defeat the ends of the -Conference, is, of course, absurd, and has been conclusively -disproved.</p> - -<p>On the 23rd December (1876), accordingly, the envoys -and plenipotentiaries of the Great Powers met in the -handsome building of the Admiralty on the Golden -Horn, in the large hall that had been prepared for -their reception, to discuss with the Turkish envoys the -condition of the Christian provinces of the empire. -There were present, Count Zichy and Baron Calice -representing Austro‐Hungary; Count Chaudordy and -Count Bourgoing representing France; Baron Werther -representing Germany; Lord Salisbury and Sir Henry -Elliot representing Great Britain; General Ignatieff representing -Russia, and Edhem Pasha and Safvet Pasha -representing the Empire that was to be placed on the -dissecting table.</p> - -<p>Scarcely had the preliminary formalities been concluded, -when from across the Bosphorus, at the Seraskierate, -was heard the booming of the first gun that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">133</a></span> -announced the proclamation of the new Constitution. -Thereupon a somewhat dramatic scene—that, no doubt, -had been arranged beforehand—was enacted. Safvet -Pasha arose in his place, and, addressing the assembled -plenipotentiaries, said: “Gentlemen, the cannon that you -hear across the Bosphorus notifies the commencement -of the promulgation by His Majesty the Sultan of a -Constitution guaranteeing equal rights and constitutional -liberties to all the subjects of the Empire alike; and -in the presence of this great event, I think our labours -become superfluous.”</p> - -<p>This little speech of the Turkish Envoy was received -by the assembly in chilling silence. The somewhat -theatrical <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup</i> had evidently missed its effect. After -a few moments’ dead silence, General Ignatieff moved -that the Conference should proceed with the business of -the day. The proceedings themselves were not lengthy. -The envoys of the Great Powers had been a whole -month in Constantinople holding unofficial meetings -among themselves, from which the Turkish delegates were -studiously excluded; and the programme to be followed -and the policy to be enforced had all been arranged -before the official meeting took place. The object of -this somewhat unusual proceeding was clear. Turkey -was to be given to understand that it had to do with -a veritable Concert of Europe, which, however much it -might minimise the demands made by one of the Powers -interested, would insist unanimously on substantial concessions -from the Porte, and that the latter must in consequence -dismiss any hope or expectation of dissensions -or jealousies breaking out between the Powers.</p> - -<p>The achievement of this unanimity was intended as -the master‐stroke of Lord Salisbury’s policy. He did not -imagine then, though he probably has realised it since, -that the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">rôle</i> he was playing at Constantinople had been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">134</a></span> -carefully prepared for him at Vienna, and that the success -of his efforts was simply the triumph of Count Andrassy’s -policy. What remained for the Conference to do was, -not to discuss measures, but to formulate decisions. -There was, at any rate, this advantage in such a -summary method: the agony would not be prolonged. -The business of the Conference began, like a Dutch -auction, with a maximum opening bid on the part of -the Russian envoy. He proposed the autonomy of the -province of Bulgaria, the appointment of a Christian -Vali, the formation of a national militia, and the confinement -of Turkish troops within the limits of certain fixed -fortresses. The Turkish envoys having declared these -proposals entirely inadmissible and beyond the sphere -of discussion, the proposal was modified to what General -Ignatieff designated “un minimum extrême et irreductible,” -viz., that Bulgaria should be endowed with a special -privileged government, and with an international commission -to watch the administration, and that the appointment -of its Governor should be submitted to the approval -of the Great Powers. To this proposal, again, the Turkish -envoys demurred, pointing out that the examples of Servia -and Roumania, to which special privileged governments had -been conceded with the other special arrangements now -proposed for Bulgaria, were not encouraging precedents for -a repetition of a similar experiment in Bulgaria: that the -Mahomedan population in the above‐named States had -not been treated with the equality and liberality promised -and stipulated for, but had found themselves under the -necessity of emigrating <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en masse</i> from those countries, and -that even the extreme concessions made to these States, -removing all shadow of pretext for complaint, had not -deterred them from joining the enemies of the Empire, -or intriguing against it whenever the opportunity occurred.</p> - -<p>Eventually, after a heated and rather academical<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span> -passage of arms between Edhem Pasha and Count -Chaudordy, a further modification was made in the -proposals, but not without a protest from General Ignatieff, -who said: “You are plucking all my feathers out of -me,” to which Count Chaudordy replied, with pregnant -truth, “You will always have plenty left, General.” The -finally irreducible minimum proposed was to the effect -that a Consular Commission should be appointed to aid -the local authorities, and that the Valis of the three -provinces, Bulgaria, Herzegovina and Bosnia, should be -appointed subject to the assent of the Great Powers, -during the first five years.</p> - -<p>The Turkish envoys, however, could not agree to this -proposal either. They pointed out that the appointment -of the Consular Commission was an infringement of the -sovereign rights of the nation, <em>which it was beyond their -competence to acquiesce in</em>, and that over and above this -difficulty the proposal was open to the practical objection -that an exceptional situation created for those provinces -would cause discontent in all the other provinces of the -empire, and lead to unrest, and probably disturbance, in -some of them; and they again pointed out that the -moment seemed singularly ill‐chosen for insisting on -special privileges for a portion of the Empire, when the -Sultan had just promulgated a charter containing the -largest possible measure of liberty and equal rights to -all his subjects without distinction throughout every -portion of the Empire.</p> - -<p>This declaration of <em>non possumus</em> on the part of the -Turkish delegates was followed by a most violent speech -from General Ignatieff, immediately after which the -assembly broke up without even listening to the protest -that the Ottoman delegates were prepared to make to -the speech of the Russian envoy.</p> - -<p>The last modified proposal was embodied in an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">136</a></span> -Ultimatum delivered to the Porte by the envoys -collectively, to which an answer was required within a -week. At the expiration of that time, if the answer was -not satisfactory, they declared their intention of quitting -Constantinople.</p> - -<p>On the news of what had occurred becoming known, the -conduct of the Turkish delegates was generally approved -of throughout the Empire. Christians and Mahomedans -vied with each other in sending patriotic addresses to -the capital, and a battalion of Christian volunteers was -raised, at their own expense, and marched to the Servian -frontier, where they distinguished themselves greatly, let -it be said in passing, by their courage and devotion.</p> - -<p>Midhat, in the meantime, by the Sultan’s order, had -convened a Grand Council of 237 persons, composed of -all nationalities and notabilities, to whom the final propositions -of the Conference were submitted.</p> - -<p>Midhat made a speech to the notabilities, in which -he pointed out the consequences of the rejection of the -terms in question, and told them clearly that unless -they were prepared to face this <em>ultima ratio</em>, they had -no alternative but to accept the terms of the Conference. -After listening attentively to this speech, the Grand -Council, by a practically unanimous vote, amidst very -considerable enthusiasm decided on the rejection of the -Ultimatum. The foreign envoys accordingly left the -capital on 20th January (1877). So ended the Conference -of Constantinople.</p> - -<p>It is necessary here to recall the fact that Midhat -during the Conference sent the patriot Odian Effendi to -London to communicate to Lord Derby the occurrence -which had recently taken place in his country, and to -add that as the Powers had not insisted on the carrying -out of the proposals formulated by Russia, which -were found to be impracticable in the present condition<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span> -of Turkey, it was hoped that the Powers would take -the new Constitution under their protection, and see -to its execution in practice. The following despatch from -Lord Derby to Lord Salisbury and Sir H. Elliot shows -the result of this step:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>The Earl of Derby to the Marquis of Salisbury and Sir H. -Elliot.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="right f09">“<span class="smcap">Foreign Office</span>,<span class="h">xxx</span><br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>“10<i>th January</i> 1877.</p> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My Lord and Sir</span>,—Odian Effendi called upon me -this afternoon by appointment, and spoke to me again -of the impossibility which his Government felt of accepting -the proposals made to them in the Conference.</p> - -<p>“There might, he said, be concessions on both sides -in regard to the reforms, but the question of the guarantees -would still remain, and offered insuperable difficulties.</p> - -<p>“Under these circumstances he was anxious to make -a personal suggestion, which he thought might offer a -mode of arrangement, and which he understood that -Midhat Pasha was ready to adopt. It was that the -Constitution recently decreed by the Sultan should be -brought to the cognizance of the Powers in a form -which should make its execution a matter of international -obligation between the Porte and them, and that the -organisation of the provincial administrations to be drawn -up by the Turkish Ministers should, after receiving the -approval of the Powers, be made a portion of the general -plan, and embodied in the same agreement.</p> - -<p>“The whole system of reforms granted by the Sultan -to his subjects would thus be placed under the guarantee -of the Powers, who would have a right to watch over the -manner in which it was carried out.</p> - -<p>“Odian Effendi wished to know whether this proposal -would be favourably received by Her Majesty’s Government, -and whether I thought there would be any use in -the Porte bringing it forward in the Conference.</p> - -<p>“I told Odian Effendi in reply that there was a -manifest inconvenience in discussing here the questions -which at the same time were in process of negotiation at -Constantinople. I must therefore refrain from expressing -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">138</a></span>an opinion upon the plan which he had mentioned to -me.</p> - -<p>“If it was to be proposed by the Turkish Government, -this must be done by them at Constantinople, and upon -their own responsibility.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">17</a></p> - -<p class="center2">“I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Derby</span>.”<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>Hardly had the foreign envoys departed from the -capital, and the doors of the great hall at the Admiralty -been shut behind them, when the Palace proposed to put -the match to the mine that had been carefully laid for the -reformers.</p> - -<p>Within a fortnight of the departure of the Plenipotentiaries, -matters were brought to a climax. Two -subjects of contention between Midhat and the Sultan -had been reserved for further discussion when the Conference -should be over: the position of Galib Pasha and -the question of mixed schools. Either would serve for a -<em>casus belli</em>.</p> - -<p>Midhat had resolved on the dismissal of the complaisant -Minister of Finance, who had, <em>proprio motu</em>, -doubled the amount appropriated to the Civil list by the -simple device of paying it in gold; there were other -counts, too, against the Minister which necessitated this -measure. One was the specific charge of irregularities in -the accounts of the Treasury, which, although Midhat did -not attribute them to malversation on his part, were nevertheless, -in his opinion, proofs of great negligence in the -supervision of the business of his office. The other was a -general charge of incapacity as Minister of Finance, -especially revealed in his tactless method of issuing -Treasury bonds, thereby causing an excessive and alarming -depreciation in the paper of the State. The Sultan -had agreed to the dismissal of Galib, but he desired to -have him forthwith appointed Senator, whereas Midhat -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">139</a></span> -insisted on a preliminary examination of the accounts of -his office. It will be perceived at once that there was a -great deal more in this dispute than met the eye, and that -it accounted for the bitterness of the feelings entertained -against Midhat at the Palace. The following letter, if read -between the lines, will throw some light on the questions at -issue:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To the First Secretary of His Majesty Saïd Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Excellency</span>,—By an Irade of our august Master, -the nomination of his Excellency Galib Pasha as member -of the Senate has just been adjourned. The delay on my -part in making you acquainted with the motives which -have determined me to remove Galib Pasha from the -Ministry of Finance, whilst abstaining from any reflection -whatever on his personal integrity, only emphasises the -responsibility of Galib Pasha in the matter of finance. -It is manifest that that faithful servant of the State, in -conformity with the orders of our august Master, would -not hesitate to admit his share of responsibility, and in -order to put an end to a discussion which has no precedent, -he should certainly claim an investigation, and submit to -its consequences, whatever sacrifices it might entail; but -since explanations are demanded of me, I hasten to give -them as shortly as I can. In order to judge whether or -not Galib Pasha is competent to administer the Finances -of the State, it seems to me sufficient to refer to the fall -in the value of paper money.</p> - -<p>“The paper of the State, fifteen years ago, amounted -to twenty millions (£T), and yet its depreciation never -reached more than 50 to 60 per cent, compared to gold, -although its circulation was then limited to the radius of -the town of Constantinople, and it was not received in -payment of taxes. At the present time, although the -amount issued does not amount to four millions, and -there is no limit imposed to its circulation in the Empire, -and it is accepted in payment of taxes, the depreciation -amounts to 70 per cent. This state of things is the result -of the carelessness and neglect on the part of the ministers -of Finance. The depreciation, moreover, has given rise -to venality and corruption on the part of functionaries -in the Provinces, and to excitement and unrest, in consequence, -in public opinion.</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">140</a></span> -<p>“We have no accusation to make against the probity -and honesty of Galib Pasha, nor any complaint on the -score of the obligation under which we lie, of issuing -bonds to realise the sum necessary, in gold, for exportation -to Europe for war purposes. But seeing that an -issue of paper money, to an amount necessary for the -realisation of £T100,000 only, is sufficient to cause a still -further depreciation of the paper and rise in gold, the -Minister of Finance is in duty bound to take such steps -and employ such means as shall, as much as possible, -prevent or mitigate this consequence. For instance, he -should take a portion of the sum required from the -receipts of the Treasury, in gold, and issue the remainder -of the sum in paper, with such prudence and precaution -as to avoid financial panic by all means in his power. -But Galib Pasha seems incapable of appreciating such -measures, and the finances of the State have suffered in -consequence.</p> - -<p>“Such a state of things implies a grave responsibility, -and as it is somebody’s duty to fix this responsibility, the -functionary on whom devolves these particular duties -would necessarily be the person to assume it. But it is -also the duty of the person who happens to be Grand -Vizier to superintend the general march of affairs, and to -take steps to prevent all maladministration.</p> - -<p>“In the report made by Galib Pasha, which was read -before the Council of Ministers, he declares himself -incapable of finding a remedy for this state of things. -And when an official makes such a declaration, it is impossible -to keep him in the exercise of those functions -without sharing the responsibility with him. It is on -these grounds that we have based our opinion as to the -necessity of replacing him.</p> - -<p>“The day after the issue of the Imperial Irade -approving this decision, His Excellency Damad Mahmoud -Djelaleddin Pasha advised us to recommend Galib Pasha -for some other post; but it so happens that not only are -the accounts in the treasury with reference to this paper -money defective, but whereas we thought that only one -million of paper money out of the proposed seven millions -had actually been issued, we now find that two millions -have in point of fact been issued.</p> - -<p>“I thought it therefore proper, as I informed you in -my letter of the 14 Moharem, 1294, to keep Galib Pasha -in the office of Finance until all his accounts were put -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span>into proper order. In the discussion on these matters in -the Council of Ministers, on the 6th day of Moharem, -Galib Pasha informed us that he had made arrangements -with some private bankers for the purchase of £T90,000 -in gold against £T210,000 paper. This enormous depreciation, -which could be accepted only in the event of the -extremest urgency, seemed to us beyond all limits of reason.</p> - -<p>“Whatever may be the personal honesty of an official, -yet when such irregularities take place in his Office, it -would seem more proper to request him first to put his -accounts in order before appointing him off‐hand to another -position of trust, such as the Senate.</p> - -<p>“On consideration of the whole matter, we are convinced -that just as Galib Pasha’s incompetence involves -no reflection on his honesty and probity, so the matter of -the £T90,000 which I have just mentioned is far from -revealing any desire on his part to conceal the real -situation of affairs.</p> - -<p>“Hence the only reasons why we have requested a -delay in the nomination of Galib Pasha to the Senate -are founded on his own declarations last Wednesday before -the Council of Ministers.</p> - -<p>“Although this little matter is scarcely worthy of so -lengthy an explanation, I have made it simply on the -demand addressed to me to furnish explanations on the -subject, and in order to comply with the Imperial -commands.</p> - -<p>“I will only, in conclusion, beg you very particularly -to be good enough to bring these details to the notice of -His Majesty, if he should express his desire to be made -acquainted with them.<br /> - -“Receive, Excellency, etc.,—</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“9 <i>Moharem</i> 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(25<i>th January</i> 1877.)</small></p></div> - -<p>The other question held in reserve was that of the -mixed schools, a measure to which, as we have seen on -several occasions, Midhat attached the greatest importance, -as a means of welding together the different elements of -the nation. He desired to make a beginning by applying -it to the military academies of the Empire. The eve, -possibly, of a great war, in which the nation might require<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span> -the service of all her sons, seemed to him the most -opportune moment conceivable for the application of this -most important reform. He accordingly pressed it on the -Sultan. He was met by the ordinary Fabian tactics of -the Palace—procrastination, promises, delay. The Sultan -demurred, temporised, first gave and then withdrew his -consent, and a long discussion ensued between them on -the subject. The dispute culminated in the following -Memorandum, addressed by Midhat in the name of the -Ministry, to the Sultan, through the usual channel:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To the First Secretary of His Majesty Saïd Pasha.</i><a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">18</a></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Excellency</span>,—All sincere friends of Turkey -continue to urge us—as did Mr Thiers quite lately—in -the actual condition of affairs, to give proofs to -Europe of our sincerity and good intentions. This very -day a despatch from Musurus Pasha informs us that Lord -Derby congratulates the Imperial Government on the -dissolution of the Conference, which he considers as a -success for Turkey. At the same time Lord Derby -urges us to conclude peace with Servia as soon as -possible, and to make a beginning in carrying out those -articles of the Constitution, and those propositions of -the Conference, that are susceptible of immediate application. -And whilst we, taking these friendly counsels -into very serious consideration, are working with a view -of putting into operation without delay the Firmans -concerning reforms, an Imperial Irade, promulgated -yesterday, prohibits the admission of Christians into -the military schools, which a preceding Irade had -authorised. Now, such a prohibition is calculated -seriously to compromise, from the very beginning, -an important reform that the whole world expects -from the Constitution, and it is natural that obstacles -of this kind should discourage and paralyse the efforts -that we are constantly making to serve our country with -devotion. We therefore regret sincerely that of all the -questions which are now placed on the order of the day -to be studied by the Council, this important one alone -remains in suspense, and we regret it all the more in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span>asmuch -as the explanations that we addressed to His -Majesty on the subject yesterday morning have remained -unanswered. I therefore appeal to the Imperial goodwill, -and beseech His Majesty to bring to bear on this question -all the forethought and attention that it deserves.</p> - -<p class="right">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> -<br /> -<p><small>“8 <i>Moharem</i> 1294, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(24<i>th January</i> 1877).</small></p></div> - -<p>Worn out by these tactics, Midhat determined to bring -the matter to an issue, and make it what would be called -a Cabinet question, and addressed to the Sultan the -following letter:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Sire</span>,—The object of promulgating the Constitution -was to abolish Absolutism, to indicate Your Majesty’s -rights and duties, to define and establish those of -Ministers; in a word, to secure to the nation complete and -entire liberty, and thus by a common effort to raise the -condition and position of the country.</p> - -<p>“Contrary to what had occurred in the case of former -<em>Hatti Humayuns</em> promulgated thirty years back, the new -charter was to subsist and receive its full application after -the present political crisis should be at an end; for our object -in promulgating that Constitution was certainly not merely -to find a solution of the so‐called Eastern Question, nor -to seek thereby to make a demonstration that should -conciliate the sympathies of Europe which had been -estranged from us.</p> - -<p>“Allow me, Sire, to offer a few observations on this -subject. In the first place, Your Majesty, who is responsible -before the nation for your acts, is bound to be -acquainted with your duties as well as with your rights and -prerogatives. It is, moreover, indispensable that Ministers -should have the certain conviction of being able to -accomplish their tasks, and that we should be able to -free ourselves from that habit of servile flattery which has -debased our people and ruined the country during the last -four centuries.</p> - -<p>“I am animated by a profound respect for the person of -Your Majesty. But basing my conduct on the ordinances -of the Cheri (sacred law), I am bound to withhold obedience -to the commands of Your Majesty whenever they -are not in conformity with the interests of the nation; -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span>otherwise the weight of my responsibility would be too -heavy for me to bear. The dictates of my conscience that -command me to conform my acts to the salvation and -prosperity of my country impose an imperative obligation -on me; and the judgment of my country, which is what I -respect and cherish most, forbids me to act otherwise.</p> - -<p>“I desire earnestly that no shadow of a suspicion should -cross the mind of Your Majesty, and I dread, as I have -already said, to find later on that I have sinned against -my own conscience and deserved the malediction of my -countrymen. It is this very apprehension that forces me -to submit those considerations to Your Majesty. It is -indispensable, Sire, that the Ottoman nation should have -the power to reform and administer their country, according -to the law. It is unnecessary for me to point out or -explain to Your Majesty all that is contained in this -phrase. I humbly pray and beseech Your Majesty to -have confidence in me and my colleagues in the accomplishment -of our difficult task, in which patriotism and -love of our country are our only motives and inspiration.</p> - -<p>“I trust that I have not as yet committed any act -compromising the responsibility that I feel, and I desire -that the nation should be imbued with the sense of our -responsibility towards it, otherwise no satisfactory result -can ever be attained.</p> - -<p>“It is now nine days, Sire, since you have abstained -from giving a favourable answer to my petition. You -thereby refuse to sanction laws indispensable to the -welfare of the country, and without which our whole -previous work will be rendered futile. Whilst Your -Majesty’s Ministers are engaged in endeavouring to -restore the governmental edifice which has with so -much difficulty escaped total ruin, surely Your Majesty -would not willingly add to the work of destruction.</p> - -<p>“If Your Majesty should in consequence of the above -named opinions consider it your duty to relieve me of my -functions as Grand Vizier, I would pray Your Majesty to -confide them into such strong hands as shall be able to -reconcile the principles and ideas of Your Majesty with -the necessities of the country and the gravity of the situation -in which the Empire finds itself placed to‐day.—I am, -Sire, Your Majesty’s humble servant,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“18<i>th January</i> 1293, <i>O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(30<i>th January</i> 1877.)</small></p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span></p> - -<p>For three days he abstained from going to the Palace.</p> - -<p>The Sultan, who was now prepared for extremities, sent -Safvet Pasha to him to inform him that all he demanded -would be granted and to request him to come to the Palace. -Safvet Pasha, Minister for Foreign Affairs, and one of the -Turkish delegates at the Conference, was not what would -be called a strong Minister. He was prone to conciliation -and compromise rather than energetic measures and resolutions; -but he was essentially an honest man: duplicity -and treachery were absolutely foreign to his nature. If on -this occasion he was intended as an instrument of duplicity, -it was practised at his own expense, and he was merely -an unconscious tool. Midhat, however, demurred to -the invitation, and required the necessary Irades to be -issued on the matters pending with the Palace, before -he resumed his functions as Grand Vizier. Thereupon -the Sultan sent his first aide‐de‐camp, Saïd (Ingless) -Pasha, to him, to assure him that the Irades were ready, if he -would, on the Sultan’s order, accompany him to the Palace. -Midhat went. He perceived on his way an unwonted -display of troops in the district of Tavshan Tashi, -where his Konak was situated, but he was not aware -then, on the night of the 4th‐5th February, that the -Imperial Yacht <em>Izzeddine</em> was moored close to the -marble steps leading up to the terrace of the Palace of -Dolma‐Bagtche. If he had perceived it and guessed its -purpose, it was too late to retreat, or to escape the snare -laid for him. On his arrival at the Palace he was shown -into a small ante‐chamber and told to await the Sultan’s -orders.</p> - -<p>The first aide‐de‐camp soon returned with the Sultan’s -order to deliver up his seal of office, and to accompany -him.</p> - -<p>He then conducted him on board the <em>Izzeddine</em>, -which, with steam already up, immediately weighed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">146</a></span> -anchor and steamed off in the direction of the Sea of -Marmora with Midhat on board. The Captain of the -<em>Izzeddine</em> had sealed orders, which he was only to open in -the Sea of Marmora. These orders were, that he should -wait for twenty‐four hours in the Bay of Tchekmedje, and if -he received no telegram within that space of time, he was to -conduct Midhat to any European port on the Mediterranean -that the ex‐Grand Vizier might select. No despatch -arriving, he proceeded on his course to Brindisi, where he -landed Midhat.</p> - -<p>That the forcible banishment of the Grand Vizier was -a violation of the letter as well as the spirit of the -Constitution promulgated and sworn to by the Sultan, has -never been seriously denied. The “reason of State” urged -would obviously cover any act of arbitrary power whatever. -It was for the express purpose of putting an end to such -an arbitrary <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">régime</i> that the Constitution was framed and -insisted on. The flimsy pretext put forward, that it was in -accordance with the 113th Article of the Constitution, will -not bear the most superficial examination. The power -therein conceded to the Sultan was in a rider to a clause -declaring a state of siege when the safety of the State -required it, and the purport and limits of the clause must -necessarily govern the subsidiary provisions of the clause -itself. Not only could a rider of this description not bear -the interpretation sought to be placed upon it, but other -substantial clauses of the Constitution directly forbade the -exercise of any such arbitrary power, and provided for the -elementary right that no man should be punished except -after due trial. But further: clauses 31, 32, and 34 contained -special and minute provisions for the arrest and -trial of Ministers guilty of treason or malversation, so -that both positively and negatively, in its substantial provisions -and in its omissions, the banishment of Midhat, with -its attendant circumstances, was as clear a violation of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">147</a></span> -Constitution as the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup d’état</i> of the 2nd December 1852 -in France.</p> - -<p>But political morality and good faith and patriotism -apart, it must be allowed that the tactics pursued by -the Palace were, <em>qua</em> tactics, very cleverly devised. If -the Sultan had struck at the Constitution as well as the -champion of it; at reform at the same time as the reformer, -he would undoubtedly have raised a storm in the country -which would have immediately endangered his throne; -but by striking down the father and pillar of the -Reformers he practically killed reform, and put the -Constitution at his mercy as certainly as if he had -suppressed it then and there; and whilst pretending -himself to champion both reform and the Constitution, -he managed to play the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">rôle</i> of Wat Tyler successfully, -and to take the sting out of the blow, and conceal -the full meaning of the act that he had just committed. -There was a party in Constantinople, to which personal -ambition was not a stranger, who imagined that Midhat -was not essential to the cause of the Constitution, and -that Abdul Hamid II. was sincere in his protestations of -reforming ardour. Some were of good faith, and some were -simply moved by ambition. Both very soon discovered -their mistake, and in various distant provinces found leisure -to reflect and repent of their confiding innocence.</p> - -<p>The Palace, although they had hazarded this great -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup</i>, did not feel at all secure as to the effect it might -produce on the population of Constantinople, in spite -of all the measures of precaution that had been taken; -and the order given to the captain of the <em>Izzeddine</em> -to remain twenty‐four hours at anchor in the bay of -Tchekmedje, was with a view, in case of a serious -rising in the capital, of recalling Midhat and persuading -him to resume his functions—until a more convenient -opportunity arose. The Palace was playing for safety.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">148</a></span></p> - -<p>Stunned by the suddenness of the blow, entirely unprepared -for any concerted action, and distracted by reports -industriously spread, the people did not rise, and the Palace -breathed freely. It had gained a complete victory.</p> - -<p><span class="gesperrt">* * * * *</span></p> - -<p>Between the breaking up of the Conference and the -breaking out of the war, the sequence of diplomatic action -can be very briefly narrated. On the 19th January 1877 -Prince Gortchakoff issued a Circular to the Powers, which -can be summed up in the question, “What are you going -to do about it?” One particular phrase, however, in this -document must be noted. He says that the agreement -in the Berlin Memorandum not being unanimous, and -the crisis being aggravated, among other causes, by the -revolution in Constantinople, the Cabinets recommenced -negotiations, and, on the initiative of England, agreed upon -a basis and guarantees to be discussed at a Conference -at Constantinople. There is very little doubt that this -revolution in Constantinople—which had the avowed -object of checking absolutism and giving the Turkish -people guarantees for good government—was in the eyes -of Russia an aggravation of the crisis, and justified, and -even necessitated, in her opinion, hostile action against -Turkey. That Russia, who had undertaken the championship -of liberty and progress among the inhabitants of -a neighbouring empire, should be confronted by the -establishment of institutions far more liberal and advanced -than anything her own people were allowed to dream of; -and that there should be sitting at Constantinople a -Parliament, the very name of which was a terror and -nightmare at St Petersburg, was without question an -intolerable grievance.</p> - -<p><i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">À propos</i> of this, the famous despatch of Count Pozzo -di Borgo, of November 1828, to M. de Nesselrode, may -be read with profit:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">149</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“When the Imperial Cabinet examines the question -as to whether the moment had arrived to take up arms -against the Porte, some doubts as to the urgency of -this measure might exist in the minds of those who had -not sufficiently meditated on the effects of the sanguinary -reforms that the Ottoman Chief had just executed with -terrible energy. But now the experience that we have -just had ought to unite everybody in favour of the line -then adopted. The Emperor has put the Turkish system -to the proof, and His Majesty has found in it a commencement -of material and moral organisation which hitherto -it has never possessed. If the Sultan has been enabled to -oppose to us a more lively and sustained resistance whilst -he had scarcely collected the elements of his new plans -of reform and improvement, how much more formidable -should we have found him if he had had time to give them -more consistency and solidity?...”</p></div> - -<p>The whole policy of Russia towards Turkey is contained -in the above despatch. The Cabinets of the Powers -did not immediately answer Prince Gortchakoff’s Circular -of the 19th January. General Ignatieff took a circular -journey round Europe and felt the pulses of its Governments. -On the 13th March, Count Schouvaloff handed -to Lord Derby the draft Protocol which it was proposed -to submit to the signature of the Great Powers, so as -“to terminate the incident.” In this interview, the Russian -Ambassador urged in favour of this course the unfortunate -result that would ensue if shades of difference of opinion -were to manifest themselves in the replies of the various -Cabinets to the Russian Circular, which might be a -determining cause to induce Russia to seek for a solution -<em>either by means of a direct understanding with the Porte</em>, -or by force of arms.</p> - -<p>Lord Derby does not seem to have requested the Russian -Ambassador to explain the above oracular utterance. -There was more in it than he perhaps imagined. Another -remarkable expression fell from Count Schouvaloff at this -interview, and one which shows that he did not give<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span> -himself the trouble, in his interview with the English -Minister, to maintain even the appearance of consistency. -“<cite>As a period of some months would not be sufficient to -accomplish these reforms</cite>, it would be preferable,” etc. But -this was Mr Disraeli’s and Lord Derby’s contention, though -not sustained, for postponing diplomatic action, and the -Turkish Ministers were never tired of urging it as a good -and valid reason for deferring the Conference altogether.</p> - -<p class="tb">The Protocol that was signed at London on the 31st -March 1877 was certainly, as compared with the Protocol -of the Conference, a very colourless document. After recapitulating -certain recent diplomatic acts and taking -cognisance of certain others, in view of certain indications, -“the Powers propose <em>to watch carefully</em> by means of their -Representatives at Constantinople, and their local agents, -the manner in which the promises of the Ottoman Government -are carried into effect.” It concluded by saying: “If -their hopes should once more be disappointed, and if the -conditions of the Christian subjects of the Sultan should -not be improved in a manner to prevent the return of -the complications which periodically disturb the peace of -the East, they think it right to declare that such a state -of things would be incompatible with their interests and -those of Europe in general. In such case, they reserve -to themselves the right to consider, in common, the means -which they may deem best fitted to secure the well‐being -of the Christian population and the interests of the general -peace.”</p> - -<p>This Protocol was accompanied by two remarkable -declarations, annexed to the Minutes of the Meeting at -the Foreign Office at which the Protocol was signed—the -one on the part of the Russian Ambassador, the other -on that of the English Minister.</p> - -<p>The latter was to the effect that, in the event of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">151</a></span> -the object for which the Protocol had been signed, viz., -reciprocal disarmament and peace, not being attained, the -Protocol in question should be regarded as null and void.</p> - -<p>The declaration by the Russian Ambassador was in -the following terms:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“If peace with Montenegro is concluded, and the Porte -accepts the advice of Europe and shows itself ready to -replace its forces on a peace footing, and seriously to -undertake the reforms mentioned in the Protocol, let it -send to St Petersburg a special envoy to treat of disarmament, -to which his Majesty the Emperor would also, -on his part, consent. If massacres similar to those which -have occurred in Bulgaria take place, this would necessarily -put a stop to the measures of demobilization.”</p></div> - -<p>The Porte thought fit, perhaps unnecessarily, inasmuch -as its adhesion to the Protocol was not required, -to make on the 9th April 1877 a most elaborate and -spirited answer to the position taken up by the signatories -of that document.</p> - -<p>It pointed out that the efforts of the Powers were -exclusively directed to what they considered the well‐being -of one portion only of the Sultan’s subjects, whereas -the reforms which the new Constitution aimed at introducing -did not bear a special or exclusive character in -regard to province, race, creed or language. That the -small account which the Powers seemed to have taken -both of the great principles of equality and justice which -the Turkish Government sought to introduce into the -internal administration, and of its rights of independence -and sovereignty, was deeply to be regretted. That Turkey -as an independent State could not submit “to be placed -under any surveillance, whether collective or not.” That -the Treaty of Paris explicitly declared the principle of -non‐intervention. That Treaty which binds the other high -contracting parties as well as Turkey, cannot be abolished<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">152</a></span> -by a Protocol in which Turkey has taken no part. And -as for the last clause, the Government of the Sultan saw -in it “a proceeding of intimidation calculated to deprive -their action of all merit of spontaneity, and a source of -grave complication for the present as well as for the -future.”</p> - -<p>With reference to the declaration of the Russian Ambassador -annexed to the Protocol, the Porte very pointedly -remarked that “as regards the disorders which might break -out in Turkey and arrest the demobilization of the Russian -army, the Sultan’s Government, while resenting the offensive -terms in which this idea has been expressed, believes that -Europe is convinced that the disorders which have disturbed -the tranquillity of the provinces were due to external -agitation; that the Imperial Government cannot be held -responsible for them, and that consequently the Russian -Government will not be justified <em>in making the demobilization -of its armies depend on such contingencies</em>.”</p> - -<p>This last paragraph pointed out a serious practical -difficulty that confronted the Ottoman Government with -reference to the proposal for demobilization. Russia was -supposed to be able to mobilise her armies in eight days: -at any rate, it was a question of days with her. Turkey, -on account of her geographical position, and the nature of -her organisation, required several months to effect this -object. If, therefore, after making the greatest sacrifices in -order to collect her forces, she were now to dismiss them to -their distant homes, and Russia were allowed, on a pretext -indicated by herself, to remobilise her own army, Turkey -would be caught at the greatest possible disadvantage, and -would then be completely at the mercy of her unscrupulous -opponent. And nothing would be easier than for Russia, -employing the means at which she had shown herself an -adept, to excite troubles which would give her the very -justification which she sought for a systematic attack on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">153</a></span> -the now defenceless Ottoman Empire. The Porte had had -experience of this very same line of action and of argument -in respect to Servia. On the 2nd November 1876, Sir -H. Elliot writes to Lord Derby that “General Ignatieff -told me this morning that he has been directed by his -Government to inform the Porte that they would consider -any excesses committed by the Turkish troops as a -violation of the armistice; and one of the secretaries of the -Russian Embassy was desired this afternoon to tell me, -further, that the General had orders at once to leave -Constantinople upon any violation of it occurring,” and -he adds, “a ready pretext for a rupture appears thus to -be prepared.”<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">19</a></p> - -<p>On the 19th April 1877, Prince Gortchakoff issued -another Circular announcing a declaration of war against -the Ottoman Empire, and concluding with the following -most remarkable sentence: “In assuming this task, -our august Master fulfils a duty imposed upon him by -the interests of Russia, whose <em>peaceful development is -hindered by the permanent disturbances of the East</em>.”</p> - -<p>Commentary would spoil this choice bit. The lamb -was troubling the stream.</p> - -<p>On the 1st May, Lord Derby made a most caustic -and merciless reply to the Russian Circular.</p> - -<p>After pointing out that the Porte had never wavered -“in affirming its intention of carrying out the reforms -already promised,” which was the avowed object of the -Powers, and that by patience and moderation on both -sides these objects might still have been attained, and -that it was the presence of large Russian forces on the -frontiers of Turkey, “menacing its safety, rendering disarmament -impossible, and exciting a feeling of apprehension -and fanaticism among the Mussulman population,” that -constituted a material obstacle to internal pacification and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">154</a></span>reform. It went on to say, that the course on which the -Russian Government had entered involved graver and -more serious considerations. It was in contravention of -the stipulation of the Treaty of Paris of 30th March, 1856, -by which Russia and the other signatory Powers engaged, -each on its own part, to respect the independence and -the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire, and -further, that they had, as late as 1871, signed a declaration -at the Conference of London, affirming it to be “an -essential principle of the law of nations that no Power -can liberate itself from the engagements of a Treaty, nor -modify the stipulations thereof, unless with the consent of -the Contracting Parties by means of an amicable arrangement.” -It concluded by saying, in reference to the pretension -that Russia was acting in the interest of Great Britain -and of the other Powers, that it felt bound to state in a -manner equally formal and public that the decision of the -Russian Government was not one that could have their concurrence -or approval.</p> - -<p>Nothing could be more logical or reasonable, but it -was not logic or reason that could keep the Russian -armies on their side of the Pruth.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">155</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER VII<br /><br /> - -<small>MIDHAT PASHA IN EUROPE</small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> exile of Midhat Pasha to Europe, after his sensational -downfall from power on 5th February 1877, caused -very much excitement in Europe. The Emperor of -Austria is reported to have exclaimed, “Good Heavens! -these Turks are incorrigible!”; while M. Thiers said, -“Turkey’s most inveterate enemy could hardly have -devised such a diabolical piece of advice to give to the -Sultan.” The Cabinets lost all hope of seeing reforms -introduced into Turkey. The English, as well as the -greater part of the European Press, showed their sympathy -towards the ex‐Grand Vizier and their discontent with -the Sultan. Amongst the Russian newspapers the <em>Golos</em> -of St Petersburg, 9th February 1877, whilst clearly -showing the interest that Russia had in the disgrace of -Midhat Pasha, yet expressed its opinions in the following -manner:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“The end of the Turkish Empire in Europe has come. -All that is now wanted is patience, and waiting is not -difficult, since war is impossible with a State which will -perish more quickly by the effect of its internal crisis than -through a foreign army. Russia will have time enough to -save the Christians from the misfortune that might befall -them through the fall of Turkey. It is now more to the -advantage of Russia, as well as of the Christians, to wait -and see how the course of Turkish decay will shape -itself than to prolong the process of dissolution by interference.”<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">20</a></p></div> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span></p> -<p>The exile of Midhat, and the consequent change in the -Ministry, also caused the very greatest commotion throughout -the greater part of the Turkish population.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> But the -Sultan had taken every precaution against the possibility -of any insurrection on the part of the people in favour of -the exiled Grand Vizier, and he hastened to assemble -Parliament, in order that he might gain the credit of being -considered even more liberal than his Grand Vizier; and -to show that the downfall of Midhat by no means involved -the abolition of the recently promulgated Constitution, he -opened Parliament.</p> - -<p>The opening of the new Parliament had been fixed -for the 1st March, but owing to the fact that many of -the deputies from the more distant provinces had not -arrived in the capital, the ceremony was adjourned till the -4th March. On that day Parliament was opened with -great ceremony by the Sultan in the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche.</p> - -<p>On the right of the throne stood the Ministers and high -functionaries, the Chiefs of the Christian communities, and -members of the Council of State; on the left, the Ulema, -and Cadi, and Heads of the High Courts of Justice, with -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span>the Generals of Division; behind these the pages of the -Court. Behind the throne were the Foreign Representatives, -and interspersed between the groups on the -right and left of the throne were the Senators and Representatives -in the Parliament. The Sultan entered, dressed -in black, and stood by the throne with his hand on his -sword, whilst his First Secretary read the following Opening -Speech:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>The Sultan’s Speech.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Senators and Deputies,—Gentlemen</span>,—The -difficulties and dangers which our general situation presents -cannot be compared to any of the crises through which -the Empire has hitherto passed. I was obliged, first of -all, in order to guard the rights of the Empire, to augment -the effective force of our armies at various points, and to -call under arms 700,000 combatants. Next I considered -it a duty to try, by means of essential reforms, to put an -end, with God’s help, to the disorder of the situation, and -thus to insure our future in a permanent fashion. It is -evident that, thanks to the resources with which Providence -has endowed our country, and the aptitudes of our subjects, -a good administration would enable us in a short time to -make considerable progress. If we have not reached the -level of progress of other parts of the civilised world, the -cause of this must be traced to the instability of the institutions -necessary to the State, and of the laws and regulations -issuing therefrom. This instability proceeded from everything, -being in the hands of an absolute Government, which -disregarded the salutary principle of common deliberation. -The progress effected by civilised States, the security and -wealth they enjoy, are the fruit of the participation of all in -the enactment of laws and in the administration of public -affairs. This is why we thought it necessary to seek in -that course the means of arriving at progress, and of enacting -and enforcing laws adopted by the common consent of -the population. For this purpose I have granted and -promulgated the Constitution. By the promulgation of -the Constitution, I have not simply designed to invite the -population to share in the direction of public affairs; I -have had the firm resolution of employing the deliberative -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span>system as an effective means for the amelioration of the -administrative system of the country, to preserve it from -maladministration and absolutism. Irrespective of these -fundamental advantages, the Constitution guarantees the -unity of the governed, and confirms the principle of the -welfare and fraternal solidarity of the population; for our -illustrious ancestors, having, by God’s grace, extended their -possessions and aggrandised the Empire, have combined -under their rule a large number of peoples. These peoples -being of various nationalities and religions, it was desirable -that a uniform law should unite and protect them all. I -give thanks to Divine Providence for this legitimate aspiration -being at length realised. Henceforth all my subjects -will be considered children of the same country, and will -be placed under the protection of one law. They will be -designated by the name borne by the illustrious race of the -Founders of the Empire—a name associated with the -glorious annals of a history of 600 years. I have a firm -conviction that from this moment all my subjects will unite -their efforts to make the name Osmanli retain the force -and power hitherto surrounding it. I am therefore resolved, -in view of this ideal and these reasons, not to deviate from -the course which I have just adopted, and ever to adhere -closely to it. I expect from you a real and intelligent co‐operation, -in order to derive legitimate benefit from the -Constitution, which is based on justice and the public -security. I have deemed it necessary to insure to all the -advantages of liberty and equality, to abolish the system of -arbitrariness, to enact and execute laws adopted in common -accord with the population, and, lastly, to found our administrative -system on constitutional and liberal principles. -It is in order to realise this sincere desire that I have -created and convoked your body, composed of the Senate -and Chamber of Deputies. It now devolves on you -faithfully and honestly to fulfil the legislative duties -intrusted to your patriotism. In this task you should not -be influenced by any personal considerations, but have in -view only the faithful maintenance of the safety and welfare -of the State and country. The improvements which we -now need, and the reforms in all the public services, are -of the highest importance. The gradual application of -these measures depends on the accord which shall prevail -among you. The Council of State is engaged in framing -Bills which will be submitted to you. In the present -Session you will have before you Bills on the Standing -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">159</a></span>Orders of the Chamber, the Electoral Law, the General -Law respecting the Vilayets and the Government of the -Communes, the Municipal Law, the Civil Code of Procedure; -the laws relative to the re‐organisation of the -Tribunal and the mode of promoting and superannuating -Judges, the Law concerning the functions and retiring -pensions of all public functionaries in general, the Law of -the Press, that respecting the Court of Accounts, and, -lastly, the Budget Law. I desire that these different Bills -be successively studied and discussed. You will have -especially to occupy yourselves with the re‐organisation of -the Tribunals, the only safeguard for the rights of everyone, -and with the formation of the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmerie</i>. In order to -attain this end, it will be necessary to augment the amount -of special grants for these two branches of the Service. -As you will see from the Budget which will be submitted -to the Chamber, our finances are in an extremely difficult -situation. I recommend you, above all, to adopt common -measures adapted to meet the difficulties of the situation -and to restore our credit. You will have moreover, to take -measures to insure the supply of funds required for urgent -reforms. One of the greatest wants of our Empire and of -our subjects is the development of agriculture and industry, -and the progress of civilisation and of public wealth. This -result can only be obtained by means of the development -of public instruction. Measures with the object of -improving educational establishments, and of fixing the -programme of studies, will be submitted to the Chambers -in the Session of next year. The Imperial Government -attaches the greatest importance to the choice and appointment -of the functionaries who will be called upon to apply -and execute the above‐mentioned laws and those which -will be ultimately promulgated for the working of the -Constitution. Since my accession to the Throne I have -given particular attention to this question. It is for this -reason that I have decided on instituting, at my own -expense, a special school for the education of administrative -officials. As stated by the published organic regulations -of that school, they will be admitted to the highest -administrative and political posts. The pupils will be -selected without distinction of religion, from all classes of -my subjects. Their promotion will be according to the -degree of their capacity. For nearly two years we have had -to face internal complications. During this period, especially -during the hostilities with Servia and Montenegro, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">160</a></span>our faithful subjects have given proofs of patriotism, and -our troops have done, at the price of great suffering, acts of -courage and bravery which I profoundly appreciate. In -all questions we have only had the defence of our rights -in view. The efforts we have made for this purpose have -had the result of restoring peace with Servia. As to the -decision we shall take in the negotiations with Montenegro, -it will be referred to your deliberations at their first sitting. -I advise you to be prompt in deciding. Our relations -with friendly Powers are still marked by that courtesy -and deference which are among the most precious rules -for our State. Several months ago the Government of -England proposed the meeting of a Conference in our -capital for the consideration of the present questions. -The bases proposed being also supported by the other -Great Powers, our Sublime Porte consented to the meeting -of the Conference. Though a definite understanding was -not obtained in that Conference, we have given proofs of -our sincere desire to defer to the wishes and counsels of -friendly Powers. As to the causes of the non‐agreement -of the Conference, these lay rather in the form and the -mode of execution than in the substance. I thoroughly -appreciate the imperative necessity of continuing the efforts -for progress, by which so much has already been achieved, -from the origin of the <em>Tanzimat</em> till this time, in all -branches of the administration, and in the general -condition of my Empire. All our efforts still tend towards -that object. But on this occasion I considered it my -duty to preserve the country from all attacks on its -honour and independence. Time will prove the sincerity -of our intentions. Our desire being in all cases to maintain -our rights and independence, we adopt also for the -future the same line of conduct. I rejoice to think that -the proofs of moderation and sincerity furnished by our -State, before and after the Conference, will have served to -strengthen the bonds of friendship and sympathy which -unite my Empire to the Concert of European Powers. -May the Almighty deign to grant success to our common -efforts!”</p></div> - -<p>Thus, against his will, the Sultan had been obliged to -keep his word and to open the Chamber of Deputies, but -he now left no means untried in order to deprive the -people of the privilege which he had just granted them.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">161</a></span> -It so happened that events occurred which furnished him -with certain opportunities, of which he took advantage with -the greatest astuteness, and which were very much to -the detriment of the nation.</p> - -<p>The refusal of the Porte and of the Grand Council to -accept the propositions formulated at the Conference -had placed Turkey in an exceedingly critical position, -although the whole civilised world, with the exception of -Russia and the Sultan Abdul Hamid, were convinced -that this refusal was of no great importance, since -the solemnly proclaimed Constitution had assured the -Empire that the necessary reforms should be made, and -that the maladministration should be brought to an -end. Nevertheless, the fall of Midhat, of the very man to -whom the empire owed this Constitution, gave rise to -doubt as to the execution of the promised reforms. On -19th April, Prince Gortchakoff sent out his Circular to -the Powers, and on the 24th of April hostilities were -begun by Russia.</p> - -<p>Public opinion in Turkey was thus entirely engrossed -by the danger with which the empire was threatened -from outside, and was no longer able to concentrate -itself on the changes that were taking place in the -internal government. All minds were excited at the -near approach of Russia, and were unable to occupy -themselves in the maintenance of those rights which -had been conferred by the new charter. The Sultan -was thus able to attain his object, and finding no -longer any obstacle to his will, he closed the Parliament -and exiled the few deputies who dared to raise their -voice in protest.</p> - -<p>The war declared by Russia was the necessary result -of the policy which Abdul Hamid had proposed to follow. -Having exiled Midhat Pasha, and closed Parliament -without having executed a single reform, he was equally<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">162</a></span> -obliged to crush every liberal tendency in order that he -might monopolise the supreme power, and spared no -effort to rid himself of every force that was capable of -thwarting his designs. He now began to get secret -information as to the opinions of all the principal Ministers -and Generals, and took care at once to deprive of all -power those whom he feared might be dangerous to -him. The contradictory instructions that he gave to the -Generals, the absurd military orders that he issued from -his Palace of Yildiz, were transmitted after reports which -attributed revolutionary designs to certain of his Generals—designs -which they were far from cherishing—had -reached him.</p> - -<p>It was in consequence of these suspicions on the part -of the Sultan that the Commander‐in‐Chief Abdul Kerim -and the Marshal Suleiman Pasha were brought before a -Council of War and condemned, <em>not</em> on account of faults -committed, but simply because one of these two chief -officers had participated in the deposition of the Sultan -Abdul Aziz, and the other was known to have liberal -opinions.</p> - -<p>The Sultan’s efforts were crowned by the Treaty of -San Stefano. The Circular of Prince Gortchakoff, -which had appeared in the Official Journal of St -Petersburg on the 9th April 1877, showed that what -Russia had wished to obtain from Turkey by the -Conference of Constantinople, differed but very little -from the conditions which she imposed on the Porte in -the Treaty of San Stefano, a fact to which Lord -Salisbury rendered due justice in his despatch of 1st -April.</p> - -<p>Although the Cabinet of Great Britain had firmly -stated its intentions of not entering into the quarrel, the -general interests of Europe and the special interests of -England were so deeply involved in the dispute, that it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span> -was impossible for that Power not to be obliged sooner or -later to take some share in the proceedings. The intervention -of England, although unhappily it came rather -late in the day, led to the Congress of Berlin, which -blotted out the Treaty of San Stefano.</p> - -<p>As Midhat Pasha, however, played no part in the -Russo‐Turkish War, nor in the events that followed, we -will pass over them, and relate the vicissitudes of his -journey in Europe, including the interviews which he had -with the heads of States and celebrated politicians.</p> - -<p>Midhat arrived at Brindisi, 11th February, 1877, and -after a few days’ rest left for Naples, where he had at -first wished to live, withdrawn from the world and its -capitals. The following statement, which we reprint from -the <cite>Neue Freie Presse</cite> of Vienna, was made by him on -the future of the Constitution:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“It is not despotism which, by my banishment, has -reacted against the constitutional <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">régime</i>. That is not at -all the case. Montesquieu has taught us that the creation -of a constitution is very difficult and takes much time. -A sovereign prince, accustomed to absolute power, can -only be persuaded little by little to abandon his prerogatives, -that being necessary to the constitutional <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">régime</i>. -It is a difficult task, frequently interrupted by contrary -currents, but for all that one need never despair of reaching -the goal, for with time, patience and perseverance -success is attainable. It is not in the person of the -Sultan, nor yet through his present Ministers, that I see -danger for the Constitution, but rather in the want of -character and of courage so often to be found in those -who are the Sovereign’s Councillors, and who, instead -of acting according to their convictions, seek their own -advantage in hiding the truth. I have never hesitated -about giving my opinion to the Sultan, whoever he might -be, whenever it happened to differ from his; I have always -done so with the greatest respect, but also without the -least reticence. Many a misfortune might have been -avoided in this world of ours if there had not been a great -lack of men, capable of placing the whole truth before -their Sovereign.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">164</a></span></p> -<p>“The danger to the Constitution lies, not in the lack -of goodwill, but in the ignorance as to how to manage -the mechanism. The Governmental form of despotism -reminds me somewhat of a primitive mill, which may be -turned by the force of water, or may equally be turned -by its wheel. Constitutional Government also resembles -a mill—but one that is put in movement by a complicated -and artistically constructed mechanism. A knowledge as -to how to work this machine and to keep it in movement -is absolutely necessary. Thus, we must hope that the -men of experience who find themselves at the head of -affairs at Constantinople will not put the machinery of -the new mill in motion, in accordance with the ideas -and routine of the primitive mill. Constitutional Government -cannot have the customs and the men of the -Despotic system as its motive power. Reshid Pasha, -our great reformer, was one day reproached for employing -young men who had only just left college; he replied -that it was right that it should be so, as neither one man -alone, nor yet ten, could possibly do everything, and that -it was therefore necessary to prepare a fresh staff of -administrators. This has always been my idea, and -whenever I have seen many rivals around me, I have -delighted in the thought that it was to the profit of my -country.</p> - -<p>“If a man would render real and genuine services to -his Sovereign and his Nation, he must be <em>patriotic</em>, and -very much depends upon the way in which each person -interprets this word. As for me, I consider that man to -be a true patriot who, renouncing his own private interests, -devotes himself morally and physically to one supreme -aim—the welfare of his country. One must be willing to -renounce everything—to be ready at a moment’s notice to -sacrifice happiness, family, and life itself for what one -realises to be the good of the Fatherland.</p> - -<p>“I have frequently been in a position in which I might -have remained Minister, or have acquired vast wealth, and -so have been able to end my days in the midst of luxury -and covered with honours. But such is not my idea of -patriotism.</p> - -<p>“The esteem, love and sympathy of my nation have -been always valued by me far above all other favours -and all the splendours of this world. I could not remain -a Minister when my Sovereign refused to allow me to -act as I thought necessary for the honour and welfare -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">165</a></span>of my country, and I prefer poverty and exile to the -swords of honour, the diamonds and highest favours; -and to be held in esteem by my compatriots is to me -the proudest and keenest satisfaction.”</p></div> - -<p>Events in the East having now begun to assume a -more and more threatening aspect, Midhat felt he could -not possibly remain in inactivity at Naples, in the face -of all the troubles that assailed his country. He went -to Paris, and thence he crossed to London. He was -the subject of the warmest welcome in each of the two -capitals. Although an exile, he worked his hardest to -find some favourable issue, and to deliver his country -from the risk she ran in the Russian War. His friendly -relations with Lord Beaconsfield and with the other -English statesmen did not fail to produce some good -effects in helping to save his country from an unjust -war. When he had seen that the English Government -were disposed to offer their good office for the promotion -of an honourable peace, he left London for Vienna, where -he was granted an audience by the Emperor Francis -Joseph. On receiving news of the resistance offered by -the Turkish army to the Russians, he addressed the -following telegram to the Sultan Abdul Hamid:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To H.M. First Secretary, Saïd Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“During my stay in London, I have tried to employ -all my feeble efforts in favour of the Empire’s cause, -and to obtain an honourable peace. I flatter myself that -I have achieved some results. Now that I am at Vienna -I am desirous of acting in the same way, subject of -course to the approval of His Imperial Majesty, but -it naturally goes without saying that in order that my -efforts may be crowned with any measure of success, -I must be to some extent acquainted with His Majesty’s -plans, so that guided by the intentions of the Government, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">166</a></span>I may, to the best of my ability, render those services -which are necessary in the crisis through which we are -passing.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"><span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.”</p> - -<p><small>(1877.)</small></p></div> - -<p>The Sultan informed him in reply that he would -never accept peace, and he would refuse to listen to any -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">pourparlers</i> on this subject, and that he did not hesitate -to declare that any man who should contemplate such -a step was far from being a true patriot.</p> - -<p>Midhat Pasha, seeing that peace was impossible, -returned to London, where he never wearied of striving -by every means in his power to be of assistance to his -country. The Sultan, on his side, was doing his best to -vilify Midhat’s name in his own capital, and it is this that -elicited the following letter from him to the Grand Master -of Ceremonies, Kiamil Bey.</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of Ceremonies.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Dear Sir</span>,—I am thoroughly aware of how anxious -you must be to avoid a correspondence with me in my -present disgrace, but I must ask your indulgence for the -few lines that I find myself obliged to address to you.</p> - -<p>“It has been brought to my knowledge that the -publication of a letter in one of the newspapers of -Constantinople has given rise to various attacks directed -against me. I know very well that if an exile, instead -of seeking for indulgence and pity, dares to make use -of the language of criticism as to the acts of the -Government, in such a way as to provoke the enmity -of certain personages, he will not even be able to avoid -hurting his friends. But as these observations only relate -to the defence of my own personality, it would be better -to pass them over in silence, for there is no greater -crime than to be occupied with one’s own individuality -whilst the State is in the midst of such serious dangers. -I believe that no one who has studied my letter can -deny that it only contains the absolute truth. If there -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span>is a certain crudeness to be found therein, it comes from -the truth of the words. If I have been able to remain -indifferent to the attacks of my enemies, who for more -than a year have done their best to injure me in the -eyes of His Majesty by inserting articles and pamphlets -against me in the newspapers, it is also in my power to -bear with patience the vexatious attacks against my character. -But no one must be surprised that the right of -nationality which I possess in common with thirty‐six million -fellow‐countrymen prevents me from keeping silence whilst -our country is in the midst of such terrible vicissitudes, -and our Ministers are involved in such great difficulties. -Yet time presses, and the perilous situation, which has -been dreaded for more than forty years, draws nearer -and nearer. It is therefore the duty of every child of the -country to let his complaint be heard and to lay his fears -before his Sovereign. Those to whom the door of access -to the Sovereign is closed must naturally employ every -possible means by which their words may reach him. It -is high time to realise that to place the truth before a -Sovereign is an act of fidelity, and to hide it is a felony. -Recent events have successively shown us the faults of -those who are opposed to the wise measures which had -been recognised by our Sovereign as necessary to save -the Nation and the Government, and, putting aside all -personal enmity, I am tempted to believe that they will -profit by the goodwill of our august Sovereign and -devote all their efforts to the good of the country. I -end this letter with a request to you to be indulgent -towards my expressions, which are free from all adulatory -emphasis.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>27 Zilhidje 1294, Hegira.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>November 1877.</i>)</small></p></div> - -<p>The Sultan, beginning to fear lest his former Grand -Vizier’s sojourn in Europe should prove a danger to him, -decided to recall him. We publish the following correspondence -which passed between the Grand Master of -Ceremonies and Midhat Pasha on this subject, and which -resulted in the return of the latter to Turkey and his -tragic death. Midhat committed a great error in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">168</a></span> -accepting the reversal of his exile, an error which has -cost the Party of Reform at the very least twenty years -of progress.</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Letter from Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of Ceremonies, to -Midhat Pasha, in exile.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—His Majesty having questioned -me some time ago on Your Highness’ situation, I replied -that you were wandering, sad and dispirited. As to -your means of subsistence, I stated that you were living -on what you borrowed. His Majesty, on whom these -facts made the deepest impression, and who was much -touched, shed tears and wished to send Your Highness -at once the sum of £T1000, to provide for your absolute -necessities. But I took the liberty of saying that it was -first of all necessary to ask how the money should be sent, -and also if you would wish to appoint someone to draw it—and -then to act accordingly. What I have just related -to you is only known to His Majesty, Your Highness, and -to me, and must be kept secret. His Majesty even went -so far as to say—‘The poor man was deceived.’ As to -Your Highness’ present situation, it may come to a happy -termination through a correspondence with your humble -servant, according to the Imperial desire. I shall await -with impatience the immediate reply of Your Highness to -this letter, as well as a letter of thanks for the favour which -Your Highness has received from His Majesty.</p> - -<p class="right">“I am, etc.,<span class="h">xxxx</span><br /> -“<span class="smcap">Kiamil</span>.<span class="h">xx</span></p> - -<p><small>“<i>13th‐25th November 1293</i> (1877.)</small><br /><br /> - -“<i>P.S.</i>—His Majesty repeatedly enjoined that all -that I have just told you should be kept secret.”</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Letter from Midhat Pasha in reply to Kiamil Bey, Grand -Master of Ceremonies.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My very dear Sir</span>,—I have received your letter of -November 13th. I was at first surprised and astonished -to find that a friend, who ever since my departure from -Constantinople had taken care not to send me even a -simple greeting, should now have the courage to write -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">169</a></span>me a letter with his own hand; but after having read it -I understood the motive. Thank you for having wished to -attract the Imperial kindness towards me, and for having -replied—‘He wanders, sad and dispirited’ to the question -that His Majesty kindly put to you. But at the same -time I must point out to you that these words are used -for the unhappy and the bewildered. If His Majesty has -sent me away from Constantinople and exiled me to Europe, -it was in order to put an end to the calumnies which were -spread against me in Constantinople, where my presence -caused a certain amount of anxiety. As it is neither in -keeping with the dignity of the State nor yet with the -Imperial will that a man who has occupied the highest -rank in the Government, and who has so frequently -received the public proofs of the Imperial favour, should -be treated as one who wanders bewildered through foreign -countries, I think you would have been nearer the truth -and also have better pleased His Majesty had you said, -‘Midhat Pasha has retired to Naples, where he is praying -for the happiness of the Sultan.’</p> - -<p>“As to the rest of your letter, I must beg you to -excuse me before I begin to comment on it. You know -that I am the son of Hadji Echref Effendi, and that I have -no other protector than God. I have worked very hard to -acquire knowledge and virtue, but I have not succeeded. -I own that my capacities and accomplishments are inferior to -those of my colleagues. Now, if under these circumstances -I have still been able to reach a rank so much above my -merits, it can only be thanks to my plain dealing; and -all the difficulties that I have met with during my life, are -entirely due to my having spoken the truth.... What -has happened, and to what is it due that I have -been deceived? It was necessary that there should be a -Sovereign at the head of the State after the Sultan Abdul -Aziz, and, in accordance with the law, he was succeeded by -the Sultan Murad. He became ill—was deposed—and, -still in accordance with the law, the Sultan Abdul Hamid -ascended the throne. It has been recognised that he -manifested a sincere desire and also the necessary -capacity to lead the State into the paths of progress; he -showed much esteem for everyone, and his esteem and -benevolence for me were prodigious. In the report which -the late Mustapha Fazil Pasha laid before the Sultan -Abdul Aziz, it is stated that the truth is always the last -to gain admittance into the palace of Sovereigns, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">170</a></span>indeed this is the case. But the more dangerous the word -of truth, the more profitable is the result when it is spoken -to the Sovereign in the hope of serving the State. This -is the reason why, subordinating my private opinions to -the public interests, I have never failed to speak the truth, -and have never hesitated to point out clearly which was -the way of salvation, and which path would lead to the -destruction of our country. Men of evil intention have, -I know, made use of this as a weapon against me, but all -the events of to‐day are proving one by one how just were -my words. Unhappily, there are certain personages who, -instead of trying by every means to save their country -in the present dangerous situation, think only of their -own private interest, and desiring to preserve their prestige, -have committed serious faults, which are incompatible with -humane feeling and quite impossible to correct. And by -these acts not only have they created a bad name for -themselves, but they have been the principal cause of -the destruction of the empire. I can, however, only -be grateful to His Majesty, and ever since my departure -from Constantinople, wherever I have been, I have never -ceased to repeat with fervour how good are His Majesty’s -intentions. Those who know the constancy of my words -and deeds will realise that there is no other course possible -to me. My most ardent desire at present is to see my -country delivered from the horrors of war—my own -personal consideration can only hold a secondary place -in my thoughts.—I am, dear Sir, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>28th November 1293, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>10th December 1877.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Letter from Kiamil Bey, in reply to Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—I hope that Your Highness has -perfectly recognised from the tone of my letter from what -source it came. I was expecting to hear some expressions -of gratitude from Your Highness, but your reply -has in no way fulfilled this expectation, and you have -ruthlessly exposed the real state of affairs without giving -the least consideration to the shades of meaning in my -expressions. This has been a great grief to me, and has -diminished the hope I had of seeing you aiding the course -of progress. In certain circles it is suggested that Your -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span>Highness may be waiting for a change in the Khalifat. -I have been in Egypt for some months for change of air, -and if you should wish to answer me, I would beg you to -address your letters to me in Egypt.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Kiamil</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>24th December 1293, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>6th January 1878</i>).</small></p></div> -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER VIII<br /><br /> - -<small>THE RETURN OF MIDHAT PASHA TO TURKEY</small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">After</span> having received the most sympathetic welcome in -Europe, and above all, in London, during a period of -seventeen months, Midhat Pasha yielded to the Sultan -Abdul Hamid’s invitation and returned to Turkey, thereby -disregarding the wise advice given him by his friends -both at home and abroad, but declaring that he would -sooner die in his own country than in a foreign land. -He refused to accept any office, and only desired to be -allowed to live quietly with his family, far from all -politics and public affairs. He fixed upon Crete as his -place of residence. During his exile in Europe he had -seen the Sultan Abdul Hamid enter into the paths of -despotism—giving power to those men who had done -nothing in the past, and banishing from the capital all -those who were his partisans and who had striven -to establish a rule of justice and of progress. He had -seen his country menaced by every danger, and had -observed the manœuvres of those ambitious statesmen -who only sought for their own personal interests in the -Sultan’s despotism and in their country’s decadence. He -had seen the destruction of all he had worked for, had seen -the Constitution he had done so much to establish deprived -of every authority, and become only a name in the official -records.</p> - -<p>The position that Midhat occupied after his return<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">173</a></span> -to Turkey, may be considered as an exile imposed upon -him by the Sultan. Abdul Hamid was anxious to keep -him in Turkey, but at the same time did not dare to -keep him there in inactivity, fearing lest the leader of -the Liberal Party should once more begin to occupy -himself in obtaining the necessary measures for opening -the Chamber of Deputies. He was well aware that -Midhat, as the Governor of a province, would devote -himself entirely to its re‐organisation, and would therefore -have no time in which to concern himself with central -administration. Thus, in accepting the Governor‐Generalship -of Syria and of Smyrna, it will be seen that -Midhat played no political <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">rôle</i>. Forced as he had been -to accept these posts, he occupied himself completely in -their administration and in the good management of -their current affairs, thoroughly realising his position as -an exile.</p> - -<p>Before returning to Turkey, Midhat Pasha went to the -Island of Crete, as his future residence. The Sultan -granted his request, and sent a cruiser of the Turkish -Fleet to Syria, which landed him at Candia on 11th -September 1878; the Imperial yacht <em>Fuad</em> was also -commanded to transport his family to the island.</p> - -<p>The Cretan population, Mussulmans and Christians -alike, gave him the warmest and most cordial of welcomes; -the foreign fleets which were in the bay fired salutes -when he disembarked.</p> - -<p>This enthusiastic reception, this spontaneous manifestation -on the part of the foreign fleets, made the very worst -of impressions on Abdul Hamid, whose fears were, moreover, -increased by the continual intrigues of Midhat’s -enemies. At one time there was some question at -Constantinople of nominating Midhat Pasha as Governor‐General -of the Island of Crete. One of his friends (an -English subject, whose name we may not divulge) sent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">174</a></span> -him the following letter, written at the invitation of the -British Ambassador, Sir Henry Layard:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Constantinople</span>, <i>3rd October 1878</i>.</p> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—I have had an interview with -our Ambassador this morning. His Excellency assures -me that for the last four months he has tried by every -means in his power to act on the Sultan’s mind, in order -to persuade His Majesty to believe in your fidelity and -devotion to his throne. Sir Henry Layard has assured -me that he has incontestable proofs, that whilst Your -Highness was in power, a certain individual, who dined -every evening at your table, was in the pay of General -Ignatieff, and repeated to the General every day all that -you had said the night before. His Excellency has asked -me to tell you that His Majesty is always surrounded by -Russian emissaries, who do all in their power to influence -him against you, and therefore he is obliged to use the -greatest prudence in speaking to His Majesty of Your -Highness. The Ambassador expressed to me his very -great regret that you had refused to accept the thousand -pounds that the Sultan had offered you. He also wished -me to tell you, <em>in strictest confidence</em>, that there had been -some question of nominating you Governor‐General of -Crete, and that he prevented this nomination, being -convinced that you would do no good in the Island, and -that the insurrection instead of diminishing will only -increase later on. Besides this, he told me that his desire -is that Your Highness should occupy a higher post, where -you would render very great services to the Government. -He said that he was very anxious to meet you somewhere -and to speak with you, but that at the present moment -he sees no possibility of such an interview; in the meanwhile, -if Your Highness would put yourself into correspondence -with him, there is nothing that would give -him greater pleasure than to receive news of you.</p> - -<p>“Such, Your Highness, is the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">résumé</i> of our conversation. -I left with the conviction that the Ambassador sees -the immense difficulty of introducing any reforms into -the country without Your Highness’ co‐operation. Your -opinion on the policy of England, and on the manner of -introducing reforms into this country, would, I am sure, -be very much appreciated by his Excellency, and there<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">175</a></span>fore, -if you see fit to write to the Embassy, you may count -on my honour that no one in the world will know that you -are in correspondence with Sir Henry Layard.—I am, etc.”</p></div> - -<p>No event worthy of record took place during the -short time that Midhat passed in the island of Crete. -As he had wished, he lived peacefully in the midst of his -family, not occupying himself directly with the affairs of -State.</p> - -<p>At the end of a month, Midhat Pasha received a -telegram from the Palace, which nominated him Governor‐General -of the vilayet of Syria. He was compelled to -accept this new post, and embarked with his family on -board the Imperial yacht <em>Fevayid</em> for Beyrout.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">176</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER IX<br /> - -<small>MIDHAT PASHA, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SYRIA</small></h2> - -<p>The arrival of Midhat Pasha in Syria was greeted by the -population with as much enthusiasm and sympathy as in -Crete. Compelled to accept this new position, Midhat, -without losing hope of obtaining better results, and without -taking into consideration that this post of Governor‐Generalship -was a distinct loss of position after the high -posts which he had occupied, began at once to study -the general situation of the country, and the improvement -which it would be possible to introduce there, as he had -already done in the other vilayets. He introduced the -most urgent reforms in the administration, which he -discovered to be in a state of complete anarchy. He -founded a School of Arts and Crafts, and an Orphanage, -he increased the public safety, constructed high‐roads, -which diminished the long distances that separated -the capital of the vilayet from the outlying districts, -and contributed to the construction of a line of tramways -which connected the town of Tripoli, in Syria, to the -port of Mina.</p> - -<p>However, the population of Syria, composed as it -is of people of diverse races and religions, who are -always at enmity with each other, had preserved their -ancient manners and customs. The overwhelmingly -difficult task of creating a complete union between all -these jarring elements, and of strengthening the Ottoman -Supremacy in the country—where the minds of the popu<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">177</a></span>lace -were excited by foreign influences—consisted at first -in the re‐organisation of the administration, in Judicial -and Financial Reforms, and, finally, in insisting upon the -absolute integrity of the officials.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, the Sultan Abdul Hamid allowed his -original bitterness against Midhat Pasha to increase, and -although addressing the most flattering words to him, he -refused to sanction every single scheme of reform brought -forward by him. The more the people showed their very -great sympathy towards the Governor‐General, so much -the more furious was the Sultan at his growing popularity. -In order to prevent Midhat from gaining the friendship -of the people by introducing the required improvements, -Abdul Hamid took care to appoint as officials in Syria -those men who would be capable of opposing his projects -on every side. Such was the hostile conduct of the -Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha, who was in command of the -Fifth Army Corps, and also of General Djémil Pasha.</p> - -<p>The absence of harmony which existed between the -officials of the province, and the Sultan’s delay in sanctioning -his schemes, finally obliged Midhat to tender his -resignation in the following telegrams, to which the Sultan -replied in the most hypocritical language.</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To Ali Fuad Bey, H.M. First Secretary.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Worn out, physically and mentally, by a service to the -State which extends over nearly forty years, and taking -into consideration my old age, which renders me incapable -of serving any longer, I beg His Majesty, as a favour, -graciously to accept my resignation of the Governorship -of Syria, and to allow me to return, as soon as possible, to -my house at Constantinople, or to Metelin, or else to some -habitable district of the Syrian coast, where I may settle -down with my family and spend my remaining years.—I -am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>7th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>19th October 1879.</i>) -</small></p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">178</a></span></p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To the Grand Vizier, Saïd Pasha.</i><a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">22</a></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Having reached a condition, when mentally and -physically I can render no further services to the State, -I had some weeks ago prepared my resignation and was -going to send it in, for urgent reasons, when your nomination -to the Grand‐Vizierat retarded my action. But the -appointment of Mahmoud Nedim Pasha<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> to the Ministry of -the Interior has decided me to present it at the Palace. I -inform you of this in advance, so that my resignation, -following on your appointment as Prime Minister, may not -be misinterpreted. I beg you will support my petition, -and be my intermediary in helping me to get permission -to end my days in some suitable place, with my family.—I -am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.”</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Reply from H.M. First Secretary.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—His Majesty has taken note -of Your Highness’ resignation of the Governorship of -Syria.</p> - -<p>“The success which has attended Your Highness in -the vilayet of Syria has been reported to His Majesty -by Sir Henry Layard, who has just returned from his -travels in Syria. His Majesty was on the point of sending -you his congratulations, and of asking you what measures -should be taken for the application of those reforms in -which you encounter some obstacles. The arrival of -your resignation has caused regret to His Majesty. You -declare that the principal reason of your resignation is -your advanced age, but as Your Highness is well aware, -the longer an official has served, so much the greater will -be his experience and his competency. Now, just at the -moment when the State is on the point of reaping the -fruits of Your Highness’ long experience and high efficiency, -your decision to withdraw from public affairs cannot -agree with the sentiments of your well‐known patriotism, -and His Majesty would not, at present, be able to reconcile -himself to placing on the unattached list, a servant as -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">179</a></span>capable and experienced as Your Highness. Consequently, -the reasons of your resignation are not admissible. His -Majesty orders me to beg that you will address yourself -directly to the Palace, if you have complaints to formulate.—I -am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Ali Fuad</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>10th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>22nd October, 1879.</i>)</small></p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Reply.</i></p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To Ali Fuad Bey, H.M. First Secretary.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Excellency</span>,—I have received the cipher telegram of -the 10th October, 1295, and I humbly thank His Majesty -for the questions which he has deigned to address to me; -my request is occasioned by the weakness of my body and -by the responsibility imposed upon me by the state of the -vilayet. All the services of the vilayet are in disorder; -the localities, as well as the population on the coast, are -almost entirely under foreign influences, and the interior of -the country, ever since the war, has been undermined by -insurrections, which paralyse all the efforts of the State to -bear on the abolition of the dissensions and revolts, in -order to secure to the population a measure of repose and -justice under the ægis of the State, by taking into consideration -the exigencies of the localities and the requirements -of the inhabitants. While this state of affairs exists, -the enforced application in this vilayet of such reforms -as those imposed in the vilayets of Konia and of Angora -has only succeeded in alienating still further the population -from the Government, and caused it to sympathise -still more strongly with the foreigners. Moreover, even -the power to assure the security of the Province is in the -hands of the Military Administration, yet the responsibility -thereof has been assumed by the Vali, which is not in the least -in agreement with any known rule, and the disputes which -may arise from this system can only add to the other -mismanagements, and as the vilayet cannot go on for -more than six months or a year in this manner, I find -myself obliged to resign my functions. I am proud of -sacrificing my life for His Majesty, in any service or -in any country whatsoever. There exists only one means -to effect the improvement of the state of the Province, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">180</a></span>that is the appointment of a capable and honest Vali, to -whom would be accorded full power to apply all the administrative -and financial reforms, as well as the works of public -utility according to the exigencies of the locality and of the -populace, and according to what was done in the vilayet of -Bagdad, the military force must be placed in the hands of -the Vali in order to concentrate all the converging powers -to this sole aim. I only venture to make these proposals -on the strength of the invitation given me by the Imperial -command.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>11th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>23rd October 1879.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Telegram in reply, from H.M. First Secretary.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—Your reply telegram, which has -only just arrived, has been submitted to His Majesty, who -was much gratified to hear that you declare yourself proud -to be able to sacrifice your life in His Majesty’s service. -I have been ordered to communicate the imperial compliments -to you, and to inform you that in two or three days -someone from the Palace will start for Syria, charged to -furnish you with the instructions and Irades relating to the -contents of Your Highness’ telegram.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Ali Fuad</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>12th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>24th October 1879.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p>Thus it is seen that Abdul Hamid refused to accept the -resignation of Midhat Pasha, but Midhat gave him the -choice between his resignation and the desired reforms, -and sent the Grand Vizier long schemes for the general -re‐organisation of the province.</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To the Grand Vizier, Saïd Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—Exhausted after a continuous -service of the State of nearly forty years, and further -weakened by my age which is nearly sixty, my sole desire, -prior to my return from Europe, was to withdraw myself -from all public affairs. The permission, which I obtained -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span>from His Majesty, to live in the island of Crete with my -family, was the favour which I most desired. But His -Majesty, recollecting my former services and deigning to -believe that I should be able once more to devote myself -to the work, was graciously pleased to appoint me to the -Governorship of Syria. Although worn out both mentally -and physically, I could but bow in gratitude before the -imperial will, and trusting in Divine support I took up my -duties.</p> - -<p>“Thirty years ago I had already filled the office of -Secretary in this vilayet, and twenty‐seven years ago I -had been there on a temporary mission. Thus I had a -certain knowledge of the manners of the inhabitants. -Judge therefore what was my surprise, on my return -there, to discover a complete change in the Administrative -and Political Government of this province. As France -was protecting the Lebanese, England found herself -obliged to protect the Druses; the Americans were -founding schools etc., in the Djebel Noussairi, in order -to create there a sphere of influence for themselves. -Whilst the Germans, under the name of <em>Colonies</em>, were -peopling Palestine with German emigrants, the Spaniards, -who cherished analogous schemes, had constructed a -school and a church at Jaffa, in order that they might -have their share. All these influences produced the -very worst effect on the country, for one party of -the Christians cherish a dream of union with Lebanon, -whilst another party are seeking foreign protection, and -meanwhile the Mussulmans can only marvel at the disorder. -Now, although it is incumbent upon the State to -reassure public opinion and to put an end to all these -exterior influences, yet, on account of the exigencies of -the war, the only orders sent from the Central Authority -consist of demands for money, and for men for the Army. -This state of things has opened the door to every abuse -under the sun, and both law and order have been completely -neglected. The officials of every rank, with some -few exceptions, only seek their own personal interests, and -the result of this, on the manners of the inhabitants, is so -disastrous, that murders and robbery are the order of the -day, and there is no security to property. To go no further -than Tripoli, in Syria, during the last four years I myself -have seen no fewer than ninety cases of murder, theft and -pillage in the districts of Akiar and Safna alone; and not -one single case has ever been brought to judgment. The -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span>thieves and brigands remain unpunished or are released, -whilst innocent people are detained, without being -previously tried, and are subjected to penalties varying -from eight to ten years. I have myself, this time, liberated -several prisoners of this category, and I abstain from -mentioning the administration of the districts dependent -on the Kaimakam of Dehle.</p> - -<p>“As to the financial state of the province, it is most -deplorable, and, as I have already had the honour of -showing you, in a previous letter, the public revenues -are reduced to one half; the country has been ruined -by the tithes, and the depredations of the Army have -desolated that which remained. The disastrous effect of -the paper money having been to reduce the revenues by -one half, one is appalled at the acknowledged deficit. -This enumeration is a faithful <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">résumé</i> of the state of the -vilayet, a state of which foreigners are the first to complain, -whilst at the same time, they are just those who have -the greatest political profits to gain from the continuance -of these disorders. It is quite certain, that if this condition -of affairs is not brought to an end, the Great Powers -will place the administration of the vilayet of Anatolia -in the hands of foreign officials, under the pretext of the -introduction of reforms. And, as the schemes of foreigners -for Syria are well‐known, to accept their conditions, based -upon the maladministration denounced by the European -newspapers, would only increase public opinion in their -favour, and cause their pretensions to be sustained by the -Cabinets of Europe.</p> - -<p>“Ever since my arrival, I have done all in my power -to bring some order into the affairs of the vilayet and to -avoid the dangers I have detailed above. With your -support, the question of the central district might be -arranged, but the improvement of the province is not even -then accomplished. There still remains the great difficulty -of establishing the financial condition of the vilayet on -an equitable base, of improving the Tribunals, and, above -all, of putting an end to the extortions of the officials, -who, in addition to the loss they occasion to the Treasury, -do still more to discredit the Government in the eyes -of both the natives and of the foreigners. In a word, it -would be necessary, at all costs, to reassure public opinion -by the application of existing laws.</p> - -<p>“The actual state of things having reached this point, -the laws, which are at present being deliberated upon in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">183</a></span>the Council of Ministers, should be elaborated and applied -in all the provinces of the Empire, taking into consideration -the manners and customs of each province.</p> - -<p>“It would be a complete mistake to believe that this -state of things can continue, and it is quite insupportable -to me to know the remedy for the evil and yet not to -be able to apply it, and above all to acquiesce wittingly -in the harm caused by the present administration.</p> - -<p>“I feel myself obliged once more to submit the above -observations to Your Highness.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>17th March 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>29th March 1879.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p>Abdul Hamid, however, although he promised Midhat -to apply these measures of amelioration, which he considered -indispensable, refrained from giving his sanction -to them, and the troubles which broke out, in the middle -of all this, between the Druses and the Arabs of Hauran, -obliged Midhat to keep his office in order to prevent the -conflict from taking a turn which might have led to foreign -intervention. The causes of these troubles and the attitude -of the Palace and of the Government are shown in the -following correspondence with Midhat Pasha.</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Telegram sent to the Grand Vizier, by Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—It is necessary to give Your -Highness details of the affair of Hauran, for which you -ask in your telegram of the 3rd October. The Djébéli Druse -(Druse Mountain) and the valley of Ledja are inhabited -entirely by the Druses. Since the events in Egypt these -people have completely lost all respect for the Government, -to which they no longer furnish any troops, or taxes, but -all the crimes and misdeeds committed in the neighbourhood -arise from their insubordination and opposition to -authority. Last year they captured the English post, -and those people who attacked the caravan at Iki‐kapoulu -this year, and killed two men, are also Druses. Some of -the stolen cattle have been found at Djébéli Druse, but it -has been impossible to punish the authors of the crime. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span>This district being exempt from all taxation, it has become -the haunt of brigands, and of all those who wish to live as -such; those who have committed a crime, deserters, or -good‐for‐nothing Druses from Lebanon, all have sought -refuge here for the last five or six years, until the mountain -is crowded with them. It is they who attacked Hauran, -put the inhabitants to flight, and up to the present moment -they have conquered seventeen villages. They provoke -quarrels and massacres for the most trivial causes, in order -that they may be able to lay hands on other villages in -succession. The Arabs of Hauran, having now adopted -the Druse tactics, had entered into alliance, at the beginning -of the present occurrence, with the inhabitants of -Adjloun, of Kounitara, as well as with other Arab tribes, -and were prepared to march against the Druses. The -officials who were sent to the place were able to prevail -upon the Hauranians, by their counsels, to abandon their -plans and to obey the orders of the Government, but -they insisted on those Druses who had been guilty of -acts of brigandage being brought to justice and punished. -The Druses, meanwhile, will listen to no representations, -and remain with a force of several thousand armed men, -in the face of the Hauranians. Although we learn that -the Commandant of the troops which were sent, has been -in communication with the Druses, in order to bring them -back under control, we are not sufficiently well acquainted -with the result, and for further details you should apply to -the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> -<p><small>“<i>6th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>18th October 1879</i>).</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Cipher Telegram from the Grand Vizier to Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—The English Ambassador has -just been to see us, on account of the events which are -taking place among the Druses, which he deeply regrets, -and he has made the same communications to the Minister -for Foreign Affairs. It is of course a well‐known fact -that England offers a moral protection to the Druses, -whilst France does the same to the Maronites. Whilst -the English, on one hand, are scarcely pleased with the -measures which have been adopted against the Druses, -yet on the other side there are the representations made -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">185</a></span>to Your Highness by the British Consul, to the effect -that France would have to bring a formal complaint if -the increasing looting by the Druses continues, as it is -very hard on the Maronites. In short, although the -Druses are behaving abominably, it is not in keeping -with the justice of the State to leave them unpunished, -and yet, although their system of brigandage dates from -time immemorial, an opportune moment in which to teach -them a lesson has never been found. Supposing that -the troops sent to safeguard the security of the Empire -were sufficient to end the whole affair, it is certain that -the continuation of the conflict between the Druses and -Hauranians could have no good result to the Empire. -Consequently the best means, in our opinion, by which to -put an end to this affair, consist in postponing the subjection -of the Druses until the period of the complete -re‐organisation of the vilayet, and we must resign ourselves -to acting solely as arbitrators between the Druses -and Hauranians, to bring about an amicable arrangement. -Your Highness tells us that the Hauranians would refuse -to accept the indemnity that the Druses offer them. -This may at first sight seem a difficulty in the way of -mediation by the Government, yet it is necessary to -induce the Hauranians to accept this indemnity, in order -to prevent the shedding of blood, and to avoid the -multiplication of vexatious incidents which might bring -on political complications.</p> - -<p>“If by chance the above arrangement cannot be brought -about, Your Highness is then authorised to suggest to -the Hauranians the total payment of the indemnity -demanded by the State, informing the public that it is -among the pacific intentions of the Government to have -recourse to this solution of the matter, in the sole aim -of abolishing the enmity which exists between its two -subject races.</p> - -<p>“Necessary instructions as to the departure of the -required troops have been given to the War Office. -I think it is my duty to add, that in case the affair -cannot be amicably arranged, it would be well to have -recourse to the influence of the leading men on either -side, this being a method, the efficacy of which has been -already proved, and if it were necessary Your Highness -might go in person to the scene of conflict.</p> - -<p>“In short, we beg that Your Highness will employ -every means for conciliation, and we anxiously await the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span>news of the closure of this incident, without having to seek -the intervention of coercion.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Saïd</span>,<span class="h">xxx</span><br /> -“<i>Grand Vizier</i>.”</p> - -<p><small>“<i>13th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>25th October 1879</i>).</small></p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Reply from Midhat Pasha to the Telegram from the Grand -Vizier.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—In reply to your telegram of -13th October, it has been shown in my previous communications -that the incident of Hauran was caused by -a quarrel between the inhabitants of two villages, on -account of a girl, and this quarrel spread until it attained -its present serious proportions. Since it is quite impossible -to remain a passive spectator in face of a force of between -three and four thousand individuals, all armed and ready -to kill each other, we first of all sent officials, then -gendarmes, and finally regular troops, in order to prevent -a collision between the two parties, and we ended by -calling in the Sheiks—proposing that they should come -to some amicable arrangement. The Hauranians thereupon -insisted that those Druses who were guilty of -having killed some of their tribe unjustly should be -brought up to justice, or else, since they are the more -numerous, that the State should permit them to march -against the Druses. On the other hand the Druses -declare that it is contrary to their customs to be given -up to justice, and fearing lest they may thereby create -a precedent, they refuse to surrender the culprits; at the -same time they have taken up their position in front -of the troops, and cut off the water‐supply that was -used by the Army. They are thus prepared to offer -a strong resistance, and at the same time are pillaging -the villages which are inhabited by both Mussulmans -and Christians. Yesterday they devastated four -villages, killed two of the inhabitants, and after having -wounded several others, they slew four more whom they -met on the road. We have sent many special envoys -to them, trying to impress upon them the necessity of -surrendering at any rate some of the twenty‐five criminals -to the Government, and they have at last consented to -pay an indemnity, which was intended to go to the -families of those men who had been assassinated. The -Hauranians, however, will not hear of any such solution. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">187</a></span>One thing is certain: it is quite impossible for us, after -what has already occurred, to leave the Hauranians at -the mercy of the Druses, without running the risk of -creating very grave political and administrative dangers. -Consequently, if Your Highness can succeed in finding -any other method than that of the employment of an -armed force, we shall do all in our power to execute it -successfully.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>14th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>26th October 1876.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Telegram from the Grand Vizier to Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—Since your advice coincides with -ours that the Druse question should be amicably settled, -it is necessary to take immediate steps towards obtaining -a good result and preventing any recurrence of these -incidents, and this without having recourse to military assistance. -It would be very helpful to have the co‐operation -of those who by their influence would be able to quiet -down the minds of the people. Your Highness’ presence -in these districts would create a good impression. We -therefore beg that Your Highness will let us hear of -your departure and of the means you intend to adopt. -From the telegram from the Marshal to the Minister -of War, it appears that the Druses have fired on the -gendarmes whom General Djémil Pasha had sent to -that district in order to try and re‐establish peace, and -that on a Captain being killed, the gendarmes retaliated, -and that a battle took place. As this is not at all -expedient, Your Highness is particularly requested to -put an end to all reprisals.</p> - -<p>“The Minister for War has stated that two battalions -of regular troops, and three battalions of reserve (with -munitions of war) are just starting for Beyrout, on the -steamer <em>Mevridi‐Nousret</em>.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Saïd</span>,<span class="h">xxx</span><br /> -“<i>Grand Vizier</i>.”</p> - -<p><small>“<i>16th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>28th October 1879.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Reply to the Grand Vizier from Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—The troops were not sent to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">188</a></span>Hauran with the intention of fighting with the Druses, -but, as my last telegram explained, more than four -thousand men, from one part and another, had armed -themselves and were prepared to attack, and as, under -these circumstances, the Government was obliged to -interfere, it was simply to prevent bloodshed and to procure -justice for those who had been injured. Your -Highness is not unaware that those officials, who were -punished in 1276 (1860), owed their disgrace to having -failed to execute their duty conscientiously.</p> - -<p>“Although the re‐establishment of order at Djébéli‐Druse -might be obtained as the natural result of our -action, yet for the moment, this would be of only a -secondary interest; and since Your Highness recommends -us not to force it to this point, it may be possibly obtained -in the future.</p> - -<p>“It is as Your Highness remarks: the Druses having -always lived in a state of brigandage, have been treated -differently from others, and, until now, I have tried to -manage them with due recognition of this fact. Some -of the Druse Chieftains who were at Damascus have -been sent to the disturbed districts on a mission of -peace. But they only joined the others, and have committed -criminal acts. Without taking into consideration -the treachery of these men, our one aim has been always -to find some means of ending this conflict without calling -in the aid of the Military, and we were awaiting the -reception of the Druse Chieftains from Mount Lebanon, -who, through the negotiations of Rustem Pasha, had -offered themselves as mediators between the belligerents. -But yesterday, at a distance of only three‐quarters of -an hour from the camp of the Imperial Army, the -inhabitants of Hauran began once more to fight with -those of Ledja. As soon as this news reached the camp, -a company of gendarmes and two companies of regular -troops were sent to the spot to try and separate them. -But the Druses immediately fired upon the Imperial -troops, killing two gendarmes and wounding an officer. -On that, General Djémil Pasha joining them, with two -companies of regular troops, the Druses killed a captain -and fifteen soldiers, and the battle lasted until midnight. -From a telegram that the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha -received this morning, it appears that Djémil Pasha has -returned to the camp, with all his troops.</p> - -<p>“After this incident the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">189</a></span>gave the necessary orders to concentrate the remaining -military troops. Holo Pasha will be sent, with a member -of the Administrative Council of the vilayet, to try and -persuade the belligerents to lay down their arms. But -to bring this business to an end, with moderation, one -will be obliged to drive the Druses from their positions -in Hauran. The arrival of the promised troops is quite -indispensable.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>17th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>29th October 1879.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>The Grand Vizier to Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—The report of the Minister for -War, and the telegrams which have been exchanged -relating to the question of the Hauran Druses, have been -read at the Council of Ministers. After some deliberation -it has been decided to settle this question in a pacific -manner, and to invite Your Highness to go in person to -the affected districts, to hasten the departure of the troops -which have been demanded, and that the Minister for War -should give Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha the necessary -orders, so that he may be in agreement with the ideas of -Your Highness. The importance of the Question and the -wishes of the Sublime Porte being settled by the correspondence -which has passed up to the present, Your Highness -is requested to go to the camp and to bring this -matter to a peaceful close.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Saïd</span>,<span class="h">xxx</span><br /> -“<i>Grand Vizier</i>.”</p> - -<p><small>“<i>22nd October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>4th November 1879.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Reply from Midhat Pasha to the Telegram from the Grand Vizier.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—Since the Druse Question must, -in conformity with His Majesty’s orders, be brought to a -pacific termination, may I beg that you will leave to me the -choice of means to be employed, and wait patiently for a -few days longer. You may have every reliance that the -matter will be ended without having recourse to arms, and -in a manner worthy of the prestige of the State and of the -Army.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>23rd October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>5th November 1879.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">190</a></span></p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>From Midhat Pasha to H.M. First Secretary.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Excellency</span>,—The Druse Question has at -last come to an end, with the arrival of the Sheiks -yesterday at Damascus. They are anxious to solicit the -protection of our august master. The Government having -insisted on the extradition of those individuals who were -implicated in the assassinations of Basr‐el‐Houreiri, the -four men who survived the skirmishes have been accordingly -delivered up to the authorities, and they are now in -prison, waiting to be brought before the tribunals. This -fact is full of promise for the future, for, hitherto, the -Druses have never been accustomed to deliver to the -authorities those criminals who have sought refuge in their -midst. I must now devote myself to the consideration of -the future condition of the Druses, which is of great -importance.</p> - -<p>“As there is now no further need for the battalions of -Reserve, recently sent, they have been sent back, and we -have decided, with the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha, that -the battalions now at Hauran and at Damascus shall be -returned.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>29th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>11th November 1879.</i>)</small></p></div> - -<p>Midhat Pasha, who had withdrawn his resignation, with -the express purpose of not leaving the province in a state -of turmoil, and in order to bring the Druse Question to -a suitable and lawful termination, succeeded thus in re‐establishing -peace, in a manner that was honourable to the -Government, in spite of the unjustifiable conduct of the -Sublime Porte and of the Palace. But Midhat, perceiving -the impossibility of working satisfactorily with the Government, -once more sent in his resignation, in the following -telegrams:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Telegram sent to the First Secretary, enclosing the Resignation of -Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“With respect to my proffered resignation of October -last, His Majesty condescended to issue an Irade, which -made me decide to wait patiently for some time longer. -Now that the question of the Druses, which was the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">191</a></span>reason of the refusal of my request, has been settled, and -the conditions of the vilayet are absolutely normal, I -humbly beg that my resignation may be accepted by His -Majesty, on account of the reasons which render my -position untenable.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>18th May 1296, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>30th May 1880.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>H.M. First Secretary to Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—Your telegram, dated 18th May -1296, has been presented to His Majesty. If there has -been any delay as to the departure of the personage who -was charged to communicate the Imperial instructions to -Your Highness, and to receive your exact replies, it has -been occasioned entirely by the difficulty he has experienced -in quitting his post. And it is very difficult to -find any one who possesses the same qualities, to replace -him. You must not attribute the non‐execution of -the Imperial promise to any other cause. In your telegram -you say that your resignation arises from causes which are -not unknown to His Majesty. In one of your later -telegrams these causes resolve themselves into two -principal ones: of which the first consists in Your Highness’s -advanced age, and the other in the difficulties you -encounter in the Administration of the Province. The -first reason cannot be accounted as valid, by a servant who -is devoted to his country and Sovereign, and whose chief -desire should be never to renounce the honour of serving -the State. As to the extension of power, a special order -will soon be published on the duties of Governor‐Generals, -so that this second reason of your resignation will no -longer have any force. His Majesty expresses a desire -to know positively if Your Highness wishes to resign from -any other cause, independent of those already cited.</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Ali Fuad.</span></p> - -<p><small>“<i>19th May 1296, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>31st May 1880.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Telegram from Midhat Pasha in reply to H.M. First Secretary, -Ali Fuad Bey.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Excellency</span>,—Besides those causes cited in -your telegram replying to my request for permission to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">192</a></span>retire, I may also mention the difficulties presented by the -application of the new laws, and the insults to which -I am exposed on all sides, on account of which I find -myself obliged once more to entreat His Majesty for his -indulgence. As I said six months ago in one of my letters, -I am firmly resolved to sacrifice my life in the service of -His Majesty, and as my life is nearing its end, the few -years that remain are of but little importance. But there -is something that is dearer and still more sacred than life—that -is honour.</p> - -<p>“It is quite possible that there may be some reason -of which I am not aware, for the formalities which have -occurred, and for the present situation, but, from my -humble point of view, and from my most inward conviction, -everything seems to combine to wound my honour, -as much in what concerns the administration of the -vilayet which has been confided to my care, as in my -private capacity. Now, as it is pardonable that I should -desire not to tarnish my honour, which I have preserved -unspotted during a service of more than forty‐five -years, I have decided to protest no longer, but to retire. -I, therefore, take the liberty of once more referring this -subject to our magnanimous sovereign.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>21st May 1296, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>3rd June 1880.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To Midhat Pasha, from the First Secretary, Ali Fuad Bey.</i></p> - -<p class="center f09">[<i>Confidential.</i>]</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness’</span> telegram of 21st May, 1296, has -been submitted to His Majesty. All the world knows how -highly His Majesty has always regarded your honour, and -Your Highness, from the Humanitarian point of view, can -only recognize and approve the justice of this observation. -For many years Your Highness has rendered the greatest -services to the State, you occupy the highest rank in the -Vizierat, and are one of the greatest dignitaries and -Statesmen of the Empire, and His Majesty informs you -that he will guarantee your honour and consideration, as -well as your reputation.</p> - -<p>“If the difficulties, which you declare you have encountered -in the application of the new laws, refer to the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">193</a></span>judicial laws, that must arise from the incapacity of the -officials in the Judicial Department. Without criticising -the fundamental significance of the laws, Sir Henry -Layard has also represented to His Majesty, in a report, -the difficulty that would be encountered in applying these -laws, for want of competent officials, and, although every -one recognises the necessity of the adoption and promulgation -of these laws and regulations, yet the rumour of -Your Highness’ resignation has immediately given rise to -criticisms, which were delivered here yesterday evening by -several personages. As you know, one of the very first -reforms, the execution of which is to be desired, and even -the principal reform to be executed, is the re‐organisation -of the Courts of Justice. But the difficulties involved in -carrying out these reforms place the Government in a -very awkward position. Your Highness is begged to -draw up a note stating the changes that are necessary, -in the opinion of Your Highness, who has so great an -experience both in Civil Administration and also in -judicial laws, and to place this note in the hands of a -capable official—one who possesses your full confidence—that -it may be presented to His Majesty. You will also -make use of this capable official, possessing your confidence, -in your correspondence with the Palace. As our -principal aim must be always to serve the State and our -Sovereign with all fidelity and devotion, Your Highness is -requested not to pay any attention to tale‐bearing, which -is unworthy of any consideration, and not to allow yourself -to be affected by it. His Majesty appreciates your actions, -and sends you his friendliest Imperial greetings.</p> - -<p class="center"> -“I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Ali Fuad</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>23rd May 1296, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>5th June 1880.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Midhat Pasha to Ali Fuad Bey.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“The most precious and the most welcome part of -your telegram of 23rd May being the expression of the -Imperial goodwill towards me, I must first of all offer -you my humble thanks. As to the other matters, your -Excellency is not unaware that not only do I recognise -in principle the necessity and the benefit of the new laws, -but I am, above all, one of the chief advocates of judicial -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span>reform. As was mentioned in the Imperial telegram -conferring the Governorship of Syria upon me, the local -manners and customs must be taken into consideration -with regard to the new organisations. But the new laws, -instead of embodying these recommendations, have been -drawn up on exactly the old lines, and when I suggest that -with a slight modification these laws might be ameliorated, -my observations are systematically ignored. This state of -things has produced a result quite the opposite of that intended, -and the greater part of the new laws, as well as the -older ones, remain in disuse. The general situation is -therefore most strange and peculiar.</p> - -<p>“To this disorder must be added the difference which -exists between the civil and military authorities, which -have ended by becoming hostile to each other. A country -such as Syria, which is full of troubles and intrigues, both -internal and external, is in crying need of a military force, -yet every time that we demand an armed force we meet -with a deliberate refusal, or the troops which have been -sent are withdrawn without reason, or else our official -letters remain unanswered. Now, although it is possible -that this results from the inimical system which has -been adopted against me personally, yet, undoubtedly, the -Government and the country are the principal sufferers -from it; and when it comes to six months passing without -the governor and the marshal of a vilayet meeting, one -can imagine the state of affairs in the province. Again, -the grant for the gendarmes and the salaries of the officials -having been reduced, these measures have struck a blow at -the security of the country, and have driven the officials to -corruption, whilst the judicial system which has been -adopted by the tribunals towards criminals has weakened -public confidence. This state of things being well known, -the orders which arrive daily never fail to put all the -responsibility on the Governor. Now, it is impossible to -accept this situation, nor can I, in a telegram, give an -explanation of all these difficulties, but, in conformity with -the Imperial Irade, a confidential official is on the point -of starting, commissioned to give you the amplest information. -I shall strive for patience until his return.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>25th May 1296, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>7th June 1880</i>).</small> -</p></div> - -<p>Quite apart from all this question, the Sultan Abdul<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">195</a></span> -Hamid was far from being satisfied with Midhat Pasha’s -sojourn in Syria. The Syrians, realising the good that -he had done to the country, were loud in their expressions -of gratitude, which gave offence to the Sultan. The cries -of “Long live Midhat Pasha!” in the streets, and the -interviews of the British Ambassador, Sir Henry Layard, -with the Governor‐General during his travels in Syria, all -augmented the fears of the Palace. Midhat’s enemies -then put into circulation the rumour that Syria would -soon become an autonomous principality, and that Midhat -Pasha would receive the title of Khedive.</p> - -<p>Abdul Hamid then informed Midhat that he declined -to accept his resignation, that he wished to see him -continue his services to the State, and that he appointed -him Governor‐General of the vilayet of Smyrna. The -Syrians addressed a petition to the Palace, begging that -Midhat might remain at Damascus, but the Sultan paid -absolutely no attention to this act on the part of the -Syrian population, and Midhat found himself compelled to -start off for his new post on board the Imperial yacht -<em>Izzeddine</em>, which had been sent for that purpose.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">196</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER X<br /><br /> - -<small>MIDHAT, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SMYRNA</small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> vilayet and town of Smyrna were then, like other -provinces of the Empire, in a state of lamentable disorder. -It is quite certain that the Sultan, who had refused to -apply the necessary reforms in Syria, had never sent -Midhat to Smyrna with the intention of putting a stop -to the administrative anarchy existing in that part of -his dominions. Midhat, although well aware that the -aim of all these machinations was only to paralyse his -activity, could not forget the duties and responsibilities -which the Governor‐Generalship placed on his shoulders.</p> - -<p>There were a quantity of liberated convicts of every -foreign nationality in Smyrna, who daily committed all -manner of theft and crime; the sense of terror in the -province was so great that no one dared venture abroad -in the streets after night‐fall. Midhat Pasha formed a -corps of police, in imitation of the European police, a -force which at that time did not exist in Turkey -apart from the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmerie</i>. He showed the same -activity here as in the other vilayets, and succeeded, -after several arrests, in establishing public security. He -widened the streets of the city, and founded a School of -Arts and Crafts, as well as an orphanage, which still exists -under the name of “Islahané.”</p> - -<p>On the other hand, the Sultan never renounced his -aim of ridding himself of Midhat, and four or five months -after his arrival in Smyrna, Abdul Hamid decided to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">197</a></span> -strike a mortal blow at him, in once more raising the -question of the sudden death of his uncle, the ex‐Sultan -Abdul Aziz, whose suicide in the Palace we have already -related (see p. 89). This suicide had not only been -verified by eye‐witnesses, but also by the report of all -the doctors of the foreign embassies at Constantinople, -and above all by the statement of Dr Dickson, doctor -at the British Embassy, a fact which has been confirmed -by Sir Henry Elliot, who was the then English -Ambassador, and who wrote an account of the deposition -and suicide of Abdul Aziz, which appeared in the -February number of the <cite>Nineteenth Century</cite> in 1888. -Now, after a lapse of four years, the Sultan asserted -that his uncle had not committed suicide, but that -he had been assassinated, and that the murder had -been perpetrated by Hussein Avni Pasha, the Minister -for War (who was himself murdered in Midhat’s house, -in 1876, by Cherkess Hassan), and by his two brothers‐in‐law, -Mahmoud Djelaleddin and Nouri Pashas, and that -<em>other personages of high rank</em> (an allusion to Midhat, -Mehemet Rushdi Pashas, and to the Sheik‐ul‐Islam—Haïroullah -Effendi) were implicated in the affair. In -fact the two brothers‐in‐law, Mahmoud Djelaleddin and -Nouri Pashas, were arrested in Constantinople, and the -news of a fresh trial of the assassins of Abdul Aziz -was noised abroad by the European Press.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">24</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">198</a></span></p> -<p>The Turkish Press, inspired from the Palace, addressed -praises to the Sultan, and some newspapers—amongst -others the <cite>Terdjumani Hakikat</cite>—actually went so far as -to advise Abdul Hamid to arrest every one who had -played any part in the affair of Abdul Aziz.</p> - -<p>By this time the Sublime Porte had lost all authority, -and the enemies of the Constitutional Party had increased -very considerably. Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, the former -Grand Vizier, and colleague of Midhat, had been condemned -to pass his remaining years on his estates near -Manissa; the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Hairoullah Effendi, a -follower of Midhat, had been exiled to Mecca. The few -Liberals who remained in the capital had all been sent -away into the provinces, either as officials or as exiles. -Only the partisans of Abdul Hamid and those who had -changed their opinions and who now ranged themselves -on the side of despotism—such as Ahmed Midhat Effendi—were -to be found in Constantinople. Ahmed Midhat -Effendi, who had been one of Midhat Pasha’s most ardent -followers, now heaped all the lowest slanders upon him, -through the pages of the <cite>Terdjumani Hakikat</cite>, asserting -that Abdul Aziz had been murdered, and that the culprits -must be arrested.</p> - -<p>Midhat Pasha was in receipt of the most alarming -news from his friends at Constantinople, and also from -abroad; he was told that his life was in great danger. His -only reply was: “I have no reason to be alarmed nor to fly -from Turkey. I have laboured for the good of my -country, and I have nothing with which to reproach -myself; if others see reason to blame me, I am always -ready to reply before a tribunal.” He took no further -steps than to write a letter to the Grand Vizier, protesting -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">199</a></span>against the baseness of Ahmed Midhat Effendi, Editor -of the <cite>Terdjumani Hakikat</cite>. The letter is as follows:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>From Midhat Pasha to the Grand Vizier.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—The number of the <cite>Terdjumani -Hakikat</cite>, dated 5th December, 1296, after stating that -the Editor of a newspaper, published at Athens, and -directed against the Imperial Government, is Essad -Effendi, who was exiled to Damascus, but who has since -sought refuge in Greece, goes on to insinuate that in -producing this paper he has my moral and pecuniary -support. The same week, explanations are given in -the <cite>Messenger</cite>, both in French and English, of these -calumnies, and this is done in the most peculiar manner, -my name being mentioned. The baseness of the Editor -of the <cite>Terdjumani Hakikat</cite> is well known to the whole -world. As to Essad Effendi, all who have seen him -at Damascus will be able to estimate these erroneous -publications at their true value. I think there is no more -for me to add on this subject, for if I said anything, it -would be according to the rules to bring an action. But -these publications are not only hostile to me personally. -It is beyond all question that the publication, in a -foreign land, of a newspaper, directed against the Imperial -Government, with the material and moral aid that I am -reported to have furnished, constitutes a crime; consequently, -how can you leave such a man at the head of -so important and vast a vilayet as that of Smyrna? Such -a state of things does much to destroy the prestige of the -State, and all the more so, because of the confirmation -of these slanders by the newspapers of Constantinople, -which are under the orders and surveillance of the -Sublime Porte. It seems to me wiser to send in my -resignation, than to give rise to such a state of affairs, -so that the honour and consideration of the State may -be preserved intact. This course is, moreover, in keeping -with the decision, reached by me some time ago. Nevertheless, -I feel it my duty that I should first of all seek -Your Highness’ advice on the subject.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>25th December 1296, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>7th January 1881.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">200</a></span></p> - -<p>However, the Sultan, who wished to put an end to -Midhat, decided finally to arrest both him and Mehemet -Rushdi Pasha, who was then at Manissa. The arrival in -Smyrna of the aides‐de‐camp, General Hilmi Pasha and -Colonel Riza Bey (at present Minister of War), with their -suites, gave the first warning to the Governor‐General, -who ordered his men to watch the acts and movements -of these aides‐de‐camp, and very soon reached the -conviction that these emissaries had come with an order -to arrest him.</p> - -<p>Among the men who had been charged by Midhat to -get the aides‐de‐camp to talk about the manner in which -the arrest was to be made, was a police agent, an -extremely intelligent man, who, disguised as a rich -merchant, was lodging in the same hotel as Hilmi -Pasha, chief of the mission. Hilmi Pasha, at the end -of a good dinner, had allowed to the pretended merchant -that he had come to Smyrna by the Imperial command, -and that his object was to arrest the Governor‐General, -but that he was waiting for further instructions before -carrying out his instructions. Midhat, in order to be -prepared for any occurrence, had ordered a secret door -to be made, and one of the steamers of the Compagnie -Joly was retained in the harbour, ready to carry him -off abroad. One evening the above‐mentioned agent -came and warned him that Hilmi Pasha had been -called to the Telegraph Office, and that, after a long -conversation with the Palace, he had re‐entered the hotel, -had put on his uniform, and gone straight to the barracks. -It was asserted that among the orders he had received, -he had been instructed to kill Midhat and to massacre -his family. Indeed, one of Midhat’s servants, named -Nezir, had been bribed, and it was arranged that before -the Governor’s house was occupied, he should fire off a -revolver on the troops, and thus give the signal for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">201</a></span> -massacre. In support of this theory, it is interesting to -note that after Midhat Pasha’s exile the said Nezir -entered into the service of the Yildiz Kiosk, and received -a considerable salary. Besides this, one of the chamberlains -of the Sultan Abdul Hamid, Bessim Bey, who died -some time ago in disgrace, whilst still in the service of -the Palace, assured a member of Midhat’s family that -Hilmi Pasha was not only entrusted with the arrest -of Midhat, but that the Sultan had given him a positive -order to have him killed in the tumult which was to be -adroitly brought about, and to massacre his whole family, -men, women and children. It was on this account that -General Hilmi had bribed Nezir, so that the public might -believe that Midhat had refused to obey, and that he had -fired upon the soldiers.</p> - -<p>On the receipt of this news from his agent, Midhat -Pasha, without losing his <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">sang‐froid</i>, sought out his family -and acquainted them with the position of affairs. He -advised them to be resigned, and informed them of his -intention of quitting Turkish soil from the moment that -his life had been threatened. As midnight struck, three -cannon‐shots rang out from the barracks (in Turkey this -is the method employed for giving the alarm of fire), but -Midhat understood only too well that it was done with the -express purpose of distracting the attention of the mob. -At the same moment he left his house by the secret -door, accompanied by his secretary, and stole down to -the quay; but perceiving that the quays were blocked by -sentinels, he hailed a carriage, and recollecting that the -English Consul, Mr Dennis, was not in the town, he told -them to drive to the French Consulate, and there begged for -protection. Meanwhile, the soldiers, who had forced their -way at the point of their bayonets up to the doors of the -first floor, now demanded to speak with Midhat Pasha, -and were informed that he had just left. This reply being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">202</a></span> -absolutely unexpected, they were convinced that he was -hiding in one of the rooms. Hilmi Pasha gave orders -that the house should be searched, and that all the -servants should be thrown into prison. The troops entered, -breaking down the doors, and recommending the ladies -not to move, they made an exhaustive search, even tearing -up the flooring. At this moment, by way of fulfilling his -cowardly promise and giving reason for a massacre, -Nezir, hiding himself behind a mattress, tried to fire off -his revolver, but one of the servants, realising the peril, tore -the weapon from his hand.</p> - -<p>After a minute search that lasted for several hours, and -during which no trace of either Midhat nor yet of his papers -had been discovered, Madame Midhat, seeing that the -officers and soldiers had no intention of withdrawing, -sent for General Hilmi and informed him that in the -case of the troops remaining in the house, she would -open the windows and call in the help of the people. -This terrified the General, for he had received orders not -to give rise to a revolution, and he dismissed the soldiers, -only remaining himself with one or two officers. A -few hours later the police informed General Hilmi that -Midhat was at the French Consulate, and he thereupon -went thither, and had it surrounded on every side. The -French Consul‐General, Monsieur Pélissier, had sent a -telegram to the French Ambassador at Constantinople, -informing him of all that had taken place. On seeking -refuge at the French Consulate, Midhat had invited the -consuls of all the Great Powers to attend; had acquainted -them with the danger from which he had escaped, and had -begged them to insist on a guarantee that he should be -judged by a High Court. Meanwhile, he received a telegram -from Constantinople begging him to surrender, and assuring -him that no injustice should be done him, but that if -he refused to do so, then he would be considered guilty.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">203</a></span></p> - -<p>There are two versions given of this memorable -occurrence of the spring of 1881; and these two versions -are so much the more important, because they affect -the truth of the fact whether the Government of the -French Republic delivered up Midhat Pasha, who had -sought refuge in the French Consulate, to the Sultan, or -whether he surrendered of his own accord on receiving the -telegram from Constantinople. The fact that he had -caused a secret door to be constructed in a hidden corner -of his house, and that a steamer had been kept in readiness -in the harbour, all proves that Midhat had intended flight. -Not having succeeded in his design of reaching the sea, -he had sought refuge at the French Consulate, and he -had implored the assistance that France might easily have -rendered him. It is to be presumed that the ambassador, -after having asked for instructions from Paris, and having -explained to the Government the Sultan’s insistence, may -have informed Midhat that he could not effectually -protect him. Not having any definite proof on this -subject, it is impossible for us to certify anything. The -opinions of the European Press were very divergent. We -reprint the telegrams sent by the correspondent of the -<cite>Times</cite> from Constantinople, dated 19th May and 21st -May, 1881, which give the fullest details.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">25</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">204</a></span></p> -<p>Midhat Pasha had been perfectly well aware of what -would happen. He knew the plots that had been formed -against him, and when his friends had invited him to -leave Turkey, by the boat which had been got ready to take -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">205</a></span>him aboard, he replied, “I shall never give way before -the insinuations of the Sultan. I shall never allow the -world to say that I fled because I was guilty and that I -feared the Sultan. I shall resist until the last moment, -and if I then see that my life is in danger, I may perhaps -have recourse to the means you offer.” It was this same -state of mind which led him to think of embarking, -when the soldiers, under the command of General Hilmi -Pasha, surrounded his house, and by their attitude showed -plainly the danger in which both he and his family were -placed. On realising the impossibility of carrying out -this plan, he had taken refuge at the French Consulate, -and had asked the Consuls of all the Powers that their -respective Governments should demand a public trial, -and had declared “that he gave himself up to judgment, -trusting to the good faith of the telegram which he had -received from Constantinople.”</p> - -<p>For the honour of France, we are inclined to believe -that Midhat surrendered to the Ottoman authorities of his -own accord. It is scarcely credible that France would -have delivered Midhat Pasha to the Sultan, the more so -because Gambetta, who was then in power, had been a -great friend of his.</p> - -<p>The Sultan had been anxious to have Midhat arrested -when he was still Governor‐General of Syria, but so great -was his popularity in that Province, that Abdul Hamid -was reluctantly obliged to relinquish his design, for fear -of provoking a revolution.</p> - -<p>The day following the arrest found the town of Smyrna -still strictly guarded by the troops, and no one was -permitted to go about the streets for fear of any demonstration. -The terrified inhabitants closed their shops, and -all business was suspended for twenty‐four hours. Midhat -was retained as a prisoner in the barracks, until the -arrival of the Imperial yacht, which brought over the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span> -new Governor‐General, the high judicial dignitaries, and -also the Minister Djevdet Pasha. He embarked quietly -in the midst of the general emotion, and duly arrived at -Constantinople. Whilst waiting for the assembling of -the High Court, the little pavilion in the “Yildiz Park” -called “Malta Kiosk,” was assigned to him as his place -of residence by the Sultan.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">207</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XI<br /><br /> - -<small>THE TRIAL OF MIDHAT PASHA</small></h2> - -<p>As we have already stated, Midhat Pasha arrived at -Constantinople in one of the Imperial yachts, accompanied -by the Minister and the high judicial dignitaries. He -was kept in the pavilion of the “Malta Kiosk,” which -is situated within the park of Yildiz. In accordance -with his desire that he might be given a public trial, and -that the conditions on which he had surrendered to the -Ottoman authorities from the French Consulate should be -observed, a High Court was formed by the Sultan Abdul -Hamid. But the tickets of admission to the meetings -were issued in such a manner that the Turks who wished -to be present at the trial had to renounce their intention, -for fear of attracting the ill‐will of the Sultan, or else, those -who were followers of Midhat, had to pose as his adversaries -in order to be able to hear and understand the -manner in which he was to be condemned. The Diplomatic -Corps was present, but many foreigners found -difficulty in obtaining admittance. Only a few correspondents -of the foreign newspapers were admitted, and -amongst the representatives of the Turkish Press only -those who were faithful adherents of the Sultan.</p> - -<p>We possess no special information on the subject -of the trial, and that which we have been able to collect -from those persons who were present at the debates gives -us no further details than those which the <cite>Times</cite> corre<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span>spondent -(present at the Trial) sent to his newspaper. -We publish, therefore, by permission of the proprietors of -the <cite>Times</cite> the most interesting portions of their reports, -together with some extracts from the debates in the Houses -of Parliament on this subject, in order to give the reader -some idea of this most memorable mock trial.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<i>Constantinople, 28th June.</i>—The great State trial which -began yesterday, and of which I have already forwarded -you a summary of the proceedings, presented an interesting -and picturesque spectacle. Around the Malta guard‐house, -situated in a large open space immediately outside -the Imperial park of Yildiz Kiosk, a goodly number of -soldiers were posted at short distances from each other, -and all persons not provided with a ticket of admission -were prevented from approaching the building. The -few who had been fortunate enough to obtain tickets, -found on approaching the Guard‐House a large green -oval tent, and adjoining it a considerable space enclosed -by a canvas screen and covered by an awning. One side -of this tent was occupied by a bench, on which sat the -judges, three Mussulmans and two Christians, in black -frock‐coats <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">à la Turque</i> and red fezes, presided over by a -grey‐bearded Ulema called Sourouri Effendi, in a black -robe and white turban. To the right and left of the -judges sat the Public Prosecutor, the secretaries, and the -subordinate judicial functionaries, and behind them stood -several Imperial aides‐de‐camp and Palace servants. -Below the bench, in a trench cut for the purpose, sat on -cane chairs the ten prisoners, Mahmoud and Nouri -Pashas (both brothers‐in‐law of the Sultan), two ex‐functionaries -of the Palace, three officers of the Guard, two -professional wrestlers, and a Palace watchman. Behind -each of the prisoners stood a common soldier. The side -of the tent facing the bench was left open, so that the -spectators, seated on rows of chairs under an awning, -immediately behind the prisoners, could witness the -proceedings. Among the audience, comprising about one -hundred and twenty people, were the Persian Ambassador -and other members of the Diplomatic Body, several high -officials in and out of office, a score of Imperial aides‐de‐camp, -a few officers of the Palace, several Ulema -in flowing robes and white or green turbans, and the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span>representatives of the Press to a limited number. The -spectators might have been considerably increased, for -behind them were more than a hundred chairs unoccupied.</p> - -<p>“The first formality was the proving of the prisoners’ -identity, and immediately thereafter the indictment was -read by three of the prosecutors, which may be briefly -stated as follows:—A few days after the dethronement -of Abdul Aziz, Mahmoud Damad, and Nouri Damad, -engaged two professional wrestlers and a Palace watchman -to assassinate their ex‐Sovereign, promising them £100 -each and a monthly pension of three pounds, as appears -from the accounts of the Civil Lists. The crime was -committed with the assistance of the Chamberlain, Fahri -Bey, while Ali and Nedjib Beys, who had introduced the -assassins into the Palace, mounted guard with drawn -swords at the door of the room. As there was at that -time a Supreme Commission, composed of Mehmed -Ruchdi, Midhat, Hussein Avni, the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, and -Mahmoud Damad, and as no important orders could be -given without the concurrence of this Commission, it -may be assumed that all its members must have been -<em>cognizant</em> of Mahmoud and Nouri’s criminal proceedings, -and it is for this reason that Midhat is among the accused.</p> - -<p>“When the indictment setting forth this theory had been -read, the President, in a quiet and dignified manner, began -to question the prisoners. The first called upon to state -what he knew, was Mustapha, the wrestler, a man of -ordinary size and not presenting any signs of abnormal -muscular development. His face was of a common type -and betrayed no symptoms of emotion as he related, in -plain, unvarnished terms, how he had cut open the -ex‐Sultan’s veins with a knife given to him for the purpose -by Mahmoud Damad. His description, accompanied by -slight and significant gestures, was brutally graphic, and -made a strong impression on the spectators, more than one -of the older men in the audience giving vent to their -feelings of horror by audible exclamations. Mustapha’s -account was fully confirmed by Hadji Mehmed Pasha, -who declared that together with the Chamberlain Fahri Bey -and Djezairli, he had hold of Abdul Aziz whilst the crime -was being perpetrated. Djezairli, who had made a full confession -in his preliminary examination, was then questioned, -and retracted what he had previously said. Fahri Bey, -a young man, with long fair moustache, delicately‐cut -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">210</a></span>effeminate features, and of tall and slender build, was -next examined, and denied the statements of the wrestler -and his companion. In a tremulous tone, which gathered -firmness as he proceeded, he described, from his personal -observation, the mental condition of Abdul Aziz after his -dethronement, and obstinately insisted that the dethroned -monarch had committed suicide. The other prisoners, -without endeavouring to explain how the Sultan’s death -occurred, successively maintained their own innocence, -and found more or less plausible answers for all the -questions put to them by the judges. Mahmoud Damad -Pasha, a tall stout man, with regular and handsome -features and large dark eyes, found most difficulty in -replying, and his deep gruff voice showed more than once -signs of great emotion; but he denied emphatically and -indignantly the accusations brought against him by the -wrestlers and others. About two o’clock Midhat was -introduced and took his seat by Mahmoud Damad’s side. -His hair and beard had become much whiter since I last -saw him, four years ago, and his complexion was still as -morbidly florid as before, but he seemed well, and sought -to conceal his emotion by stroking his beard, and arranging -his notes, from which he was preparing to speak. Starting -up suddenly and leaning on the back of his chair, he made -a short speech, in which he declared himself happy to have -been cited before the public tribunal, and he rendered -justice to His Majesty’s sentiments of equity in causing -the affair to be carefully examined. To all the questions -about the Supreme Commission, of which he was a -member, and which must have had cognizance of the -intended assassination, he replied emphatically that such -a Commission existed nowhere except in the imagination -of his accusers, and that all matters of State were considered -by the regular Council of Ministers. When -reproached by the presiding judge for not having -immediately ordered a searching inquiry, he admitted that -he had been guilty of this sin of omission; but at the -same time he maintained that all the other Ministers were -in this respect equally guilty. On the subject of his -having sought refuge in the French Consulate his answers, -though extremely ingenious, were not so satisfactory. -Unlike the other prisoners, Midhat withdrew from the -Court as soon as he finished what he had to say, and after -his departure a number of witnesses were called for the -Prosecution. The chief of these were three young men -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">211</a></span>who had seen the crime perpetrated in the way the -wrestlers described, and the wife of a certain Ali Bey, who, -being at that time one of the ladies of Abdul Aziz’ harem, -had witnessed some of the incidents connected with the -assassination. One of the most interesting witnesses was -a frail, white‐bearded Mussulman, in an old‐fashioned -costume, who related in a faltering voice, that he had -washed the body of Abdul Aziz, and noticed a small -wound in the region of the heart. The Court rose about -half‐past seven o’clock without the witnesses having been -cross‐examined. The proceedings will be continued, and -possibly terminated, to‐day.”</p> - -<p class="tb">“<i>Constantinople, 28th June.</i>—The trial of the persons -charged with the assassination of Abdul Aziz was resumed -to‐day. After the counsel for the prisoners had concluded -their addresses, the judges decided that the two prisoners -Mustapha (the one a gardener and the other an athlete), -Fahri Bey and Hadji Mehmed, were guilty of the murder, -and that Ali Bey, Nedjib Bey, Midhat Pasha, Nouri Pasha -and Mahoud Damad Pasha were accomplices, being privy -to the crime. Sentence will be passed to‐morrow.”</p> - -<p class="tb">“<cite>Times</cite>,” <i>30th June 1881</i>.—“<i>Constantinople, 28th June.</i>—The -second day’s hearing of the case against the persons -accused of the murder of Abdul Aziz, the ex‐Sultan, lasted -for eight hours. Several additional witnesses appeared -for the prosecution. Among them was Ibrahim Edhem -Effendi, who acted as intermediary between the Ministers -and the ex‐Sultan, and who described the harsh treatment -to which the latter was subjected.</p> - -<p>“The case for the defence was then opened. Four -advocates appointed by the judicial authorities spoke very -feebly on behalf of the prisoners. Mahmoud Damad was -justly dissatisfied with his counsel, and defended himself, -and, notwithstanding evident signs of illness, refuted some -of the accusations brought against him. Midhat Pasha -was then called, and the President Sourouri Effendi, after -remarking that Midhat had accused him of personal -enmity, retired from the bench, leaving his colleague, -Christoforides Effendi, to direct the proceedings. The -ex‐Grand Vizier, who had taken such a prominent part in -the dethronement, defended himself for more than an hour -against the charge of complicity in the assassination. -Thoroughly conversant with the new laws of judicial -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span>procedure, he pointed out several mistakes which had been -committed, and demanded permission to cross‐question -the witnesses as well as the prisoners who had made -confessions; but all his demands were refused by the -Court. Finding himself thus fettered, he took his stand -on the solemnity of the law, and declined to defend himself -any further.</p> - -<p>“The President, after three times vainly inviting him -to proceed, declared the hearing closed, and retired with -the other judges to deliberate. Their verdict was, as had -been foreseen from the beginning, that all the prisoners -were guilty, but in different degrees. Four were declared -guilty of premeditated assassination; five, including Midhat -and the Sultan’s two brothers‐in‐law, were condemned as -accomplices; and the two remaining prisoners were placed -in the category of aiders and abettors.</p> - -<p>“The Court will re‐assemble to‐morrow morning to -pass sentence. According to the Ottoman code, premeditated -assassination entails capital punishment, while -the lesser degrees of crime are punished by various terms -of penal servitude.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>29th June.</i>—“The remarks and the bearing of Midhat -Pasha at the trial yesterday produced, on the whole, a very -favourable impression on the public, and it was not difficult -to perceive that he still enjoys a certain popularity even -among good Mussulmans. As numerous Palace spies -were present, the Ottoman officials carefully endeavoured -to hide any latent sympathy with the accused, but some of -them did not altogether succeed. More than once Midhat -replied very appositely in a half‐ironical tone, which was -much appreciated by the audience. All the details were -at once transmitted to the Sultan, and Sourouri Effendi -doubtless congratulated himself on having removed the -Imperial displeasure from his own shoulders to those of -his colleagues. As yet no evidence has been produced -proving Midhat’s complicity, but it is not likely that he -will be acquitted. Considering that the trial has been -prepared, and is being conducted under the immediate -influence of the Palace, which is filled with Midhat’s -enemies, it would be absurd to expect impartiality and -independence in the judges. I happen to know many -curious facts tending to show how absurd such an expectation -would be, and I may mention one by way of illustration. -Yesterday morning, immediately before the trial -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">213</a></span>began, Sourouri Effendi had a long private audience with -the Sultan, and received from His Majesty certain instructions -as to how the proceedings should be conducted. -The most interesting part of the proceedings at the State -trial yesterday was the incident which terminated in -Midhat Pasha’s refusal to continue his defence. The facts -are briefly as follows:—The President invited the accused -not to continue his defence and to intrust that duty to his -counsel. Midhat replied that he would defend himself, -because he had not been allowed to confer freely with the -counsel officially appointed. He justified his flight to the -French Consulate at Smyrna, pointed out numerous errors -in the procedure, expressed astonishment at such grave -accusations being founded on such insufficient evidence, -reproached the Public Prosecutor with having accepted the -testimony of the eunuchs, who, professing to have seen the -crime committed without denouncing it, should be themselves -in the dock, and ridiculed the testimony of Marco -Pasha, the chief physician of the Palace at that time, -who professed to have seen from the Asiatic side of the -Bosphorus what took place at the Palace on the European -shore, and yet could not see a wound said to have been -inflicted on the body of Abdul Aziz in the region of the -heart. He then demanded that the Court should examine -the prisoners and witnesses in his presence, as he was not -present at the previous examination, and requested that -the Embassy doctors who examined the body should be -summoned, offering to defray the necessary expenses at -his own cost, in order to compare their report with that of -Marco Pasha. On the demand of the Public Prosecutor, -the Court retired to consider Midh<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span>at’s request, and decided -to grant it on condition that the prisoners should not be -interrogated separately. To this reply Midhat opposed -the text of the Code of Criminal procedure, and demanded -its application, declaring that he must question those who -had given evidence, in order to prove that they had committed -perjury. The President answered that the article -in question in the Code referred to witnesses, and not to -the accused, and declared that if any person had committed -perjury it would be for the Court to punish them hereafter.</p> - -<p>“Midhat maintained that the prisoners who accused -him should be regarded as witnesses against him, and -considering, therefore, the decision of the tribunal as a -miscarriage of justice, he declined to defend himself further, -adding in a bitter tone, that he would derive little practical -advantage from the punishment of a false witness after -he was in his grave. The Court again retired for deliberation, -and on returning after a few minutes, the President -declared that Midhat’s request could not be granted. The -prisoner, having three times declined to continue his -defence, the President declared the proceedings at an end, -and the Court retired to deliberate, returning after about -an hour with a verdict of ‘Guilty’ against all the accused. -The Court will meet again this morning at eleven o’clock -to pronounce judgment, when this extraordinary, sensational -trial, conducted as I reported, will come to a -close.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>Later.</i>—“Judgment was delivered this morning in the -cases of the persons convicted of the murder of ex‐Sultan -Abdul Aziz. Nine of the accused, including the Sultan’s -two brothers‐in‐law and Midhat Pasha, were condemned -to death. The remaining two accused were condemned -to penal servitude.</p> - -<p>“All the prisoners gave notice of appeal.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>Reuter’s Telegram.</i>—“<i>Constantinople, 29th June.</i>—The -Court pronounced judgment and delivered sentence of -death upon Midhat Pasha, Mahmoud Damad Pasha, Nouri -Pasha, Ali Bey, Nedjib Bey, Fahri Bey, Hadji Mehmed, -Mustapha the Wrestler, and Mustapha the Gardener.</p> - -<p>“Izzet and Sayd are each sentenced to ten years’ penal -servitude. The prisoners have eight days allowed them -to give notice of Appeal, and the indictment and document -connected with the trial will be sent to the Court which -will try the Appeal.”</p> - -<p class="tb">“<cite>Times</cite>,” 4<i>th July</i> 1881.—“<i>Constantinople, 1st July</i>.”—In -telegraphing about the recent State Trial, I have been -hitherto working under serious restrictions, which I was not -allowed to mention in my telegrams. All telegraphic despatches -on the subject had to be submitted to the authorities, who -naturally prevented the transmission of anything that might -be disagreeable to the Palace. In the circumstances, it -was, of course, impossible to criticise the proceedings, -or even to give a full account of what took place. I have -now, fortunately, an opportunity of communicating with you -freely, and I hasten to declare that the trial was little -better than a parody of European judicial procedure, which -has justly roused the indignation, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span> -not only of foreign observers, but also of many Turks, -who have an elementary conception of justice and fair -play. In a trial in which the political element was so -prominent, the first condition to be observed was complete -neutrality of the Palace, and this condition was most -grossly violated. It was at the Palace that the preliminary -investigation was made, under the immediate personal -direction of the Sultan, who is an interested party. It -was at the Palace that the prisoners were confined, judges -chosen, and even the counsel for the defence appointed, -without the prisoners themselves being consulted. It was -at the Palace that the accused were examined and various -unjustifiable means were employed to extort confessions -from them—as, for example, when the Grand Eunuch, -one of the three highest official personages of the Empire, -struck with his fists and otherwise maltreated the Chamberlain, -Fahri Bey, when under examination, in the presence -of His Majesty. It was in the Palace, and under the -immediate influence of the Sultan, that the amount of -the punishment for the accused was considered and decided. -It was in the Palace that Sourouri Effendi, the President -of the Tribunal, had a private audience with the Sultan, -immediately before the opening of the proceedings, while -a Palace dignitary appealed to the counsel for the defence -in a cajoling, half‐plaintive tone, to refrain, in the fulfilment -of their duty, from adding to the Sultan’s already numerous -embarrassments! Lastly, it was in the immediate vicinity -of the Palace that the trial was held. Soldiers of the -Palace garrison surrounded the Court, aides‐de‐camp and -other Palace officials were present, while eunuchs and -other confidential messengers were constantly passing to -and fro between the Palace and the tribunal. A certain -amount of publicity was allowed with regard to the trial, -for a few tickets were distributed among the Diplomatic -Corps and leading representatives of the Press, but there -were at the same time serious restrictions and difficulties. -The date of the trial was kept strictly secret until a few -hours before the proceedings began, and newspaper correspondents, -nearly all of whom are imperfectly acquainted -with, or entirely ignorant of, the Turkish language and -judicial procedure, were not allowed to take a dragoman -with them, though three‐fourths of the space reserved for -the public remained all the time unoccupied. I made -personal representations on this subject to some influential -officials, but they all declared positively that no more -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">216</a></span>tickets could be given. To the few who were admitted, -I must say the greatest courtesy and consideration were -shown by the Imperial aides‐de‐camp and the masters of -the ceremonies, but the powers of these gentlemen were -very limited. With regard to the restrictions placed on -telegraphing I have already spoken above.</p> - -<p>“It is hardly necessary to say, that with the all‐pervading -influence of the Palace, there could be no -independence or impartiality on the part of the judicial -functionaries, and no zeal in the counsel for the defence; -but there was something worse than this. The ardent -desire of nearly all concerned to gain the Imperial favour -by securing the condemnation of the prisoners in general, -and of Midhat in particular, caused certain gross violations -of the guarantees provided by the Criminal Code. I may -mention a few facts by way of illustration. Sourouri -Effendi, who had in the secret preliminary inquiry directed -the case for the Prosecution, and who is well known to be -one of Midhat’s bitter personal enemies, appeared at the -trial as President of the Tribunal. He says, privately, by -way of exculpating himself, that in the preliminary inquiry -he never signed any official documents, and that during -the trial of Midhat he ceded his presidency to one of the -other judges; but these specious arguments increase rather -than diminish his moral guilt. He refrained from signing -official documents simply in order to avoid giving occasion -for an appeal <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en cassation</i>, and his making a distinction -between Midhat and the other prisoners entailed new -violations of judicial procedure, for it prevented Midhat -from being present during a great part of the trial. Besides -this, the distinction was more specious than real, for by -procuring the condemnation of the other prisoners, he -impliedly secured Midhat’s condemnation likewise; and -though he did not sit on the bench when Midhat was -present, he joined his colleagues in the consulting‐room -when the ex‐Grand Vizier’s demand for permission to -cross‐question the witnesses was considered and rejected. -Not content with having a devoted adherent like Sourouri -in the President’s chair, the Palace further controlled the -proceedings by Raghib Bey, one of the Sultan’s private -secretaries, and Djevdet Pasha, the obsequious Minister of -Justice, who is one of Midhat’s personal enemies. These -two personages sat behind the judges on a bench, and -secretly gave directions in moments of hesitation and -difficulty. I can state this without fear of contradiction, for -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span>during one of the sittings I was myself on the bench, and -carefully observed what was invisible to the audience. -The conduct of the Public Prosecutor was naturally in -keeping with that of the chief judge. I am assured by -eye‐witnesses that he entered the consultation‐room when -the judges had retired to consider their verdict, but as I -did not see this with my own eyes, I refrain from drawing -any conclusion. Another act of his, however, may be -commented on, because it took place in public. Midhat’s -attitude during the preliminary investigation seemed to -indicate that he would seek to obtain the Imperial clemency -by raising no difficulties, and by making no serious attempt -to defend himself at the trial; and as none of the other -prisoners were sufficiently conversant with the law to -embarrass the Prosecution, it was hoped that the proceedings -might be hurried through in a single sitting. These -plans were prevented by Midhat’s energetic action on the -first day of the trial, and it was then considered necessary -to find some means of effectually crushing him. A -convenient instrument was at hand in the person of a -certain Rifat Effendi, who professed to have heard Midhat -say one day in Damascus that it was necessary to put -Aziz out of the way, because otherwise he might have -returned to power and have strangled the Minister who -had deposed him. As Rifat was not in the list of -witnesses, he could not be called without due notice having -been given to the Court; but the Public Prosecutor overlooked -this little formality and called him next day. -When Midhat heard this new and unexpected piece of -evidence, he very soon disposed of it, and was at no pains -to conceal what he thought of Rifat’s character, conduct -and motive.</p> - -<p>“A few words now to show how the prisoners were -treated. According to the Code of Criminal Procedure -the accused has a right to choose his own advocate, and to -have free communication with him. In the present trial -the advocate was chosen by some anonymous personage in -the Palace, without the accused having been consulted as -to the choice, and free communication was not allowed. -On this subject Midhat asserts that he saw his counsel -only twice. On the first occasion they had only time to -read about an eighth part of the indictment, and on the -second they were favoured with the presence of Raghib -Bey, one of the Sultan’s private secretaries, who listened -to all that was said. Worse than this, with prodigious -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span>ingenuity each advocate was entrusted with the duty of -defending prisoners belonging to different categories and -employing mutually contradictory modes of defence. Refik -Effendi, for example, was ordered to defend on the one -hand Mustapha the Wrestler—who confessed his own guilt, -and accused Fahri of having taken an active part in the -assassination—and on the other hand the said Fahri, -who maintained that Abdul Aziz committed suicide. In -like manner Shukri Effendi had to defend on the one -hand Midhat, and on the other hand Nouri Pasha, who -endeavoured to exculpate himself at Midhat’s expense. -The idea of crippling the defence in this ingenious way is -exquisitely Oriental, and rendered almost superfluous the -half‐pathetic, half‐menacing exhortation made to the -advocates at the Palace that they should refrain from -adding to the Sultan’s numerous embarrassments and -trust to His Majesty’s clemency. Equally Oriental and -characteristic is the fact that the learned gentlemen who -undertook the so‐called defence on such conditions, -showed no signs of being ashamed of themselves. It is -hardly necessary to say that they carefully abstained from -cross‐questioning the witnesses and sifting the evidence, -and did not object when the President and the Public -Prosecutor assumed important facts without proving -them.</p> - -<p>“With regard to the way in which Midhat was -threatened, it is difficult to speak without using strong -terms of indignation. Not a particle of carefully sifted -evidence against him was produced, and he was refused -means of defending himself against the unsubstantiated -assertions of his accusers, though he proved from the -Code that he was asking no more than he had a right to -demand. If his sentence is carried out, his execution will -be simply a judicial murder, perpetrated from motives of -political vengeance and personal enmity. As for the -other prisoners, I cannot pretend to say whether they -really committed the crime with which they are charged, -but I can unhesitatingly assert that their guilt was not -legally proved.</p> - -<p>“The judicial inquiry, which has thus been brought to a -close, was instituted, as I informed you at the time, for the -purpose of removing and frightening possible conspirators, -and thereby preventing a revolution for the future; but it -may be doubted whether in the long run it will have the -desired effect, for I noticed that even among Ottoman -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span>subjects, surrounded by Palace spies, the feelings of -indignation were sometimes stronger than those of fear.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>“Times,” 7th July 1881.</i>—“<i>Constantinople, 5th July</i>—The -appeal of the prisoners condemned for the assassination of -Abdul Aziz will shortly be considered by the Court of -Review, and it is almost certain that in spite of the gross -irregularities and flagrant illegality of the proceedings the -sentence will be confirmed. Immediately after the close -of the trial on Wednesday, the judges of this Higher Court -were summoned to the Palace and received their instructions, -which will, of course, be followed, irrespective of all -considerations of justice and equity. The possibility, -therefore, that the judgment may be annulled and a new -trial ordered, may be left out of account, and the only -practical question that remains is whether the Sultan will -have the sentence carried out. For some days the general -opinion at the Palace was that the nine who had been -condemned to death would be all executed, but I have -now very good reason to believe, as I informed you on -Sunday, that those who did not actually take part in the -assassination will have their sentence commuted to imprisonment -for life at Taïf, near Mecca. This unexpected -clemency is to be attributed, at least in part, to the -excitement and indignation which the mode of conducting -the trial has produced both in Pera and Stamboul. The -Sultan learned that the Embassy Dragomans had unanimously -condemned the proceedings as irregular; that the -Ambassadors had telegraphed in this sense to their -respective Governments; that the newspaper correspondents -had unsparingly described and criticised the way -in which the proceedings had been conducted, and that -even in Stamboul, among good Mussulmans, the trial had -produced an impression very different from what was -intended. In these circumstances His Majesty perceived -that it would be dangerous to have the sentence carried -out, and he determined to commute it. At the same time, -in order to counteract the conviction that the whole story -of the assassination was an invention, rumours were propagated, -through the local Press and other channels, that -nearly all the accused had made partial confessions. The -<cite>Vakyt</cite>, for example, published yesterday mutual recriminations -between Mahmoud and Nouri, and to‐day those -of Midhat and Mehemed Rushdi. All such stories must -be accepted with great reserve, for they are certainly told, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">220</a></span>and possibly invented, for the purpose of prejudicing -public opinion against the prisoners. In spite of these -efforts to supplement defective legal evidence, many -people, and among them the mother of Abdul Aziz, and -some of the doctors who examined his body, still hold to the -conviction that there was no assassination and that Abdul -Aziz committed suicide. Without endorsing this opinion, -I can confidently assert that the trial has by no means -cleared up the mystery. The semi‐official announcements -that the <cite>Valide Sultana has thanked the Sultan for having -brought the assassins to justice are untrue, for she has all -through the inquiry obstinately maintained that her son -perished by his own hand, and that she was partly to blame -for having given him the famous scissors</cite>.”</p> - -<p>“I am now in a position to explain why the prosecution -showed such anxiety to get Midhat condemned, and -employed such unjustifiable means for this purpose. It -may be remembered that some months ago the Sultan -was greatly alarmed by a revolutionary propaganda, of -which the chief instigator was believed to be the -ex‐Khedive. A judicial functionary, who has since taken -a prominent part in the trial, was ordered to make an -inquiry, and came to the conclusion that Midhat was -implicated in the propaganda. The conclusion was -probably erroneous, but it made a strong impression on -the Sultan’s mind, and from that moment Midhat’s fate -was decided. As no legal proofs of his complicity in the -seditious agitation could be produced, other means had -to be employed for getting rid of him, and the regicide -inquiry was used for this purpose.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>“Times,” 11th July 1881.</i>—“<i>Constantinople, 10th July.</i>—During -the last few days representations have been twice -made to the Sultan by the British Ambassador concerning -the State trial. It is believed at the Palace that Lord -Dufferin acted on the first occasion spontaneously, and -on the second occasion by the express orders of Lord -Granville. The later communication is said to be couched -in strong terms, urging His Majesty for his own sake to -refrain from carrying out the sentence of the tribunal. -The Sultan has received also a telegram from the Ottoman -Embassy in London, in which Musurus Pasha describes -the unfavourable impression produced by the trial in -England, and implores His Majesty to prevent at least -the capital punishment being inflicted.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">221</a></span></p> - -<p class="tb"><i>“Times,” 28th July 1881.</i>—“<i>Constantinople, 26th July.</i>—Since -the judgment was pronounced at the State trial -considerable hesitation and embarrassment have harassed -the Sultan and given rise to numberless exaggerated and -contradictory rumours, which I have thought it undesirable -to report at the time of their production, because they -were in some cases manifestly without foundation and -in others largely improbable. During the last few days, -however, an attempt has been made on the part of the -Sultan to lessen his responsibility in the matter, through -the instrumentality of a Grand Council, comprising the -highest dignitaries of the State both in and out of -office. The Council contained twenty‐seven members, of -whom five were ex‐Grand Viziers, fourteen were Ministers -in and out of office, and eight were Ulemas. We now -hear that in that solemn assembly, which sat at the Palace -for three days, opinions were divided, and finally an -important minority courageously voted against carrying -out the extreme penalty of the law, especially in the -case of those of the accused who had not confessed, and -against whom no positive proof of guilt had been elicited -at the trial. This minority is said to have included -most of the more prominent members, viz.:—four Grand -Viziers and the present Prime Minister, three Ministers -in the Cabinet, one of the most influential high ecclesiastics, -and one former Minister. The majority is said to have -voted in the sense of a confirmation of the judgment -given at the trial, subject, of course, to the exercise of -the Imperial clemency. It included ten Ministers in -office, most of them specially antagonistic to Midhat -Pasha, and seven Ulemas. The Sultan has chosen to -adopt the opinion of the minority and to decide that -the accused shall be banished for life. It is not quite -clear why, in the circumstances, His Majesty should -have chosen this course; for it was supposed that the -Council had been called together with a view to make -it share the responsibility of the signature of the death‐warrants, -which His Majesty hesitated to sign without -the direct sanction of the great officers of State. The -repugnance of the Sultan to have criminals executed is -well known, and since his accession he is said never to -have sanctioned a single capital sentence. While securing -the removal of the criminals to some distant and safe -locality, where they will be powerless to work harm, he -avoids at the same time the issuing of the fatal decree, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span>so repugnant to his feelings. Much must be attributed -to the action of our own Government. Brilliant, indeed, -has been the commencement of the mission of Lord -Dufferin, who has already gained much favour in public -opinion here both native and foreign. Considering the -popularity and prominent personal value of at least one -of the accused Pashas, the impression that his life has -been saved through the intervention of the British -Ambassador tends to remove much of the popular clamour -which had lately become so loud against British influence, -and it is a significant sign of the times that one of the -semi‐official Turkish organs publishes to‐day an article -advocating a close alliance between England and Turkey. -A few months ago this same officially inspired print -loudly proclaimed that England’s friendship was more -hurtful to Turkey than the enmity of any other Power.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>“Times,” 1st August 1881.</i>—“<i>Constantinople, 30th -July.</i>—The Sultan is greatly disappointed with the result -of the State trial. He expected that the proceedings -would have received the approval of public opinion, both -in Turkey and in Western Europe, and he finds that -the reverse has been the case. The Court of Appeal, -as I ventured to predict, confirmed the sentence; but the -Ulemas, who are the custodians and expounders of the -Sacred Law, made an evasive reply to the questions -addressed to them, and in the Grand Council, composed -of Ministers and other great personages, there was a -large and influential section of members who recommended -that the capital sentence should not be carried -out. Both in the Assembly of Ulemas and in the Grand -Council the proceedings were very curious, as showing -that, even under the present reign of terror, there are -a few men who have the courage to maintain openly -opinions which they know to be unpalatable in the -highest quarters. The obsequious Sheik‐ul‐Islam, for -example, who wished to cover the illegal proceedings -by art, encountered a determined resistance from the Mufti -Emini, whose duty it is to give a written decision to -any legal questions which may be addressed to him. The -old man said in a calm decided tone: ‘During my long -life, I have never willingly given an unjust decision, -and now, when I have one foot in the grave, I shall -certainly not begin to deviate knowingly from the path -of right. The accused have been tried and condemned -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span>by a Civil tribunal, according to laws and a procedure -with which we have no professional acquaintance. If -we are to give a decision, the case must be tried again -from the commencement, according to the procedure prescribed -by the Sacred Law. To the question as it at -present stands, the Sacred Law provides no answer, and -consequently no <em>fetva</em> can be issued.’</p> - -<p>“Similar courage was shown by some of the civil -functionaries, especially Haireddin Pasha, who, with his -usual frankness and fearlessness, condemned the proceedings -of the Criminal Tribunal in no measured terms. -The ex‐Grand Vizier, Safvet and Kadri, spoke more -cautiously in the same sense. Osman, Mahmoud Nedim, -and Djevdet, Minister of Justice, were in favour of having -the sentence executed. Soubhi Pasha tried to find a -middle course. He admitted that irregularities might -have been committed by the Tribunal, but at the same -time maintained that the Council had no power to reverse -the decision. This argument was tersely refuted by -Haireddin, who reminded his colleagues that they were -called upon, not to reverse the decision, but simply to -give advice regarding the exercise of the Imperial -clemency. The Sultan, as you have heard, has commuted -the capital sentence as far as his two brothers‐in‐law -are concerned, on the ground that these personages acted -according to stringent superior orders. In this way one -of the objects for which the trial was instituted is attained -more completely than by executing the accused, for the -ex‐Sultan Murad, who is supposed still to have adherents, -is thereby represented as being the real culprit.”</p> - -<p><span class="gesperrt">* * * * *</span></p> - -<p><i>Parliamentary Debates, 1st July 1881.</i>—“Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span> -asked the Under‐Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs -whether any other report than that published at the time -had been received from Dr Dickson (page 90), physician to -Her Majesty’s Embassy at Constantinople, and a member -of the Medical Commission, who examined the body of -the late Sultan Abdul Aziz immediately after his death, -of the result of such examination, and, if there be, whether -he will lay it upon the table of the House; and also, -whether in the interests of justice and humanity, and -in view of the report made at the time by such Medical -Commission, it is the intention of Her Majesty’s Government -to interpose its friendly good offices at the Porte, -or directly with the Sultan, to save Midhat Pasha, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">224</a></span>any or all of the other persons convicted with him -yesterday of complicity in the alleged murder of Abdul -Aziz, from execution of the sentences severally passed -upon them. He desired to express, before the question -was answered, his absolute distrust of the capacity and -probity of the members of the Turkish court which -conducted the recent trial; and, from his own personal -knowledge, he accepted all the responsibility of stating -that they were persons not entitled to the respect of -Europe, or of that House.</p> - -<p>“Sir <span class="smcap">Charles W. Dilke</span>—Sir, the substance of a -report by Dr Dickson was laid before Parliament (<cite>Turkey</cite>, -No. 3, 1876), and no further report has been received. -Lord Granville is in communication with Lord Dufferin -with regard to the recent State trial; but it would be -premature to make any announcement at present.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>4th July 1881.</i>—“Earl <span class="smcap">de la Warr</span> asked the noble -Earl the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether -any information could be given with reference to the -trial of Midhat Pasha, which was now proceeding at -Constantinople. He was quite aware that this was a -question of great delicacy as regarded interference on -the part of Her Majesty’s Government; but it could -not be otherwise than a matter of deep interest to their -Lordships, and to the country generally, to know that -all that was possible was being done to insure a just -trial, as upon the issue of the trial might depend the -life of a great and distinguished statesman.</p> - -<p>“Earl <span class="smcap">Granville</span>—My Lords, I have been in communication -with Lord Dufferin on this subject, which is -exciting great interest in Europe. Of the trial I have -received no authentic report, and it would clearly not -be right for me to express any official opinion upon -it. I am not, at the present moment, able to give your -Lordships any further information on the subject.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>7th July 1881.</i>—“Mr <span class="smcap">Staveley Hill</span> asked the Under -Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he had any -information from Constantinople, with regard to the fate -of Midhat Pasha.</p> - -<p>“Sir <span class="smcap">Charles W. Dilke</span>—I can give no information -upon this subject. The telegrams which have passed, up -to the present time, do not show what are Lord Dufferin’s -views; but representations are being made.”</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span></p> - -<p class="tb"><i>11th July 1881.</i>—“Viscount <span class="smcap">Folkestone</span> (for Mr -Staveley Hill) asked the Under Secretary of State for -Foreign Affairs whether Her Majesty’s Ambassador at -Constantinople has been instructed to call the attention of -the advisers of the Sultan to the allegations of the grave -irregularities in the trial of Midhat Pasha, and to urge -upon His Majesty that the execution of that distinguished -statesman upon the result of such a trial may be regarded -as a judicial murder brought about by political rivals.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span> asked the Under Secretary of State for -Foreign Affairs whether the Christoferides Effendi who -presided at the recent trial of Midhat Pasha is identical -with the person of the same name who, in May 1871, was -an employé of the Turkish Ministry of Police.</p> - -<p>“Sir <span class="smcap">Charles W. Dilke</span>—Sir, with regard to the -first question, I have to say that this is a somewhat -delicate matter. I have already said that communications -are passing. Looking to the object which the hon. -Member has in view, it would not be wise that I should -make any public statement at the present time. The -second question I must answer in the affirmative.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>21st July 1881.</i>—“Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span> asked if there was any -truth in the newspaper report of that day that Midhat -Pasha was to be sent in exile to a place near Mecca.</p> - -<p>“Sir <span class="smcap">Charles Dilke</span> said that up to four o’clock that -afternoon no telegram had reached the Foreign Office to -that effect.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>22nd July 1881.</i>—“Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span> asked the Under -Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he had received -any information with regard to the execution of the -sentence passed on Midhat Pasha.</p> - -<p>“Sir <span class="smcap">Charles W. Dilke</span> said that within the last -forty‐eight hours they had received no further information -from Lord Dufferin on the subject.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span> said in view of a telegram of peculiar -significance published that morning, and which seemed to -point to an almost immediate decision in regard to the -sentence passed at the recent State trial at Constantinople, -he must plead the urgency and gravity of the case if he -trespassed upon the time of the House for a few moments, -and would, if necessary, conclude with a motion. The -case was, shortly, this:—One of the most noted figures in -European politics, a statesman of the highest antecedents -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">226</a></span>and reputation (‘No!’), at least, for an Eastern statesman, -had been tried in a way notorious to the House, and his -life at that moment was trembling in the balance. He did -not say that Her Majesty’s Government could bring any -more pressure to bear on the Porte than they had done -with reference to the subject. He was aware of the -delicacy and difficulty, probably the impracticability, of any -Government putting pressure upon the Sultan, except in -the way of friendly intercession, which so far, had had no -effect. He therefore now wished to elicit from the House -its opinion in reference to the recent trial and the action of -the Turkish Government with respect to it, and he had -reason to believe that such expression of opinion would -have the best possible effect at Constantinople. Midhat -Pasha, after passing a distinguished official career, became -Governor of Bulgaria, which he found overrun with -brigandage, and in such a state that the revenue could not -be collected. In a few months he put down brigandage, -caused the revenue to be collected, and, under his rule, -Bulgaria became one of the most prosperous provinces of -the Turkish Empire. One of his most persistent opponents -was the Russian Ambassador. Midhat was doing everything -to revive European confidence in Turkey, and as -that did not suit Russian views, General Ignatieff became -his most persistent enemy, and intrigued against him.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">Newdegate</span> rose to order. He submitted -that the Honourable and learned member was asking the -House to give an expression of opinion upon a motion -for adjournment, which was placing the House in a false -position, because it was precluded by its own forms -from giving an opinion on that subject on a motion of -adjournment.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">Speaker</span> said that, as the House was aware, -the only question on which the judgment of the House -could be taken on the motion for adjournment was -whether the House should or should not adjourn.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span> said he would make his observations -very brief. Subsequently Midhat Pasha became Governor -of Bagdad. It was said by some that Midhat Pasha -was a poor man, and therefore, presumably, an honest -man; by others that he was a rich man, and therefore, -presumably, a corrupt man; and he was sorry to say that -a very high authority—the Prime Minister—had given -expression to the latter opinion in an article he published. -This, however, he knew: that though the revenues of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">227</a></span>provinces he governed, passed through Midhat Pasha’s -hands, he returned from each of them a poor man—in one -case not having sufficient funds to pay his own and his -retinue’s travelling expenses, and in another not being -possessed of £500. Afterwards he became Grand Vizier, -and his famous Constitution elicited from Liberal -politicians everywhere praise and admiration, and it was -no fault of his that that admirable scheme did not -become an organic law of Turkey. He failed in his -efforts to reform the Administration, and to turn corrupt -misrule into good government. Subsequently, both in -Syria and Smyrna, he carried out the same principles -of administrative reform. He was undoubtedly a party -to the deposition of the Sultan; but it was widely believed -that he was no party to his death, if he did not die by -suicide. The Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs -had admitted that the Report of the Medical Commission -was in favour of the opinion that the death was caused -by suicide. Dr Dickson, the physician to the English -Embassy at Constantinople, joined in that opinion, and -had assured him (Mr M’Coan) that after the most careful -examination of the body he was clearly of opinion that -it was a case of suicide. But what happened at the so‐called -trial? Why, that two of the doctors, who had -as Commissioners certified that it was a case of suicide—Marco -Pasha and Dr Castro—actually at the trial gave -evidence to the effect that, in their opinion, death had -been caused by murder. Such evidence was worthy of -the tribunal before which it had been given. In a reply -to a question put by him, the Under Secretary of State -for Foreign Affairs had stated that the President at the -trial had been formerly an employé of the Municipal -Police at Constantinople, and that he had himself positive -knowledge of the corruption of the man when he held -a judicial position. He had also evidence, though not -so direct, that this same person had continued to be one -of the most corrupt judicial functionaries in the service -of the Porte; and also evidence, less direct still, that -the other members of the Court which tried the State -prisoners were of no whit better character. No European -community, therefore, would hang a dog upon the finding -of such a tribunal. He knew that Her Majesty’s -Government could not interfere directly, and that an -unofficial or indirect appeal on the part of Her Majesty’s -Ambassador might have no effect, but he was proud to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">228</a></span>know that no other opinion in Europe could have such -an effect upon the Porte, or in the Palace, as that of the -House of Commons, because it was thoroughly understood -there that such opinion reflected that of the country, and -so influenced the action of the Government. He begged -to move the adjournment of the House, in the hope -that such opinion would be expressed on behalf of an -innocent, distinguished, and falsely condemned statesman.</p> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">The O’Donoghue</span> seconded the motion.</p> - -<p>“Motion made and question proposed.—‘That this -House do now adjourn’—(Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span>).</p> - -<p>“Sir <span class="smcap">H. Drummond‐Wolff</span> said he would not follow -the last speaker in criticising the trial that had taken -place at Constantinople, a trial which he thought would -not be considered satisfactory in this country. He would -not make an appeal to the right honourable gentleman -at the Head of the Government to interfere in regard -to the trial; but he would remind him that upon more -than one occasion the interference of the British Government -had saved the lives of men who had been condemned -to death in Turkey. He trusted that the Premier would -see his way to take some steps to bring the influence of -Her Majesty’s Government to bear upon the Porte, with -a view of, at any rate, reducing the sentence passed on -Midhat Pasha. He was a man of what was called a very -liberal mind, and had discharged his duties in a remarkably -impartial manner, and with much enlightenment, considering -the difficulties under which he had had to labour. He -ventured to suggest that the Premier would be doing a -graceful act in using his great influence on behalf of this -unfortunate man.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">Ashmead Bartlett</span> said it was remarkable to -notice the intense interest taken in Turkish Pashas by -the honourable gentleman, who had lost no opportunity -hitherto of denouncing them. The trial had by no means -been so unfair as was represented, and the evidence -against most of the accused was very strong. Everyone -sympathised with Midhat Pasha, who was a great statesman -and patriot, and it would be a most unfortunate -thing if the trial resulted in his death. He doubted, -however, if there was any danger of that. The present -Sultan was a most humane and kind‐hearted man—and -neither Midhat Pasha nor the other two Ministers who -were condemned with him were in danger of execution. -He thought the question might be safely left to the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">229</a></span>discretion of Her Majesty’s Government without any -formal expression of opinion by the House. It would -be most unfortunate if any representations were made -on behalf of the other condemned Ministers, Mahmoud -Damad and Nouri Pashas, who were openly corrupt, and -were guilty of almost every possible offence against the -interests of their country and of civilisation. It would -be a matter of rejoicing if they could be brought to -justice. It would be better if representations were made -diplomatically by the Government without the direct interference -of the House; and although the influence of the -British Government was much less than it used to be, -he had no doubt they would have due effect.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">Gladstone</span>—I do not know that much advantage -would be gained by a prolongation of the discussion. In -answer to the appeals made, especially by the honourable -Member for Portsmouth (Sir H. Drummond‐Wolff), I -think I can state very briefly what is a very simple matter—namely, -the limits of action laid down for us, and the -fact that we have not scrupled to act within them. Those -limits were necessarily narrow. I was sorry to hear the -honourable gentleman who made this motion introduce -statements of so pointed a character respecting the individuals -who have been called upon to conduct the inquiry. -He may be quite warranted in all he says; but it is -perfectly impossible that we can know that, and it is -perfectly impossible, in justice to those individuals, to go -in this House into the circumstances of which he speaks. -If the trial be bad, an attempt to re‐try the case in an -Assembly of this kind, with the view to an expression of -opinion on the definitive merits of the case, would likewise, -be open to much objection.</p> - -<p>“The real state of the case is this—Have we a right of -intervention in a matter of this kind? Clearly we have -none. I use the words ‘right of intervention.’ But there -are considerations of policy and humanity which have, -on various occasions, led to representations, more or less -formal, which are in the nature of interference with private -affairs, but which are grounded on a sincere and dispassionate -anxiety, in the first place, for the general -principles of humanity and justice, and, in the second -place, for the interests of the great Power in whose -counsels you appear to intervene. Unquestionably, though -we have no power to pass a final sentence on the nature -of the proceedings in Constantinople, there has been a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span>public opinion in regard to these proceedings, both in -Constantinople and Europe generally, such as to make -us believe that it would be greatly for the interest of the -Sultan of Turkey were he moved to pursue a humane -and liberal course. Recognising these facts, we have not -scrupled to act upon them. So early as 4th July instructions -were sent to Lord Dufferin to use the least -obtrusive, but, at the same time, the most confidential, -direct and effective means to make the kind of representations -which we desired to be made. Lord Dufferin has, -I think, with as much tact and delicacy as are in the -possession of any man, and with, at the same time, as -much good feeling and zeal, acted readily upon these -instructions, and has, to the best of his power, made -representations in the general sense I have described. We -have no doubt whatever that a lenient and a considerate -course will give satisfaction to the enlightened opinion -of Europe, and will be greatly for the interests and peace -of Turkey. Having said that, I think I had better add -no more. I see no advantage in implicating or attempting -to pass judgment on anyone. We have stood on the -purely general consideration I have described; and I -believe the House will be disposed to think, on the general -statement I have made, that without any special merit -on our part, we have discharged our duty.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">J. Cowen</span> said he was sure the House had listened -with satisfaction to the humane and generous observations -of the Prime Minister. He trusted his hon. friend, the -Member for Wicklow, having elicited such an expression -of opinion, would be content, and not push his motion -to a division. He entirely sympathised with him in the -course he had pursued. It was desirable that the British -Parliament should have an opportunity of recording its -opinion of the very exceptional proceedings under the -name of law that had recently taken place at Constantinople. -Midhat Pasha was a distinguished Turkish Pasha. -He had served his country ably and honourably in the -highest offices the Sultan could confer. He had proved -himself to be a friend of England and of progressive -principles. He (Mr Cowen) had the privilege of his -acquaintance, and he could confirm the high character -that the hon. Member for Wicklow had given him. He -recognised the delicacy of the position, and he could -appreciate the difficulties that the Premier had referred -to. To interfere with the action of the Turkish Courts, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">231</a></span>however they were constituted, might be regarded as -trenching upon the freedom of an independent State. If -representations were made in a too emphatic way, they -might be resented by the Sultan, and have the very -opposite effect than was designed. This was a possibility -which they should all bear in mind, and of which the -Government, no doubt, were conscious. They should -remember also that it was impossible for the House to -review the proceedings of the Constantinople tribunal. -They might have their opinions; but they were not, and -could not, be informed of all the details. But still, -admitting all this, the English Government had on other -occasions interceded with foreign rulers on behalf of fallen -statesmen or popular leaders. There were many instances -in history where there had been such friendly interference; -and they had, therefore, the warrant of precedent for doing -what was now suggested. He trusted that the Government -would—with all the energy that they felt themselves -justified in using, but at the same time, with the necessary -friendliness—intercede on behalf of Midhat Pasha. The -Prime Minister had said that instructions to that effect -would be sent to Lord Dufferin, and the House and the -country would feel satisfied that any appeal by him would -be supported by a man of great ability, high character, and -of generous spirit. Having called attention to the subject -and made this representation, he would advise that the -matter be allowed to rest in the hands of Her Majesty’s -Government.</p> - -<p class="tb">“Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span> asked leave to withdraw the motion.”</p> - -<p><i>29th July 1881.</i>—“Lord <span class="smcap">Stratheden and Campbell</span>, -in rising to ask the Government whether their influence -at Constantinople is being exercised to arrest proceedings -in the case of Midhat Pasha, said he hoped that in -the absence—which he regretted—of the noble earl the -Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, some member of the -Government would be able to give an answer to his -question. No doubt all the members of the Government -knew what answer to give, because the Prime Minister -really decided these matters, and his colleagues must be -in possession of his views. The fate of Midhat Pasha -was a question in which the people of this country took -great interest. There was no doubt that he had not had -a fair trial, and obstacles were put in the way of his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span>defending himself. There was little doubt that Abdul -Aziz had put an end to his own life; and he thought that -the public law of Europe, about which so much had been -said of late years, should be put in motion on his behalf. -It might be said that public law would be an obstacle to -exercising influence to arrest proceedings in the case; but -if that were so, public law had been set at nought by every -ambassador whom the Queen had employed at Constantinople -recently.</p> - -<p class="tb">“Lord <span class="smcap">Stanley of Alderley</span> said he regretted the -course which the noble lord had taken as damaging to his -consistency, since he usually respected the law of nations; -but now he asked the Government to do something which -was quite contrary to it. He was not only asking them to -obtain a commutation of the sentence passed on Midhat -Pasha, but to arrest proceedings. A month ago the noble -lord intimated that the Foreign Secretary had not the -control of the Foreign Office, but that the Prime Minister -had; and the Prime Minister had stated in ‘another place’ -that this was a case in which the Government had no right -to interfere. The noble lord should have been satisfied -with that answer. When Midhat Pasha was Grand Vizier -he was responsible for what was going on at Constantinople; -and after the time that Sultan Abdul Aziz Khan’s -death took place, he did not institute any enquiry into any -of the circumstances that had surrounded it. No doubt, it -was unfortunate that in the recent trial the Ottoman -Government had adopted European forms, and it would -have been better if the Turkish Government had followed -their own forms of trial in this case. However, he had no -doubt that substantial justice had been done to Midhat -Pasha. The present question was, moreover, unnecessary, -because the sentence had already been commuted, and -Midhat Pasha was going into a healthy climate, where -there need be no fear on account of his health. Midhat -Pasha was a good administrator in Bulgaria, but he had -been too much praised for what he had done, and, on the -whole, he was an ignorant, rather than a learned man. -However, in Midhat Pasha’s present situation, he would -rather not make further observations upon his administration -of affairs. There was no ground for any alarm in -regard to the country to which he was banished.</p> - -<p class="tb">“The Earl of <span class="smcap">Kimberley</span> said he was sorry that his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">233</a></span>noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs was -not present to answer the question of the noble lord. As -to the actual form of the question, he agreed with his -noble friend opposite (Lord Stanley of Alderley) that -it would be an extraordinary interference on the part of -one Government to exercise its influence upon another, -in order to arrest proceedings which the latter had thought -it necessary to take in regard to an accusation against a -subject of that Government. But probably his noble -friend desired to know what course had been taken by -Her Majesty’s Government in the whole matter; and what -he had to say was that in a question of so much delicacy, -involving the internal Government of the Porte, and -touching the Sultan himself, Her Majesty’s Government -had not thought that it would be desirable to exercise any -direct advice or interference; but feeling, as they did, an -interest in this matter, they had been able, through Lord -Dufferin, in a perfectly private and unofficial manner, to -express their wish that it might be the pleasure of the -Sultan to deal with this matter in a merciful spirit. He was -not in a position to state that it had been officially notified -that the sentence passed upon the incriminated Pashas had -been commuted; but he had good reason to believe that the -statement in the newspapers alluded to, that the sentence -had been commuted to banishment to Arabia, was true.”</p></div> - -<p>The result of the humanitarian intervention on the part -of the English Government was that the death sentence on -Midhat Pasha was changed to one of imprisonment for life.</p> - -<p>The Sultan Abdul Hamid knew far better than any -one else that Midhat was innocent, and that Abdul Aziz -had committed suicide, as was fully proved by the -Medical report; if Abdul Hamid had had genuine -proof on which to accuse Midhat before the eyes of -Europe and the law, nothing could have prevented the -death penalty from being executed, since he had sworn to -put an end to Midhat Pasha. Although the Sultan was -thus foiled in his attempt to put away Midhat by form of -law, he did not relinquish his intention, but sought other -clandestine means to attain it. How this was accomplished, -will be proved by documents in the following pages.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XII<br /><br /> - -<small>EXILE OF MIDHAT PASHA</small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> Sultan, yielding to the humane intervention of -England and Europe, named the town of Taïf, in Arabia, -as the place of exile for Midhat Pasha. Taïf is a town -situated to the south of Mecca, and is renowned for its -verdure and for its surrounding fortress. Midhat Pasha, -Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin and Nouri Pashas, with -the other prisoners, were taken by a special steamer and -landed at Djeddah, and reached Taïf by way of Mecca. -The Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Haïroullah Effendi, who had been on -a pilgrimage to Mecca when he was accused of being an -accomplice in the alleged murder of Abdul Aziz, had been -imprisoned at Taïf, where Midhat found him on his arrival.</p> - -<p>After the banishment of Midhat, his family were -detained in exile in Smyrna, and his son and daughter -sought refuge from any possible contingency at the British -Consulate, where they remained for three months, returning -to their mother when the storm of these events had -passed. Two years after his exile, Midhat sent his family -the most alarming information in his letters, of which we -give a translation. These letters were carried to Smyrna -by men who were the devoted friends of the family, and -who made the journey for that express purpose.</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Translation of an Autograph Letter from Midhat Pasha (from the -Prison of Taïf) to his Family.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My Dear Family</span>,—Nearly a month ago I sent you -a letter through Saïd Bey—the last that I was able to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span>write before this—in which I gave you the list of the -numbered letters which I had previously sent you. A -week after, I became ill with an abscess on the right -shoulder‐blade. Later on, this was diagnosed as being -anthrax. It caused me very great suffering. The only -doctor here is quite a young man, without any experience. -My companions in exile,<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> seeing my condition, became -very uneasy, and, without consulting me, took upon -themselves to address a letter to the Governor of Mecca, -asking that a doctor might be sent here. But they -did not receive any reply from this personage, who, however, -had just received through an aide‐de‐camp sent -from Constantinople the firman bestowing on him the -rank of marshal, and also strict secret orders that we must -perish, either by starvation or by some other means.</p> - -<p>“To this end the Vali chose Major Bekir Effendi, -who was charged with our surveillance and with the -execution of this mission. As soon as he arrived, Bekir -dismissed our servants and cooks and reduced our -rations. I was in bed, suffering from the pain of this -abscess, when Bekir came and told me the orders he had -received, which he did in a severe voice, with a rough tone -and without the least touch of feeling. He told us that we -must be contented with a little soup and with vegetables, -which would be served to us in one of those bowls used by -the soldiers, and that we were strictly forbidden to procure -other food than that which was provided for us. At the -same time he forbade us to have our linen washed, a task -which each one of us must perform for himself. Besides -this, he took away the inkstand, pen and paper that was at -our disposition, and everything necessary for correspondence. -Luckily, I had burned your letters, although they -contained nothing compromising, but complications might -have arisen from them if they had fallen into their hands.</p> - -<p>“This part of his mission accomplished, Major Bekir had -the wife and child of Haïroullah Effendi, who were occupying -a separate house, sent off to Mecca that very night. -Our servants and cooks followed very soon afterwards.</p> - -<p>“The treatment to which we are submitted is one means of -many to get rid of us. For my companions have always been -accustomed to luxury and ease, and even though hunger -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span>may oblige them to eat the poor food given to the soldiers, -their health cannot endure such a regimen, and they will -certainly end by succumbing, but only after how much -suffering and misery! I cannot give you an idea of the -melancholy into which they are plunged. They are -constantly praying Heaven for their deliverance. As to -me, what I find the most painful, is being deprived of my -servant, whom they removed by force, and whose attentions -were more than ever necessary to me at a moment when -my state of health has got so much worse.</p> - -<p>“The refusal of the Governor‐General of Mecca to send -a doctor, and the speech and most unjustifiable conduct of -Bekir, contributed not a little to the aggravation of my -condition. I had no other consolation than the hope of -quitting this life and of at last succumbing to the sufferings -that I endured. But it cannot be helped; the supreme -hour has not yet come, and I must still suffer. I had lost -all hope, although Heaven in its mercy often reserves -consolations for the unhappy, and relief for their sorrows.</p> - -<p>“I was thus in despair of ever getting well, when, -thanks to the care of my companions, who applied a -poultice, the abscess burst and continued suppurating for a -fortnight. Since then the pain has diminished and the -wound is beginning to heal. At the moment when -Haïroullah Effendi’s wife and child, and our servants -also, were embarking at Djeddah for Constantinople, a -telegraphic order caused them to return to Taïf in company -with Major Bekir. Thus, when on the point of becoming -free, these unhappy beings were once more cast into prison.</p> - -<p>“This is a brief statement of our situation, and if no -change takes place in the conditions of our existence, it -will be very difficult for me to send letters as hitherto. -The linen, food and money that you wish to send me -will never reach me. Perhaps you could find some one -who might be able to send me my false teeth. Give up -any idea of sending me money, for we are now forbidden -to buy any really nourishing food, such as meat, vegetables, -rice, etc., and as to coffee, coal, and soap, I have plenty -of money to buy those. I embrace you all affectionately.</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>8th Djemazi‐ul‐Ahir, 1301</i>” (1883).<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>Year of the Hegira.</i>)</small> -</p> - -<p>“<i>P.S.</i>—Every morning they bring a bowl of soup for -eight people, a dish of radish leaves or something of that -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">237</a></span>nature; in the evening we all assemble round these bowls -and those who are very hungry are obliged to eat from -them; the others content themselves with a piece of bread -kept back from the day before. Those who have money -buy soap and coal, and heat water for washing their linen. -Those who are without the necessary means use water -mixed with cinders. As to me, who have no teeth, I -live on bread‐soup. The abscess is nearly cured, but my -weakness is very great. As I have already told you, all -these means are taken with the sole aim of destroying -us. Time will show who will be the first to give me the -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup de grâce</i>.”</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Another Autograph Letter from Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My dear Wife, my beloved Daughters, my -dear Son Ali Haidar</span>,—This letter is perhaps the last -that I shall ever write you; for, as I told you in my -two preceding letters, it is now proved that in modifying -our regimen and in depriving us of all means of correspondence, -they have no other aim than that of getting -rid of us. Besides which they have tried to poison us.</p> - -<p>“Ten days ago, my servant Arif, whom I had ordered -to buy some milk through one of the officers, discovered -when he was boiling it that it was poisoned. Four days -after this, Arif, having bought some meat, prepared it -in the evening and placed it in his room. In the morning -we perceived that the metal of the saucepan bore traces -of poison. Several days afterwards they poisoned the -water in the jug from which we drink. All these attempts -have been foiled by the attention and watchfulness of -the servant. Seeing this want of success, they will try -other means. We are surrounded by very dangerous -people; especially Major Tcherkesse Bekir, one of the -college companions of the famous Tcherkesse Hassan,<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> -who was sent two years ago from Constantinople to keep -watch over us. This Tcherkesse Bekir has, as accomplices, -three non‐commissioned officers, who lodge with us. Every -day the most sinister orders are transmitted to the Vali, -Osman Pasha (Governor of Mecca), who in return for his -services has received a Marshal’s bâton. Yesterday there -arrived Colonel Tcherkesse Mehemet Lutfi, always with -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span>the same orders. We are face to face with very great -danger and are threatened with the blackest designs; I -believe that there is little hope that we shall escape. -Perhaps even before receiving this letter you will learn -the news of my death. In this case it is useless to suffer -great affliction. May the merciful God pardon us our -sins! And if we are destined to succumb, there can -be no greater happiness than to be martyrs in a holy -cause.</p> - -<p>“My supreme desire is that you should live in peace, -united around the family hearth. May the Almighty -God have you in His Holy keeping!</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>10 Redjeb 1301, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>24th September 1883</i>).</small> -</p></div> - -<p>Madame Midhat had these facts brought to the knowledge -of Lord Dufferin, at Constantinople. At the same -time the Duke of Sutherland, who was going to Constantinople, -passed through Smyrna and went to see -Midhat’s family, assuring them that he would do all in -his power to persuade the Sultan to give Midhat Pasha -his liberty. Lord Dufferin made representations to the -Ottoman Government, and charged the Dragoman belonging -to the British Consulate at Djeddah to procure news -of Midhat’s health from the Grand Shereef of Mecca. -The Grand Shereef, Abdul Mutalib Pasha, assured the -Dragoman that Midhat was perfectly well.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> But the -Sultan, terrified at the relations between the Grand Shereef -Abdul Mutalib and the English Dragoman, accused the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">239</a></span> -former of holding secret relations with England, with a -view to saving Midhat and combining with him against -his person; he therefore disgraced him, throwing him into -the fortress of Taïf. It was on this account that Midhat, -without knowing the real reason, wrote the following letter -to his family on the arrest of the Grand Shereef:—</p> - -<p class="center f09">Another Letter from Midhat Pasha to his Family.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My Dear Family</span>,—Two days ago a very strange -event occurred. During the night of 30th August, at -midnight, the house of the Emir of Mecca, Shereef -Abdul Mutalib (who was then in residence at Taïf), was -suddenly surrounded by four battalions of Infantry and -four guns. At daybreak he was torn from his bed and -conducted to the fortress where we are imprisoned. He -has been replaced in his office by the Shereef Abdullah -Pasha. It is believed that Abdul Mutalib will be sent -to Constantinople or elsewhere. He is accused of having -kept up a correspondence with the English. The fact -that this personage, who, in his anxiety to please in a -high quarter, caused us so much suffering, is now thrown -into a wretched hole of a prison, is a very great example. -However, we can only pity his fate, when we think of -his great age—he is a hundred—and that he is a descendant -of the Prophet.</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>2nd September 1299, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>14th September 1882.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p>Whilst the Sultan was assuring England of his good -intentions, he was at the same time maturing his tyrannical -plan of execution. Damad Nouri Pasha had already -died—mad; but it was extremely difficult to put a Sheik‐ul‐Islam -to death on a false accusation, and above all -before the “Softa” (Theological Students and Ulemas, of -whom he is the Supreme Head); for this reason, Haïroullah -Effendi was placed on one side. The Vali of Hedjaz—Marshal -Osman Nouri Pasha—received an order by special<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">240</a></span> -envoys to see to the execution of the murder. On the -26th of April, 1883, they entered Midhat’s room during -the night, and by means of a cord they strangled him -in his bed without the least resistance. Damad Mahmoud -Djelaleddin Pasha attempted to defend himself, but was -overcome by brute force. An eye‐witness of the crime, -Haïroullah Effendi, sent a letter of condolence to the -family of Midhat Pasha, of which we publish a translation.</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To the Honourable Family of Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“I humbly present my most respectful homage to -Madame and Mesdemoiselles Midhat Pasha, and also to -his son Ali Haydar Bey, with the expression of my profound -regret and sympathy on the occasion of the death -of our beloved master, Midhat Pasha. May the Almighty -grant them as great a measure of happiness as there are -grains of dust in the earth that covers his martyred -remains.</p> - -<p>“You will have heard of his tragic death and of the -circumstances under which it occurred. His Highness -did not succumb, as has been announced in the newspapers, -to the illness from which he was suffering. It is -true that he had anthrax, but it was not bubonic. The -truth is that in the same night and at the same moment -both Midhat Pasha and Damad Mahmoud Pasha were -strangled. May the Divine clemency and blessing be -upon them.</p> - -<p>“There are many things that I ought to tell you, -but I dare not write more fully, as I am in dread of our -persecutors. Kindly let me hear that you have received -this letter, and do not divulge the name of him who sent -it. If you have anything that you wish to ask me you -can write to me.</p> - -<p>“Half of the Pasha’s possessions have been stolen by -the employés, the rest has been sent to Constantinople.</p> - -<p>“The servant, who so faithfully served our lamented -Midhat Pasha, is well worthy of being helped. The -Pasha, shortly before his death, left him £T100. He -gave me a note signed to this effect, which I enclose -to you, begging that you will send the poor man the -money.</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span> -<p>“I beg you, Madame and Mesdemoiselles, to accept -the expression of my respectful affection.</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Hassan Haïroullah.</span><br /> -(<i>ex‐Sheik‐ul‐Islam.</i>)</p> - -<p><small>“<span class="smcap">Taïf</span>, <i>15th Zilkade, 1301</i>” (1883).</small> -</p></div> - -<p>Wishing to render a last service to his country, the -Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Haïroullah Effendi, also sent to the Reform -Party a record of the details of this assassination, which is -contained in the following chapter.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">242</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XIII<br /><br /></h2> - -<p class="indent f09"><small>DETAILS OF THE ASSASSINATION OF MIDHAT PASHA, -ACCORDING TO INFORMATION DERIVED FROM HAÏROULLAH -EFFENDI.</small></p> - -<p>In the course of the third year of his exile at Taïf, Midhat -Pasha had a large tumour on his right shoulder. The -doctor, who was permitted to attend him, was a certain -Nashid Effendi, who delayed a fortnight before diagnosing -it as anthrax, and who, being ignorant of all modern -surgical knowledge, did not even perform the necessary -operation, alleging the age of the Pasha as a cause for -this omission.</p> - -<p>This infamous and unworthy conduct on the part of -the doctor was, at first, explained in two ways: as he -had only just left the School of Medicine, perhaps he had -not sufficient experience, or perhaps he was acting under -superior orders of those who were desirous of the death of -the invalid. But what is certain is that Damad Mahmoud -Pasha, companion in exile of Midhat, having no confidence -either in the capacity or honesty of Nashid, and fearing -lest he had some criminal design, sent a telegram to the -Governor‐General of Hedjaz, residing at Mecca—Osman -Nouri Pasha, who is now Marshal and Aide‐de‐camp to -Abdul Hamid—in which he implored him to send another -doctor, accusing Nashid of incapacity. But Osman Nouri -had not even the politeness to reply to him. However, -fortunately the anthrax burst of itself, and it was always -this same Nashid, accompanied by an officer, Captain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span> -Ibrahim Aga, who dressed the wound. The state of -health of the invalid, which grew worse from day to -day, was caused probably by the treatment to which -he was submitted. It must be said that it is almost by -a miracle that the wound healed eventually, thanks to -a different but altogether rudimentary treatment, which -was tried.</p> - -<p>The doctor made a report to the Governor‐General -after each visit, and that official never failed to transmit -it regularly by telegraph to Yildiz Kiosk.</p> - -<p>One day Nashid, after dressing the wound with -Ibrahim, suddenly asked Midhat Pasha, to the general -consternation, if it were really true that in Europe criminals -were now only executed by means of chloroform. This -question, simple enough in itself, gave more than one -person cause for reflection.</p> - -<p>Major Bekir<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> of the Third Battalion, 10th Regiment, -who was specially charged with the surveillance of the -prisoners, had gone away some days previously to Mecca -and Medina. It was with very great surprise, therefore, -that we saw him enter Midhat Pasha’s room with the -doctor and Ibrahim. When asked the reason of his -sudden return, Bekir replied simply, with extraordinary -cunning, that it was only to arrange certain affairs of -the garrison, in the first place, and secondly, to collect the -taxes in the villages situated on the side of Tarié. He -added that he was getting ready for this journey on the -receipt of a special order from the <em>Muchir</em> (Marshal).</p> - -<p>This was a bare‐faced lie, and we shall see further -on what was in reality the mission with which he was -charged.</p> - -<p>The sixth day after the arrival of Major Bekir was a -Friday, and, as usual, the servants belonging to the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">244</a></span> -prisoners, accompanied by a guard, went to the mosque -in the town for the Friday prayer. Arif Aga, servant to -Midhat Pasha, remained by his suffering master.</p> - -<p>On their return, Major Bekir stopped them all before -the <em>caracol</em> or guard‐room, and not seeing Arif Aga -amongst them, had him at once sent for.</p> - -<p>Arif refused to obey this order, alleging that he could -not leave his invalid alone. When the Pashas perceived -that Bekir insisted, they told the orderly to fetch him, in -order that they might learn the reason of this inexplicable -affair. Bekir, on receiving this communication, jumped -up, and going to Midhat Pasha’s room in the <em>kalé</em> (fortress), -declared in a haughty, insulting manner that the servants -would be dismissed from their service, that in future they -would have to be contented to eat from <em>caravanas</em>, and -that they would no longer be allowed to purchase eggs, -cheese, nor olives, only tobacco; and last of all, that they -would now be forbidden to present any further requests -to the Sultan.</p> - -<p>Such was the arrogant language employed by Bekir. -Later on, changing his tone, he added with less impertinence -that he was charged with a special mission, -and that he had received an order to send Haïroullah -Effendi’s wife (who was living in the town with her baby) -first of all to Mecca, and thence to Constantinople. This -was most alarming news to many, for it all pointed to -secret plots. However, there was no other course open -than to await the end with resignation.</p> - -<p>Damad Mahmoud Pasha, who was of a very hot‐blooded -disposition, and who easily got angry, lost -patience, and replied to the explanations of Bekir by -demanding that at least the dismissed attendants might -be allowed to return to them in order to settle their -accounts. Bekir, now become almost amiable, replied -that this would be contrary to the orders he had received,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">245</a></span> -but in order to do them a service, he would take the -responsibility upon himself and allow the servants to come, -accompanied by a guard.</p> - -<p>The servants, after their accounts had been settled, -were lodged in a room near the principal door of the -barracks. The cooking utensils, pens, paper, and ink‐stands, -which until then had been placed at the disposition -of the Pashas, were now taken from them. Bekir, -in order to make the preparations for his travels, spent -the night at the barracks.</p> - -<p>Midhat Pasha had more than once filled the office of -Grand Vizier, and had rendered eminent services to his -country. The manner in which they treated him shocked -me, for even under these circumstances, taking into consideration -his age and the weak state of his health, they -might have shown him some consideration.</p> - -<p>A hospital attendant, a soldier, who was completely -ignorant of the habits of the Pasha, was now appointed -as his servant. Nevertheless, Midhat Pasha, we must -allow, whilst we render homage to his energy, submitted -to all these humiliations with the greatest calm, and even -with indifference.</p> - -<p>On the 8th of April, a Sunday, Bekir visited Midhat, -undoubtedly with the intention, after some conversation, -of taking the latest news to the Pasha at Hedjaz, for -that same day he was going to leave for Mecca, taking -with him the wife of Haïroullah, his child, the servants, -and the cooks.</p> - -<p>“Are you going now?” asked Midhat Pasha of Bekir.</p> - -<p>“Yes, in a few hours,” he replied; “if you have any -communications to make me, will you kindly do so -now?”</p> - -<p>“Very well! Listen to me attentively. His Majesty, -Abdul Hamid, has recently raised the Vali to the rank -of Marshal, and I congratulate the latter with all my heart.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">246</a></span> -You know, however, all the services that I have rendered -my country; no one can deny them. You are not ignorant -of the distinguished posts I have successively occupied. -Now, you see how I am treated; I see nothing before -me except the most gloomy prospect, and it is through -you that they will get rid of me. You will be the -instruments, and each of you, most probably, will be -promoted; the officer will become colonel, the colonel -will be gazetted as a general, and so on; but remember -that you may die after Abdul Hamid. If you die before, -your titles will be inscribed on your tombs; but if the -contrary occurs, then I am convinced it will be quite -otherwise. Pause now, examine your conscience, calculate -your own moral and material interests, and without -looking so far ahead, whilst His Majesty is still alive, -just think for a moment what has become of the Chief -President of that arbitrary tribunal which condemned -me in so cowardly a manner, without any tangible proof. -It is quite true that Sourouri Effendi was appointed -<em>Cadi Asker</em>; but was he not exiled soon afterwards, -under the title of Governor of Manissa. As to Djevdet -Pasha, the second President, he is, as everyone knows, -deprived of his functions, and is now at home—a disgraced -man. Think of these events, and you will form a correct -idea of the situation. I see that some crime is overhanging -me. Remember the verse of the Koran which says: -‘Whosoever kills shall be punished with hell and eternal -tortures.’... We are all deserving of chastisement at -the hands of Divine Justice. And now that you know -my opinion, will you communicate it faithfully to the -Vali?”</p> - -<p>Bekir grew pale, but plucking up courage, replied: “I -have been present at several battles; but, apart from war, -I have never even cut off the head of a fowl.” The conversation -coming to an end, Bekir went out of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">247</a></span> -prisoner’s room, and at once started on his journey to -Mecca, accompanied by the individuals we have already -mentioned.</p> - -<p>On the seventh day after his departure—a Friday -evening—we saw him return to Taïf. To the general -surprise he reinstated the servants in the Pashas’ service. -After a few days Haïroullah’s wife also returned from -Djeddah with her baby and the cook. Haïroullah -ordered his servant Ibrahim to look after his household -in the town, and contented himself with the services of -a common soldier.</p> - -<p>The day after his return Bekir once more made his -appearance in the Pashas’ quarters, saying that a new -Irade had just been telegraphed ordering a diminution -of the prisoner’s rations and the dismissal of the cooks. -He also presented the greetings from the Vali, who -would, nevertheless, allow them to purchase from the -bazaar all that they needed.</p> - -<p>Why this toleration? What did it mean, coming -after the diminution of the rations and the dismissal -of the cooks? Bekir replied to this maliciously, stating -that such a duty was most unpleasing to him, but that -as a soldier he was compelled to obey his superiors, -although he regretted to be unable to act otherwise.</p> - -<p>At this time, Midhat Pasha was fortunately almost -entirely cured of his illness, but they still continued to -telegraph daily the state of his health to the Governor‐General.</p> - -<p>One day Midhat Pasha sent his attendant to the -town to buy some milk from a milkman named Echreff. -Immediately on learning this, one of the officers, told -off to guard the prisoners, a certain Nouri, wished to -accompany the soldier to the milkman’s house. On arriving -at their destination, they asked for the milk. Echreff -declared that he had only three <em>kilos</em> of milk, which had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">248</a></span> -been ordered by the General, but that he would give -them one <em>ock</em> at once if it were for the Pasha. Nouri -accepted this offer, and ordered the soldier to take it to -Daïra. This most unexpected and unusual amiability on -the part of Nouri was noticed, and gave rise to suspicions.</p> - -<p>During the Pasha’s illness, it was Saïd Bey, another -prisoner, who watched over the food prepared by -Midhat’s servant, Arif Aga. Saïd Bey at once took care -to examine the can that contained this milk, and noticed -to his surprise that the colour of it was unnatural. He -tasted a small spoonful and found that the milk had a -bitter flavour that hurt his throat. Saïd mentioned this -fact to several people who were present, and especially to -the lieutenant, Mehemet Aga, and they all tasted it—some -of them even had to keep to their beds for several -days afterwards, having been so imprudent as to take a -sufficient quantity to upset their system.</p> - -<p>When this was related to Midhat Pasha, he at once -sent for Mehemet Aga, and with much self‐restraint spoke -to him as follows: “I sent to‐day for some of the same -milk as that ordered by the Binbashi (Major). It has -been found to contain verdigris; this has been proved by -all those who drank it; I believe that you also tasted it.”</p> - -<p>Mehemet acknowledged that the milk had been very -much adulterated. Midhat, still preserving his <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">sang‐froid</i>, -continued: “Since this is the case, why do you not go to -the Binbashi (Major) and warn him to be careful not to -drink it.”</p> - -<p>The officer went away hurriedly, and soon after returned, -saying: “That the Binbashi was going to send -for the milkman, that he intended to investigate the -matter, and that if it were deserved, a severe punishment -would be inflicted. That he meant to get to the bottom -of the whole business.”</p> - -<p>But we learned later on that before Mehemet went to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">249</a></span> -inform the Binbashi, this latter was in the garden of the -military hospital, surrounded by his confidants, whom -he asked from time to time if all had gone off well! -If the milk had been drunk, and if it had proved -efficacious.</p> - -<p>At the same time we were told that several soldiers -who had drunk the Binbashi’s milk had become ill. -This, undoubtedly, was nothing but a rumour which had -been purposely spread, and has never received confirmation -from any trustworthy source.</p> - -<p>A sample of this milk was sent to the Binbashi to be -analysed by the doctors. The only reply he made was: -“That they had not got the necessary apparatus for -analysis!” This is absolutely incredible.</p> - -<p>In order to save appearances, Bekir sent for Echreff, -the milkman, and remonstrated with him. But Echreff, -on his side, protested most vehemently. Besides which -all his cans were in good condition. He insisted that the -milk must have been contaminated by some medicament -after it had left his dairy.</p> - -<p>Thus the incident was closed, for the Binbashi did not -follow up the affair, which he wished to be forgotten.</p> - -<p>Another time a strange fact was again noticed. It -was when Arif, Midhat’s servant, was still in his service. -He always passed his nights in the Pasha’s room, having -first of all locked up his own, in which he frequently kept -the food he had prepared for the following day.</p> - -<p>Arif perceived one morning that the lids of his -saucepans had been disturbed, and that their contents -presented an unusual appearance. He immediately told -Midhat of his extraordinary discovery, and the Pasha -sent at once for Damad Mahmoud and the other -prisoners, begging them to examine the saucepans. -After a summary examination they ascertained that -some foreign matter had been introduced. The perpe<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">250</a></span>trator -of this odious attempt remained as much unknown -as he who had put the verdigris in the milk. The contents -of all the saucepans were given to the dogs and cats, but -as these animals were none the worse, we thought that -this foreign matter could not have been a poison. However, -after the assassination of Midhat Pasha we learned -that the sub‐lieutenants Mehemet and Nouri, getting in -one night by the window, had managed to poison all -those dishes of which Midhat Pasha would have partaken -the following day. These two gentlemen made a complete -confession of this crime some time afterwards.</p> - -<p>During this time there was an honest soldier, Mehemet -Yosgad, whose duty it was to prepare the coffee. We -now know that it was suggested to him more than once -that he should give poison to the prisoners, mixing it with -their coffee. However, as this honourable man firmly -refused to commit this crime, others had to be found who -would undertake it.</p> - -<p>Mahmoud Pasha, who was very fond of coffee, began -to give up drinking it, and no longer smoked his <em>narghilé</em>, -but in order to show his confidence in honest Mehemet, -he never refused coffee that had been prepared by him.</p> - -<p>Another time it was noticed that the water which -was kept in a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">baradé</i> had a most offensive smell. The -jar was broken, and very great precautions were taken -thenceforth.</p> - -<p>Major Bekir was a thoroughly bad man, and extremely -cunning. He took as many precautions about the crime -he was about to commit as he did about his accomplices. -So far all attempts at poisoning had failed; other means -must be employed!</p> - -<p>On the 9th of Redjeb, 1301 (23rd April 1883, O.S.), -a Sunday, a detachment of cavalry, with two guns, arrived -at Taïf, under the command of a Circassian colonel -belonging to the 53rd regiment of the 7th Army Corps.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">251</a></span> -Mehemet Lutfi at once chose out about forty of the -strongest soldiers and increased the prisoners’ guard.</p> - -<p>Before the arrival of Mehemet Lutfi, Bekir had several -times called Hadji Chukri Aga, Mahmoud Pasha’s servant, -into his own private room very late at night, when every -one was asleep, and kept him there in trivial conversation; -but he had never dared to confide the secret to him, nor -to ask his help, for Chukri was not the kind of man to -become his accomplice, or to commit a crime against his -benefactor.</p> - -<p>As has been stated above, the colonel reorganised -the prisoners’ guards after his own manner. The -same day he sent for Arif Aga in order that he -might have the incident of the milk explained to him, -but in reality he proposed to Arif that he should poison -his master.</p> - -<p>“The poison is ready,” he said, “and if you succeed -in making Midhat drink it, you will receive very great -rewards from His Majesty the Sultan. Another man has -been commissioned to kill Damad Mahmoud, but if you -are willing to undertake that as well, your recompense -shall be doubled. If ever you divulge the secret you -will be killed.”</p> - -<p>The promised reward amounted to £T1000 for the -death of Midhat, and £T600 for that of Mahmoud.</p> - -<p>Arif was a devoted and faithful servant, besides being -a good Mussulman. He not only refused the rewards, -but, disregarding all intimidations, protested strongly -against the cowardly and unworthy schemes that they -had formed against his master. He hastened also to -relate to Midhat and to Mahmoud Pasha all that had -been said to him.</p> - -<p>These two Pashas, deeply moved by this communication, -held a long consultation together, but to no purpose. -What could they do? For a long time now they had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">252</a></span> -foreseen very clearly that their end was approaching, if -not by one way, then by another.</p> - -<p>The colonel, who had not thought fit to pay them a -visit, appeared very much preoccupied.</p> - -<p>On the second night after his arrival he had the -prisoners’ quarters surrounded by numerous soldiers, and -gave special orders to those who formed the inside -guard. On Tuesday evening, he wished to end the -whole affair, but circumstances obliged him to put off -the execution until the following night. Ibrahim Aga, -the captain, and three lieutenants sent for Arif Aga, and -told him plainly that owing to a command received from -the Palace of Yildiz Kiosk, they were obliged to put an -end to Midhat, and that as Arif had refused to poison -him, they hoped that at least he would have a little good -sense and open the door of the Pasha’s room about midnight; -and that if he refused this little service they would -know what steps to take.</p> - -<p>Poor Arif Aga, maddened by hearing of the odious -crime which was about to be committed against his -beloved master, sprang up in rage and cried frantically -to these wretches: “Oh no! I will never do what you -suggest—I will never open the door! I will not be -your accomplice! I am afraid of my conscience and of -Allah!”</p> - -<p>They were beginning to ill‐treat him, but at that -moment the prisoners happened to be going to their -separate rooms. Midhat, who was on his way to his -bedroom, was descending the stairs when he heard the -voice of his faithful servant crying out over and over -again: “Master, do not go down; return to your friends -at once, and spend the night with them. These cowards -are meaning to assassinate you!”</p> - -<p>Midhat Pasha went up the stairs again, re‐assembled -the prisoners, and informed them of this sinister occur<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">253</a></span>rence. -Just then one of the officers went to tell the -colonel what had happened. He ordered that Arif should -be arrested and the prisoners all separated. The faithful -servant was dragged off to the barracks, where he was -imprisoned, whilst an officer, Memiche, was sent by the -colonel to separate the prisoners and to try and calm -their fears.</p> - -<p>“The colonel,” said Memiche, “presents his compliments -to you all, and begs that you will withdraw to -your separate bedrooms, as the law requires.” To this -command Midhat and Mahmoud replied that they would -only be separated by force. They sent for Ibrahim, who -arrived somewhat troubled by the turn of affairs. They -also requested to speak with Bekir, in order to obtain -some explanation of this matter. The major arrived, and -entering the room, said—“That good‐for‐nothing Arif -doesn’t know what he’s talking about. It looks as if he -were doing all this in order to get sent away, unless -he is quite out of his mind.” The Pashas could not -succeed in hiding their anxiety, for everything foreboded -the approaching crime.</p> - -<p>“At the present moment,” continued Bekir, “no such -order exists. But we are soldiers, and therefore owe unquestioning -obedience to our superiors. Be quite at ease! -Do you think that anyone would be afraid of you whilst -you are in our safe keeping?”</p> - -<p>He then began to swear by all that he held most sacred -in the world that there was no cause for them to fear. -Meanwhile Arif Aga was being tortured for having -divulged the secret.</p> - -<p>Midhat passed the whole of that night with Ali Bey, -another prisoner.</p> - -<p>Colonel Mehemet Lutfi and Major Bekir remained -in the room overlooking the principal entrance to the -barracks, whence they directed the operations. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">254</a></span> -soldiers were given the same orders as on the preceding -night, and cartridges were distributed amongst them.</p> - -<p>A captain and three lieutenants were placed in the -prisoners’ quarters to superintend operations, and two -soldiers, bare‐footed for the occasion, and with bayonets -fixed, were stationed at the door of each prisoner’s room.</p> - -<p>About six o’clock,<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> Hadji Chukri Aga, Mahmoud’s -servant was awakened and transferred to the barracks, -where he was imprisoned.</p> - -<p>Colonel Mehemet Lutfi remained in the barracks, -whilst Major Bekir directed the assassination from the -officers’ room.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">31</a></p> - -<p>We have stated above that Ali Bey was sharing -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span>Midhat’s room. At about half‐past six (1.30 <span class="smcap">A.M.</span>) the -door was forced open, and Ali Bey was dragged from -the room. Then they strangled this old man, who was -incapable of offering any resistance.</p> - -<p>On bursting in the door of Mahmoud’s room, they -threw round his neck a soaped cord, which had been -specially prepared, for they were aware that he possessed -very considerable muscular strength. Mahmoud made a -most desperate resistance, giving vent to piercing cries. -They tried every means to hasten his death, with such -ferocity that even the animals in the neighbourhood -trembled at the sound of his heartrending cries for help. -But soon the screams of anguish died away.</p> - -<p>A few moments after, two corpses, wrapped in sheets, -were transported to a room in the hospital. The perpetrators -waited until the day broke before digging their -graves in the cemetery, set apart for soldiers, which lies -outside the fortifications. There these two martyrs repose -in their eternal sleep.</p> - -<p>Even the religious ceremonies were not carried out with -regard to the funeral—doubtless, in order that the secret -might be better preserved. They knew not that Time is -the Revealer of all things!</p> - -<p class="center2"><span class="gesperrt">* * * * *</span></p> - -<p>Midhat Pasha had recovered completely from his indisposition. -One evening, a little while before his -assassination, after a lengthy meditation, he had said to -his friends: “I am thinking of death. The pain thereof -only endures for five minutes. But I do not know what -kind of death may be the least painful. Perhaps poison, -or a bullet, or death at the end of some illness. My body, -sixty year old, is worn out. Why live beyond this age if it -be only to suffer! I should have been happy if my illness -had carried me off. But what can I do? The hour has -not struck yet. Several innocent people are prisoners here<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">256</a></span> -on my account, being obliged to mount guard over me; I -should have liked to give them back their liberty.”</p> - -<p>Finishing these reflections, he once more returned to -his sad and harrowing meditations.</p> - -<p class="center2"><span class="gesperrt">* * * * *</span></p> - -<p>Immediately after the horrible execution, that same -night, the doors and locks were all repaired, and two days -later the belongings of the Pashas were taken into a room -in the barracks. During two consecutive days several -subordinates kept going in and out of this room, removing -small objects.</p> - -<p>Terror had reigned in the hearts of all the prisoners -during the assassination. The following day the sentinels -were removed, and when the prisoners went to make their -morning prayer they embraced and took a last farewell of -each other, bursting into tears and awaiting their turn -with resignation. The reign of terror still continued, and -every word and gesture gave rise to suspicion.</p> - -<p class="center2"><span class="gesperrt">* * * * *</span></p> - -<p>Thus ends the faithful translation of the document sent -by Halroullah Effendi, ex‐Sheik‐ul‐Islam. We have -preserved all its originality.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span></p> - -<p class="center f12">APPENDICES</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">259</a></span></p> - -<h2>APPENDIX A<br /><br /> - -<small>THE NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE BERLIN NOTE -AND THE CONFERENCE OF CONSTANTINOPLE</small></h2> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> effects of the Bulgarian troubles on British policy were clearly -visible. England, that had hitherto been favourable and friendly -to Turkey; that had counselled against the Consular Commission -of August 1875; had adhered to the Andrassy note of December (1875) -only at the express request of the Ottoman Government (on the -13th June 1876); had pressed reforms upon Turkey as a means of -forestalling the designs of the enemies of the Ottoman Empire,<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> -and had firmly refused to adhere to the Berlin Memorandum, now -took up a slightly altered position. This nuance was clearly perceived -in a despatch from Lord Derby to Sir H. Elliot of the -25th May 1876, in which he said: “In the course of conversation -with Musurus Pasha, I took the opportunity of suggesting to His -Excellency that it would be undesirable that the Turkish Government -should misunderstand the attitude of Her Majesty’s Government -in regard to the proposals of the Berlin Conference. Her Majesty’s -Government had declined to join in proposals which they thought -ill‐advised, <em>but both the circumstances and the state of feeling in this -country were very much changed since the Crimean War</em>, and the -Porte would be unwise to be led, by recollections of that period, to -count upon more than the moral support of Her Majesty’s Government -in the event of no satisfactory solution of the present difficulties -being found.”<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> It will be seen later on that even this attitude of -benevolent diplomatic neutrality was not entirely preserved by the -British Government at the Conference of Constantinople or the -negotiations that led up to it.</p> - -<p>“The three Northern and allied Powers” were evidently disconcerted -by the turn matters were taking at Constantinople. It seemed -impossible to present a comminatory note to a new Sultan and a new -Government established by a revolution, the very purpose and aim of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">260</a></span> -which was to introduce practical reforms in the country, without a -certain delay demanded by equity and even decency. They determined -to make it as short as possible.</p> - -<p>In spite, however, of strenuous efforts to conceal the fact, differences -had arisen among “the allied Courts,” or rather between the -two principal parties interested. Russia was in favour of an occupation -of the three disturbed provinces, with a view to the eventual -establishment of autonomies on the model of Servia and Roumania. -Austria was dead opposed to both propositions. There is no doubt -that she had been working up to an occupation by her own troops -of Bosnia and Herzegovina as the mandate of Europe—up to the -time of the Bulgarian insurrection; but now that such an occupation -would be accompanied by a Russian occupation of Bulgaria, she -entirely changed her mind. If a joint occupation took place, the -last state of those provinces would be worse than the first. At -present she had the strategical advantage of position over Russia, but -Russia in Bulgaria would have it over her. She was firmly opposed -to joint occupation. Neither would autonomy suit her. The -establishment of autonomous provinces, placed under the guarantee of -the Great Powers, would make the absorption by herself of these -coveted possessions impossible. Count Andrassy put his foot down -against both these proposals.</p> - -<p>A very active interchange of ideas consequently took place during -the whole of the month of June between the two Empires, and it was -here that the full value of a third partner, the disinterested broker, -was revealed. Russia evidently meant business, for Servia, which was, -as Consul‐General White explained, absolutely in her hands, now -(1st July 1876) formally declared war against Turkey, and invaded the -Ottoman territory. Montenegro followed her example. In the -latter case it was rather a superfluous or <em>ex post facto</em> formality.</p> - -<p>A knot had occurred worthy of the interposition of the gods, -and on the 8th July a meeting was arranged at Reichstadt between -the Emperor Francis Joseph and the Czar. Of course it is only in -Homeric times that accounts of the interviews of Olympic gods were -vouchsafed to men, and simple mortals have to content themselves -nowadays with being told the results of these interviews. The -result of this particular interview was “very satisfactory.” According -to Sir A. Buchanan, “the Emperor and Count Andrassy returned -last night (10th July 1876) <em>greatly satisfied</em> with the interview of -Reichstadt.” “The Emperors parted on the best terms; they agreed -to maintain the present principle of non‐intervention, reserving for -the future the expediency of coming to an understanding with the -Great Powers, according to circumstances which may arise.”<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> So, -according to this authority, the Emperor of Austria returned to -Vienna “greatly satisfied” with doing nothing. It was scarcely worth -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">261</a></span>while going all the way to Reichstadt for that. It was, however, -generally supposed in well‐informed chancelleries in Europe at the -time, and subsequent events greatly corroborated the surmise, that -the Emperor had something else to be greatly satisfied about than -what was vouchsafed to Sir A. Buchanan.</p> - -<p>It was said that two specific points had been formally agreed upon -between the rulers of these two military Empires, in presence of the -threatening aspect that affairs were assuming. (1) That, should -affairs in the East eventuate in war between Turkey and Russia, -Russia would, under no circumstances, seek any territorial acquisition -<em>in Europe</em>. (2) That Bosnia and Herzegovina should be considered -within the exclusive sphere of Austria’s influence, and that Russia -would not actively oppose any arrangement with respect to them -that Europe might propose. All the rest would be left to their -respective chancellors, each would retain his liberty of action and -pursue the policy he deemed the best, certain that nothing that -could happen in the way of differences of opinion between them -could bring about a rupture between the two Empires. The middle -term of an agreement had evidently been found. “British interests” -would pay the bill, and the desertion of Bucharest would be avenged.</p> - -<p>By a curious coincidence, on the same day (8th July) that this -historical interview took place, there appeared in the <cite>Daily News</cite> -the famous “atrocity article” that set all England ablaze and started -the greatest orator of the day on his crusade against the “unspeakable -Turk.”</p> - -<p>The indirect effect on English policy of this crusade and the -atrocity meetings all over England that followed it, was seen in the -nuance already noticed, between the terms of the despatch of the -25th May and that of the 25th September, which was the prelude to -the Conference where it was still further accentuated.</p> - -<p>July was destined to bring an aggravation of trouble on the -Turkish Empire and anxiety on Turkish Ministers. Austria chose -this moment (1st July) to shut to Turkey the port of Klek, through -which the Turkish army in Herzegovina received its chief supplies. -It is not necessary to enter here into the question of international -right involved in this matter. This turned on the interpretation of -ancient treaties with the Venetian Republic, and on the boundaries -of the “enclaves” in Dalmatia, and these questions had, by mutual -consent, been left dormant for long years between the Austrian and -Ottoman Governments. Suffice it to say that a <em>modus vivendi</em> had -been arrived at between the two Governments in 1853 (“in the hope -that an amicable arrangement will intervene relative to the question -of the enclaves of Klek and Suttorina”), and had subsisted ever -since. For Austria, after leaving the question of right in abeyance -for twenty‐three years, to choose that particular moment when the -maximum of inconvenience would be thereby caused to the Ottoman -Government, was a high‐handed proceeding of the most unfriendly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span> -nature, and could only be justified on the principle of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">la force prime -le droit</i>. At any rate, it finally exploded the pretext of “her deep -and earnest anxiety” for the pacification of these provinces which she -was continually putting forward as the motives of her diplomatic -actions, as well as all pretence of friendly dispositions towards the -Porte. The energy displayed by the new Government at Constantinople -in sending reinforcements to the scene of action, and the success -attending these efforts, were perhaps the real motive of this unqualified -act, for in consequence of that energy, things were not going well -with the insurrection, and new factors would have to be imported to -keep it going.</p> - -<p>Accordingly, at the same time the port of supply for the Turkish -troops was closed, Montenegro and Servia declared war on the Porte -(1st July 1876). (As far as the first‐named principality was concerned -this formality was rather superfluous <em>ex post facto</em> formality.) Ever -since the “intimate relations which had existed for two years back” -between the Courts of Vienna and Cettinje, Montenegro had never -ceased to carry on war against the Ottoman troops. Indeed her -mountaineers, together with the Grenzers and Dalmatians, had been -the mainstay of the “rebellion.” Only as, nominally, peaceful -relations had never been interrupted, the Turkish Commanders were -debarred from following the rebels on Montenegrin soil, and Russia -had drawn a taboo round Montenegro, and forbidden, under penalty -of war, the invasion of that land, and Mr Jomine, the Russian diplomatic -agent at Cettinje, was, with his Austrian colleague, the confidential -adviser of the prince.</p> - -<p>As far back as January 1876, Sir H. Elliot had informed Lord -Derby of “the system employed by the Montenegrins in aid -of the Herzegovinian insurgents. All the men (in Montenegro), -capable of bearing arms, are considered to be soldiers, and are -made into battalions of 600 men. The commanders and majors -of these battalions, who are called commanders and pod‐commanders, -receive pay; the remaining officers and men are unpaid. -When an expedition is contemplated, each man takes with him -potatoes and bread, if he has any, for five days, and a reserve of -provisions from each village is carried by women or baggage horses. -The Austrian Committees, having provided surgeons and medicines, -hospitals and ambulances have been organised in some villages on -the frontier. The prince furnishes all those who join the insurgents -<cite>without authorisation, but he sends one‐fifth of his effective forces into -the Herzegovina. Not to overtire these poor people, His Highness -takes care to change them at the end of each expedition, or when -their provisions are exhausted. Reforms alone, it is stated, will -never put an end to the insurrection, and force is of no avail so -long as the insurgents and their Montenegrin friends have only to -cross the frontier to be in safety.</cite>”<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">35</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span></p> -<p>As for Servia, Consul‐General White had for months past warned -his Government of what was preparing, and of the wholesale influx of -Russians into the Servian army, nor had Prince Milan made any -disguise of the fact of the likelihood of his being drawn into the -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mêlée</i>, but a certain almost comic jealousy existed between the -rulers of these two little principalities, lest the one should steal a -march on the other, and acquire a better right to the title of the -“liberator of the Slav race.”</p> - -<p>They consequently agreed to declare war on Turkey together. -As Servia, confident in her new levies, was now determined to act, -Montenegro could not afford to be behindhand, however much it -might have suited her to continue the particular mode of safe -warfare that she had, for twelve months, been indulging in.</p> - -<p>In spite of the new levies, military matters did not progress to -Prince Milan’s satisfaction. The fact was that a new spirit had been -infused into Ottoman Councils by the new ministers, and large -reinforcements of regular troops under competent generals had been -hurried to the Servian frontiers and despatched into Bosnia. The -consequence was that victory did not attend the Servian arms, and, -after the loss of an important position near Deligrad on the 24th -August 1876, barely two months after the pompous declaration of -war, Prince Milan “with the approval of his ally, the Prince of -Montenegro,” requested the good offices of the Powers for a -suspension of hostilities. All Europe eagerly seconded this request, -and although a formal armistice was never concluded, a <em>de facto</em> -suspension of hostilities took place. It is unnecessary to detail the -negotiations that followed.</p> - -<p>The Porte very naturally desired that an agreement on the basis -of peace should precede or accompany an armistice, otherwise it -would lose all the advantages of its present military position. Servia -wanted an armistice without any basis of peace. When at last, in -consequence of the insistence of Europe, the Porte agreed to this, a -dispute arose about the duration of the armistice. The Porte proposed -six months to give ample time to negotiate a permanent -settlement, and England adhered to this view of the matter. Servia -would have none of it; one month or nothing. She was moving on -safe ground, for she knew well that Europe had taken the negotiations -out of her hand and would never allow a renewed attack upon her. -Russia strongly insisted on the shorter term, and when, in order to -solve the difficulty, England appealed to the honest broker at Berlin, -he proposed as a compromise an armistice of six weeks.</p> - -<p>These <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">pourparlers</i> occupied about a month, and when they seemed -to be on the point of being settled, as usual by the Porte yielding in -the matter, it was found that Prince Milan had changed his mind, -and would have no armistice at all.</p> - -<p>What had occurred in the interval to account for this change -of front?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span></p> - -<p>On the 24th September, Consul‐General White writes to Sir -Henry Elliot<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> “that the last six weeks have produced an important -change in the affairs of Servia. The Civil Government has ceased -to have a voice in public affairs; the presence of Russian officers, -some of them officers of the Imperial Guard, the courage and -enthusiasm with which they are animated, the growing influence of -the Slavonic Committees through their agents, have all given a -warlike tone to what is called public opinion here.... The Russians -present here say openly that it is their aim and object to prevent the -conclusions of peace.” And again, on 4th October 1876, he writes -to Lord Derby:<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> “It may be interesting for your Lordship to hear -that money appears abundant in the Servian Exchequer, and -although the Ministers deny that it is derived from Russian sources, -it is quite impossible to account in any other way for its origin.”</p> - -<p>But something more particular must have occurred to encourage -Prince Milan to order on the 26th September, the very next -day on which the suspension of hostilities terminated, a general -attack on the Turks in the Morava Valley. What was it? On the -28th September 1876, Mr Malet (afterwards Sir Edward Malet), -writing from Rome to Lord Derby,<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> states that Sig. Melegari, the -Minister for Foreign Affairs, in order to convince him “of the -imminence of the danger to the Ottoman Empire” read the following -paper to him, as coming from Livadia, adding that England alone -was able to avert the execution of the design by “compelling” the -Porte to acquiesce in His Lordship’s demands. The paper was dated -26th September, and ran as follows: “The Emperor has sent General -Soumarakoff to Vienna with instructions to propose a peace, should -Turkey attempt to evade the armistice, upon conditions that would -suit all the Powers, viz. Austrian military intervention in Bosnia, -Russian military intervention in Bulgaria, and the joint entry of all -the squadrons of the Levant into the Bosphorus. These steps appear -to us indispensable in order to bring the Porte to its senses, to -prevent war, and save the Christians from a general massacre.”<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">39</a></p> - -<p>This <em>grandis epistola a Capreis</em> which frightened Mr -Malet so much that he immediately telegraphed its substance to -Lord Derby, and which was, no doubt, intended to frighten Lord -Derby, had no chance at all of being accepted at Vienna, and if -the constant and continuous intercourse between the three Northern -“and allied Powers” was to any purpose at all, it is quite impossible -that the nature of the reception it should meet with there, should -have been ignored. It could therefore only have been intended as -a “spur” to the Foreign Office, and it succeeded admirably in its -intention.</p> - -<p>It is scarcely worth while to waste many words over the proposal -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">265</a></span>from Livadia. Austria feared nothing so much as a joint occupation -with Russia. It would have been a guarantee exacted from her -for her own eventual simultaneous retirement, which would have -upset all her plans. Nor was England yet brought up to concert -pitch. But the notice had served its purpose. England, a little -timorously, and with the best intentions towards Turkey, and with -the general approval and even applause of Europe,<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> had undertaken -the lead in proposing terms to Turkey as a basis of pacification. As -early as the 11th September Count Schouvaloff in an interview -described “(1) The <em>status quo</em>, speaking roughly, both as regards -Servia and Montenegro. (2) Administrative reforms in the nature -of local autonomy for Bosnia and the Herzegovina. (3) Guarantees of -some similar kinds (the exact details of which might be reserved for -later discussion) against the future maladministration of Bulgaria.”<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">41</a></p> - -<p>Ten days later, on the 21st September, Lord Derby, having in -the meantime secured the agreement of the Austrian Government<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> -to these proposals, these terms were forwarded to Sir H. Elliot for -communication to the Porte. The second condition relating to -Bosnia and Herzegovina was amplified by the important stipulation -“that the Porte should undertake, <em>in a Protocol to be signed at -Constantinople with the Representatives of the mediatory Powers</em>, to -grant, etc.”<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">43</a></p> - -<p>Sir H. Elliot, in obedience to positive instructions, went to the -utmost limit of friendly pressure<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> to induce the Porte to accept these -conditions. The Porte, on its side, showed the greatest possible -desire to meet the wishes of the English Ambassador.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> The term -“local autonomy,” and still more the form of a Protocol demanded, -were the two most serious obstacles to an understanding. So great -was Sir H. Elliot’s influence on the Turkish Minister, and so great -was their confidence in England’s loyalty, that an understanding was -almost arrived at when the news of General Soumarakoff’s Mission -reached the Porte. On the 4th October, the new Turkish Government -telegraphed to the Ottoman Ambassador in London an -indignant protest against the proposals of which that envoy was the -bearer, and concluded by saying: “If the Sublime Porte has, though -challenged (by Servia), not made use of her victory, she will never -forget that she is still an independent State, and that she owes it to -herself to choose an honourable death rather than the dismemberment -and partition of her States.”<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">46</a></p> - -<p>This incident did not facilitate Sir H. Elliot’s task. On the day -following the 5th October, Lord Derby instructs Sir H. Elliot to -inform the Porte that it is intended that the armistice should be -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span>followed by a Conference, and that if an armistice for not less than -a month is not granted, the Ambassador was to quit Constantinople -and leave Turkey to its fate.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">47</a></p> - -<p>On the 8th October, the Porte asks the very pertinent question -whether, in the event of the conditions being accepted, a Conference -would still be proposed.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> No answer seems ever to have been given -to this important question.</p> - -<p>The Turkish Ministers now submitted the question of the armistice -to a Grand Council, which acceded to it for five months.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> On the -13th October, in a long telegram to Musurus Pasha, the Porte makes -a last despairing attempt to stay the decision for a Conference, which -it says “will at least give rise to the danger of certain impulses on -which head we have the right to be anxious, and which in reality -would be of no use. The five months’ armistice would leave ample -time for the Powers to exchange explanations and observations without -any Conference. During this time, the work of internal reform would -go on, and Europe would have the opportunity of being edified as to -the serious and practical character of the promises of the Imperial -Government,” and concluded by saying, referring evidently to the -negotiations with Sir H. Elliot, “I hope His Lordship will agree with -us in preventing the question, <em>which was just beginning to look -brighter</em>, thanks to so many sacrifices and efforts, from being turned -into a path of new difficulties and perils.”<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">50</a></p> - -<p>If it had not been for the Soumarakoff Mission, and the scare it -created in the Foreign Office, it would have been an inexplicable -mystery why Lord Derby, abandoning negotiations carried on by -Sir H. Elliot, which “were just beginning to look brighter,” should -have hurriedly fathered this proposal of a Conference. If the -Soumarakoff Mission was only intended to secure this point, it was -most eminently successful. Anyway, from this time forth, Lord Derby -stuck grimly to a Conference. Without a Conference there was no -salvation. The question, however, of the duration of the armistice -was not yet settled, and as England, having accepted six months, -could not recant, General Ignatieff arrived from Livadia to settle it.</p> - -<p>But here an incident occurred of a too charmingly amusing -character to be passed over in silence. <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La note comique</i> is never -entirely absent from these negotiations. Lord Adolphus Loftus, -Her Britannic Majesty’s Ambassador at St Petersburg, received leave -in the middle of October to go to the Crimea, whither the Russian -Court had removed, and where Prince Gortchakoff, the Chancellor, -was slaying, in order to be nearer the official source of diplomatic -information. On Friday, the 27th, accordingly, he arrived at Yalta, -accompanied by Mr Egerton of his Embassy. On Sunday, the 29th, -he had an interview at Orianda with Prince Gortchakoff, “who received -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">267</a></span> -him very cordially, and after some friendly remarks, the -conversation turned to Constantinople.” After stating that the state -of affairs there was grave, the Chancellor expressed “a hope that the -question of the armistice was arranged, the Porte having, on the -advice of Sir H. Elliot, yielded to the considerations in favour of the -shorter term.” His Highness further stated “that General Ignatieff -had been instructed to be yielding and conciliatory on the subject of -the armistice.”</p> - -<p>Two days after this, <i>i.e.</i> on Tuesday, the 31st October, Lord A. -Loftus “met” Prince Gortchakoff, who, in answer to the question -whether there was any news from Constantinople, replied that there -was, but “that he preferred that the Emperor should communicate it.” -Lord A. Loftus’s audience with the Czar had been arranged for the -next day, 1st November, but was subsequently postponed till the 2nd. -Between the accidental meeting with the Chancellor and this -audience, Lord A. Loftus received the <cite>Journal de St Petersbourg</cite> of -the 31st October, in which he read that General Ignatieff had presented -that day an ultimatum to the Porte to conclude an armistice -with Servia, and had required an answer within forty‐eight hours. -So that the English Ambassador, having traversed the whole length -of Europe in a four days’ journey with a secretary of his Embassy -attached to him, in order to be near the fountain of official information, -would have received the news two days sooner if he had stayed at -home!</p> - -<p>We will let Lord A. Loftus describe his audience on the 2nd at -Livadia, himself: “I had an audience with the Emperor of Russia -to‐day at Livadia, when His Majesty was pleased to receive me with -his customary kindness and cordiality (<i>sic</i>). After some gracious -enquiries after my family, His Majesty at once opened on the Eastern -question. His Majesty stated that he had that morning received a -telegram from Constantinople announcing the probable acceptance -of the armistice, and he read to me another telegram reporting that -orders had been already sent by the Porte to their commanders to -suspend military operations. This, His Majesty observed, was very -satisfactory. On my observing on the <em>sudden change which had taken -place between the Sunday when I had seen the Chancellor and the -following day when the ultimatum was despatched</em>, His Majesty said -that this had been caused by the intelligence he had received of the -complete discomfiture of the Servian army, and his fear that it -might be followed by similar atrocities to those which had occurred -in Bulgaria....”<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">51</a></p> - -<p>It would indeed be a pity to spoil the uniqueness of this <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">tableau</i> -by any superfluous commentary, but a despatch from Sir H. Elliot -at Constantinople, dated on the same day as this audience -(2nd November), throws some further light on this already luminous -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">268</a></span>incident. “In the course of conversation this morning with General -Ignatieff, I remarked that I understood that he had returned from -Livadia with instructions to present his ultimatum. He answered -<em>that he had brought it with him</em> with a discretionary authority to -withhold it if he thought desirable. <em>This is a rather different version</em> -from that which he had previously given to my colleagues and myself, -when he told us on Tuesday (31st October) that he <em>had received the -ultimatum two days before</em>, and that he had taken on himself the -responsibility of withholding it, but had now imperative orders to -execute his instructions. It is impossible to doubt that he had kept -his Government fully informed of the progress of his negotiations -with the Porte, or that they were perfectly well aware that his own -proposals had been accepted with very trifling modifications, upon -which an understanding could very easily be arrived at. It is evident -enough that the sudden sending in of the ultimatum was decided -upon in the hope that by an immediate cessation of hostilities, and -the acceptance of an armistice, the fall of Alexinatz would be averted. -The capture of the Servian positions at Junis made it certain that -“the occupation of Alexinatz and Deligrad would soon follow, and -the only hope of saving the Servians and the Russian Auxiliary troops -from this mortification lay in the chance of stopping the Turks before -they had time to reap the fruits of their success.”<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">52</a></p> - -<p>But, independently of the object lesson in veracity that this -narrative inculcates, it gives the measure of the value attached by -the Emperor of Russia to the European concert, and the degree to -which it was likely to hamper his own liberty of action whenever he -thought proper to liberate himself from it. The <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">procédé</i> with regard -to the British Ambassador only concerns the British Government.</p> - -<p>The Porte had yielded to the ultimatum.</p> - -<p>In the meantime negotiations for assembling a Conference continued. -The Czar had expressed to the English Ambassador “a very -earnest wish that the Conference should meet with the <em>least possible -delay</em>, and that instructions should even be immediately sent by the -several Governments to enable the Ambassadors at Constantinople -to deliberate <em>at once</em> on the necessary preliminaries of peace.”<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> Prince -Gortchakoff, too, <em>expressed his anxious wish</em> that on the arrangement -of the armistice <em>no time should be lost</em> in organising a Conference.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">54</a></p> - -<p>But Austria was coy. The term “local autonomy” accompanied -by no matter what gloss, seriously perturbed her; and yet this was -the very point on which Russia insisted the most. In reporting his -conversation with Prince Gortchakoff at Orianda, Lord A. Loftus -said: “It is evident to me that Prince Gortchakoff does not wish to -make the question of the armistice the ground for a rupture with the -Porte, and that he <em>looks to the question of the ‘autonomy of the three -Provinces’ as being the important deciding point of peace or war</em>.”<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">55</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">269</a></span></p> - -<p>Until Count Andrassy received guarantees that no kind of <em>political</em> -autonomy was meant, he would have nothing to do with a Conference, -and it was only when, after a good deal of fencing, this guarantee was -at last accorded him, that he gave his consent to the proposal.</p> - -<p>Although there had been a serious proposal to exclude Turkey -from the Conference to be held in her own capital to decide on the -administration of her provinces, the cynical incongruity of the proposition -had procured its rejection, and now the Porte was asked -to adhere to it. Without any illusion, since Russia’s ultimatum, as to -whither the Conference would lead, the Porte, on the 18th November, -with the sanction of a Grand Council, gave her assent to a proposal, -the rejection of which would have meant immediate war.</p> - -<p>In the course of the six months that intervened between the 13th -of May (date of the Berlin Note) and the meeting of the Conference -in December, an apparent contradiction seems to manifest itself -between the “intimate alliance” of the three Northern Powers (which -for the purpose of these negotiations means between Austria and -Russia), and the frictions and disagreements between their respective -Governments. On no less than five points did this disagreement -manifest itself: (1) as to whether Turkey should be coerced into an -armistice, pure and simple, with Servia, or whether a basis of peace -should, at the same time as the armistice, be proposed;<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> (2) as to -inculcating prudence of conduct on Servia;<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> (3) as to the joint -occupation with Russia of the Turkish provinces;<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">58</a> (4) as to -the “autonomy” of the revolted provinces;<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> (5) on the question of the -Conference.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">60</a></p> - -<p>On the other hand, we have seen Count Beust calling at the -Foreign Office to assure Lord Derby that never was the alliance of -the three Northern Powers so “intimate”; we have the meeting of -Reichstadt, and General Soumarakoff delivering an autograph letter -from the Czar to the Emperor of Austria, and we have a very -mysterious communication from Lord A. Loftus on the 15th August -1876, in which he says: “In speaking of Austria, Prince Gortchakoff -again repeated to me that he had fully discussed the question of a -pacification with Count Andrassy, and <em>that they were entirely agreed -on all points and for all eventualities</em>. ‘I can state no more,’ said the -Chancellor, ‘but that much I can tell you, as I have done to your -Colleagues; and I can add that our Ambassadors at the other Courts -know no more than you do.’ This language,” continues Lord A. Loftus, -“though, perhaps, satisfactory ... is mysterious, and we can only -unravel the mystery by conjectures.”<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">61</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">270</a></span></p> - -<p>Perhaps the mystery, as Lord A. Loftus calls it, is not so -mysterious after all. A reference to what took place in another -diplomatic discussion in 1859 will help to unravel it without the aid -of much conjecture. In that year Mr Disraeli startled the House -of Commons by informing it, on the faith of information on which he -relied, that there was a secret treaty between Italy and France -for the cession to the latter Power of the provinces of Savoy and -Nice. Lord Palmerston denied the existence of any such treaty, -and twitted Mr Disraeli with having discovered a mare’s nest. -When Mr Disraeli’s information was proved to be substantially -correct, Lord Palmerston explained that there had been no treaty -but a mere <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">pacte de famille</i> agreed upon on the occasion of the -marriage of the Princess Clotilde to Prince Jerome Napoleon. The -mystery that puzzled Lord A. Loftus is easily unravelled. There -was undoubtedly a distinct and specific understanding between the -two Emperors; but none between their Governments; so that Lord -Derby could, on the 20th October, write to Sir A. Buchanan that -“The Austro‐Hungarian Ambassador called upon me to‐day, and -informed me, by order of his Government, that the reports which -have been recently, and are still, current as to the existence of a -secret understanding <em>between the Austrian and Russian Governments</em> -are absolutely unfounded.”<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">62</a> In countries and ages where the letter -of a declaration is considered more important than its spirit, such -hair‐splitting distinctions may pass current. At any rate, they serve -their purpose.</p></div> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">271</a></span></p> - -<h2>APPENDIX B<br /><br /> - -<small>THE INSURRECTION OF HERZEGOVINA AND BOSNIA, -AND THE BERLIN NOTE</small></h2> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><span class="smcap">On</span> the 2nd July 1875, Consul Holmes, writing to Lord Derby from -Bosna‐Serai, says:<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> “I have the honour to report to your Lordship -that there is disturbance in the Herzegovina. Early last winter some -164 of the inhabitants of the district of Nevesinje left their homes and -went into Montenegro. After remaining there some months, however, -they petitioned the Porte to be allowed to return to Nevesinje. The -Governor‐General advised the Porte to reply, that, as they had -chosen to leave their country for Montenegro, they might remain -there. The Government, however, decided to grant their request, -and allowed them to return. Shortly afterwards they appeared in -revolt, declared that they were oppressed, refusing to pay their taxes -or admit the police amongst them, and they have been endeavouring -by intimidation to cause their neighbours in the surrounding districts -to join them. The Mutesarif of Mostar invited them to come to that -place to state their grievances, which he assured them would be redressed, -but they refused, and the Governor‐General tells me that -they cut to pieces a man quite unconnected with them, who had gone -to Mostar to seek redress for some grievance, and threatened with -the same fate any within their reach who should do so in future. The -Governor‐General informs me that at present he has no intention of -sending troops against them, but will prevent their efforts to extend -their revolt by surrounding those districts with policemen, and he -will probably send some of the notables of Serajevo to endeavour to -bring them to reason.”</p> - -<p>In a subsequent despatch dated a week later, Consul Holmes adds -that “Haidar Bey and Petrarchi Effendi, two notables of Serajevo, -were sent to communicate with the rebels, but before they reached -Nevesinje they found that the rebels had forced and persuaded many -others to join them, and had attacked and captured a caravan of -twenty‐five horses on the road from Mostar to Nevesinje, belonging to -some merchants of Serajevo, laden with rice, sugar, and coffee, which -they carried off to the village of Odrichnia. At the same time, they -murdered and decapitated five Turkish travellers, named Salih, -Hassosunovich, Marich, Sarnich, Ali of Nevesinje, and another whose -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">272</a></span>name is not yet known, a native of Erassni. One of the insurgents, -named Tschoubate, at the head of some three hundred followers, -drove away forty Zaptiés placed in the defile of Stolatz, and, -separating into small bands, have, for the moment, interrupted the -various roads in the neighbourhood. One band is stationed out at -the bridge over the Krappa, and renders the road between Mostar -and Meteorich unsafe. The detached bands of insurgents are -endeavouring to force others to join them by burning the houses of -those who refuse to do so, and by other means of intimidation. The -Governor‐General has received telegrams from Mostar signed by the -two Commissioners and the Mutesarif and Commander of the troops -at Mostar, stating these facts; also that the headless bodies of the -Turks have been recovered and burnt. Under these circumstances, -the Commissioners hesitated to continue their journey; and the -authorities at Mostar state that great excitement prevails throughout -the Mussulman population, who are impatient to attack the insurgents -and avenge the savage murders of their co‐religionists, whose -decapitation has particularly roused their feelings, and requesting five -battalions to keep order.”<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">64</a></p> - -<p>The methods adopted by the insurgents were the same as those -adopted in Bulgaria, and wherever an organised attempt at insurrection -was made in the Ottoman provinces by agents <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">provocateurs</i> and -foreign bands with a view to provoke the Mussulmans to deeds of -retaliation which would be exploited by the Committees and excite -indignation in the world. It will be remembered that when Midhat -Pasha was Governor of the Danubian vilayet (p. 43), the band that -crossed into Bulgaria from Sistovo began by massacring five -Mussulman children between the ages of eight and twelve. When -the Consuls, sent on a peace message to the insurgents visited -Nevesinje, they “found all the Eastern part of the town towards the -plain and all the bazaar, burnt and in ruins. Dead bodies were lying -in various corners unburied; and we noticed the head of a boy in one -of the streets blackening in the sun. A little Turkish girl was -brought to us, wounded in the throat, and we were told that an -insurgent was on the point of cutting off her head when she was -snatched from him by one less bloodthirsty, and allowed to escape.”<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">65</a></p> - -<p>Another aim of the insurgents was to force an emigration <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en masse</i> -into Austrian territory by promises that they should be well fed and -cared for by the Austrian authorities until favourable conditions were -secured for them. Montenegro, too, was let loose on Turkey and -well supplied with the sinews of war. It was determined at Vienna -that no time should be lost in “putting their pin in the game,” -and in taking the lead in negotiations that must necessarily -precede an occupation. The principle of interference once admitted, -all the rest would follow in due course. On the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span>24th August 1875, Lord Derby writes to Sir H. Elliot that: “Her -Majesty’s Government have had under their consideration your -telegraphic despatch of the 20th inst., in which you report that a -proposal, <em>concerted at Vienna by the three Northern Powers</em>, had been -made to the Porte by their Ambassadors. Your Excellency states -that they propose that Consuls should be delegated by the Embassies -to proceed to the scene of the insurrection and inform the insurgents -that they must expect no support or countenance from their Governments. -They are also to advise the insurgents to desist from -hostilities, but to make known their complaints to a Commission.... -The proposal is favourably received by the Porte, and the -Grand Vizier (Mahmoud Nedim) had just been to beg you not to -stand aloof.... Her Majesty’s Government consent to this step -with reluctance, <cite>as they doubt the expediency of the intervention of -foreign consuls. Such an intervention is scarcely compatible with -the independent authority of the Porte over its own territory, offers an -inducement to an insurrection as a means of appealing to foreign -sympathy against Turkish rule, and may, not improbably, open the -way to further diplomatic interference in the internal affairs of the -Empire.</cite>”<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> Prophetic words on the part of Lord Derby. Of course -the consular farce came to nothing. The rebels would not even -meet the Consuls. Facts were more eloquent than words, and they -had their cues from the Committees. Now was the time, if the -Powers had been in earnest, to shut the Dalmatian frontier to the -rebels, as they had undertaken to do. We shall see how Austria -fulfilled this part of the bargain. Instead of occupying themselves -in the slightest degree with this part of the business, they immediately -set about concocting another diplomatic move.</p> - -<p>On 11th December 1875, the Austrian Ambassador, Count -Beust, called on Lord Derby, and said that “The Turkish Ministers -had hitherto directed their energies exclusively to the task of preventing -anything which could be construed into an interference of any -kind with the internal affairs of Turkey. This standpoint, however -respectable it may be, has the disadvantage the Austro‐Hungarian -Government considered, of prolonging a regrettable state of things, -and therefore of aggravating the danger. <em>Negotiations respecting -the affairs of the East are now being carried on between Vienna -and St Petersburg</em>, the result of which will be communicated as -soon as an agreement has been arrived at, to Her Majesty’s Government, -not in the light of an accomplished fact, but for their consideration, -and for them to state their own opinions on the -propositions agreed upon.”<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">67</a></p> - -<p>On the 3rd January 1876, Lord Derby received from Count Beust -a copy of the famous despatch, which goes by the name of the -Andrassy Memorandum, of the 30th December 1875, which, after -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">274</a></span>stating that the three Courts of Austria‐Hungary, Russia, and -Germany, after exchanging their views on this subject, “have united -for the purpose of employing in common their efforts for pacification, -and this object appeared too much in conformity with the general -wish for them to doubt that <em>the other Cabinets when invited to -associate themselves in the movement</em>, through their representatives -at Constantinople, would hasten to join their efforts to ours,” proceeded -to recommend to the Porte the following five points:—</p> - -<p class="indent3">(1) Full and entire religious liberty.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(2) Abolition of the system of farming the taxes.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(3) A law guaranteeing the produce of direct taxes being employed -in the interest of the provinces.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(4) The institution of a special commission composed of an equal -number of Christians and Mussulmans, to control the -execution of the reforms.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(5) The improvement of the position of the rural population.</p> - -<p>And in submitting these proposals to the English Minister, Count -Beust added that “they were not regarded by his Government in the -light of mere good advice. <em>They wanted a pledge</em> that the reforms -that they recommended should be carried into execution, failing -which, they would not undertake to use their influence with the -Christian population to advise them to lay down their arms.”<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">68</a> And in -another interview, the next day, he spoke again of an “explicit -engagement” from the Porte, adding that “there could be no doubt -that the postponement of the pacifying influences of the Powers <em>even -by single days</em> might in the present state of affairs be fraught -with incalculable danger.”<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">69</a> The Austrian Government, however, -repudiated any idea “of armed intervention, and stated that it -had no desire to constitute itself guardians of the peace beyond its -own frontiers,” and that if the Porte accepted, and the insurgents -did not submit, “then the Porte would be left to subdue them by -force of arms, and that they (the insurgents) would be prevented from -obtaining the support derived by them from exterior aid.”<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">70</a></p> - -<p>This was six months after the so‐called insurrection had broken -out, and had been all the time “obtaining continuous support from -exterior aid,” and three months after the Consular Commission, -which had been obtained from the Porte by a formal promise to shut -the frontier to the rebels if they refused the advice of the Consuls. -Lord Derby, after distinctly stating that he would be no party to any -pressure being brought to bear on the Porte to carry out these -reforms, and having ascertained that the Turkish Government -desired England’s adhesion to the Note, consented to support it at -Constantinople.</p> - -<p>In connection with this famous Memorandum, it is interesting to -note an interpolation that took place in the Hungarian Diet on -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">275</a></span>11th March with respect to it. In answer to Deputy Pollit, Mr Tisza, -the Minister President, stated “in the answer to the question as to -whether the Hungarian Government approves of the intervention, -<em>there is no question of intervention, but only of good advice</em>, which -had been given in concert with the European Powers, and which -had been accepted in the most friendly manner by the Porte.... -In answer to the question as to the action of Hungary if the -pacification was not effected, and if Servia intervened, <em>such an -eventuality was most improbable</em> ... but in that case the policy -of the Empire would be guided by the interests of Europe.... -With reference to the question of the refugees, the Empire had not -disregarded the interests of humanity ... as was shown by the -subvention amounting to nearly 1,000,000 florins which had been -already given to them.... The speaker concluded by expressing -a hope that the House would accept his explanation.” If they did, -they were easily satisfied, these Hungarian Deputies. Not a word -about the capital question of shutting the frontier to the rebels. -Servia, too, was arming to the teeth, and was to declare war on -Turkey three months later.</p> - -<p>We shall see the literal fulfilment of this prediction. Bosnia was -the first to follow suit with the Herzegovina. On the 8th February -1876, Sir H. Elliot writes to Lord Derby: “The Porte is much -disturbed by the unsatisfactory account received from the Governor‐General -of Bosnia, who has applied for fresh troops. <em>Bands supposed -to consist of old Grenzers are stated to have passed the Save from -Austria at four different points, but have been repulsed. The body -which invaded Bosnia is stated to have consisted of 400 or 500 men all -well‐armed.</em> Much excitement is said to prevail on both sides of the -Servian frontier, and apprehensions are entertained of an aggression -from that quarter. Reschid Pasha tells me that Count Zichy has -given him, on the part of Count Andrassy, the strongest assurance -... that measures shall be adopted to prevent the recurrence of such -acts, and has promised ... that those who have taken part in them -shall be disarmed and <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">internés</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">71</a></p> - -<p>It would be difficult to carry intentional bad faith further. All -this time, notes and memorandums were flying about the Chancelleries -of Europe to force the Porte to give guarantees for -suppressing an insurrection which was being organised and fed by -bands “all well‐armed” across a friendly frontier, its suppression -being thus rendered materially impossible. As well might one try -to extinguish a conflagration, over an unlimited area, that was being -continually fed by petroleum springs, the sources of which could not -be got at. Nor let it be supposed that to guard such a line of frontier -was impossible. The rebels had it all their own way. And so had the -Diplomatists of the “Allied Courts of Berlin, Vienna, and St Petersburg.” -Russian Committees were joining their efforts to Austrian.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">276</a></span></p> -<p>On the 14th February 1876, Sir H. Elliot writes to Lord Derby: -“The accounts of the encouragement given to the insurgents at -Ragusa greatly exceeds all that I was prepared for. The Russian -Consulate is the open resort of the insurgent chiefs; their correspondence -is sent to the Consul, who is a party to all their projects, -and associates himself intimately with them. He does not appear -to make any attempt to conceal the part he is playing, for on the -occasion of the death of the chief Maxima, in one of the late encounters, -the Russian flag at the Consulate was hoisted at half‐mast, -and M. Jomini himself joined the funeral procession.</p> - -<p>“Some of the wounded when asked why they continue the struggle -when the Porte is ready to grant all their demands, have answered -plainly that they are bound to go on as long as they are told by -Russia to do so. The assurances given at St Petersburg of the wish -of the Imperial Government that the insurgents would lay down their -arms, must naturally go for nothing as long as its official Representative, -with whom they are in communication, encourages them to -go on.”<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> Pretty plain speaking this! and Austria that continued -the “exequatur” to a foreign Consul, acting thus on its territory -towards a friendly Power. So gross and palpable was this assistance -given by Austria to the insurgents, whilst pretending all the time to -be so keenly anxious for its suppression, that Lord Derby thought it -necessary on the 10th March 1876, to give the following instructions -to Sir A. Buchanan, the English Ambassador at Vienna: “I have to -inform Your Excellency that it has come to the knowledge of Her -Majesty’s Government, through Her Majesty’s Ambassador at Constantinople, -that the Porte had received information that a severe -fight took place on the Dalmatian frontier on the 4th inst., and -that on the following day, the combat was renewed by a force -said to be <em>700 strong, who came from Austrian territory with -large supplies of ammunition, and that this having occurred so immediately -after the assurances of the Austro‐Hungarian Government -that their frontier would be officially guarded</em>, has caused great discouragement -to the Turkish Government, and it is feared that the -effect of it in Montenegro will be very mischievous, and I have therefore -to request Your Excellency to call the serious attention of the -Imperial Government to this matter.”<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">73</a> But these remonstrances, -which were evidently sincere and well‐meaning, had not the very -slightest effect at Vienna. The Hungarian Chancellor was always -ready to give any amount of assurances and promises to the credulous -Sir A. Buchanan. On the 3rd April 1876, Sir H. Elliot was -obliged to write again: “I learn that the Porte has received information -of the passage of considerable bands <em>said to be accompanied -by two pieces of artillery</em> from Dalmatia and Croatia, into the north‐western -district of Bosnia.”<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">74</a> And further, on the next day, 4th April, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">277</a></span> -he writes: “A telegram from the Governor‐General of Bosnia, -which has been read to me by Reschid Pasha, gives a very alarming -account of the state of things in that province. <em>Armed bands are -passing freely from the Austrian territory</em>, and there are symptoms -indicating a probable insurrection of the populations along the rivers -Save and Una. The Governor‐General states that he has been -unable to re‐establish the line of telegraph along the Save, <em>as the -workmen are continually fired at from the Austrian bank of the river, -and his remonstrances addressed to the Austrian authorities have been -unattended to</em>.”<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> The reason why Austria was not content to confine -her operations to Herzegovina, but had extended them to Bosnia, was -clear. The Porte was succeeding, in spite of all difficulties, in pacifying -the former, and as the Berlin note was being drawn up at Berlin -for the three “Allied Powers” and would be presented in a month, -such a precipitation would derange all their plans.</p> - -<p>The following despatch of Sir H. Elliot of 7th April 1876 clearly -indicates this state of things. “The enclosed report from Mr -Sandison of the account received at the Porte from Haidar Effendi -(the Turkish Commissioner) gives a very serious aspect to the state -of affairs in Bosnia. It is evident that the Austro‐Hungarian -Government <em>have failed lamentably in their engagement to guard -their own frontier, and by means of well‐armed bands coming from -their territory, a formidable insurrection has been excited in districts -which have hitherto remained quiet. Although the news received from -the Herzegovina is good, and gave hopes of a pacification</em>, it would be -too much to expect that the movement in Bosnia should not produce -its effect in the districts which have been so long in insurrection.”<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">76</a></p> - -<p>In the month of May we arrived at another stage of the business. -It is time that diplomacy should register another point of “terrain -acquis.” On the 4th May 1876 Lord Derby, writing to Sir A. -Buchanan, says: “The Austrian Ambassador called upon me this -afternoon and placed in my hands for perusal a despatch which he -had received from his Government. The purport of the despatch -was to state that there is <em>an entire agreement between the Governments -of Austria, Germany and Russia as to affairs in the East</em>, -and that any reports that may have been circulated to the contrary -are simple inventions.”<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">77</a></p> - -<p>The purport of making this communication could be no other than -a warning to all whom it may concern, that they could join or not join -the “European Concert,” as they thought proper. It would make no -difference to the European Concert. It was a notice certainly calculated -to open the eyes, even of the blind, to what was going on.</p> - -<p>As the fact of armed bands could not be disputed, it was obviously -the interest of Austria to endeavour to throw the blame on others, -Montenegro and Servia especially. We shall come to these little</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span></p> - -<p>States later, but <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">à propos</i> of shifting the blame on Servia, there is -a very significant despatch from Consul‐General White, dated -Belgrade, 28th April 1876. “The Prince (of Servia) takes no pains -to conceal that, more than ever, he considers a collision with the -Porte as within the range of possibilities; but he continues to -disclaim at the same time any intention to act as the aggressor. -He pointed out to me the other day that the portion of Bosnia which -is conterminous to Servia has been entirely free from armed bands -since last November, when the Papas Zarko was repulsed into Servia, -<em>whilst the insurgents who had within the last few weeks made their -appearance on the river Unna between Bihatch, Novi and Kostainitza, -were all in proximity to the Austrian frontier</em>, and he defied anyone to -show that Servia had been instrumental in fostering insurrection in -that department of Bosnia, though he added that such an accusation -had been made somewhere, evidently alluding to Austrian Authorities.”<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> -The explanation of these apparent mysteries was really simple enough. -Servia was reserving herself for Bulgaria, which was within the sphere -of her action, as she herself was within the orbit of Russia’s influence, -and she had no intention of playing Austria’s game for Austria’s sole -benefit.</p> - -<p>Unless strongly backed by Russia, Servia knew well enough that -Austria, posted in the conterminous province of Bosnia, would be a -most awkward neighbour, and render any hope of future independence -on her part purely illusory. Turkey’s yoke would be light indeed in -comparison to that of Austria, if she were surrounded on three sides -by the Kaiserlich. A great deal of the apparent contradiction, see‐sawing -and hesitation of this period is to be accounted for by these -conflicting inner currents, set in motion by two of the three allied -Governments, whose agreement Count Beust was instructed to inform -Lord Derby was “entire.” It was entire as regarded Turkey, there -was no doubt about that, but there was a very pretty little by‐play going -on besides, within the circle of the larger drama. No wonder this state -of things created a situation, as Consul Holmes pithily described it, -“in which everyone seems to profess precisely what he fails to -practise.”</p> - -<h3>BERLIN NOTE.</h3> - -<p>Whatever light friction there may have been between Russia and -Austria in the Spring of 1876, it seems to have been smoothed over, -probably by the intervention of the third disinterested partner in the -Alliance; for on Saturday, the 13th May 1876, Lord Odo Russell, the -British Ambassador at Berlin, received an invitation from Prince -Bismarck to call on him that day in order to meet Count Andrassy -and Prince Gortchakoff, together with the Ambassadors of France -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">279</a></span>and Italy; M. de Bülow and Baron Jomini were also present at the -interview. “After a few preliminary words from Prince Bismarck, -Prince Gortchakoff and Count Andrassy confirmed the cordial -understanding that exists between them, and expressed their sincere -hope and anxious desire that the Governments of England, France -and Italy, <em>who have given their moral support</em> to the attempted -pacification of the Herzegovinians, will equally agree to support the -further attempts they have now met to concert, in consequence of the -alarming state of affairs in Turkey. Baron Jomini was then invited -to read the enclosed document to us, and the proposal to which they -solicit the co‐operation of the Great Powers.... Prince Gortchakoff -observed that he and Count Andrassy would remain till -Monday (15th inst.) at Berlin, and that they hoped the Governments -of England, France and Italy would be able to express an opinion on -the telegraphic summary of their proposal, before they left.”<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">79</a></p> - -<p>It is no part of the purport of this book to comment on the -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">procédés</i> of the “three Allied Powers” vis‐à‐vis of the other so‐called -Great Powers, England, France and Italy. That is a matter of -their interior <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">ménage</i>. We are exclusively concerned with their -conduct, severally and collectively, towards Turkey. If it were -otherwise, one might have something to say concerning the strangeness -and singularity of the proceeding among Great Powers, -supposed to stand on a footing of equality, of three of their number -convoking the rest to hear a document of the very highest international -importance read to them for their assent to it, if possible -by telegraph, within two days! But let us proceed with the -narrative.</p> - -<p>The document referred to, which goes in history by the name of -the “Berlin Note,” was a very curious document. It started with -the declaration that “the alarming tidings which come from Turkey -are of a nature to <em>impel the three Cabinets to draw closer their -intimacy</em>. The three Imperial Courts have deemed themselves -called upon to concert among themselves measures for averting -the dangers of the situation, <em>with the concurrence</em> of the other great -Christian Powers.” After referring to the history of the question up -to the Andrassy Memorandum, by which the Powers acquire a -moral right and an obligation to insist on “pacification,” and -enumerating the causes that have prevented the success of that -action, and especially the agitation caused by the prolongation of -the strife in other parts of the Turkish Dominions, and laying stress -on the deplorable events at Salonica, it declares that it is most -essential to establish certain guarantees of a nature to insure beyond -doubt the loyal and full application of the measures agreed upon -between the Powers and the Porte.”</p> - -<p>As the first step in this direction, the three Imperial Courts -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span>propose to insist with the Porte on a suspension of arms for two -months, and to open negotiations between the Porte and the rebel -delegates <em>on the basis of the wishes that the latter have formulated</em>, -and which may be enumerated as follows:—</p> - -<p class="indent3">(1) That materials for the reconstruction of their houses should -be provided the refugees by the Turkish Government.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(2) The appointment of a mixed commission to superintend -reforms.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(3) The concentration of the Turkish troops on some points to -be agreed upon.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(4) Christians and Mussulmans to retain their arms.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(5) The Consuls or Delegates of the Powers to keep a watch -over the application of the reforms in general, and on -the steps relative to the repatriation in particular.</p> - -<p>And then the Note concludes: “If, however, the armistice were to -expire without the efforts of the Powers being successful in attaining -the end they have in view, the three Imperial Courts are of opinion -that it would become necessary to supplement their diplomatic action -by the sanction of an agreement with a view to such efficacious -measures as might appear to be demanded in the interest of general -peace, to check the evil and prevent its development.”</p> - -<p>It is not intended here to criticise at length these five heads, -but one interesting and significant point must be noted. The Note -says, in a passage <em>underlined</em> above, that these five heads were -framed “on the basis of the wishes formulated by the Bosnian and -Herzegovinian Delegates.” Who were these Delegates? On the -27th May, the <cite>Times</cite> quoted an article from the <cite>Nord</cite> of April 1876, -in which another Note was addressed by one Golub Babitch, in -the name of the Bosnian insurgent chiefs, confirming full powers on -one Gabriel Vasilitchki (a Russian subject who had made himself -very busy in these matters) to treat on their behalf for peace on the -basis of four points which were absolutely identical with four points -of the Berlin Note.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">80</a> Now, who was this Golub Babitch, who -describes himself in this Note as “voivode,” and who signs in the -name and on the behalf of the “chief Bosnian chiefs”? Mr Consul -Freeman, who was by no means prejudiced against the insurgents or -in favour of the Turks, and knew his <cite>monde</cite> well, describes him. -He was a “former brigand,” now the chief of one of the principal -bands, consisting of 3000 men, all well armed, that had invaded -Bosnia.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">81</a></p> - -<p>This, then, was the source of the inspiration of the five heads -of the famous Berlin Note. It might certainly be more justly -described in history as the “Golub Babitch Note.” The five heads, -however, seem to have been admirably adapted to secure the object -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">281</a></span>perhaps intended, viz., to perpetrate and aggravate the bloodshed -between the armed Mussulmans and the armed returning refugees, -and so by “bleeding Turkey to death” to justify the action of the -last and most important notice thrown in carelessly, and almost as -an afterthought, and at the end of the Berlin Note, but which was, -of course, the whole point of it, viz., that if the measures proposed -did not produce their effect (or, let us add, produced the exactly -opposite effect), “the three Imperial Courts would consider it -necessary to supplement their diplomatic action by the sanction of -an agreement,” etc., etc. If ever there was a case of the sting being -in the tail, it was in this “Berlin Note.”</p> - -<p>Lord Derby was not deceived either as to the intrinsic value, -or worthlessness, of the four points which he politely but mercilessly -dissected in an interview with Count Munster, the German -Ambassador in London, on the 15th of May 1876,<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> nor was he -intimidated by the “still closer intimacy of the three Imperial -Courts,” which the Note ostentatiously declared. France and -Italy thought fit to adhere to it. The rejection of it by England -made its rejection by Turkey doubly certain. It was certain in any -event. The courteous but unshakeable resolution of the English -Cabinet to have nothing to do with the Berlin Note, in spite of the -“still closer intimacy of the three Imperial Courts,” and the -adherence of the other two Cabinets, brought the whole proposal -down like a house of cards. But the allied quiver was not empty.</p> - -<p>A stage, however, was reached in the Berlin Note which it is -necessary to note carefully, as a new departure, involving a readjustment -of compasses all round, became henceforth necessary.</p> - -<p>We have seen the apparently unaccountable hurry that Austria -was in to get matters in Bosnia and Herzegovina diplomatically -settled to her satisfaction. The Consular intervention in August -1875, the Andrassy Note in December 1875, General Rodich’s -parley with the insurgents in April 1876, and the Berlin Memorandum -on 15th May 1876, were the different stages of this pragmatical -interference. The reason was clear. Austria was quite well aware, -through her Intelligence Departments, that Russia was making -superhuman, albeit unofficial, efforts to catch up the advance that -Austria had secured for her operations in the Turkish provinces, -and that every day made it less probable that the lead in the -negotiations would be left in her hands.</p> - -<p>We shall see that from this moment, <i>i.e.</i>, on the rejection of the -Berlin Memorandum, Austria’s precipitation no longer exists, and that -she takes ample time to readjust her compass to the altered condition -of things. The principal object of this Appendix being to describe the -conduct and follow the policy of Austria in these matters, it is -necessary to examine a little more closely the relations of Austria -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span>with Montenegro, end the part played by this principality in this -so‐called rebellion.</p> - -<p>It was generally taken for granted that Montenegro was completely -and exclusively under Russian influence and protection, that -it was a citadel and outpost of Russia in this part of the world, and -that its prince moved in obedience to orders from St Petersburg alone. -This belief, which assumed the character of an axiom in men’s minds, -served admirably the purpose of Austria in the general mystification -with which it suited her to surround her policy at this time.</p> - -<p>As the active and effective action of Montenegro in the insurrection -was a secret to none in Europe, and as Russia exclusively pulled -the strings which moved its prince, it was obvious that Russia was at -the bottom of the Herzegovinian insurrection which Austria was -doing all she could to assist the Porte in suppressing—<em>quod erat -demonstrandum</em>. Now, there can be no doubt that Russia had for a -very long time past preponderating influence in the Black Mountains, -and that during the whole period that Austria followed what we -have called her “normal policy” with respect to the Ottoman Empire, -the influence of Russia over Montenegro was exclusive of any other -followed in the nature of things; but Consul‐General White, at any -rate, knew better than to suppose that this meant that no steps had -been taken by Austria (and the nature of the steps is evident) to -acquire that influence over the prince that the “new policy” of -Austria rendered desirable and necessary. In a despatch of the -25th of February 1876, Consul‐General White, writing from Belgrade -to Sir H. Elliot, says: “I beg to inform Your Excellency that I have -been assured, from a source which I have hitherto found reliable, -that the chief reason that has prompted Prince Milan to assume a -bolder and quasi‐martial attitude is the growing suspicion in his -mind that a bait in the shape of an accession of territory was about -to be offered by Austria on behalf of the Porte to the Prince of -Montenegro. This opinion is strongly entertained here by persons -<em>who are supposed to be well acquainted with the nature of the -relations which have existed during the last two years between the -Court of Vienna and that Prince</em>.”<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">83</a></p> - -<p>Not only did money pour into the principality, and arms, -munitions and military science, as we shall presently see, were -lavishly provided to these interesting mountaineers, but when the -conditions of peace between Servia and Montenegro on one side, -and the Porte on the other, came to be discussed (in the month of -August 1876), Austria, who opposed the claim for any accession of -territory to Servia, advocated a considerable extension for -Montenegro. There can be slight doubt that this was one of the -conditions of the bargain arranged “during the last two years -between the Courts of Vienna and that Prince.” It is, of course, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span>a noteworthy coincidence that the two years mentioned at the -beginning of these intimate relations brings us exactly to the date -when Count Andrassy became Chancellor of the Austro‐Hungarian -Empire.</p> - -<p>Mr Monson, the English political agent at Ragusa—afterwards sent -on a special mission to Cettinje, and now H.B.M.’s Ambassador at Paris, -who will certainly not be accused of prejudice against the Prince of -Montenegro, by whom, on the contrary, he seems to have been quite -fascinated, be it said in passing—in writing to Lord Derby from Ragusa, -on the 14th June 1876, says: “The town of Ragusa, the capital of Dalmatia, -is daily visited by armed insurgents who, at Vienna, are represented -to be peaceful Dalmatians from the rural districts ... or -Montenegrins on their travels, whose costumes would be incomplete -without the traditional carbines and poniards.... During the period -in which the export of munitions of war was suspended, <em>the contraband -traffic was openly carried on at Ragusa and Meglina without -hindrance; cases of dynamite were passed across the frontier, to be -used for the destruction of the Turkish forts and block‐houses</em>; and -it is alleged that certain <em>military stores</em> have been furnished to the -insurgents at Grebgi by way of Ombla.... <em>The share taken by -Austrian subjects in the late battles of the Douga Pass is notorious; -it is now known that 179 Crevoscians were killed during the three -days’ fighting; but, as far as I am aware, no measures have been -taken to prevent a repetition of such violations of neutrality</em>.... -My own conviction is that had it not been for the money spent by -Russia and by Dalmatian Panslavic Committees upon certain -influential chiefs, <em>the insurrection would long since have collapsed</em>.... -If these considerations are correct, as I honestly believe them to be, -it is clear that, as far as the Herzegovina is concerned, a great step -in the suppression of the insurrection would be effected <em>if the -Austrian Government would dissolve the Panslavic Committees, -enforce a strict surveillance of the frontier, and would absolutely -forbid and put down the export of arms and ammunition to -Montenegro.</em>”<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">84</a></p> - -<p>The facts stated in this important despatch need no addition, and -would be only weakened by any commentary.</p> - -<p>Let us proceed with others. Consul Holmes, writing from Bosna -Serai, on the 15th June 1876, to Lord Derby, says: “On the 6th inst., -the authorities at Mostar announced to the Baron Rodich (Governor -of Dalmatia) the fact that 1800 cases of rifles and their cartridges -were being landed at Cattaro for the Montenegrins. On the 9th, -Baron Rodich thanked them for their information, and said he would -order an enquiry into the matter and punish any illegality. Of course, -the arms will all be at Cettinje before he commences....”<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">85</a></p> - -<p>This is what Consul Holmes, who had resided fifteen years in the -country, and who knew more of it than any foreigner alive (it was he -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">284</a></span>whom the English Government lent to Baron Calice at the Conference, -on account of his special knowledge of the country, and who received -the thanks of both Governments for his services), says: “To people -residing in these countries, and who know the real state of parties, -<em>and the true nature of the insurrection</em>, the idea of securing pacification -by concessions to the insurgents appears simply absurd. In the -first place, reforms and concessions cannot be executed until pacification -is obtained, and in the next, for reasons which I have frequently -explained to your Lordship, those who are in arms and who keep up -the insurrection, <em>care nothing about them; they have other objects and -other interests</em>.”<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">86</a></p> - -<p>Such was Austria, that was at peace with Turkey, entertaining -friendly relations with the Porte, and protesting in every tone of -diplomatic expressions to every Cabinet in Europe her earnest and -anxious desire for the pacification of the Turkish Provinces!</p></div> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">285</a></span></p> - -<h2>APPENDIX C<br /><br /> - -<small>BULGARIAN‐ATROCITIES</small></h2> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> Slav Committees that had been for thirteen years “working -up” the recalcitrant materials of rebellion in Bulgaria, were proceeding -leisurely in their work when Count Andrassy stole a march upon -them in the Herzegovina; but in spite of every effort on the part of -Austria to precipitate a diplomatic crisis before the Bulgarian plot -was ripe, the Slav Committees, whose venue was Bulgaria, caught -him up before his work was completed. The head Slav Committee -was at Moscow, and there were two central Committees at Kichenew -and Bucharest. They had been established for about thirteen years, -but although their activity had been intermittent, it was through their -influence that the Bulgarian Church had been separated from the -Greek Patriarchal, and that a Bulgarian School under Government -patronage had been established at Odessa to form young Bulgarians -into missionary propagandists of the Slav idea. When, however, the -Herzegovina insurrection broke out, and matters were fast ripening on -that side, a revival of energy at once manifested itself in the action -of these Committees with reference to Bulgaria. As General -Tchernagoff wrote in his paper, the <cite>Russki Mir</cite> (on 11th May 1876): -“I chose the route by way of Kischenew and the Danube, <em>along -the whole course of which</em>, commencing from the Russian frontier to -the Servian boundary, <em>Committees were formed towards the end of last -year</em> for organising the plans of the Bulgarians in their approaching -struggle for independence. Commencing from Bolgrad (a Bulgarian -colony that fell away from Russia and became incorporated with -Roumania by virtue of the Treaty of Paris), I everywhere heard the -same thing, which was to the effect that all had been done that was -possible by the people for the impending struggle.... The movements -of the insurgents are regulated by a fixed programme.”</p> - -<p>We have seen (p. 43) during Midhat Pasha’s Governorship of -Bulgaria, how a raid over the frontier, following the usual tactics of -exasperation, had endeavoured to excite a rising, which was promptly -suppressed by the energy of the Vali. In the beginning of 1874 -unrest began to show itself again in the districts of Trianova, Kezanlic, -and Zagra, but, warned by the effects of neglect in a recent instance, -the authorities had all the leaders of the movement arrested. Thereupon -General Ignatieff made such energetic representations to the -Porte, that orders arrived, not only for the release of the imprisoned,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">286</a></span> -malcontents, but for the dismissal of all functionaries concerned in -their arrest. The effect of this novel and original mode of dealing -with an insurrection was soon apparent in the effervescence and excitement -it caused among the Mussulman population throughout the -Province. They saw rebel bands organising without disguise, and -approaching their own hearths, the leaders of which were patronised -by foreign consuls and supported by foreign embassies, whereas -defensive measures on the part of their own natural leaders were -discountenanced and punished.</p> - -<p>It was in this frame of mind of the Mussulman population of the -Empire, that the troubles both at Salonica and in Bulgaria occurred. -In October 1875, a local rising took place in the village of Eski Zagra. -Mr Vice‐Consul Brophy writes to Sir H. Elliot:—“In October 1875 -everything was settled for a rising in Bulgaria, in eight or ten places -simultaneously. Something occurred which made it advisable that the -rising should be put off, and messengers were sent to all the centres, -but the “put off” for Eski Zagra arrived twenty‐four hours late, and -that town rose in the full conviction that it was being seconded by all -the force of the insurgents. In fact, the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">émeute</i>, revolt, rebellion, -revolution, or whatever it was, of May last (1876) was to have come -off in October 1875, but did not.”<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">87</a></p> - -<p>The Committees were not ready. But the unrest continued, and -when the Provincial Governors begged the Porte to send regular -troops into the district, General Ignatieff dissuaded Mahmoud -Nedim, the Grand Vizier, from doing so, on the ground that “the -presence of regular troops would have the effect of still further -increasing the excitement.”</p> - -<p>We will now allow Vice‐Consul Dupuis, writing on 7th August -1876, to give an account to Lord Derby of the origin of the outbreak: -“This was the condition of things when, on the 2nd of May, the insurrection -organised and planned by the Revolutionary Committees, -established during the last thirteen years in Bucharest and Moscow, -suddenly exploded at Avrat Alan. The plan of operation of the -revolutionists, assisted by the village priests and schoolmasters, was -to destroy the railways and bridges throughout the vilayet, to set on -fire Adrianople and Philippopolis, and to attack Tatar Bazardjik with -5000 men, and seize upon the Government stores there.” An -accident caused the premature explosion of the revolt. “A sergeant of -Zaptiés, who had gone to Avrat Alan, either to collect taxes or to -effect some arrests, was suddenly attacked by armed Bulgarians -(who thought their plans had been betrayed), and had to fly for his -life. Shortly after, troubles broke out at Otloukeuyi and Bellowa; -at the same time, the inhabitants of several Bulgarian villages, it -would appear, under the impression that the impending massacre -was at hand, left their homes and fled to Otloukeuyi and Avrat Alan.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">287</a></span></p> -<p>The alarm then appears to have become general. The Christians -were afraid that they would be massacred by the Mussulmans, while -the latter were afraid that they were going to be exterminated by the -Christians. The numerical strength of the insurgents was stated to -be 15,000. The Mutassarifat of Philippopolis was at that time a -Tatar Bazardjik. Troops were telegraphed for to the Governor‐General -of Adrianople, who, it is said, replied that <em>as he had -no military force at his disposal</em>, he thought the best plan -would be to raise irregulars. On the 4th May, a meeting of some -notables at Philippopolis was held, under the presidency of the -Mollah, when the recommendation of the Governor‐General, for -raising Nefer Ami (public soldiers) was approved of, and a decision -to that effect was signed and forwarded to Adrianople. Orders were -then immediately sent to different parts of the vilayet for enlisting -irregulars or Bashi‐bazouks.”<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> These Bashi‐bazouks attacked -Peroushtitza Batak and Klissoura and Otloukeuyi, and there is no -doubt that very great excesses were committed by them. But Mr -Dupuis goes on to say: “It is said, without any attempt at concealment, -that the Russian Vice‐Consul in Philippopolis is solely responsible for -the sad disasters which have befallen Peroushtitza. In many instances, -too, the villages were set on fire by the Bulgarians themselves in order -to compel their inhabitants to take up arms. The village of Singerli, -now a complete mass of ruins, was in the first instance set on fire by -a priest. This man, in order to force the people to rise against the -Government, rushed about the place, knife in hand, telling them that -their hour of deliverance had arrived, and that Russian soldiers were -at hand to aid them against the Turks. I am assured, on reliable -and independent authority, that the Bulgarian insurrection was carefully -and skilfully planned by men possessing knowledge and experience -in military tactics from foreign parts. Had their plans succeeded, -and if the Bulgarians had got the upper hand of the Turks, there is -little doubt the existence of Turkey in Europe would have been -endangered, and the Bulgarians would have committed far greater -excesses than are laid to the charge of the Mussulmans, from the -fact that the former had, from the commencement of the disturbance, -<em>killed every Turk they came across, regardless as to age or sex, and by -the practising upon them, in several instances, of unspeakable -atrocities</em>. Atrocities have, undoubtedly, been committed by the -Bulgarians as well as by the Turks. Thus at Carlowo, it was related -to me, on good authority, that a Turkish boy had both his arms -flayed to the elbows by the Bulgarians; while at Otloukeuyi, the -Bulgarians massacred eighty Mussulmans, and cut up a child into -pieces, and publicly offered the flesh for sale, and committed other -unspeakable atrocities on females.”<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">89</a></p> - -<p>As for the Russian Vice‐Consul at Philippopolis, Mr Gueroff, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">288</a></span>Vice‐Consul Dupuis says of him: “The news of the Russian Vice‐Consul -at Philippopolis having been insulted, though repeated, is not -generally confirmed. Some say, if he was not insulted, he is trying -his best to provoke it by his conduct.”<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">90</a></p> - -<p>Sir H. Elliot, on 11th August, writes to Lord Derby: “A letter -from Mr Baring, received yesterday, contains these words: ‘There is -not the slightest doubt that the Russian Consul at Philippopolis had -a leading part in creating the late insurrection.’”<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">91</a></p> - -<p>As to the menacing character of the insurrection, there is cumulative -evidence to that effect. On 13th May, Vice‐Consul Brophy, -writing to Sir H. Elliot, says: “I have the honour to express to your -Excellency my belief that the Bulgarian insurrectionary movement, -commenced in the Caza of Philippopolis, will not be confined to that -district. I have some reason for thinking that the plans of the insurgents -embrace six centres of revolt, most of them in the high -Balkan (Kodga Balkan, Stari Planina), in each of which localities -depôts of arms—rifles, revolvers, etc.—ammunition, and provisions -are hidden.”<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">92</a></p> - -<p>The cruelties practised by the insurgents on the Turks were also -beyond all doubt. They were, moreover, in strict conformity with the -practice and instructions of the insurgents in all similar risings. -On 12th May, Mr Dupuis informs Sir H. Elliot: “The burning -of Bellowa seems to have been attended with horrible cruelties -to the small Turkish guard in charge of the place, which, being overpowered, -was hacked to pieces by the Bulgarians. My informant -adds that, shortly after this occurrence, a party of about a hundred -and fifty well‐mounted and equipped insurgents, led by the priests, -presented itself in the village, declaring, with crucifixes in hand, that -that was the way to exterminate Islamism.”<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">93</a> Mr Sandison, the first -dragoman of the English Embassy, writing to Sir H. Elliot on 11th -July 1876, says, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">à propos</i> of these cruelties: “I may here quote the -testimony of the artist employed by the <cite>Illustrated London News</cite>, -who in his travels through Bulgaria came across the body of a Turk -who had been impaled and roasted by Bulgarians. Such acts could -not but lead to reprisals, and to the consequent destruction of many -thousand lives, as well as of a large number of villages, amongst -which must also be included a good many Mussulman ones.”<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">94</a> -Consul Reade reports from Rustchuk on 19th July (1876) that -“Some Bulgarian insurgents one day seized two Mussulman women, -whose breasts they cut off <em>and then put</em> them to death.”<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">95</a></p> - -<p>Vice‐Consul Calvert, writing from Philippopolis on 29th August -1876, says; “The Christian Commissioners, one of whom, Yovantcho -Effendi, is himself a Bulgarian, state themselves to be satisfied that -deeds of great atrocity on the part of the insurgents marked the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">289</a></span>commencement of the rising in May last, and that <em>cruelties were -designedly committed by the insurgents as being the means best calculated -to bring on a general revolution in Bulgaria</em>, by rendering the -situation of the Christians, however peaceably inclined, so intolerable -under the indiscriminate retaliation which the governing race was -sure to attempt, as to force them in self‐defence to rise. Among -other instances of this Blacque Bey mentioned to me that the -Christian inhabitants of a village near Tirnovo related to him, how, -at the beginning of the revolt, the insurgents had seized a wealthy -Turk of the locality, beloved by Christians and Moslems alike, for -his justice and benevolence, had buried him up to the waist in the -earth, and then stoned him to death.”<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">96</a></p> - -<p>With reference to the invariable mode of procedure of the leaders -of the insurrection for the very purpose of exciting reprisals, Sir H. -Elliot, in a communication to Lord Derby, says: “The inhabitants -of another village stated that at the beginning of the insurrection, -they were told by <em>the priests and the schoolmasters</em> that the Turks -were advancing, that they must leave this village or they would be -killed by the Turks, and that those who objected were driven out by -force. The Mussulmans who happened to be there were murdered; -their number was differently estimated at twelve and thirty‐two; the -village was then set on fire. The Mussulmans in the neighbourhood -seeing part of the village in flames, went there and pillaged and burnt -the remaining houses.”<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">97</a> The revolutionary agents from the Slav -Committees had, since the recrudescence of their activity in the -winter, been working zealously among the Bulgarians. On 4th May -Sir H. Elliot, in acquainting Lord Derby with the movement at -Otloukeuyi, says: “It was known that revolutionary agents were -working actively among the Bulgarians, and that arms and ammunition -have latterly been introduced in considerable quantities.”<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">98</a> They -knew, too, pretty well what they were about and when to strike, so -that reprisals could be most surely counted on. Consul Reade, from -Rustchuk, informs (9th May) Sir H. Elliot: “I have also just heard -of an event said to have occurred near Avrat Alan, which, if true, may -bring on serious complications. It is said that a Circassian village in -that vicinity has been burnt; if so, the Circassians, generally a lawless -set, are sure to take their revenge, and this may severely tax the -Government to put down, when once commenced.”<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">99</a> Prophetic -words indeed! The revolutionary agents of the Committees found -this work difficult in the face of the repressive measures taken. On -the 16th May 1876 Consul Reade reports from Rustchuk: “Many of -the revolutionary Bulgarians in Wallachia are said to be entering this -vilayet, and some have already been discovered and arrested.”<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">100</a> Here, -then, we have revolutionary agents coming from abroad and exciting the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">290</a></span>people already long worked upon by priests and schoolmasters brought -up in Russia, to rise in rebellion and to commit every species of atrocity -on the Mussulman population with the direct object of provoking them -to reprisals, which could be exploited against them all over Europe. -We have further the Consul of a friendly Power, one of the chief -leaders of the insurrection, and the “Ambassador of the same friendly -Power” at Constantinople, strongly counselling against the despatch -of regular troops to districts where the Governor‐General urges the -necessity of their presence, and when the Mussulman inhabitants, in -their defence and under the impulse of panic and exaggerated fear -of what was going to happen, without any regular force to protect -them, arm irregular bands from any quarter they can procure them -with, likely enough, not sufficient discrimination and examination as -to their character, scenes are, no doubt, enacted, and atrocities committed, -which every human being, be he Christian or Mahometan, -would in cold blood deprecate and deplore.</p> - -<p>As Sir H. Elliot says: “An insurrection or civil war is everywhere -accompanied by cruelties and abominable excesses, and this being -tenfold the case in Oriental countries where people are divided into -antagonistic creeds and races, the responsibility and sin of those who -incite a peaceful province to rise becomes doubly heavy, and they -now endeavour to throw them upon others.”<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">101</a> Nobody outside -Timbuctoo approves or condones cruelties, but the charge against -the Ottoman authorities really amounts to their arming and employing -irregular troops, Pomaks, Circassians, Gipsies, etc., over whom they -could exercise very imperfect control. But as Mehemet Rushdi Pasha -told the English Ambassador, “the emergency was so great as to render -it indispensable at once to stamp the movement out by any means -that were immediately available.”<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">102</a> Mehemet Rushdi himself, it will be -remembered, only came into office after those acts had been committed. -He was consequently in no way responsible, neither he nor Midhat, -either for their commission or for the events that led up to them.</p> - -<p>With reference to the <cite>Daily News</cite> article on Turkish atrocities, -which started the agitation against Turkey in England, Sir H. Elliot, -writing on the 25th July 1876, says: “I have reason to believe that -the credulity of the correspondent of the <cite>Daily News</cite>, whose letters -on the subject of the Bulgarian atrocities attracted so much attention -in England, has been imposed upon by two Bulgarian relatives of one -of the presumed ringleaders of the revolt, inhabiting Philippopolis. -One of these was for a time editor of a Bulgarian journal in Constantinople, -and it is evident that information derived from such a source -can only be regarded as untrustworthy.”<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">103</a></p> - -<p>As the very aim and purpose of the insurrection was to create -excitement and provoke hatred of the Turk in Europe, it is no wonder if -the most monstrous exaggerations passed current as peremptory truths.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">291</a></span></p> - -<p>Sir H. Elliot, writing on 6th July, says: “The excesses committed in -the suppression of the insurrection have unquestionably been very -great, as was inevitable from the nature of the force which the Porte -was, in the first emergency, obliged to employ, but it is equally certain -that the details which have been given, coming almost exclusively -from Russian and Bulgarian sources, are so <em>monstrously exaggerated</em> -as to deprive them of much claim to much attention. Cases of -revolting cruelty have been mentioned to me in such a circumstantial -manner as to make it almost impossible to doubt this truth, but which -proved, on investigation, to be entirely fictitious.... Turkish -ministers deny that the cruelties have been on a scale at all approaching -to what they are represented; they point out that the horrors -committed on Turkish women and children are passed over in silence, -and they plead that they had no alternative <em>but</em> to use the irregular -force at their disposal to put down an unprovoked insurrection -fomented from abroad, the authors of which are responsible for the -sufferings which have been entailed upon both Christians and -Mahometans.”<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">104</a></p> - -<p>Some of the fictions invented were quite picturesque and dramatic. -These fictions and legends were not confined to Bulgaria, and Canon -Liddon and a Rev. Mr MacColl carried off the palm for ingenious -credulity. On the 2nd October 1876, Sir H. Elliot telegraphs to -Her Majesty’s Consul at Bosnia Serai: “Canon Liddon and a friend, -who went to Servia by the Bosnian frontier, state that they saw -examples of revolting cruelties practised by Turkish officers of the -regular army, who have <em>impaled</em>, at all military stations along the -frontier, men and women. Report as to truth of these statements.” -On the 5th inst. the startled Consul sends the following reply: -“Everything known here would make statement in your telegram -of 2nd inst. perfectly incredible, <em>but</em> for the name of your Excellency’s -informant. I will write of this by next post.”<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> The statement of the -distinguished ecclesiastic created a great sensation. It turned out, -however, that he had obtained his information from passengers in a -steam vessel on the Save, and that they had not travelled along the -frontier at all, as Sir A. Buchanan, who first reported to Sir H. Elliot, -had been led to believe. “The whole story, therefore,” adds Sir A. -Buchanan, “probably resolves itself, as suggested by Mr Holmes, to -heads or even bodies having been exposed on poles, as I have myself -seen hanging in chains during the British Protectorate of Corfu.”<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> -Mr Holmes, in his report, after demonstrating the absurdity of the -story, politely adds: “Now, if Canon Liddon states that he saw what -he describes, of course I can say nothing to the contrary; but if he has -only been assured of these atrocities, it is most certain that he has been -grossly deceived, with a view to make use of his voice and influence -as a means of increasing and confirming public opinion in England, in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">292</a></span>the belief of the barbarous conduct attributed to the Turks, and in -hostility to them.”<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">107</a> These reverend gentlemen had evidently been the -victims of, as Mr Holmes further says, “a monstrous joke,” and he -proceeds to explain the matter. “After much reflection, however, the -matter is, I think, as clear as possible. Near most Bosnian farm‐houses -there are stakes, such as Mr MacColl describes, around which -the haricot beans ... are fixed up to dry with something above them -to keep off the birds.... At the time of Mr MacColl’s voyage down -the Save, it is probable that most of the beans had been garnered, but -a portion might have been left on one of the stakes which attracted his -attention. This, on being pointed out to some practical joker amongst -the officers of the steamboat, with its accidental likeness to a body, -together, perhaps, with the previous conversation of the travellers, -suggested the hoax, which, on seeing that it was seriously accepted, -was kept up till the end of the journey.”<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">108</a></p> - -<p>Another and most probable explanation of this astounding story -was that what Canon Liddon and his friend really saw, “was a -watchman who had mounted on his stake, probably to look at the -steamer descending the Save.”<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> Anybody may be mistaken, even -distinguished ecclesiastics; but what, in such quasi‐sacred persons was -scarcely to be expected, was the tenacity with which they stuck to -the impalement theory, after it was exploded in the minds of all -impartial persons. Even high dignitaries of the Church don’t like -being laughed at.</p></div> - -<hr /> - -<h2>FOOTNOTES:</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> “History of the Ottoman Empire,” vol. ii. p. 356.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> “La Motraye,” La Haye, 1727, vol. i. pp. 383, 462.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> See the “Relation du Baile Garzoni,” of 1586.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> See Gervinus’ “Insurrection et Régéneration de la Grèce,” vol. i. -p. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> Pozzo di Borgo to Count Nesselrode, November 1828.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> -<p class="center"><i>“The First Dragoman of the Russian Embassy to Mahmoud -Nedim.</i><a name="FNanchor_A_7" id="FNanchor_A_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_A_7" class="fnanchor">A</a> -</p> - -<p> -“<span class="smcap">My Dear Highness</span>,—I have communicated the observations of -your Highness to His Excellency the Ambassador, who has assured -us in his reply that he will use his influence to arrest the Herzegovinian -insurrection. No one desires more earnestly than ourselves the -success of Your Highness’ projects. -</p> -<p> -“Your Highness may give the necessary assurances to whom they -may concern.” (1873). -</p> -<p> -[Taken from a pamphlet called “Ussi Inkillab,” which was published -at the beginning of the reign of Abdul Hamid—an interesting -document in proving this fact.]</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_A_7" id="Footnote_A_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A_7"><span class="label">A</span></a> <cite>Nineteenth Century</cite>, January 1903.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> See Appendix.—“Bulgarian Atrocities.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> See Appendix—“Bulgarian Atrocities.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> See Appendix.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> <cite>Nineteenth Century</cite>, February 1888.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> Boat.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> <cite>Nineteenth Century</cite>, January 1903.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> “Blue Book,” <cite>Turkey</cite>, 2, No. 105.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> <cite>Nineteenth Century</cite>, February 1888, p. 279.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> Although a man of this description, unfit for Parliament, was -quite fitted to represent his Sovereign at one of the most important -Courts of Europe.—<span class="smcap">Author.</span></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> The Director‐General of official and private correspondence -between the Palace and the Sublime Porte.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> Blue Book, <cite>Turkey</cite>, 2, 1877, No. 152.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> <cite>Nineteenth Century</cite>, January 1903.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> Blue Book, <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 985.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> <cite>Times</cite>, 10th February 1877.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> Mr Blunt, H.B.M. Consul at Salonica, addressed the following -despatch to Lord Derby:— -</p> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Salonica</span>, <i>10th February 1877</i>.</p> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My Lord</span>,</p> - -<p class="center2"><span class="gesperrt">* * * * *</span></p> - -<p>“The leading men with whom I have conversed, and the people -in general here, manifest much surprise and some irritation at the -sudden dismissal of Midhat Pasha from the Grand Vizierate, in -whom they had full confidence that he would carry out reforms. -</p> -<p> -“The prevailing impression here is, especially among the Turks, -that the fall of this popular statesman has been prepared and effected -by the Sultan’s immediate <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">entourage</i>. -</p> -<p> -“In case there is any demonstration at Constantinople, in favour -of Midhat Pasha, the popular feeling at Salonica would, I think, -coincide with it.<a name="FNanchor_B_23" id="FNanchor_B_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_B_23" class="fnanchor">B</a>—I have, etc., -</p> - -<p class="right"><span class="smcap">“J. E. Blunt</span>.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_B_23" id="Footnote_B_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_B_23"><span class="label">B</span></a> Blue Book, <cite>Turkey</cite>, 15, 1877, No. 171.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> At the accession of Abdul Hamid, he was his favourite First -Secretary, and was thereupon appointed Grand Vizier.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> He had been Grand Vizier in the time of Abdul Aziz, and ruined -the Empire by his wretched and Russophil policy.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> “<i>Turkey. Constantinople, 11th May.</i>—The doubts I expressed in -a recent despatch, concerning the veracity of the chief witnesses in -the enquiry about the death of Abdul Aziz, are being confirmed, -and the Sultan now hesitates about bringing the affair before a -public tribunal. Several important personages, who cannot be -suspected of complicity, declare openly that the raising of the -question was the result of an intrigue, and at the Palace the opinion -is gaining ground that the matter will terminate with the degradation -and exile of the Sultan’s two brothers‐in‐law, and the temporary -imprisonment of their supposed accomplices, without any formal -trial. When the enquiry was first instituted, an old and devoted -friend of the dynasty reminded the Sultan of an unsavoury Turkish -saying, equivalent to our proverb about the wisdom of letting -sleeping dogs lie, and His Majesty has now reason to regret that -he did not follow his advice.”—<cite>Times</cite>, 12th May (p. 5, col. 3).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> “Midhat Pasha, on taking refuge at the French Consulate, sent -letters to all the other Consuls, requesting the protection of the -Powers. The Consuls accordingly held a meeting, and decided to -ask instructions from their respective Governments. The reason -alleged by Midhat is that he is a victim of personal animosity, and -that he is in danger of personal violence, but this ground of defence -has been anticipated by the Imperial decision that the whole affair -shall be submitted to the regular tribunal, the sittings of which will -be public. His Majesty is evidently anxious that the whole matter -should be thoroughly sifted, and for this purpose has appointed a -sub‐commission to interrogate the native and foreign doctors who -held the post‐mortem examination on the body of the late Sultan, as -it has been rumoured that the medical report made at the time, is not -quite in accordance with the testimony of certain witnesses recently -examined. This procedure seems to remove effectually the danger -of personal violence, which Midhat alleges as the reason for having -put himself under foreign protection.”—<cite>Times</cite>, 19th May (p. 5, -col. 4).</p> - -<p class="center"><cite>By Indo‐European Telegraph.</cite></p> - -<p>“<i>Constantinople, 18th May.</i>—On receiving instructions from his -Ambassador, the French Consul at Smyrna requested Midhat Pasha -to quit the Consulate, whereupon the latter proceeded to surrender -himself to the Turkish Military Governor. A judicial enquiry will -be commenced at Smyrna.”</p> - -<p class="tb">“<i>Turkey. Constantinople, 21st May.</i>—Letters from Smyrna give -some details concerning the arrest of Midhat Pasha. Between one -and two o’clock on Tuesday morning he was awoke by a bugle‐call. -He discovered that troops were advancing under the command -of Hilmi Pasha, accompanied by one of the Sultan’s aides‐de‐camp, -who had recently arrived from Constantinople. He at once suspected -the motive of the nocturnal visit, and as a small body of soldiers -were entering the courtyard, he made his escape by a door in the -wall of the harem garden, and reached safely the French Consulate. -At an early hour the Consul assembled his colleagues, and Midhat -Pasha declared to them that he placed himself under the protection -of the Powers. Then followed the interchange of despatches -with Constantinople and Paris, which I have described in a previous -telegram. Midhat Pasha declared that he had no wish to leave -the country, and was ready to proceed to Constantinople if he -could obtain the necessary guarantees that he would be fairly -tried, but Hilmi Pasha thought it prudent to take precautionary -measures against a second flight by preventing small boats from -approaching that part of the quay. Meanwhile, the French Consul -had received stringent orders to withdraw the temporary protection -which he had afforded, and accordingly, after having again called -his colleagues together, he formally surrendered the fugitive to -the Military. Next morning the Minister of Justice arrived in -a special steamer to make a judicial enquiry. Midhat Pasha -is being carefully guarded in a room in the barracks.”—<cite>Times</cite>, -23rd May 1881 (p. 7, col. 2).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> The Sheik‐ul‐Islam Haïroullah Effendi, and the two brothers‐in‐law -of Abdul Hamid—Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin and Damad -Nouri Pashas.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> Who had killed the Ministers in Midhat Pasha’s house in 1876.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> <cite>Times</cite>, 5th June 1882, page 8, col. 2.—“Constantinople, 3rd June. -According to a despatch from Djeddah, the Dragoman of the British -Consulate at that place has gone to Mecca, the bearer of a letter from -the British Government to the Grand Shereef, expressing the friendly -sentiments of England towards him, and asking for news of Midhat -Pasha. -</p> -<p> -“The Grand Shereef, in reply, is stated to have assured the Dragoman -that Midhat Pasha was in no danger of any kind. This step on -the part of England has produced considerable sensation among the -Arabs, who continue to attribute to the British Government designs of -gaining ground and influence in Arabia.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> Afterwards General of Division with title of Pasha, and transferred -from Adrianople to Yemen.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> About midnight European time.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> The following is a list of the officers and men who assassinated -Midhat, 29th Redjeb, 1301 of the Hegira, or 12th May 1883.</p> - -<table summary="murderers" border="0"><tr> -<td class="tdl" colspan="2">Captain</td><td class="tdl">Ibrahim</td><td class="tdl">Circassian.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl" colspan="2">Non‐Commissioned Officer</td><td class="tdl">Lieutenant Nouri</td><td class="tdl">Native of Coumla.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2">Soldiers</td><td class="tdl"> </td><td class="tdl"> </td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">1st</td><td class="tdl">Company of Foot</td><td class="tdl padr1">The Sergeant Ahmed</td><td class="tdl">Native of Adremid.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">1st</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Coundirédji Ismail</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Yozgad.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">2nd</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Ahmed</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Kutahia.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">2nd</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Mehemet</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Kutahia.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">2nd</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Rédjeb</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Kumuljina.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">4th</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Osman</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Kara Hissar.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">2nd</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Berber Ismail<a name="FNanchor_C_34" id="FNanchor_C_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_C_34" class="fnanchor">C</a></td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Adrianople.</td> -</tr></table> - -<p>The following persons were commissioned to deal with Mahmoud Pasha.</p> -<table summary="Mahmoud Pasha" border="0"><tr> -<td class="tdl" colspan="2">Non‐Commissioned Officer</td><td class="tdl">Lieutenant Memiche</td><td class="tdl">Native of Sparta.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl" colspan="2">Non‐Commissioned Officer</td><td class="tdl">Lieutenant Mehemet</td><td class="tdl">Eudemiche.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2">Soldiers</td><td class="tdl"> </td><td class="tdl"> </td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">2nd</td><td class="tdl">Company of Foot</td><td class="tdl">The Sergeant Hassan</td><td class="tdl">Native of Kutahia.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">2nd</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl padr1">The Sergeant Suleiman</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Kara Hissar.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">4th</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Corporal Mehemet</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Antalia.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">1st</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Osman Baltadji</td><td class="tdl padr1"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Kara Hissar. </td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">1st</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Ahmed</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Tchoroum.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">1st</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Ali (Roumelian)</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Samanli‐Kieuï.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">4th</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Berber Mustapha</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Dimétoka.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">4th</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Ali</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Zile.</td> -</tr></table></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_C_34" id="Footnote_C_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_C_34"><span class="label">C</span></a> These soldiers belong to the conscription of 1296 S.T. except the one who belongs to 1300 S.T.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 422.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1877.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, Nos. 529 and 530.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, Incl. No. 554.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 559.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 452.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">39</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Incl. No. 479.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">40</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 452.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">41</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 197.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">42</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, No. 325.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">43</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 324</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, No. 564.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Nos. 470 and 498.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 508.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 516.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 540.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, No. 584.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, No. 612.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 952.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 986.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 952.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 950.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 950.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, Nos. 166 and 239.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 23.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, No. 544.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, Nos. 459 and 517; and <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, Nos. 551 -and 898; and <cite>Turkey</cite>, 2, 1877, No. 27.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, Nos. 528, 541, 551, and 552.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, No. 52.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 718.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> Blue Book, <cite>Turkey</cite> 2, 1876, No. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> Blue Book, No. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 32.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 2, 1876, No. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 47.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 2, 1876, No. 70.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 71.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 63.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, No. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 11.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 44.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 121.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 128.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 130.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 195.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 221.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 248.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, Incl. No. 313. (Lord Odo Russell pronounces this -document authentic. 3rd July 1876, No. 363.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 185.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 259.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 51, Incl.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 479.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 491.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 491.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 674 Incl.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1877, No. 57 Incl.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 343, Incl.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, No. 24.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, Incl. 4 in 289.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 289, Incl.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">94</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 5, 1876, Incl. 1 in No. 18.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">95</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 5, 1876, Incl. 2 in No. 21.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">96</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, Incl. in No. 222.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">97</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 5, 1876, No. 22.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">98</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 252.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">99</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 273, Incl.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">100</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 315, Incl.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">101</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 221.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">102</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No 513.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">103</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 5, 1876, No. 24.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">104</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 538.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">105</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, No. 539.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">106</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 686.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">107</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, Incl. in No. 687.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">108</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Incl. in No. 961.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">109</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 2, 1877, Incl. in No. 179.</p></div> - -<hr /> -<p class="center"><small> -PRINTED AT THE EDINBURGH PRESS, 9 AND 11 YOUNG STREET.</small> -</p> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The life of Midhat Pasha; a record of -his services, political reforms, bani, by Ali Haydar Midhat - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF MIDHAT PASHA *** - -***** This file should be named 51243-h.htm or 51243-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/1/2/4/51243/ - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - - - -</pre> - -</body> -</html> diff --git a/old/51243-h/images/cover.jpg b/old/51243-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 3a1c689..0000000 --- a/old/51243-h/images/cover.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51243-h/images/i_042fp.jpg b/old/51243-h/images/i_042fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 63110f0..0000000 --- a/old/51243-h/images/i_042fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51243-h/images/i_frontis.jpg b/old/51243-h/images/i_frontis.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index c4a5d31..0000000 --- a/old/51243-h/images/i_frontis.jpg +++ /dev/null |
