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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The life of Midhat Pasha; a record of his services, political reforms, banishment, and judicial murder (1903) - -Author: Ali Haydar Midhat - -Release Date: February 17, 2016 [EBook #51243] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF MIDHAT PASHA *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<p class="center">THE LIFE OF MIDHAT PASHA</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;"> -<img src="images/i_frontis.jpg" width="400" height="529" alt="" /> -<table summary="photo" border="0" width="100%"><tr> -<td class="tdl"><small><small><i>From a Photograph.</i></small></small></td> -<td class="tdr"><small><small><i>The Typographic Etching Co. Ph. Sc.</i></small></small></td> -</tr></table></div> - -<p class="center f12"><i>Midhat Pasha.</i></p> -<hr /> - -<h1><small>THE LIFE OF</small><br /> -MIDHAT PASHA</h1> - -<p class="center f12">A RECORD OF HIS SERVICES,<br /> -POLITICAL REFORMS, BANISHMENT,<br /> -AND JUDICIAL MURDER<br /><br /></p> - -<p class="center">DERIVED FROM PRIVATE DOCUMENTS AND<br /> -REMINISCENCES<br /> -BY HIS SON ALI HAYDAR MIDHAT BEY<br /><br /> -WITH PORTRAITS<br /> -<br /> -LONDON<br /> -JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.<br /> -1903</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">vii</a></span></p> - -<h2>PREFACE</h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">As</span> the Son of Midhat Pasha I was for fifteen years -compelled to reside as an exile in Smyrna, but finding -the physical and moral sufferings to which I was there -subjected greater than I could endure, I succeeded in -quitting the territories of the Sultan, and came to take -up my residence in this hospitable land, and among this -great and free people.</p> - -<p>In the following pages I have endeavoured to -carry out a duty which has long been incumbent on -me, by letting the public, and especially the English -public, know the true story of my father’s career, and -of his death.</p> - -<p>The record is based mainly on documents and notes -left by him. In obedience to requests from high -quarters I abstain from publishing certain documents -and correspondence which, bearing as they do on -International affairs, might be calculated to cause -embarrassment and do harm.</p> - -<p>It is possible that some of my father’s papers -which I have now printed, and which were written in -Turkish, may have lost some of their original brightness -in the process of translation, but at least, most scrupu<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">viii</a></span>lous -care has been taken to give the sense of them -accurately.</p> - -<p>There can be no doubt that at the present time -Turkey is suffering from a Reign of Terror, and is in -a state of anarchy. I hope that the narrative contained -in these pages may afford some evidence of the -methods by which this condition of affairs has been -produced.</p> - -<p>My readers will learn how the Sovereign of the -Ottoman Empire, in order to carry out his own system -of Government, has suppressed every effort for reform, -and has removed those men, who by their force of -character, by their uprightness, and by their popularity, -seemed capable of thwarting his designs, and amending -the condition of the country and of the people.</p> - -<p>I wish to state here that I have a profound respect -for the Imperial Throne, and it is this consideration -alone, I repeat it, and the honour of my country, which -makes me regard it as a duty to humanity to expose -the nefarious system of Sultan Abdul Hamid.</p> - -<p>In conclusion, I would beg to offer my thanks to -the Proprietors of the <em>Times</em> newspaper for giving me -permission to reprint the excellent report of my father’s -trial which appeared in their columns.</p> - -<p class="right padr2">ALI HAYDAR MIDHAT.</p> - -<p><small><span class="smcap">Eastbourne</span>, <i>August 6, 1903</i>.</small></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">ix</a></span></p> - -<h2>CONTENTS</h2> - -<hr class="short" /> - -<table class=" content" summary="CONTENTS" border="0"><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER I</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">EARLY HISTORY OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr" colspan="2"><small>Page</small></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Christians in Turkey—Turkish treatment of Subject Races—Corruptions -of the Ottoman System—Persistent policy of -Russia—Panslavic Committees—The Palace and the -Porte—Growth of Autocracy—The Janissaries—Revolt -of Mehemet Ali—Reforms of Abdul Medjid—The Czar -Nicholas—Origins of the Crimean War—The Crimean -War—Attitude of France—Attitude of Austria</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_1">1</a>–31</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER II</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">MIDHAT’S EARLY YEARS</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Midhat in the Balkan Provinces—Governorship of Nish, etc.—Widdin -and Silistria—Midhat’s Success in Danube -Provinces—Intrigues of General Ignatieff—Insurrection -stirred up—Organisation of local Militia—Appointed -Vali of Bagdad—Fighting and Reforms—Finance and -Engineering Work—Bussora—Koweit, the Nedjed—The -Conquest of Nedjed—Defeat of Abdul Kerim—Aali -Pasha—Extravagance of Abdul Aziz—Midhat as Grand -Vizier</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_32">32</a>–66</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER III</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">DEPOSITION AND DEATH OF ABDUL AZIZ</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Troubles in Herzegovina—Riots at Salonica—Outbreak in -Bulgaria—Meeting at Reichstadt—The Andrassy Memorandum—The -Sultan opposes Reform—Deposition of -Abdul Aziz—Preparations for the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Coup d’État</i>—Sultan -Murad—Death of Abdul Aziz—Breakdown of Sultan -Murad—Damad Mahmoud’s Conspiracy—Prince Hamid—Deposition -of Murad</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_67">67</a>–99</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">x</a></span>CHAPTER IV</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">ABDUL HAMID SULTAN</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Abdul Hamid II.—The Imperial Household—The Speech -from the Throne—Nominal Reforms—Midhat’s Difficulties—Nominal -and Real Reforms—The New Constitution—Sovereign -Rights</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_100">100</a>–115</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER V</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">SECOND GRAND VIZIERATE OF MIDHAT PASHA</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Opposition Intrigues—“Midhat’s Constitution”—Intrigues -against Midhat—Zia Bey—The Press—Promulgation of -the Constitution—Rescript of Abdul Hamid—Favourable -Reception of the Constitution</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_116">116</a>–131</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER VI</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">THE CONFERENCE AND MIDHAT’S EXILE</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Conference at Constantinople—General Ignatieff’s Conduct—The -New Constitution and the Powers—Galib Pasha -and the Finances—Mixed Schools—Protest of Midhat—Midhat -Exiled—The Sultan’s Precautions—Prince Gortchakoff -and General Ignatieff—Russian Declaration—Prince -Gortchakoff’s Circular</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_132">132</a>–154</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER VII</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">MIDHAT PASHA IN EUROPE</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The Sultan’s Speech—Russia Declares War—Midhat in -Naples—Midhat’s Efforts for Peace—Midhat’s Recall by -the Sultan—Midhat and Kiamil Bey</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_155">155</a>–171</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">xi</a></span>CHAPTER VIII</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">THE RETURN OF MIDHAT PASHA TO TURKEY</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Midhat in Crete—Appointed Governor of Syria</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_172">172</a>–175</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER IX</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">MIDHAT PASHA, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SYRIA</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The Sultan Opposes Reforms—Cause of Midhat’s Resignation—Condition -of Syria—The Druses and the Arabs—The -Turbulent Druses—Troops to be sent—The -Druses—Resignation of Midhat—The Palace and Judicial -Reforms—Midhat and Syria</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_176">176</a>–195</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER X</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">MIDHAT, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SMYRNA</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Abdul Aziz’ Death—The <cite>Terdjumani Hakikat</cite>—Attack on -Midhat—Attitude of the French Consul—Midhat’s Arrest</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_196">196</a>–206</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XI</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">THE TRIAL OF MIDHAT PASHA</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Mustapha the Wrestler—The Case for the Defence—Midhat’s -Defence—A Parody of Justice—The Public Prosecutor—Before -the Court of Appeal—Grand Council—The -British Parliament—Questions in Parliament—Mr -M’Coan—Mr Gladstone—Lord Stratheden and Campbell—England’s -Intervention</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_207">207</a>–233</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XII</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">EXILE OF MIDHAT PASHA</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Midhat in Prison—Attempt to Poison Midhat—Arrest of -Shereef Abdul Mutalib—Haïroullah Effendi</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_234">234</a>–241</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XIII</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">DETAILS OF THE ASSASSINATION OF MIDHAT PASHA, ACCORDING -TO INFORMATION DERIVED FROM HAÏROULLAH EFFENDI</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Return of Bekir—Midhat and Bekir—Tampering with Food—Attempts -to Poison—Preparations for the Murder—The -Murder</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_242">242</a>–256</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">xii</a></span>APPENDIX A</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">THE NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE BERLIN NOTE AND THE -CONFERENCE OF CONSTANTINOPLE</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Negotiations following the Berlin Note—The Conference at -Reichstadt—Servian Diplomacy and Defeat—England -Proposes Terms—An Ultimatum to the Porte—Disagreement -among the Powers</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_257">257</a>–270</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">APPENDIX B</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">THE INSURRECTION OF HERZEGOVINA AND BOSNIA AND THE -BERLIN NOTE</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Herzegovina and Bosnia—Lord Derby and Austria—Intentional -Bad Faith—Austrian Diplomacy—The Berlin -Note—Austria and Russia—Mr Monson’s Despatch</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_271">271</a>–284</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">APPENDIX C</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc f08" colspan="2">BULGARIAN ATROCITIES</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">A Bulgarian Insurrection—Revolutionary Agents at Work—Fictions -and Ingenious Credulity</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_285">285</a>–292</td> -</tr></table> - -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">1</a></span></p> - -<p class="center f15">MIDHAT PASHA</p> - -<hr class="short" /> - -<h2>CHAPTER I<br /><br /> - -<small>EARLY HISTORY OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE</small></h2> - -<p>It would be inconsistent with the general plan of this -book to give more than a very summary and cursory -view of the early history of the Ottoman Empire before -the time of Midhat Pasha; but it will not be inappropriate, -and may possibly aid in elucidating the -history of his times, and throw light on his work of -reform, if the main features of that history be here drawn -in outline, and some of the phases traced through which -the Turkish Empire passed during the four centuries -that elapsed between the taking of Constantinople by -Mehemet II. and the Crimean War.</p> - -<p>It has sometimes been objected to Midhat Pasha and -the Constitution of 1876, by those who have given a very -superficial study to the subject, or who have a political -object in depreciating all reforms in Turkey, that, however -admirable the Constitution may have been in itself, -it was prematurely and precipitately introduced, and ill -adapted to the peculiar conditions of the Ottoman -people. One of the aims of this book is to show that, -so far from this being the case, the reforms associated -with the name of Midhat Pasha were conceived in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">2</a></span> -very spirit of the early Ottoman Constitution, and were -expressly suggested by the wants and requirements of -that country as revealed in the course of its administration -to a succession of statesmen, who found themselves -in practice hampered at every turn, and their best efforts -continually thwarted by the absence of the very checks -and safeguards which Midhat’s Constitution endeavoured -to impose. Within half a century of the taking of -Constantinople (1454) by Mehemet II., Bulgaria, Servia, -Moldavia, Wallachia and large portions of Hungary and -Poland were added to the Ottoman dominions. It was -(as all impartial writers now admit) as much by virtue -of the simplicity and purity of its creed, and the force -of propagandism that it in consequence possessed, as by -the force of arms, that Islam made such astounding -progress in those days. If extensive provinces and -important kingdoms yielded with slight resistance before -the advance of the Ottoman armies, and if large masses -of the conquered populations adopted the religion of the -conquerors, it was because their moral conquest was -effected before their political subjection was attempted.</p> - -<p>The reputation, too, for justice and moderation enjoyed -by the early Ottoman sovereigns was no insignificant factor -in conciliating the goodwill and blunting the opposition -of nations, who might under different conditions have -opposed a more serious resistance to the advance of the -Ottoman armies. Sixty years before the appearance of -the Turks before Constantinople, the people of the -ancient kingdoms of Roumania were called upon to -choose between the Magyars—who, in conformity with -their traditional policy, desired to Magyarise Wallachia—and -the Ottoman sovereign, who offered the inhabitants -the enjoyment of their religious and civil liberty. -They did not hesitate between the two, and Mircea -signed, with the Sultan Bayazid, the first capitulation of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">3</a></span> -Roumania (1393). Twenty‐six years later, in 1419, the -Servian ruler Brankovich, pressed by John Hunyadi, ruler -of Hungary, to join him in an alliance against the Turks, -invited him to state the policy in respect to religion -that he proposed to adopt, in the event of victory -attending their joint military efforts. Hunyadi answered -without periphrasis, that the Servians would have to -adopt the Catholic worship. Brankovich then addressed -a similar question to Mehemet I. “I propose,” replied -the latter, “to build a church next to every mosque, -and proclaim that every one shall be at liberty to follow -his own worship and religion.” Brankovich rejected the -Hungarian alliance, and declared himself the vassal of -the Turkish Sultan.</p> - -<p>But, it has been contended, the condition of the -Christian populations (<em>Raias</em>) of the countries actually -conquered by Islam was very different; and there is -even a widespread popular belief that these populations -were forced to “opt” (to use a modern phrase) between the -religion of the conquerors and death, the poll‐tax (<em>kharadj</em>) -being the money composition imposed in commutation -of the death sentence. Nothing can be more erroneous. -The <em>kharadj</em> was the tax imposed on the Christian -population in lieu of the military service and other similar -duties from which they were exempted, disabilities -generally regarded by them as privileges, and in consequence -of which they have increased and multiplied and -become rich and prosperous in the land. An entirely -false interpretation has been given to a passage in the -Koran, which was even quoted by the Austrian plenipotentiaries -at the Conference of Niemirow, in 1737, in -support of the “Death or Koran” theory here referred -to. The true answer, which indeed is obvious from the -context, was given by the Ottoman negotiators on this -occasion, viz., that the text quoted applied only to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span> -idolaters and not to the “people of the Book.” Anyone -who knows anything of the religion of Mahomet is aware -of the important distinction recognised therein between -the “people of the Book” (<em>kitabi</em>) and idolaters (<em>medjous</em>), -and knows that whereas little mercy, it is true, was shown -to the latter, the former were included in the Dar‐ul‐Islam -(the house of Islam), where they formed an integral portion -of the empire, and that the true Mahomedan was taught, -with respect to the latter, that “their substance is as our -substance, their eyes as our eyes, and their souls as our -souls.” The fable, too, that the murder of a Christian by -a Mahomedan was considered by the Cheri (sacred law) -as a trivial offence, and was visited by a lighter punishment -than the same crime committed on the person of -a Mussulman, is disposed of by the <em>Fetva</em> delivered by the -Mufti (Supreme Judge of the Sacred Law), and quoted -by Cantimer<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> in answer to the question, “What should be -the penalty if eleven Mussulmans murdered one Christian?” -“If the Mussulmans were one thousand and one in number, -instead of only eleven, they should all be put to death.”</p> - -<p>So far indeed is it from being historically true that -the conquered Christian populations were forced by the -sword to adopt the religion of Mahomet, that when -Selim I. desired, for reasons of what he considered long‐sighted -policy, so to convert the Christians of the Balkans, -he was stopped short in the attempt by a <em>Fetva</em> of the -Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Zenbilli Ali Effendi, who pronounced -such a proceeding to be contrary to the Koran and -the Cheri (sacred law), and the attempt was accordingly -abandoned.</p> - -<p>It may be remarked, in passing, that history does not -relate that Cromwell was ever diverted from a policy -similar to that from which Selim was deflected, or -hampered in his enactment of the penal laws in Ireland -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">5</a></span>by any such scruples or protests on the part of the -ecclesiastical authorities of his day. However that may -be, the policy of the Ottoman sovereigns with reference -to the conquered Raias was the exact opposite to that -popularly supposed. Nor was the policy actually adopted -the result of any idiosyncracy or peculiar generosity on -their part. It was in strict obedience to the injunctions -of the Prophet, and in conformity with the policy pursued -by himself in the “letters patent,” accorded to the -Christians (<em>nassara</em>) on the 4th day of Moharem of the -year 11 of the Hegira. It was in fact the fixed and settled -policy of the Mussulman political system.</p> - -<p>In proof of this position some European authorities, -by no means particularly inclined to the Ottoman cause, -Montesquieu for example, may be quoted. This author -bears testimony to the happy change effected in the -condition of the Greek population of the empire after -the occupation of their capital by the Turks: “The -people,” he says, “in place of that continued series of -vexations which the subtle avarice of the Byzantine -Emperors had devised, were now subjected to a simple -tribute, easily paid and lightly borne, happy in having -to submit to even a barbarous nation (<i>sic</i>) rather than -to a corrupt government under which they suffered all -the inconveniences of a fictitious liberty with all the -horrors of a real servitude.”</p> - -<p>The reports of the Venetian ambassadors, and the -narratives of travellers in the sixteenth century, like -La Motraye, offer concurrent testimony to the tolerance -and moderation of this “barbarous nation.” “The other -(<i>i.e.</i> the Christian) subjects of the Empire,” says La -Motraye, “enjoy all the liberty of conscience that they -can desire. They go to the churches and pilgrimages -and practise all the rights of their religion, without fear -or molestation. The same thing applies to their commerce<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span> -and temporal affairs. They have no dread of being -deprived of the fruits of their labours, which they enjoy -without let or hindrance.”<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">2</a></p> - -<p>Compare with this condition of the Greek Raias of -the Ottoman Empire that, for instance, of the Greek -population of Chio under Genoese domination, as -described by Genoese writers themselves, and quoted -by Mr Fustel de Coulanges, where the unfortunate -population, in addition to daily exactions and injustices, -were compelled four times a year, at Christmas, Easter, -Whitsunday, and the Feast of the Circumcision, to attend -a ceremony, best described as “a feast of humiliation,” -at which their clergy and chief citizens were summoned -to the palace of the Podesta, where a herald, mounted on -a stand, with a wand in his hand, read four prayers for -the Pope, the Emperor, the Republic of Genoa, and the -family of the Justiniani, and obliged the assembled -Chiotes, at the end of each prayer, to answer in responsive -and quasi‐enthusiastic acclamations; these poor -Chiotes being thus compelled to acclaim and pray for -the Pope—their greatest enemy—the Emperor they knew -nothing about, the Republic that had subjected them, -and the family of the Justiniani whom they detested, -representing as it did the “Maona” (a financial company) -that ruthlessly pillaged them.</p> - -<p>Take again the case of the Candiotes under the -domination of the Venetians, in which the Greek population -of the island did not hesitate to conspire with -the Turkish besiegers in order to deliver their capital -into their hands, and thus free themselves from the -oppression of the Italian Republic.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">3</a></p> - -<p>Even the Greeks of the Morea complained bitterly -of the religious persecution of the Venetians, whereas, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">7</a></span>said they, “the Turks allowed us all the liberty we -required.”<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">4</a></p> - -<p>These quotations, which could be multiplied <em>ad -infinitum</em>, will probably suffice. It was indeed the -universal cry of all the Christian population in the -East, from the middle of the fifteenth century to the -beginning of the eighteenth—“A thousand times rather -the Turks than the Latins.”</p> - -<p>That corruptions gradually grew up in the land of -the Osmanli; that perversions of the law crept into its -practice, and that prejudices, engendered by ignorance, -created abuses which in earlier days were sternly -repressed, it is not intended here to deny. Indeed it -is the contention of this book that such perversions, -the causes of which it will be its purpose to trace, did -spring up, as rank weeds, in the Ottoman system; but -what is strenuously asserted, and what will, it is hoped, -be proved, is that they formed no part or parcel of the -original Ottoman Constitution, but were, on the contrary, -excrescences in that system, violations of its spirit and -essence; and further, that the efforts of the reforming -party in the nation, from the days of Selim III. to the -accession of Abdul Hamid II., through an apostolic -succession of patriots and statesmen—including the -Keuprulu Mehemets, the Reshids, the Aalis, the Fuads -and the Midhats—were directed to the end of restoring -the spirit of that Constitution, with such adaptation of -it to the requirements of the day as the experience, -science and political conditions of the world required.</p> - -<p>Mehemet II., from the moment he sheathed his sword -on victory being assured, manifested his determination -that the lives and properties of the conquered populations -should be respected, and, in order to give weight -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span>to his orders to that effect, took immediate measures -to offer a conspicuous example of respect for the -religion of his new subjects by his conduct as its -hierarchical chief. He summoned the Greek Patriarch -(<em>Roum milleti patriki</em>) to a solemn Divan, stepped down -from his throne, and breaking through all established usage, -advanced ten steps to meet him, took him by the hand, -and seated him next to himself in the place of honour, -delivering into his hands, as a symbol of power, a golden -sceptre, which to this day is carried in processions on -occasions of great ceremonies, investing him with -unlimited authority over all Orthodox schools, monasteries -and churches, and with judicial and administrative -functions over all his co‐religionists.</p> - -<p>Such a delegation of power was the nearest approach -to the establishment of an <em>imperium in imperio</em> as is -afforded in history, with, let it be added, all the weakness -that attaches to such a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">régime</i>, as was subsequently too -clearly proved by the pernicious use made of these -privileges by a foreign Power, in founding on them a -claim to interfere in the internal affairs of the empire, -and in using them as a lever to overthrow it.</p> - -<p>But wise or unwise, such at any rate was the policy -adopted by the Sultans of Turkey towards their Christian -subjects, and the legend of conversion by the sword must -be relegated, with so many similar fables with respect to -Turkey, to the mythology of history.</p> - -<p>From the foundation of the empire, and under the -ægis of its government, the Hellenisation of the Raias, -under the authority of the Patriarch of the Phanar, proceeded -apace throughout the country. So effectually -indeed was this taking place, that the very name of Slav, or -Bulgarian, implying as it did an inferior social status, was -gradually falling into disuse, and the prouder appellation -of “Roum,” or Greek, substituted for it.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span></p> - -<p>It is probable that another half‐century of this process -would have blotted out the very name of Slav, had not -a new Power appeared on the world’s stage, introducing -a new factor in the Eastern problem, and profoundly -modifying its conditions. This was the rise of Russia as -a world Power, under the rule of that extraordinary man -of genius, Peter I. After finally breaking the power of -Sweden at the great battle of Pultava, and after adding -Livonia, Esthonia, Ingria, Finland, and Lithuania to his -already vast dominions, and founding a capital with a -maritime outlet on the Northern Seas, he turned his -ambition to the sunny lands of the South, which the legend -of the marriage of a Byzantine princess with a Russian -<em>Kneze</em> had already annexed in imagination to the Empire -of Moscovy.</p> - -<p>This is the place to refer to an historical event which -has more than a passing interest, as it may be said to be -the source and origin of the undeviating policy of Russia -in her dealings with Turkey. At the historical interview -between Peter the Great and Cantimir, Voivode of -Moldavia, the latter initiated the Russian Czar into the -secret of the Eastern problem, and explained to him the -profit that might be derived from taking adroit advantage -of the privileges of self‐government enjoyed by the -Christians in the East, and from the steady pursuit of a -policy exploiting this autonomy to the best advantage.</p> - -<p>The lesson here learnt was never forgotten, and the -political strategy here determined on became henceforth -the very keystone of Russia’s policy in regard to Turkey.</p> - -<p>Whether the famous will of Peter the Great be -apocryphal or not, as historically speaking it probably is, -there is no doubt that it expresses, with prophetic instinct -at any rate, the great lines of policy that have ever since -been pursued with reference to Turkey by all Peter’s -successors.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">10</a></span></p> - -<p>Two distinct phases have marked the manner of -Russia’s dealings with the Christians of the East, -although those dealings have been undeviating in their -aims and in general plan of attack on the Ottoman -Empire.</p> - -<p>The first phase was marked by a close alliance with -a Greek Patriarch and his Metropolitans, and a general -identification of views between the Russian and Greek -propaganda.</p> - -<p>The Greek liturgy and the Greek priesthood were -accepted without a question, whilst portraits of the Czar, -with the superscription “Emperor of the Greco‐Russians,” -were freely circulated by the Greek clergy among their -flocks. Colonel Repnin’s plot, in 1837, took place in -connivance with the Greek Patriarch, and a few years later -Marshal Munich was received by the peasants of Moldavia -with the Greek archbishop and his clergy marching at their -head. The convents and monasteries in Moldavia, -Wallachia, Servia, and Montenegro were used as <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">dépôts</i> -for arms, and monks were not the least audacious of the -leaders of the revolutionists. Piccolo Stefano in Servia -and Montenegro, Papazoglou in Greece, and Gamana in -Wallachia, put themselves at the head of armed bands, that -were joined by others from across the frontier. This -alliance continued until Russia, having by her victories and -prestige acquired the position of the recognised leader of -the anti‐Turkish movement, was strong enough to dispense -with the Greek alliance and to champion the cause of pure -Slavism undiluted with Hellenism.</p> - -<p>The second phase of Russian policy in the Slav -provinces was marked by the feverish activity of the -Panslavic Committees of Bucharest, Kischnoff, Moscow -and Kieff, the cynical intrigues of the Russian ambassadors -at Constantinople, and the fanatical articles of -Katkoff in the <cite>Moscow Gazette</cite>, the aim of all which was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">11</a></span> -to give a national direction to the Slavic movement in the -Turkish provinces. The nationalisation of the religion of -the people, the substitution of the authority of national -Exarchs as heads of their churches, in the place of the -Greek Patriarch, and of a native clergy educated in Russia -in the place of that nominated at the Phanar, were the -measures called for, and successively adopted, to stimulate -a movement that now embraced all Slav dependencies of -Turkey in its action. The pretext of protecting and -securing the privileges of the Christian communities in the -Turkish Empire was finally dropped, and the liberation of -the oppressed nationalities of the South‐West of Europe -became the watchword of the new propaganda.</p> - -<p>All the machinery of the heavily subsidised Panslavic -Committee was set in motion; band after band -was raised and sent across the frontier; rebellion was -openly preached, and the ignorant peasantry were deluded, -by arguments which they did not understand, to complain -of grievances which they did not feel.</p> - -<p>The answer to the question of how such an encroaching -and cynically pursued policy, violating as it did every -principle of international law and comity in its dealings -with a neighbouring nation, was possible—in a century, too, -that was roused to indignation against a not dissimilar but -entirely unofficial raid in South Africa—must be sought in -the unfortunate condition and weakness of the Ottoman -Empire that exposed it, almost defenceless, to the attacks -of its powerful neighbour, and dispensed the latter from -even the decencies of international intercourse as practised -among civilised nations.</p> - -<p>This weakness in its turn was the result, as this work -is specially intended to show, of corruptions and perversions -that had crept into an originally admirable -Constitution, and had produced a paralysis of all its -important functions, placing its nation almost as much<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span> -at the mercy of its enemies as had the <em>Liberum Veto</em> the -fair land of Poland.</p> - -<p>The successive steps of these innovations must now -be rapidly traced. When the conquering energies of the -new empire were exhausted, and its victorious armies -checked under the walls of Vienna by Sobieski and his -Poles, and the maritime power of its fleet broken by Don -John of Austria’s victory at Lepanto, a new phase was -entered upon in which internal re‐organisation took the -place of external conquest.</p> - -<p>The latter half of the sixteenth century was devoted -to attempts to organise the empire on quasi‐feudal -principles. It was divided into <em>timars</em> and <em>zeamets</em> -(fiefs), represented by the great feudatories, the Derebeys. -This was the first serious innovation, involving a perversion -of the cardinal principle of the Ottoman Constitution, -which was in spirit and essence purely democratic; and -when the counter‐revolution took place, and the Sultans -determined to get rid of the Derebeys, so as to establish -their own exclusive power, the mischief was already done, -for the old principle of democracy, as understood by the -companions of Othman, was by this time seriously impaired -by the long disuse of its ancient rights and -functions; so that this counter‐revolution, instead of -restoring the old order of things, only redounded to -the exclusive profit of autocracy. Nothing but the -Porte (that is the Government), and the traditional -authority it exercised, now stood in the way of the -complete absolutism of the Sultan, and, owing to the -veneration of the Ottoman people for their sovereigns—a -veneration founded partly on religious, partly on secular, -sentiments, and due in no small measure to the exceptional -merits of their early rulers—the Sultans entered on the -struggle for absolutism equipped with superior advantages. -Having no fear of popular encroachments before their eyes,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span> -or of popular passion directed against their persons, they -could devote their entire thoughts and energies to the task -of dominating the Porte and monopolising power in the -State.</p> - -<p>The struggle of these two contending forces, the -Palace and the Porte, continued for a long time, -with alternate preponderance on either side, a strong -Sultan and a weak vizier inclining the scales towards -autocracy, whilst a strong vizier with a weak or -luxurious Sultan, redressed the balance to the other side. -The Keuprulu Mehemets, Reshids, Aalis and Fuads -left the impress of their minds on the Ottoman policy -and administration, whilst a host of so‐called Grand -Viziers—whom it would be superfluous to name singly, -inasmuch as their collective name is legion—were the -mere registers of the will, and instruments of the caprices, -of their masters. The Sultan Abdul Medjid counted with -Reshid Pasha, and Abdul Aziz with Aali and Fuad, as -long as they were alive; but it was reserved for his -successor, after he had suppressed a Constitution that he -had sworn to observe as the very condition of his mounting -to the throne, to brush all checks and counterpoises -of every kind aside, and to set up a pure, unmixed -despotism, based on caprice and corruption alone. Such a -system of government had been hitherto unknown to -the Ottoman Constitution, was emphatically denounced -by the prophets, was contrary to the express provisions -of the Sacred Law, was repudiated by Mehemet II. -and all the early Sultans as well as Caliphs of Islam, -and ran counter to all the traditions of the Ottoman -people.</p> - -<p>Simultaneously with the beginning of this fatal perversion -and this gradual absorption by the Sultans of all power -in the State, another change was taking place, closely -connected with it, and aggravating all its worst effects.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span></p> - -<p>The high character of the early Sultans of Turkey—to -which all contemporary authorities, Christian and -Mahomedan alike, bear testimony—had, as has been said, -profoundly affected the Ottoman character. Their fervid -loyalty to their rulers sprang in no small measure from -the lessons inculcated by their early history and their -most cherished traditions. Now, up to the reign of -Selim II., the Sultan of Turkey received a very superior -education. They were not merely patrons of learning, -but often themselves men of letters of no mean order. -Mehemet II., the conqueror of Constantinople, was a -distinguished poet; Selim I., a poet and a litterateur, -prided himself, above all his prerogatives, on being the -patron of men of letters and of science. This pursuit -of science and learning was, moreover, in strict conformity -with the spirit and letter of the Koran. “Seek science, -even if it be in China”; “The wise and learned are -the heirs of the Prophet,” are not isolated texts in a -book teeming with passages of a similar kind. The -early Caliphs, too, of Bagdad and Cordova, the Abdur -Rahmans, Solimans, and Haroun el Reshid, were living -proofs and typical examples of enlightened Mahomedan -teaching.</p> - -<p>But from the middle of the seventeenth century a -change came over the spirit of the Sultanate in Turkey. -Instead of identifying themselves with the life of their -people and priding themselves on being the light that -guided them, the Sultans now retired into the harems -and gave themselves up to a life of ease and indulgence -utterly foreign to the habits and principles of their -great predecessors. They surrendered the reins of -government into the hands of their Kizlar‐Agassi (chiefs -of eunuchs), or Bostandji Bashi, and as one favourite -succeeded another, or one palace clique displaced another, -so vizier followed vizier in rapid and bewildering succes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span>sion. -All the corrupt and turbulent elements in the State -were now unchained, justice was sacrificed to private -interests, the muscles of the State were relaxed, and its -most vital interests neglected and ignored. To such a -pass had things come in this “State of Denmark,” that -when at last a reforming Sultan arose in the person of -Selim III., he had to pay with his life his reforming ardour, -and leave to his successor, Mahmoud II., a task almost -beyond human strength to accomplish. The reigns of the -next three Sultans after Selim are the history of honest, -though intermittent, struggles against the fatal legacies of -the past two centuries, and of many abortive attempts -to grapple with the evils that a departure from the -primitive Constitution of the Empire had entailed on it, -aggravated as these evils were by revolutions organised -across its borders, and the systematic intrigues and almost -uninterrupted hostility of its nearest neighbours.</p> - -<p>But in following the evolution of the struggle between -autocracy and the Ottoman people, and endeavouring -to trace its origin, we have been anticipating the -chronological order of events. We must now return to -the narrative of the military movement of the eighteenth -century, from the time that Peter the Great turned the -energies of his diplomacy and his armies in the direction -of the Ottoman provinces.</p> - -<p>The first collision between the armed forces of Turkey -and Russia ended unfavourably for the latter. By the -treaty of Falksen (1711), Russia was compelled to restore -Azov, that she had seized, and to undertake to abstain from -meddling in the affairs of Poland. But for the treachery -of Baltadji Mehemet Pasha, it is probable that this first -campaign would have ended still more disastrously -for Russian arms, and possibly the final partition of -Poland would have been averted. That unhappy country -found, at this crisis of her history, in the Sultan of Turkey<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span> -her sole champion and defender among the sovereigns -of Europe, and her name figured for the last time in -history in a public instrument in which her rights were -safeguarded by a Mahomedan sovereign against the -deadly machinations of her Christian neighbour.</p> - -<p>It was certainly unfortunate for the Ottoman Empire—and -it may possibly not have been altogether fortunate -for the rest of Europe—that the rise of the power of -Russia should have been synchronous with the period -of the greatest weakness of Turkey. Russia’s principal -attacks on the integrity and independence of Turkey -were skilfully timed so as to coincide with the moment -when that empire was in the throes of internal revolution, -and could offer the least resistance to an external -foe. At the time of Mahmoud II.’s accession to the -throne, after the murder of Selim III., the accumulation -of difficulties and dangers that beset the empire were -such that it seemed as if nothing short of a miracle -could prevent its complete destruction. It required at -any rate some very potent principles of internal strength -and cohesion to resist the centrifugal forces in full -activity at that crisis. Servia was in open revolt under -Michel Obrenowitz, Egypt was in the hands of the -able and ambitious Mehemet Ali, Arabia was in the -effervescence of a Wahabee rising, the Pasha of Janina -had raised the standard of revolt, and the Governor of -Widdin, the famous Pasvan Oglou, had proclaimed his -independence, and—most serious danger of all—the insurrection -of Greece, supported by a consensus of -enthusiasm in Europe, threatened the integrity of the -empire; all this, too, at the very moment when the -military forces of the empire were undergoing the -complete reorganisation which Selim had begun, and -Mahmoud was resolved to carry out. This revolution, -for it was nothing less, consisted in the abolition of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span> -the ancient corps of Janissaries and the substitution for -it of a regular force (the <em>Nizam</em>) drilled and organised -on the European model.</p> - -<p>The Janissaries from being a redoubtable <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">corps d’élite</i> -recruited from Christian youths, who embraced the -military as a life‐long profession, and were imbued with -a military spirit which proved its worth on the hard‐fought -fields of Mohacs, Nicopolis and Cossovo, had -become through successive relaxings of the bonds of -discipline and the ruin of its military <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">esprit de corps</i>, -nothing but an unruly Pretorian Guard, a greater terror -to the sovereign and to peaceful citizens than to -the enemies of the empire. The gratuities that they -were accustomed to receive on the accession of a new -Sultan, and the licensed pillagings that invariably ensued -on these occasions, were irresistible temptations to them -to render this event as frequent as possible, and they -consequently deposed sovereigns and proclaimed new -ones almost at their will. The privileges, moreover, that -they wrested from the terrified sovereigns, especially -after the death of Soliman I.—such as the right to -marry, to desert barrack life (their <em>odjaks</em>), and to -pursue trades and industries—completely changed and -deteriorated their martial character, and from the -victorious soldiery that they were in the days of Ilderim -Bayazid they became nothing but a turbulent militia. -At last the scandal caused by their depredations and -violence became intolerable, and their disbandment was -loudly demanded by public opinion in all classes of the -population. Selim III. determined to suppress them, and, -as a necessary preliminary, commenced the re‐organisation -of the naval and military forces of the empire by -inviting French engineers to build ships of war, and -French officers to drill and discipline a new army on -European principles. Unfortunately Bonaparte’s expedi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span>tion -to Egypt, and the declaration of war that ensued -between France and Turkey, recalled these military -instructors before the work of instruction and re‐organisation -was half completed. It was these threatened -Janissaries who, on their return to Constantinople from -an expedition to Syria, willingly lent themselves as -instruments of the ambition of the Sultan’s brother, -Mustafa, and who deposed and finally murdered Selim. -But the deposed sovereign, in his retirement and before -his death, found time and opportunity thoroughly to -imbue with his reforming enthusiasm his cousin Mahmoud, -and he, on ascending the throne, determined, as the -only means of saving the empire from ruin, and in -spite of the menacing attitude of the new Czar Nicholas -of Russia—who inaugurated his accession by sending an -Ultimatum to Constantinople—to carry out unflinchingly -the whole programme of reforms conceived by Selim. -At a Grand Council (<em>Divan</em>) assembled in 1826, a -unanimous vote was passed in favour of the total -suppression of the Janissaries, and shortly afterwards, -the decree being resisted by the mutinous soldiery, they -were surrounded and overpowered, and in the massacre -that ensued this famous Pretorian Guard finally disappeared.</p> - -<p>The organisation, however, of the regular forces -(<em>Nizam</em>), which were to take their place, being only -half complete, it was just at the moment when the -military organisation of the empire was undergoing a -radical transformation that the new Sultan was called -upon to face all the complications of internal revolution -and foreign wars that confronted him on his accession. -Mahmoud, however, set resolutely about the task, and a -certain measure of success attended his first efforts. The -Pashas of Widdin and Janina were successively reduced -to subjection, and by the help of the Pasha of Egypt<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span> -who had not yet thrown off his allegiance, the Morea -was reconquered by the troops of Ibrahim Pasha, and -Greece would undoubtedly have been restored to her -position as the Western horn of the Ottoman Crescent -but for the forcible interference of Europe and the -military expedition of Marshal Maison.</p> - -<p>By a protocol, signed at St Petersburg, on 4th April -1826, Greece was declared an autonomous and vassal -State; but after the rejection by the Sultan of the -collective mediation of the four Great Powers (5th -February 1827), Austria, France, Great Britain and Russia -(Protocol of London), and the destruction by the allied -forces, without the formality of a declaration of war, of -the Turkish fleet at Navarino (1827), immediately followed -by a declaration of war on the part of Russia, and the -campaigns of Diebitch in Europe, and Paskiewitz in -Asia Minor, terminating in the disastrous Treaty of -Adrianople (14th September 1829), Mahmoud had no -choice but to consent in the following year (1830) to the -creation of Greece into an independent kingdom, an -arrangement confirmed by the Treaty of London on -the 13th July 1841.</p> - -<p>The still more serious revolt of Mehemet Ali—imperilling -as it did not only the integrity of the empire, but -the solidarity of Islam—immediately followed. On the -Ottoman sovereign refusing to concede the government -of Syria to Mehemet Ali, in return for his services in the -campaign against Greece, the latter, picking a quarrel -with the governor of the coveted province, quickly invaded -Syria, and, defeating the Ottoman troops in a great battle -at Konia, compelled the Sultan to agree to a truce -(credited with the name of peace), whilst both sides -prepared for an early resumption of hostilities. When -this took place the Egyptian troops were again successful -in a decisive battle at Nezib (24th June 1839), which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span> -placed the whole of Syria, up to the walls of Acre, in -the possession of the victorious Pasha of Egypt.</p> - -<p>Russia was, of course, too alert in following the -traditional policy in regard to Turkey not to profit -by these distractions, and it was at this mortal crisis -of the Ottoman Empire that she stepped in and secured -the secret clauses of the Treaty of Unkiar Iskelessi (8th -July 1833), by which she bound Turkey to an offensive -and defensive alliance that was to last for eight years, -and to exclude all flags but her own from passing through -the Bosphorus.</p> - -<p>These events, however, at last brought England and -Austria into the field, and an English fleet under Napier -appeared before Alexandria, and an English force under -Sydney Smith before Acre (Saint Jean d’Acre). Mehemet -Ali, who was now deserted by France, was thus obliged -to sign the Convention of Alexandria, by which Egypt -was restored to the suzerainty of the Sultan, with, -however, the viceroyalty of the country made hereditary -in his family. By the Treaty of London (13th July 1841), -this arrangement became part of the public law of Europe, -and at the same time the clauses of the Treaty of Unkiar -Iskelessi were revised, and the neutrality of the Straits -was solemnly reaffirmed.</p> - -<p>Six days after the disastrous battle of Nezib (June 25, -1839), the Sultan Mahmoud died, and was succeeded by -his son, Abdul Medjid. The youthful sovereign, who was -only seventeen years old, in spite of the misfortunes that -had befallen his country, or, perhaps, rather on account -of them, resolved to persevere steadily in the course of -reform initiated by his two predecessors. Fortunately he -possessed in Reshid Pasha a great Minister, who shared -and seconded, and perhaps prompted, the reforming ardour -of his master; and on the 3rd November 1839 an -Imperial Rescript, the famous Hatti Humayoun of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span> -Gulhané, proclaimed the following reforms for the whole -empire:—</p> - -<table summary="reforms" border="0"><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">I.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">A guarantee of life and honour to all Ottoman -subjects, without distinction.</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">II.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">A regulation of taxation so as to put an end to -arbitrary exactions.</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">III.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The equality of all before the law.</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">IV.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Public instruction to be secularised.</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">V.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The slave trade to be abolished.</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">VI.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The decentralisation of the provincial governments, -and a separation of civil, military, and -fiscal functions.</p></td> -</tr></table> - -<p>This great charter was certainly not intended by its -author to be a dead letter. It was, on the contrary, an -earnest attempt to grapple with the new conditions of -the empire, and to restore the spirit of its ancient Constitution, -whilst reconciling it to the new requirements of -the day.</p> - -<p>This double purpose was clearly manifested in every -line of the new decree, the preamble of which ran as -follows:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Every one knows that when the Empire was first -founded, its laws and precepts, which were of a high -standard, were scrupulously obeyed. Therefore the Empire -grew in strength and grandeur, and all its subjects, without -distinction, attained to a high degree of ease and prosperity. -For the last five hundred years a succession of -accidents and divers causes have brought it about that -men have ceased to conform to the sacred code of laws -and regulations that flow from it, and therefore the force -and prosperity of former days have been converted into -weakness and poverty—for a nation always loses all -stability when it ceases to observe its laws. These considerations -have been ceaselessly present to our mind, -and since the day of our accession to the throne the -thoughts of the common weal, the amelioration of the -condition of the provinces, and the lessening of the -burdens of the people, have been the subjects of our -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span>constant preoccupation. Moreover, if the geographical -position of the Empire; the fertility of its soil; the -aptitude and intelligence of its inhabitants; be considered, -they will lead to the conviction that if a ruler -applies himself diligently to discover the efficacious means -to effect necessary reforms, the results that we hope to -attain, with the help of the Almighty, may be achieved -in the course of a few short years. Therefore, full of -trust in the help of the Almighty, and leaning on the -intercession of our Prophet, we consider it right and -proper to set about, by the help of new institutions, -procuring for the provinces of our Empire the blessings -of a sound administration.”</p></div> - -<p>Reshid Pasha, by order of the Sultan, set himself -earnestly to the task of translating the general principles -enunciated in the Hatti Humayoun, with special laws -and regulations that should reduce them to practice, -and four years after its promulgation at Gulhané, the -<em>Tanzimat</em>, or regulations for the organisation of all the -branches of administration, was published throughout -the empire. Under the four general heads:—</p> - -<table summary="reforms" border="0" width="100%"><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">I.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The Government proper (<em>Mejalice devleti aliie</em>);</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">II.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The Administration (<em>Zaptié ve mulkie memourlari</em>);</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">III.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Justice and Public Instruction (<em>Ylmie</em>);</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt">IV.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The Army and Navy (<em>Seifiie</em>),</p></td> -</tr></table> - -<p>it gave the most elaborate directions for the organisation -of each branch of the public service. Considering the -condition of confusion into which the administration of -the country had fallen in the course of ages, and the -absence of any guiding principle in it, the <em>Tanzimat</em> -must be considered one of the most remarkable efforts -of administrative organisation ever displayed in any -country, and a monument of the genius of Reshid Pasha. -It is not altogether without reason that he has been -called the “Richelieu of Turkey.”</p> - -<p>But it does not suffice to decree great changes; it is -in the endeavour to reduce them to practice that the chief<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span> -difficulty arises. And no great wonder if in a country -like Turkey, where vested interests had grown around -the old order of things; where conservative prejudices, -as in every country in the world, obstruct the path of -reform; where trained civil servants did not exist but -had to be created, that the execution of these important -and all‐embracing reforms should not have taken place -by decree as by a magician’s wand, but required time -and patience for their realisation. Events, too, were taking -place in Europe which were destined to change the aspect -of things and divert the minds of statesmen from internal -organisation to the necessities of defending the existence -of the national independence. The revolutionary movement -of 1848–1849 in Europe afforded a little respite to -a country outside the sphere of this movement, and it -was just at this disturbed period of the rest of Europe -that Turkey enjoyed the greatest peace and made the -greatest progress in the work of re‐organisation. But -scarcely had the revolutionary effervescence calmed down -in Europe, and the fears connected with it been laid to rest, -when the Emperor Nicholas—who had finally suppressed -the Magyar insurrection and restored Hungary to the -House of Hapsburg—turned his attention once more to -Turkey, and resolved on decisive action. To suppose -that the progress in organisation that was being effected -in that country was not entirely unconnected with this -determination would be only to deny that the arguments -and reasons of State put forward by Pozzo di Borgo, in -1828, were operative in the mind of the Emperor Nicholas -twenty years later:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“When the Imperial Cabinet examines the question -as to whether the moment had not arrived to take up -arms against the Porte, some doubt might possibly have -existed as to the urgency of such a measure in the minds -of those who had not sufficiently meditated on the effects -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span>of the sanguinary reform (destruction of Janissaries) that -the Ottoman ruler had just executed with such terrible -force. Now, however, the experience that we have just -had ought to enlist the sympathy of all in favour of the -course that we have adopted. The Emperor has put the -new Turkish system to the proof, and His Majesty has -discovered in it a commencement of moral and physical -organisation which it never possessed before. If the -Sultan has been enabled to oppose to us a more spirited -and regular resistance than before, whilst scarcely able -to put together the elements of his new plan of reform -and amelioration, how much the more formidable should -we have found him if he had had the time to give it -more solidity.”<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">5</a></p></div> - -<p>However that may be, hardly had the Russian troops -withdrawn from Hungary than the Emperor Nicholas, -addressing Sir Hamilton Seymour, the English -Ambassador at St Petersburg, dwelt on the moribund -condition of the Turkish Empire, and proposed to him -its partition. Crete and Egypt were to be the spoils -of England, whereas Servia, Montenegro, Wallachia, -Moldavia, and Bulgaria were to fall to the share of -Russia. This offer was duly reported to the Cabinet -of St James, and categorically declined by it. The -state of Europe at the time was not unfavourable to the -Czar’s designs. Austria was bound to Russia by gratitude -for important services rendered, and only Metternich suspected -her to be then capable of “stupendous ingratitude.” -Prussia was united to the Czar by ties of near kindred, -and by her traditional indifference to the affairs of the -East. France having fallen into the hands of a sovereign -capable of reviving Napoleonic traditions, was as much -an object of suspicion to all the crowned heads of Europe -as by his <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup d’état</i> he was to liberal opinion throughout -the world. The last thing that seemed likely, or even -possible, was a coalition between Napoleonic France and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span>the England of Lord Aberdeen. The omens seemed -favourable for striking a decisive blow.</p> - -<p>A quarrel in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at -Jerusalem, between Greek and Latin monks, afforded the -desired pretext. After some diplomatic haggling between -the Porte and France, in which the latter first put forward -and then withdrew claims which would have afforded a -precedent and pretext for Russian pretensions, Prince -Mentchikoff suddenly appeared, with much bluster, at -Constantinople, as the bearer of an Ultimatum demanding -the assent of the Porte, within the space of five days, to a -Russian protectorate over all the Orthodox subjects of -the Sultan in his dominions. Europe, startled by the -brusqueness of this action, as well as the serious import of -the demand, endeavoured immediately to interpose her -mediation to avert a crisis. Sir Strafford de Redcliffe and -Mr de la Cour, who happened to be absent from Constantinople -on the arrival of Prince Mentchikoff, returned -precipitately to their posts, and, seconded by the Austrian -Ambassador, Prince Leiningen, spared no effort that ingenuity -could devise to give effect to their conciliatory -instructions. But as no compromise could possibly be -found between the pretensions put forward in the Ultimatum -and what the Porte was willing to concede, -Prince Mentchikoff had the escutcheon removed from the -Russian Embassy at Pera, and with his whole suite quitted -Constantinople.</p> - -<p>Three weeks after this (31st May 1853), Count -Nesselrode despatched another Ultimatum reiterating the -same demands, and giving the Porte eight days within -which to execute them. The only answer vouchsafed to -this document was the proclamation by the Sultan, on -the 6th June, of a new Hatti Cherif confirming the rights -and privileges of all the Christian subjects of the empire. -The combined French and English fleets, at the same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span> -time, received orders to sail to Besika Bay, and although -war was not formally declared, the Emperor Nicholas -gave orders for his armies to cross the Pruth and to seize -the Danubian principalities as a “material guarantee” for -compliance with his demands.</p> - -<p>It was not till 28th September that war was formally -declared between Russia and Turkey, and that Omar -Pasha received orders to summon the Russian Commander -to evacuate the principalities. The interval between this -period and the date of Prince Mentchikoff’s mission had -been employed by a lively diplomatic correspondence -between Lord Clarendon and Mr Drouyn de Lluys, on one -side, and Prince Gortchakoff on the other, relative to the -interpretation of the seventh clause of the Treaty of -Kainardje, on which Russia based her claims to -interfere with the Christian subjects of the Ottoman -Empire. The destruction of a Turkish squadron by a -superior Russian fleet in the harbour of Sinope at last -terminated this diplomatic interlude, and brought the -armed forces of England and France into the field. On -the 27th December the allied fleets entered the Black -Sea, and an expeditionary force was sent to Varna and -the Dobrutcha.</p> - -<p>Here is the place to note the influence exercised on the -course of events by the action of Austria.</p> - -<p>It was one of the principal aims of English and French -diplomacy at this period to secure the co‐operation of the -Middle Empire. By her geographical position and the -revived force of her empire, as well as by the magnitude -of her interests in the Eastern Question, she seemed called -upon to exercise a preponderant influence on the issue of -the coming struggle. It was even generally taken for -granted that, could her active co‐operation be secured, -such powerful pressure could be brought to bear on Russia -as would secure the objects of the Western nations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span> -without actual recourse to arms; and, at any rate, that if -Russia were still to persist in her policy of encroachment, -the military forces at the command of the coalition would -be so overwhelming as to compel her rapidly to retreat -from the position she had taken up. Austria was -generally considered to hold the key of the situation.</p> - -<p>There was no lack of political motive on the part of -Austria to bring her into line with Western Powers. The -free navigation of the Danube, the arrest of the dangerous -Panslavic propaganda of Russia, the curbing of limitless -ambition of her colossal neighbour, were undoubtedly -objects of State policy of the first magnitude. On the -other hand, strong dynastic sympathies, and the obligations -of gratitude for important services recently rendered, -weighed heavily in the opposite scales. The result of -these conflicting motives was a line of conduct which, -whilst diplomatically supporting the contentions of the allied -Cabinets, seriously hampered their military resolutions.</p> - -<p>Had Austria not placed her veto on the march of the -allied armies into Poland, that country would have become -the battle‐field between the forces of the East and West, and -as far as human forecast can determine, the whole face of -Europe would have been changed, the Eastern Question -would have been settled for ever, and the nightmare of -Cossack preponderance lifted once for all from the -shoulders of Western civilisation.</p> - -<p>Instead of prosecuting the war on the continent of -Europe, an expedition to the Crimea was resolved upon, -and a French and English army landed at Eupatoria, -and after a victorious advance across the Alma, and -making a flank march to the south side of Sevastopol, -they invested that portion of the great arsenal of Sevastopol -which after two years’ siege and the taking of the fortress -of Malakoff, at last surrendered to the allied army.</p> - -<p>On the 25th February 1856, a congress was assembled<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span> -at Paris, and on the 30th March the Treaty of Paris was -signed by the plenipotentiaries of Russia, Turkey, England, -France, Prussia and Italy, by which Turkey was admitted -into the full benefits of international law, and into the -Concert of Europe, and all right of interference in her -internal affairs was expressly disclaimed and repudiated -by all the Signatories. Russia and Turkey were expressly -debarred from maintaining any armed forces in the Black -Sea, and a small strip of Bessarabia was ceded by Russia -to the Danubian principalities.</p> - -<p>This was followed by the proclamation of a new Hatti -Cherif on the part of the Sultan, which closed this particular -chapter of the history of Europe.</p> - -<p>Before concluding this short epitome of the history of -the Ottoman Empire, and proceeding with the narrative of -the life of Midhat Pasha, the incidents of whose career -begin at this point to be interwoven with the general -history of his country, it will be useful to cast a glance at -the state of Europe and the general trend of events and -alliances that succeeded the settlement of 1856.</p> - -<p>The death of the Sultan, Abdul Medjid (1861), and the -character of his successor were the chief factors, as will -shortly be seen, that influenced the direct destinies of -Turkey. Unfortunately, in a country where absolutism -had gradually become the established form of government, -this was, and could only be, the determining element in -the problem of government</p> - -<p>Russia, defeated but not humiliated, or even seriously -crippled in a war which had, however, strained her -resources, and absorbed by the great measure of the -emancipation of her serfs, which inaugurated and -rendered illustrious the reign of the successor of Nicholas, -was, to employ the now classic phrase of Prince Gortchakoff, -“collecting herself” (<cite>La Russie se recueille</cite>). This did -not, however, prevent her giving a free hand, and even<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span> -officious support, to the Panslavic Committees of -Moscow and of Kieff, that now, through the promptings -and under the direction of Katkoff and his school, entered -upon a militant career, and the crafty Ignatieff was sent -to Constantinople to defend and support the machinations -of these committees, and to play with consummate -astuteness on the weaknesses and vices of a sovereign -who possessed none of the qualities of his three -predecessors, but was remarkable only for an inordinate -passion for expenditure and a morbid jealousy of his -autocratic power. His perfect sanity, moreover, became -more and more questionable.</p> - -<p>With respect to France, from the first meeting of the -plenipotentiaries at Paris, in May 1856, it became -evident that a change had come over the spirit of -the Court of the Tuileries. The representatives of -France no longer showed themselves as irreconcilable to -the views of Russia as was the case when Mr Drouyn de -Lluys penned his famous despatches two years before, -and in the discussions that took place at the Congress, -and still more in the various Commissions appointed to -settle the details of the articles of peace, the envoys of -France were found to be constantly ranged on the side -of Russia, whereas the views and contentions of England -and Turkey were invariably supported by the representatives -of Austria.</p> - -<p>This new orientation of French politics, which -continued to the time of the Polish insurrection in -1862, was further emphasised by the exceptional pomp -and circumstances attending the French mission to -St Petersburg, on the occasion of the coronation of the -new Czar. The matrimonial and political <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">rapprochement</i>, -too, between the House of Savoy and the Napoleons, -culminating in the war of 1859, was a further cause -of estrangement between France and Austria.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span></p> - -<p>In compensation, however, for the gradual parting of -the ways of French and English diplomacy in the East, -the Cabinet of Vienna seemed to have reverted frankly -to what may be called the normal policy of Austria with -reference to Turkey, and the policy of Metternich and -Castlereagh was for a time steadily and consistently -followed by Buol and Palmerston. This state of things -continued until the double election of Prince Couza in -the Danubian principalities caused a rift in the alliance.</p> - -<p>To Austria everything connected with the free -navigation of the Danube and the political status of the -provinces bordering on that great artery is, and must -ever be, State interests of the first magnitude.</p> - -<p>To England, apart from their indirect bearing on the -integrity and independence of Turkey, these questions -were only matters of sentimental interest founded on -academic sympathy with the general principle of nationalities. -This sentiment, however, called into activity by -the events unrolling themselves in Italy, was particularly -strong in England at the time when the question of -the principalities presented itself as a practical problem -to the statesmen of Europe, and found in the Prime -Minister of the day, Mr Gladstone, one of its keenest -and most enthusiastic partisans. England completely -severed her policy on this occasion from that of Austria. -Whether such conduct, with reference to a branch of a -much larger problem, was quite consistent with an Eastern -policy considered as a whole, and whether such a deviation -from the obligation of loyalty to an indispensable ally -was or was not responsible for much of what subsequently -occurred, is perhaps too delicate a question to be discussed -here. Certain, however, is it that the desertion of Austria -on this occasion by the ally she counted on in Eastern -matters to maintain intact the provisions of the Treaty -of Paris, and the instability of English foreign policy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span> -that it revealed, made a profound impression on the -minds of the Austrian Emperor and his counsellors, and -justified in their view the revolution that subsequently -took place in the Eastern policy of Austria. Placed as -the Middle Empire is—between jealous rivals and powerful -neighbours, and with enormous and vital interests to -safeguard—it is obliged to lean on one system of alliance -or another, and what has been called “la politique du -Cascole” is, as it were, a necessity of her position, and -even a condition of her existence. When the events -connected with the Herzegovinian insurrection come to -be narrated in these pages, the part taken in them by -Austria, and the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">rôle</i> played by her statesmen throughout -the long negotiations preceding the Russo‐Turkish War and -during its continuance, until the final act of the comedy -enacted at Berlin, will have to be clearly set forth in detail, -for it was Austria that played the chief part in all of them, -and that finally secured the chief part in the spoil.</p> - -<p>This chapter, which only seeks to point out the particular -circumstances that determined a change of policy -on Eastern matters on the part of this empire, must be -considered rather as an apology for, than an indictment -of Austria with respect to Turkey. Moreover, it is the -author’s aim throughout this work to narrate and explain -events according to the lights vouchsafed to him, rather -than to accuse any nation of bad faith or unjustifiable -aggression with respect to his country. A nation worthy -to exist at all must exist by its own strength and vigour, -and not by the sufferance of its neighbours; and indeed -the only indictment which will be proclaimed in this book -will be against the descendants of the Othmans, Orkhans, -Solimans, Bayazids and Mahmouds who have turned their -backs on the traditions of their faith, and have allowed the -muscles of the nation to be relaxed, and its heritage to -become the prey of the spoiler.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER II<br /><br /> - -<small>MIDHAT’S EARLY YEARS</small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">Midhat</span> was born at Constantinople in 1822. His father, -Hadji Ali Effendi, was a native of Rustchuk, and gave -his son the usual education provided by the local schools, -until he was of an age to follow him in his different displacements, -first to Widdin and Lofdja, and afterwards to -Constantinople in 1836. A few years after this he -obtained a position in the Secretariat of the Grand Vizier’s -office, whence he was promoted to superior employment -in the provinces. He remained two years at Damascus, -and then, after a short interval spent in Constantinople, -he proceeded, in 1844, to Konia, as secretary to Sami Bekir -Pasha’s Council. In 1849 he was nominated to the -Presidency of the <em>Medjlissi‐Vala</em> (Grand Council of State) -and promoted to the rank of Sanie, which is the first rank -in the Ottoman hierarchy, and in 1851 to that of Mutemaiz, -with the functions of First Secretary to the Grand Council.</p> - -<p>Soon after this, difficulties in the provinces of Damascus -and Aleppo, connected with the Custom House, and with -the conduct of the Commander‐in‐Chief of the Army of -Arabia, Kibrissli Mehemet Pasha, necessitated the despatch -of a public functionary with full power to inquire into the -irregularities, civil and military, which were notorious in -those provinces. Midhat was chosen for this important -and confidential mission. In the space of six months he -settled the question of the Customs in favour of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span> -Government, by which the sum in dispute, £T150,000, -was restored to the Ottoman Treasury, and a further -surplus of £70,000 was secured. He further fixed the -responsibility for the insurrection of the Druses on the -Commander‐in‐Chief, Kibrissli Mehemet Pasha, and recommended -his recall.</p> - -<p>The courage and capacity of which Midhat gave proof -in this mission attracted to him the attention of the Grand -Vizier of the day, the famous Reshid Pasha, who appointed -him to a confidential post in the Superior Council of the -State, which he occupied during the successive Grand -Vizierates of Reshid, Aali, and Great Rifat Pashas. This -may be considered the initiation of Midhat into political, -as distinguished from administrative, life. It was in this -post that he assisted, in 1852, at the historical interview -between Rifat Pasha, Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs, -and Prince Mentchikoff, the special envoy of the Emperor -Nicholas, in the negotiations that preceded the Crimean -War.</p> - -<p>In 1854, Kibrissli Mehemet Pasha, who in consequence -of Midhat’s report had been dismissed from the command -of the Syrian Army Corps, became Grand Vizier. He -now charged Midhat with the difficult and delicate -mission of pacifying the disturbed provinces of Adrianople -and the Balkans, and clearing them of the brigandage -that infested them. The organising genius of Midhat -proved equal to the task. He suppressed brigandage -with a strong hand, and by restoring tranquillity in this -district he deprived the neighbouring States of all pretexts -for chronic complaints. To prevent the return of trouble -he further elaborated a whole plan of re‐organisation, -which he submitted to the approval of the Government -at Constantinople, where Reshid Pasha had again become -Grand Vizier. The draft of this plan arrived at the very -time that Reshid and Aali Pashas were engaged in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span> -drawing up regulations for the government of the <em>Eyalets</em> -(provinces), with a view to their decentralisation. Midhat’s -plan was accepted, and it was decided that he should be -nominated to the governorship of the important province -of the Danube (Bulgaria), when suddenly another change -of Ministry at Constantinople delayed the execution of -the whole plan of reform. In the meantime an appalling -earthquake at Broussa had caused terrible damage in -that important city and much misery among its inhabitants. -Midhat was now despatched thither with a mission to -succour sufferers and to help to restore confidence among -the terrified inhabitants.</p> - -<p>On his return from Broussa he was despatched as -special commissioner to inspect the provinces of Widdin -and Silistria, which were in open rebellion against the -central authorities. Here Midhat, as he had previously -done in Syria, made a detailed report, pointing out the -faulty administration of the provinces, and fearlessly -inculpating the two Valis (governors).</p> - -<p>This discharge of a public duty was met by the usual -manœuvres of inculpated Pashas. Their friends at the -Palace bestirred themselves in their favour, and induced -the Sultan to reject the proposals of Midhat, and to -send a well‐known Ulema at Constantinople, Haireddin -Effendi, to the two vilayets in question, to make a further -report in verification or contradiction of that of Midhat. -To the confusion and disappointment of the friends of the -incriminated Valis, Haireddin Effendi made a report in -every way confirming the views and recommendations, -and emphasizing the accusations of Midhat.</p> - -<p>At this time (1858) Reshid Pasha died, and Aali Pasha, -his successor, obtained six months’ leave of absence for -Midhat, to be spent in travelling in Europe, with a view -to the study of certain points of European administration -with which he desired to make himself acquainted. Paris,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span> -London, Vienna, and Brussels were successively visited -in this short period of time, and much valuable information -obtained, both as to the spirit and working of -European governments.</p> - -<p>Midhat had by this time already acquired a certain -reputation as a successful provincial governor and whenever -trouble in the empire declared itself, his name -recurred as a fit and proper person to be despatched as -special envoy or governor to pacify the province in -question. Kibrissli Mehemet Pasha had now again -become Grand Vizier, and as trouble of a serious -kind had for some time been brewing in the vilayet of -Nish (Servia), where, in spite of the presence of an imposing -force of regular and irregular troops, insecurity -of life and property was rampant, and an alarming emigration -of the inhabitants was taking place, he nominated -Midhat to the Governorship of this important province -(1861).</p> - -<p>Midhat resolved to make an attempt to pacify -the province without the use of armed force, and to -gain the confidence of the Bulgarians by the redress of -their just grievances. His first step was to invite the -notabilities of the different districts to conferences, to -state their complaints, and attentively examine with him -the remedies that should be applied. These grievances -practically resolved themselves into two: (1) the entire -absence of roads and other means of intercommunication, -which made it impossible for the inhabitants—exclusively -cultivators of the soil—to find markets for their produce; -(2) the rampant brigandage that everywhere existed, -rendering life and property insecure. These two causes, -it was, that induced the emigration into Servia, which -was assuming large proportions, where the Bulgarians -found among their fellow‐Slavs both greater security and -more favourable conditions of labour.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span></p> - -<p>Midhat readily acknowledged the justice and reasonableness -of these complaints, and proceeded to strike a -bargain with the notables. They were to undertake to -use their influence to pacify the country and discourage -emigration for two years, and Midhat engaged within -this time to carry out the reforms and improvements -that were mutually agreed upon between them. Midhat -strictly carried out the terms of this agreement. He -ordered the troops back to their barracks, commenced -the great high road between Nish and Sofia with the -byroads connected with it, and by means of military -patrols sent out in every direction, brigandage very soon -entirely disappeared from the country. Roads were now -being laid out in every direction, and bridges constructed -over the Morava and other rivers, so as to meet the requirements -of an agricultural population, and facilitate the -outlet for their produce. An elaborate system of block‐houses -all along the Servian frontier put an end to the -incursions of armed bands of Servians, which had long -fostered and sustained disturbance in the province, and -many Bulgarian families who had emigrated into Servia -now began to return to their former habitations. Concurrently -with these material ameliorations, Midhat -occupied himself with the solution of other economical -and moral problems that concerned the well‐being of -the community. The relations between proprietors and -tenants of the soil had long been in an unsatisfactory -condition. Midhat convoked representatives of both these -classes to a conference, and with much pains, and after -long discussions, he succeeded in finding a means of -reconciliation between their opposing pretensions, to the -satisfaction of both parties.</p> - -<p>At Prisrend, in that part of the provinces inhabited -by the Arnauts, he was confronted with problems of a -peculiar nature. Here a vendetta (similar to the Corsican<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span> -vendetta) existed among the unruly mountaineers of -Albanian descent. Midhat, faithful to his system of -working hand in hand with the inhabitants themselves, -convoked an assembly of notables of the district, and -with their co‐operation, and by their own initiative, instituted -a permanent commission to settle money compositions -for bloodshed, and by this means he succeeded -in suppressing a vendetta that had existed for centuries -among this brave but unruly people. He further induced -them to give up the practice of carrying arms, and, for -the first time in the history of the provinces, to submit to -Imperial conscription; he further organised a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmerie</i>, -secured the peaceful collection of taxes, and put an end -to all religious persecution; schools, too, were established, -and hospitals for members of all religious denominations -without distinction. Thus the vilayets of Nish and -Prisrend gradually recovered the full enjoyment of tranquillity -and peace, and Christians and Mussulmans alike -began to enjoy the prospect of returning prosperity.</p> - -<p>In the provinces of Widdin and Silistria the problem -of pacification was complicated by a factor which rendered -the solution far more difficult. Here the continued and -systematic interference of Russia by means of her consuls -and agents, supported by the Russian ambassador at -Constantinople, working hand in hand with the agents -of the Slav Committees, who were overrunning the -country and preaching the gospel of rebellion, created -quite a new set of problems to be dealt with. It was no -longer local grievances to be redressed, but a political -propagandism to be faced.</p> - -<p>Aali and Fuad Pashas, the successors of Reshid Pasha, -appreciating the administrative and reforming talents of -Midhat, summoned him in 1864 to Constantinople, to -consider with them a general organic law for the government -of the provinces of the empire (<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">loi des vilayets</i>), and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span> -it was there resolved that the vilayets of Silistria, Widdin, -and Nish should be combined into a single government -under the name of the “Vilayet of the Danube,” and entrusted -to Midhat. The Imperial sanction to this appointment -and to the organic reforms proposed was obtained -(in 1865) in spite of the opposition of the reactionary party -in Constantinople, headed by the Sheik‐ul‐Islam of the -day, Saadeddine Effendi, strenuously backed by Sourrouri -Effendi Naib, an avowed enemy of the new Vali, whom we -shall meet with later on figuring, as a reward for his zeal, -and in acknowledgment of his impartiality, as the President -of the tribunal that tried and condemned Midhat. But -the influence of Fuad Pasha was sufficient to overcome -all such opposition, and Midhat forthwith entered upon -his new and important functions.</p> - -<p>It will be sufficient to give a summary account of -the radical reforms introduced by the new Vali in the -government of this important province.</p> - -<p>The whole vilayet was divided into seven distinct -<em>sandjaks</em> (districts), the sandjak into <em>cazas</em> (cantons), and -the cazas into <em>nahies</em> (communes), and in each of these -centres councils were created for the levying of taxes and -local administration of the district.</p> - -<p>Forced labour (<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">corvée</i>) was abolished; bridges to the -number of 1400 were constructed; and 3000 kilometres -(circ. 2000 miles) of roads constructed; brigandage was -effectually stamped out and a local <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmerie</i> raised, and -agricultural banks, with a view of relieving the small farmer -from the exactions of the usurer, established. The capital -for these purposes was procured by an ingenious system, -founded on the cultivation of the public and waste lands, -by which not only was relief given to distressed and needy -agriculturists, but a local fund was created for important -local improvements. Agriculture, the staple industry of -the inhabitants, soon began to flourish in consequence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span> -of these wise and energetic measures, and with agriculture -the affiliated industries and commerce of the country. The -navigation of the Danube, the great artery of the province, -next engaged the attention of the Pasha, and soon two, -and then four, vessels, flying the Ottoman flag for the first -time, made their appearance on this river. A postal -service was likewise started, and through the initiative of -the governor a manufactory of carriages established at -Rustchuk, which at the end of the very first year paid -a dividend of 10 per cent. Charitable institutions too -were not neglected, and orphan asylums for Christian and -Mahomedan children alike were constructed at Rustchuk -and Sofia, and the pupils initiated in trades and -industries.</p> - -<p>The key of all these reforms, and the cardinal principle -of this administration, was to work hand in hand with the -local authorities. By their aid the valuation of all property -held in the respective districts was carried out equitably -and fairly, and taxes founded on this assessment were -levied without complaint; and although the salaries of -responsible officials, such as the police and judges, -were considerably increased, and many vexatious taxes -abolished, the new revenue of the province showed a -considerable and increasing surplus.</p> - -<p>The prosperity of this large province under its new -administrator could not fail to attract the attention of the -authorities at Constantinople, and Midhat now received -the congratulations both of the Sultan and of the Sublime -Porte. An Imperial Irade, moreover, enjoined all the -governors of the other provinces of the empire to apply -in their respective vilayets the same reforms that Midhat -had introduced in that of the Danube, a detailed plan and -description of which had been forwarded to Constantinople -by Rifat Effendi, the secretary of the vilayet (subsequently -Grand Vizier).</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span></p> - -<p>So far everything seemed to go well, and a new era of -prosperity seemed about to dawn for the provinces of the -empire generally. It is worth while for those who really -desire to obtain an inside view of the working of Turkish -absolutism, and to discern the secret springs that move the -Government of Turkey, and make themselves acquainted -with the hidden causes that have time after time wrecked -the hopes of Turkish reformers, to follow attentively what -we are now about to relate, on the authority, be it noted, of -one in a position, if any one was, to know the truth and -put his fingers on the plague‐spot.</p> - -<p>Midhat felt that his work would not be complete, -nor would the return of material prosperity suffice to -attach his province permanently to the Government of -the Sultan, unless he applied himself as well to the moral -side of the problem and succeeded in counteracting the -manœuvres of the enemies of the empire to sow disaffection -in the minds of the youth of the province. -One of the most effective devices contrived by them -with this view was the plan, pursued for many years, of -sending large numbers of Bulgarian youths to carry on -their studies at the Russian universities of Odessa, -Kharkoff, and Kieff, and these, on their return, became -the chiefs of the staffs of the active propagandists of -Panslavic ideas among the youths of Bulgaria. These -missionaries of disaffection constituted one of the most -serious dangers to Ottoman sovereignty, and one of the -most difficult problems to deal with. Midhat determined -to grapple with it, and with this view he determined to -establish in the principal centres of the province schools -and universities where the Bulgarian youths, Christians -and Mussulmans alike, should enjoy all the advantages -of a first‐class modern education without having to -seek it abroad. The incidental advantage of a fusion -of Christian and Mussulman elements in the country,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span> -under the inspiring influence of a common education, at -an age when friendships are most easily formed and -generous sentiments evoked, did not escape the sagacity -of Midhat. The whole project was explained by him -in a detailed report to the Sublime Porte, the expenses -being provided half by the surplus revenues of the -province, and the rest by voluntary subscriptions.</p> - -<p>When this project was made known at Constantinople, -the person who most readily seized the full import of it -was General Ignatieff, the Russian ambassador. It went -directly counter to all the most cherished plans and -projects of the Panslavic party, of which he was the -moving spirit. There was nothing that he did not do -to wreck the plan and upset the Pasha. Unfortunately -the nature of an absolute government and the character -of an Eastern autocrat afforded him ample means of -action. The interference of a foreign ambassador in the -internal economy of a province of the empire had nothing -in it which appeared abnormal or impertinent; such -interference was consecrated by long usage and had -become chronic and accepted. Ignatieff began by representing -to the sovereign that the spirit of the reforms -effected by Midhat in his vilayet, especially the institution -of local councils (which was of the very essence of -the reforms introduced), were in direct opposition to -the spirit of absolutism, and that the result would infallibly -be that little by little the province itself would become -detached from the body of the empire, and would claim -its entire independence, as had already happened in the -case of Egypt. It is not certain, however, that the -ambassador would have gained his point, even with a -sovereign so tenacious of his prerogatives as was Abdul -Aziz, had not an unfortunate error of typography, eagerly -seized on and exploited by Ignatieff, played into the -hands of the ambassador. In a passage of the official<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span> -journal of the province, the term “deputies” was inadvertently -applied to the members of the chief council -of the vilayet. This apparently trivial circumstance, the -slip of a typographist, was sufficient to turn the scale -in the Sultan’s mind and to wreck the project. Abdul -Aziz refused his consent to the proposal, on the obviously -insincere pretext of the expense connected with it. Thus -this crowning act of Midhat’s work, the reform which -above all others was calculated to attach the Bulgarians -to the central government and to destroy a nest of disaffectation -in the province, was defeated by a foreign -ambassador playing on the ignorant susceptibilities and -autocratic instincts of the sovereign of the country. If -this were a single and exceptional example of the working -of autocracy, it might be passed over in comparative -silence, however regrettable it was in this particular -instance; but the whole modern history of Turkey shows -that such intervention was nothing less than a system -of statecraft whereby autocracy was cunningly worked -for the ruin of the country in as certain and deadly a -way as was the <em>Liberum Veto</em> of the Polish constitution. -The spontaneous caprices and whims of an autocrat -are the least part of the baneful effects of autocracy; it -is in the shadows that flit behind the throne, stronger -than the throne itself, working systematically on the -ignorance and fears of the autocrat, with settled purpose -and in pursuit of settled plans, that lies, in the East -at any rate, the real curse of absolutism.</p> - -<p>Simultaneously with this diplomatic action at Constantinople, -order was given to the Panslavic Committees -established at Bucharest and Kichenew to prepare for action -in the field. Midhat’s agents had kept him informed of -the revival of agitation entertained by the agents of these -committees among the Bulgarian peasants, and he lost no -time in transmitting this information to the Porte.<br /></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"> -<img src="images/i_042fp.jpg" width="600" height="376" alt="" /> -<p class="center2"><span class="smcap">Midhat Pasha and his Suite in the Government of the Province of the Danube.</span></p> -<table class="content" summary="Midhat and suite" width="100%"><tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">1. Midhat Pasha.</td><td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent2">2. “Inspecteur de la Cour Judiciare.”</p></td><td class="tdl vertt">3. “Juge du Cheri.”</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent2">4. Adib Effendi, Minister of Customs (1889).</p></td><td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent2">5. Rifat Pasha, Grand Vizier (1897).</p></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">6. Raïf Pasha, Minister (1890).</p></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"> </td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">7. Chakir Pasha, “Maréchal” (1878).</p></td><td class="tdl"> </td> -</tr></table></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span></p> - -<p>On the 2nd May, 1867, Midhat received the following -telegram from Sistovo:—“Last night numerous armed -bands crossed the frontier close to Sistovo, and were -immediately joined by other bands who were waiting -for them on this side of the frontier, and early this -morning they commenced operations by the horrible -mutilation of five Mussulman children, aged from eight -to twelve, who were tending sheep on the plains.”</p> - -<p>The object and purpose of these barbarities was -obvious: it was to excite reprisals on the part of the -Mussulman population, which would afford a pretext -to the enemies of the empire to fill Europe with an -outcry against Turkish barbarity and fanaticism. The -same policy, heralded by the same acts, ruthlessly -pursued later on, did produce the desired effect, and -Bulgarian atrocities became a proverb and byword in -the world; but on this occasion the energy of Midhat, -and the patience and forbearance of the Mussulman -population, defeated the purpose of the conspirators. -Midhat, immediately on receiving the above telegram, -embarked two companies of regulars on board a steamer -and despatched them to Sistovo, whither he accompanied -them himself. He found the whole population, Christian -and Mussulman, in a state of the greatest excitement, -and his first care was to calm the effervescence and -to inspire confidence in the energy and resolution of the -authorities.</p> - -<p>The plan of the insurgents was to push on as rapidly -as they could to the Balkans, increasing their forces as -they went along by the native levies which had been -organised by the committees for this purpose, until they -reached the monastery of Kapanbova, where a large <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">dépôt</i> -of arms had been collected, and which was intended to be -the headquarters of the insurrection.</p> - -<p>The presence of four battalions of regulars at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span> -Capriova prevented the execution of this plan, and after -suffering several defeats in the field, the bands dispersed -in various directions, closely pursued by the troops and the -local levies that had joined them. Midhat now instituted -a special tribunal, composed of six Mussulmans and six -Christian judges, to try the rebel prisoners, and the -evidence given by the prisoners themselves, clearly demonstrated -that the invading bands had been equipped and -sent out by the Slav Committees of Bucharest and -Kichenew, and were acting in unison with corresponding -committees established throughout the province. By the -unanimous vote of this tribunal, sentences of death were -passed on the leaders, and penal servitude and minor -punishment, according to their status and degree of -culpability, on all the rebels taken in arms. By these -energetic means the insurrection was effectually stamped -out and tranquillity restored to the province.</p> - -<p>An outcry, however, was quickly raised in the -European Press against the “methods of barbarism” -adopted to repress the insurrection, and the Pasha was -accused of ultra severity against Christian insurgents and -reprehensible leniency towards Mussulman offenders.</p> - -<p>So far from this latter accusation having any real -foundation, the very composition of the special tribunal -appointed to deal with these troubles was a guarantee of -its impartiality. Moreover, the following fact will afford -an example of the impunity enjoyed by the Mahomedan -criminals. In the course of these troubles two dead bodies -of Christians were found in a field near Biscara; a judicial -investigation was immediately ordered on the spot, and -the result was that the evidence pointed to a sergeant -of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmerie</i>, a Mussulman of the name of Mehemet -Tchavouch, as having committed the murder. Pressed by -questions Mehemet made a full confession, and he was -thereupon condemned to death and forthwith executed.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span></p> - -<p>Midhat now turned his attention to the best means of -anticipating and guarding against similar raids and -insurrections in the future. He knew well that the central -revolutionary committees at Bucharest and Kichenew -would not disarm, but would simply watch for a more -favourable opportunity to put their plans into execution. -To garrison the whole frontier with regular troops would -expose the province to large expenditure, and the troops, -when called upon to act, to calumny and misrepresentation. -He accordingly conceived the plan of organising a local -militia of 40,000 men, recruited from all classes of the -population, Christian and Mussulman alike, to whom the -defence of their own localities should be entrusted, and -they were to be indemnified if called upon to act beyond -the boundaries of their district. By this means a cheap -and effective force was provided against all contingencies, -and at the same time the confidence reposed in the -loyalty of the population generally received a conspicuous -demonstration. The defence of the line of the Danube -was secured in a similar manner. A succession of guard‐houses -was established throughout the length of the river, -and their defence confided to a river‐guard recruited equally -from the Christian and Mussulman riverine population.</p> - -<p>So ingenious was the plan of organisation, that the -term of service for each guardsman did not exceed one -month in ten years. The arms and equipments were -provided by voluntary subscription raised from all the -inhabitants of the province.</p> - -<p>During all this time the greater the energy shown by -Midhat in the organisation, development and defence of -this frontier province of the empire, the greater became -the determination of the Slav Committees to undo and -defeat his work.</p> - -<p>After the late exploits of these committees in Bulgaria, -Midhat had organised a system of surveillance at the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span> -headquarters of these committees, and information having -reached him that emissaries had been despatched from -Galatz to Belgrade in order to organise a new raid -into Bulgaria, he ordered these emissaries to be closely -watched and followed in all their movements. On their -embarkation at Rustchuk, on board the Austrian vessel -<em>Germania</em>, he sent photographs of them to the Austrian -Consul, with a request that the Ottoman authorities should -be allowed to examine the passports of the passengers. -Accompanied by an Austrian Consular Agent the Turkish -authorities accordingly proceeded on board, where they were -immediately received by shots from revolvers on the part -of the two suspected agents, who had barricaded themselves -in the saloon of the vessel, and had determined to resist -arrest. After an indescribable scene of confusion among -the panic‐stricken passengers aboard, the Turkish <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmerie</i>, -acting with the consent of the Consul, succeeded -in effecting the capture of the agents, who were both -mortally wounded in the encounter.</p> - -<p>The capture of these revolutionary agents made a -great noise in Europe. General Ignatieff at Constantinople, -seized on the circumstance as a pretext to demand -the recall of Midhat, accompanying the Servian Agent to -the Palace in the audience accorded to the latter, whose -complaints were founded on the fact that one of the -captured agents was a Servian. Midhat’s influence, however, -was still in the ascendant, and these intrigues -remained for a time without effect.</p> - -<p>Other means failing, a desperate and criminal attempt -was now made to get rid of this too energetic Pasha. -Two attempts to assassinate him followed in quick -succession, the first at Rustchuk, where the overseer of -the training school fired a shot, fortunately without effect, -on the Pasha as he was walking in the school enclosure; -and the other by a Servian, who attempted to enter his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span> -service with the view to assassinating him, and who made -a full confession seriously compromising two important -personages in Servia. He was sent to Constantinople, -tried, and condemned to penal servitude for life, in spite -of the strenuous efforts of General Ignatieff in his favour.</p> - -<p>Not very long after these stirring events (1868) -Midhat was summoned to Constantinople, where he was -placed at the head of the Council of State, and he -was succeeded in the governorship of the province, for -which he had done so much, by Sabri Pasha, the deputy‐governor -of Nish.</p> - -<p>As President of the Council, Midhat marked his short -tenure of that office by the institution of a school of Arts -and Sciences at Sultan Ahmed, in Stamboul, and by the -establishment of a bank for loans, with the special -purpose of relieving small employers from the tyranny -of usurers. This bank (Emniet Sandighie) still exists. -It soon, however, became obvious to Midhat that his -system of usefulness in his new ministerial position was -strictly limited; his authority in matters pertaining to his -own office was constantly overruled on important matters, -especially those concerning finance, by the Grand Vizier, -acting on the authority of the Sultan, and this incompatibility -of views culminated on the question of Turkish -railways, whereupon Midhat insisted on resigning. Just -at this time Nakieddine Pasha was dismissed from the -governorship of the province of Bagdad, and Midhat was -appointed Vali of Bagdad (1869).</p> - -<p>Hardly had the new Vali reached his post, when he -found himself confronted with some difficult problems of -quite a different order from those he had dealt with on -the Danube, but of a not less serious description. The -question of recruiting was the most urgent, and called for -immediate solution. The Arab tribes, turbulent and independent -by nature, had always shown themselves refractory<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span> -to enlistment, and were now in open revolt against its -enforcement. One of the difficulties of the situation consisted -in the fact that the military authority in the province -was separated from the civil, and was in the hands of -the commander of the 6th Army Corps, Samih Pasha, -whereas the situation required all authority, military as -well as civil, to be concentrated in the hands of a single -strong central authority. Midhat did not hesitate at such -a crisis to assume the full responsibility of this concentration, -and took immediate military steps to suppress the -insurrection by force. He ordered the city of Bagdad to -be surrounded by cavalry, and sent infantry and artillery -to protect the foreign Mission Houses and the non‐Mussulman -quarters from the fanaticism of the Arabs. -He at the same time ordered the bridge over the Tigris -to be cut, so as to prevent intercommunication among -the rebels; and when these energetic measures had fairly -intimidated the Arabs, he offered them a general amnesty -on condition of immediate surrender. These conditions -were now accepted, and the insurrection suddenly -collapsed, and no further resistance was offered to the -recruiting. The promptitude with which this dangerous -rebellion was suppressed was appreciated by the Porte, -and a telegram was received from Constantinople approving -the measures he had taken, and placing officially the -supreme command of the 6th Army Corps in his hands.</p> - -<p>The next serious difficulty was connected with the -levying of taxes. This had always been a difficult operation -among the nomad tribes, of which the population in -a great measure consisted, and was the cause of continual -disputes and insurrections. Matters had, however, now -reached a crisis, for a colonel at the head of a battalion of -regulars sent to Divanie and Dogara to collect the tithes -was surrounded by tribesmen to the number of ten -thousand men, and himself killed and his troops killed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span> -or dispersed. The new Vali seized at once the seriousness -of the situation, for the encouragement which this success -afforded the tribesmen threatened to give rise to a general -insurrection of all the surrounding nomads.</p> - -<p>It was necessary to avenge the defeat at once and -to make a signal example of the tribesmen concerned. -Midhat accordingly ordered a large force, consisting of -seven battalions of infantry, four thousand cavalry, with -a complement of artillery, to proceed directly to Dogara, -under the command of Samih Pasha, whilst with three -thousand chosen troops he hastened himself to the disaffected -district. A pitched battle now took place between -the Arabs and the troops, which resulted in the complete -defeat of the former and the capture of their chief. A -not unusual incident accompanied the close of the battle. -A Shiite Sheik, Abdul Kerim, was marching at the head -of a considerable force of tribesmen from the Shiite -districts of Urfa and Aleppo to join the rebels, when -he received the news of their defeat. Pretending that he -was on the road to offer his services to the Government, -he joined his forces to those of the Vali, and accompanied -the victorious troops on their entry into Bagdad. A -military tribunal was at once instituted to try the rebels; -the rebel chiefs were condemned and executed, but the -tribesmen, on the promise of future good behaviour, were -released.</p> - -<p>Midhat Pasha clearly discerned that if an end was -to be put to these chronic troubles, and these nomad -tribes were to be reduced to anything like permanent -order, it was not sufficient to defeat them in battle, and -that a radical change had to be brought about in their -general status, and especially the conditions of land -tenure in the country. The Arab cultivator, for the most -part, held his lands from the State on the condition of -giving three‐fourths of the produce to the State, retaining<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span> -one‐fourth for himself. Such a system naturally discouraged -agriculture and rendered all improvements in -cultivation impossible. The consequence was that, for -the most part, the Arab shunned the soil, preferring -predatory to industrial modes of gaining his living. -Midhat determined to attach him to the soil by giving -him rights of proprietorship, and divided large tracts of -land into plots, which were offered for sale on easy and -advantageous terms, special provision being made against -accumulation of plots into single hands. The success of -this policy was remarkable, and whereas the revenues of -the State increased, the turbulence of the tribesmen, and -the risings which had become chronic, greatly diminished.</p> - -<p>The agricultural prosperity that resulted from these -measures stimulated other branches of industry and -rendered it necessary to provide outlets for the newly -created surplus of the country. The first step in this -direction was to render navigable the Tigris and -Euphrates, the great arteries of the country, and to -improve or create the means of communication between -their two banks, and between the different towns situated -along their course. The only service of the kind that -existed consisted of the boats of an English company -plying between Bagdad and Bussora. Midhat determined -to start a service of Turkish boats to supply adequately -the needs now felt, in the same way that he had formerly -done on the Danube when he was Governor of Bulgaria. -He ordered the existing vessels to be repaired, new -vessels of a larger tonnage to be constructed, and coal -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">dépôts</i> to be formed at Mascat, Aden, Bender and -Bushire; and now, for the first time in history, steamers -under the Ottoman flag were to be seen periodically -in the Suez Canal, on their way to Constantinople. The -<em>Babel</em>, one of these vessels, which had originally cost -£T88,000 for construction, was bought for the sum of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span> -£T33,000 from a bankrupt company, and on its very -first voyage between Constantinople and Bussora, which -coincided with the time of the pilgrimages, it cleared -£T35,000—more than sufficient to cover its purchase -price. A net surplus of £T1000 a month resulted from -this improved river navigation, and Midhat now determined -on extensive dredging works, with a view to -extending the navigation northwards and adapting it -to vessels of a larger tonnage. Chakir Bey (afterwards -Marshal and Ambassador to St Petersburg, and one of -Midhat’s faithful partisans) was despatched north with a -company of engineers, and reported favourably on the -enterprise. Thereupon dredging and other engineering -works were immediately ordered to be undertaken.</p> - -<p>The periodical overflow of the waters of the Euphrates -had converted large tracts of country into marshes, and -marsh fevers in consequence becoming endemic, rendered -them uninhabitable. Drainage works on a large scale, -with a view of reclaiming these lands and of curing the -insalubrity, were also undertaken. Irrigation works were -likewise started, and much attention was devoted to this -subject by the Pasha, with a view to gradually restoring -the system introduced by the first Arab conquerors, which -had converted this country into the Garden of the East, -and rendered the Caliphate of Bagdad proverbial for its -wealth and prosperity. A tramway, too, between Bagdad -and Kiazimie was constructed, and its entire length, 7 -miles, completed within a year. A textile manufactory, too, -was started, and an engine of 70‐h.p. ordered in France, -the despatch of which was only delayed by the breaking -out of the Franco‐German War (1870).</p> - -<p>Whilst energetically pursuing these material improvements, -Midhat Pasha was far from neglecting the moral -side of the problem of Reform. Schools were opened -in every district; hospitals, refuges for old age, and loan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span> -banks everywhere arose, and a printing‐press established -where the newspaper <cite>Zora</cite> was published, and municipal -institutions for lighting and watering and other local -purposes were instituted in all the principal centres. A -petroleum spring discovered in the vilayet was immediately -utilised for public purposes. It was not too much -to hope that a decade of such enlightened government -would have repaired the neglect of centuries and restored -their ancient prosperity to the rich valleys of the Tigris -and Euphrates.</p> - -<p>In 1870 the Shah of Persia, accompanied by a -numerous suite, came to visit the holy places of Nejef -and Kerbela, and although the province had to support -the whole expense of this costly visit, amounting to -over £T30,000, Midhat Pasha determined to give the -royal visitor a reception worthy of his exalted rank, and -to profit by the occasion by settling some vexed questions -long pending between the two neighbouring Mahomedan -countries. The circulation of depreciated Persian money -in the province had long disturbed the value of exchanges -and created confusion in commercial transactions. The -exchange value of this currency, and the amount of it -to be issued in the future, were now agreed upon. The -incursions and depredations of nomad Kurds, the Hamavends, -Sendjabi, etc., shifting their camping‐ground from -Persian to Turkish territory, and <em>vice versa</em>, so as to -evade taxation and elude the authorities of either nation, -whilst plundering indiscriminately the peaceful inhabitants -of both, had long been a scandal, creating a state of -affairs on the frontier difficult to cope with. A better -understanding and a combined policy of surveillance -between the Persian and Turkish authorities on the -frontier were now established, and block‐houses on the -model of those successfully introduced on the Servian -frontier were constructed, to the infinite relief of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span> -agricultural population of both nations, situated on -the entire length of this extensive line. Midhat Pasha -failed, however, to obtain the sanction of the Persian -authorities to a scheme which he had long cherished, -and which he trusted to this occasion to be able to put -into execution.</p> - -<p>At Nejef, one of the sacred places to which periodical -pilgrimages were made, there were rich treasures, the -proceeds of the offerings of Indian and Persian devotees -of the Shiite sect during centuries past, which, on the -invasion of the Wahabites, had been hidden in a cave. -Midhat Pasha had ordered the cave to be opened and -an official inventory to be made of the treasures that it -contained. This inventory revealed treasures of diamonds, -rubies, pearls, and other precious stones, to the value of -no less than £T300,000, and Midhat proposed a public -sale of the treasure and the appropriation of its proceeds -to works of public utility, such as a railway between -Persia and Bagdad, or, if such an appropriation of a sacred -treasure appeared too secular, at least to the creation of -such much‐needed institutions as hospitals and refuges -and caravanserai for the pilgrims on the route of their -pilgrimages to the holy places. Even this reasonable -proposal, however, was vetoed by the Persian Ulemas, -and the whole scheme falling through, Midhat ordered -the treasure to be carefully deposited again in the cave -from which it had been taken, and its entrance secured -with the official seals of the Turkish and Persian -authorities.</p> - -<p>Certain events now took place having a bearing beyond -the boundaries of the province and of a quasi‐international -character. The town of Bussora, important on account -of its geographical position as the terminus station of -the Euphrates on the Persian Gulf, suffered from the -inconvenience of an extremely unhealthy climate, result<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span>ing -from the stagnant waters of the Achar, a branch of -the river Shat‐el‐Arab, on which it was built. Midhat -determined to remove the site of the township on to -the main river, and with that view built a Governor’s -house and Government buildings on the new site as a -nucleus for a new city. Outside this enclosure, the -township of Nassrieh was laid out on plans furnished by -the Pasha, to become the capital of the sandjak of -Muntefik, and to replace the old town of Suk esh‐sheyuh -which was falling into ruins, and was deficient in all the -necessaries of civilisation.</p> - -<p>Sixty miles from Bussora, and on the coast of Nedjed, -is situated the little town of Koweit of six thousand houses, -the inhabitants of which are all Mussulmans. Midhat -Pasha’s predecessor, Namik Pasha, had endeavoured to -bring this population within the influence of his jurisdiction, -but they successfully resisted all attempts at imposing -taxation upon them, and had maintained their -quasi‐independence under their own chiefs, the descendants -of one Sabah who had come with this tribe of -“Moutayer” from Nedjed five hundred years before, and -had maintained ever since with practical independence a -republican form of government, choosing by election their -own judges (<em>cadis</em>) and the professors of their religious -schools (<em>medresses</em>). Owing to the restricted extent of -their territory, the inhabitants, like those of Venice, took -chiefly to maritime pursuits, and upwards of two hundred -small vessels of various tonnage traversed in every -direction the Indian Ocean, as far as the coasts of -Zanzibar, and practically monopolised the pearl fisheries -of the Persian Gulf. Although they had adopted a -special flag of their own, they occasionally hoisted a -Dutch or English flag, to secure certain privileges -accorded to these flags by the capitulations. It seemed -highly desirable to Midhat Pasha to put an end to this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span> -equivocal status of the inhabitants of Koweit, and to -regularise their position. He accordingly entered into -negotiations with them, and offered the full enjoyment -of their autonomy and privileges under the government -of their own Sheik Sabah, provided they recognised -themselves as forming part and parcel of the Ottoman -empire, and adopted the Ottoman flag as their national -ensign. These conditions were accepted by the people -of Koweit, and their territory became a sandjak of the -vilayet of Bagdad. A formal treaty to that effect was -drawn up and signed and confirmed by <em>berats</em> (writs of -investiture) from Constantinople, and new schools and -mosques arose in Koweit.</p> - -<p>After the settlement of Koweit, Midhat’s attention was -turned to the conquest of the Nedjed, the most important -event that marked his governorship of Bagdad.</p> - -<p>The Nedjed is the geographical denomination of an -extent of country including about a quarter of the Arabian -peninsula. Soliman, the conqueror, after defeating the -Portuguese squadron in the Persian Gulf, had annexed -it to his empire, and had despatched a special governor -from Constantinople to administer the province of Hassa. -A century after this, the inhabitants rose in revolt and -formed themselves into a separate State, which included -the island of Bahrein in its limits. On the first breaking -out of these troubles, the Egyptian troops sent out to -repress the revolt had been successful, and had defeated -the rebels at Riad and Derayeh, forcing the Wahabites to -recognise the authority of the Sultan, but the Ottoman -Government, whose attention was now turned elsewhere, -neglected to follow up this success, and the Nedjed -gradually regained its independence under the dynasty -of Wahab.</p> - -<p>In the time of Midhat Pasha, the reigning Sheik, -Abdul Fazil, whilst in the enjoyment of quasi‐independ<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span>ence -himself, had never dreamt of encroaching on the -neighbouring territories under the authority of the Sultan, -nor of exciting revolt among their inhabitants by preaching -among them the particular tenets of Wahabism; -but his brother Saood, under the instigation of certain -counsellors, with a view to supplanting him in the -government of the country, declared war on him, and -succeeded in dethroning him.</p> - -<p>Abdul Fazil now had recourse to the intervention -of Midhat Pasha, whom he warned of the probable -consequences that would follow the victory of his brother -with respect to the propagandism of Wahabite ideas -among the surrounding tribes. Midhat determined to -act, but before entering on a campaign that might prove -an arduous undertaking, he took measures to ascertain -the exact forces that Saood had at his disposal, as well -as the topography of the country where military operations -would have to be carried out. With this view, spies -and agents disguised as merchants were sent in various -directions, and soundings were taken of different parts -of the coast. A full report as to the situation of the -Nedjed in all these respects was in due course furnished -to Midhat, who in the meantime had requested and -obtained the necessary authorisation from the Grand -Vizier, Aali Pasha, for the projected campaign.</p> - -<p>Midhat was aware that certain delicate international -questions might arise in the course of the expedition. -The policy of England, as represented by its Indian -Government, had always been to favour rather than to -discourage the desire of independence on the part of -the Arab chiefs in this part of the world. A serious -and systematic attempt, therefore, to suppress their independence -and to attach these distant members permanently -to the body of the Ottoman Empire might -seem to run counter to the policy of the Indian Govern<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span>ment -on the shores of the neighbouring Persian Gulf. -Midhat had always been a stout and consistent supporter -of the English Alliance, but he was by no means inclined -for that reason to sacrifice to that alliance the essential -interest of the Ottoman Empire; and while resolved to -proceed with tact and due considerateness for the interests -and susceptibilities of a friendly Power, he did not hesitate, -in spite of a certain amount of sympathy manifested by -England towards Saood, to proceed with the expedition -he had resolved upon.</p> - -<p>The most populous province of Nedjed was Hassa, -with its port Elkatif. Thirty‐two hours distant from this -port are situated the townships of Elhofuf and Elmuberez, -surrounded by fortified walls. Six hours distant from -Elkatif is the port of Ras Tannurah, offering favourable -conditions for a disembarkation of troops. Securing his -communications between Bussora and Elkatif, a distance -of 360 miles by sea, by means of the proffered co‐operation -of Abdullah Elsabah, Sheik of Koweit, who put his flotilla -at the disposal of the Pasha for that purpose, Midhat embarked -five battalions of regular troops with a complement -of artillery under the command of Nafiz Pasha, General -of division, for the port of Ras Tannurah, whence they -immediately marched to Elkatif, which after a faint resistance -capitulated to the Ottoman troops. The surrender -of Elmuberez and other strategical points in the Wahabs’ -country followed in quick succession, and in a very short -space of time the partisans of Saood were dispersed and -the whole country brought under Imperial rule.</p> - -<p>Midhat was now about to start himself for the Nedjed, -with a view to organise the country as a province of -the Ottoman Empire, when his attention was called by -the Governor of Diarbekir, Kurd Ismail Pasha, to the -suspicious movements in the neighbourhood of Urfa of -Sheik Abdul Kerim, of the tribe of Chamar, the same, it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span> -will be remembered, who, on the occasion of the revolt -of the Dogara tribesmen, arriving too late to assist the -defeated rebels, turned round and offered his services to -the victorious Pasha.</p> - -<p>Thinking the present occasion more favourable for -carrying out his cherished policy, he was marching straight -on Bagdad, killing and pillaging on his route. Warned -by Kurd Ismail, Midhat took immediate steps to crush -him. Abdul Kerim had divided his forces into three -parts, the first advancing on Zor, the second on Mosul, -and the third, under his own command, marching on -Bagdad. On this information reaching him, Midhat -ordered two battalions of regulars to reinforce Kurd -Ismail, whilst General Echeref Pasha was directed to -fortify Zor and other strategical points on the Tigris -and Euphrates. These troops coming into collision with -the first division of Abdul Kerim’s army in the neighbourhood -of Zor, easily dispersed them, whilst Kurd Ismail -himself, attacking the second division of the rebels in the -neighbourhood of Mosul, completely routed it. On -learning of the successive defeats of the two wings of -this invading army, Abdul Kerim quickly abandoned all -idea of advancing, and took measures to secure his own -safety. His retreat by the desert being cut off by the -droughts prevailing at this season, he made for his own -native country, the Chamar, but Midhat threatening Sheik -Ibn Reshid, chief of the tribe Djebel, if he ventured to -offer refuge to the rebel, diverted Abdul Kerim’s retreat -to the direction of Muntefik by Hilah and Kerbela, where -he fell in with Nassir Pasha, and in the fight that ensued -was wounded and taken prisoner. After a regular trial for -armed rebellion and treachery, he was condemned to death, -and the sentence being approved of by the authorities at -Constantinople, he was in due course hanged at Mosul. -His brother, Ferhan Pasha, now received the chieftainship<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span> -of the tribe Chamar, with an increase of territory and a -regular monthly subsidy, whilst the turbulent tribesmen -acknowledged the authority of the Imperial Government -and consented to pay the taxes. This settlement was -followed by a resumption of agricultural pursuits on the -part of the inhabitants, and the general pacification of the -country.</p> - -<p>But troubles in these parts did not end with the -conquest of the Nedjed and the defeat of Abdul Kerim. -Abdullah Fazil—who had by means of Ottoman arms -been restored to the government of Elkatif, with the -Turkish title of Mutessarif, in the new vilayet of Nedjed—once -freed from all apprehension respecting the ambition -of his brother Saood, began to manifest restlessness under -Turkish regular administration. Discontent, too, with -Turkish fiscal arrangements was felt by the tribesmen, -and affairs began again to assume a threatening aspect. -Midhat determined to inquire into the causes of this -discontent, and finding that exemption from all taxation, -save that sanctioned by the Mussulman law, viz. the tithe, -had been consecrated by secular usage among them, and -that the neighbouring tribes who had come under English -protection, Oman, Mascat, etc., fully enjoyed the privilege -of this exemption, determined to satisfy the population -of Elkatif in this respect, and forthwith consented to limit -their liability to taxation to the regular payment of the -tithe.</p> - -<p>There remained the island of Bahrein, the conquest -of which, on account of the importance of its position on -the Persian Gulf, Midhat now determined to effect. In -order to superintend operations himself, and in case of -any international friction demanding his presence, Midhat -started for the Nedjed. Abdullah Fazil hearing of this, -and fearing that his own equivocal conduct was the cause -of the journey, fled from Elkatif to Riad, and in spite of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span> -the Pasha’s assurances, refused to return. His dismissal -from the Government was thereupon pronounced, and the -district converted into the sandjak of Hassa, and together -with the command of the troops, was entrusted to Nafiz -Pasha. A friendly interchange of views now took place -between Midhat Pasha and the Government of India, the -result of which was that the island of Bahrein was officially -annexed to the Mutessarifat of Hassa. Two Turkish -corvettes, the <em>Libnan</em> and the <em>Iskenderoun</em>, under the -command of Arif Bey, sailed for the island, followed -by two English gunboats under Commander Pelly, and -the Turkish and English vessels exchanged salutes and -other friendly courtesies in the port. When the Turkish -sailors disembarked on the island they were received with -the most indescribable enthusiasm by the islanders, who -had not seen the Turkish ensign flying on a man‐of‐war -for two centuries past. The Sheik of the island offered -an appropriate piece of land to be used as a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">dépôt</i> for -coals for Turkish vessels, and offered to place the resources -of the island at the disposition of the Turkish authorities -if necessity should arise. On weighing anchor from -Bahrein the two corvettes were joined by the vessel that -had Midhat Pasha on board, and the little flotilla sailed -together to Koweit. Here the same scenes were enacted -that had distinguished the visit to Bahrein, and nothing -occurred to mar the cordiality that existed between the -Ottoman and British forces that met in these Eastern -ports. The convention which had been previously agreed -upon between Midhat and the British authorities prevented -any friction between them.</p> - -<p>The re‐establishment of Imperial authority in these -regions justified, and indeed necessitated, a considerable -increase in the Turkish flotilla in these waters. Before the -opening of the Suez Canal, Turkey only possessed the -two corvettes the <em>Boursa</em>, and the <em>Ismir</em>, neither of which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span> -was in a sea‐going condition. Midhat sent the <em>Boursa</em> -to Bombay to undergo repairs, and added the <em>Libnan</em>, -<em>Iskenderoun</em>, <em>Deniz</em>, <em>Babel</em>, <em>Ninova</em>, <em>Nedjed</em>, and <em>Assour</em>, -besides ten vessels of light draught for river police, -and to reinforce the Bagdad squadron. The port of -Bussora, no longer adequate to the naval requirements -of the province, was enlarged and improved, and works -for an inner harbour capable of anchoring vessels of 10‐feet -draught were commenced at Kut‐el‐Frenghi on the -river Shat‐el‐arab.</p> - -<p>All these various improvements and reforms, and the -general advance in the political and administrative status -of this important province, were highly appreciated by -the Government of the Porte, which was now under the -enlightened guidance of Aali Pasha, who addressed the -following letter to Midhat Pasha:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Excellency</span>,—The very weak state of health from -which I have been for some time suffering has been the -cause of the delay that has occurred in answering your -letters concerning the voyage of His Majesty the Shah. -Pray accept my most sincere excuses. I beg to congratulate -you in a very especial manner, on your brilliant -successes in the Nedjed. Everything seems to indicate -that, thanks to the tact with which you have brought -about the pacification of the Provinces of Assir, the political -importance of which is so considerable, the whole Arabic -peninsula will soon return to its ancient status. By your -services you have merited the glorious title, ‘Haremein -Muhteremein.’</p> - -<p>“The effect of the Shah’s visit on the Shiite population -in the province was the subject of considerable preoccupation -with us, but the good intentions and loyalty -manifested on both sides, have smoothed over many -difficulties and brought about highly desirable results.... -It is quite certain that Nevab Ikbal Eldevle, being a -just and upright man, will blame and discourage any -flagrant departure from justice and equity on the part of -his co‐religionists.</p> - -<p>“Be good enough to thank him in my name, when the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span>occasion offers, for the seal in agate, the engraving and -inscription on which are very fine.</p> - -<p>“Prince Abbas Mirza has arrived here, and he has -twice been received in Audience by his Majesty.... He -seems a polished and intelligent person, but I have not yet -had any opportunity to form an estimate of his character.</p> - -<p>“I am,</p> - -<p class="right padr1">“(seal) <span class="smcap">Mehmed Emin Aali</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“23 <i>Djemaziel Evel, 1288</i> (1871), <i>Hegira</i>.”</small></p></div> - -<p>By the same courtier the Sultan Abdul Aziz sent -Midhat Pasha a sword of honour set with diamonds, with -the inscription “Nedjed” engraved on it. This was the -closing scene of Midhat’s governorship of Bagdad, and -with it closed the first half of his career, viz., as Provincial -Governor. Circumstances were occurring at Constantinople -destined to bring him on the scene there, to play -his part in the important political events about to occur in -the metropolis.</p> - -<p>But a change of a portentous nature had taken place -at Constantinople. Fuad Pasha and Aali Pasha, whose -prestige and popularity had gained an ascendancy over -the Sultan, and had, since his accession, practically monopolised -power, and who had strenuously supported Midhat -in all his reforming measures both on the Danube and the -Euphrates, died within a few months of each other. The -disappearance of these two able and powerful Ministers -synchronized with the return of Abdul Aziz from a tour -in Europe, when symptoms of an ominous character began -to reveal themselves in the sovereign. He showed himself -impatient of contradiction or advice of any kind, expressing -openly his relief at being freed from the incubus of -his former Grand Viziers; he completely changed the etiquette -of the Court, imposing on the occasion of audiences -an antiquated ceremonial, accompanied by unwonted prostrations -to be observed on entering the Imperial presence, -and he directed that henceforth he should be addressed in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span> -inflated language, strange even to the forms of Oriental -adulation. But what was more serious than these triflings -of Imperial vanity, was the fact that he now launched out, -careless of the resources of the budget, on the most -lavish expenditure of every kind both of a public and -private nature. Fleets of costly ironclads were ordered -and equipped without regard to their cost; marble palaces -rose, as by enchantment, on the banks of the Bosphorus, -and every whim and caprice on his own part or that of the -Palace had to be gratified without stint or delay. He -found in Mahmoud Nedim a compliant Grand Vizier, who, -in return for the retention of power, undertook to find the -ways and means for the gratification of all his master’s -wishes.</p> - -<p>The reflex action of this state of things at headquarters -was felt in the most distant provinces. When -the exactions of the Palace had expropriated the balance -of the sums destined to the various services of the State, -recourse was had to the provinces to make good the -deficiencies by extraordinary “benevolences” and remittances. -Works of public utility or necessity were -accordingly suspended, and the funds necessary for their -completion diverted to the metropolis. Incompetent -favourites arrived from Constantinople with orders to -the Vali to provide them with lucrative posts, and by -these means the whole fabric of the new administration, -painfully and patiently built up, was dislocated and -deranged. Midhat, recognising the impossibility of governing -in such conditions, resigned his Governorship and set -out for Constantinople.</p> - -<h3>THE FIRST GRAND VIZIERATE OF MIDHAT PASHA.</h3> - -<p>On his arrival in Constantinople, Midhat found that an -order had been issued for his banishment from the capital, -under cloak of nominating him to the government of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span> -Adrianople. Insisting, however, on the exercise of his -right of audience with the sovereign before setting out for -his new post, he made such strong representations to the -Sultan with respect to the general situation of the empire, -that Abdul Aziz thereupon abruptly dismissed Mahmoud -Nedim, and appointed Midhat Grand Vizier in his place -(1873).</p> - -<p>As soon as he had filled the principal offices of State -with the best material he could find—Chirvani Rushdi -Pasha, Djémil Pasha, and Sadik Pasha—the first and -most pressing necessity that confronted him was to -endeavour to put the Finances in order. This was no -easy task. The public accounts presented were entirely -fictitious. His first discovery was to the effect that whereas -the budget showed a surplus of half a million (£T), -there was in point of fact a deficit of three millions. The -actual appropriation of the sums debited in the accounts -presented another difficulty. A sum of £T100,000 disbursed -by the Treasury was not accounted for at -all. Midhat insisted on a full inquiry, and, discovering -that this sum had been appropriated by the late Grand -Vizier, directed an investigation into the matter before the -members of the Council of State, who ordered its immediate -restitution by Mahmoud Nedim, and recommended -his banishment. He, however, alleging in private that this -sum in question although nominally attributed to him was -really allotted to the Palace, found in the Valide Sultan -and her <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">entourage</i> most powerful allies in his duel with -Midhat. Banished by the insistence of the Grand Vizier, -first to Adrianople and then to Trebizond, he soon -obtained permission to return to Constantinople.</p> - -<p>Two distinct parties began now to stand out in clear -relief. On the one side was Midhat, warmly supported by -public opinion in the capital and in the provinces, and by all -that was most enlightened among the Softas and Ulemas,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span> -headed by Chakir Effendi, and on the other side the whole -army of corruption, headed by Mahmoud Nedim and -protected by the Valide Sultan and the Palace Camarilla. -Another powerful ally of the late Grand Vizier was -General Ignatieff, who by the most ingenious and persistent -methods—condescending even to the resources of -the stage—worked on the mind of the Sultan in order -to restore Mahmoud Nedim to power.</p> - -<p>An incident soon occurred which brought matters to -a crisis. The Khedive of Egypt, desirous of changing -the order of succession in his family and of obtaining -various privileges and prerogatives from his suzerain, was -in the habit of making periodical visits to Constantinople, -carrying away with him each time, by judicious payments, -some shred of the sovereign rights of the Porte. These -visits became a regular source of income and emolument -to the Palace and all its myrmidons. Arriving at -Constantinople on the occasion of one of these visits -he found Midhat Pasha installed as Grand Vizier, and -to his surprise and disappointment, and to the discomfiture -of the Palace clique, he was obliged this time -to return to Alexandria with his presents, <em>re infectâ</em>.</p> - -<p>It soon became apparent that one of two things must -happen: the Sultan would either have to change the -whole <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">régime</i> and scale of expenditure of the Palace, -or change his Grand Vizier; and as he never really -contemplated the former course, he adopted the latter. -The determining cause was Midhat’s action with reference -to certain scandals—incidents connected with Baron -Hirsch’s railway schemes.</p> - -<p>It is only in a despotic country, where State contracts -are signed in the dark, and <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">cahiers de charge</i> are examined -by carefully chosen experts and passed by complaisant -accountants, that such a scandal as the Hirsch railways -is possible or conceivable. If the cynicism of the whole<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span> -transaction had not become notorious, and thus excited -as much laughter as its nefariousness caused indignation, -it would be worth while to set out in detail all the -circumstances of this stupendous business.</p> - -<p>To obtain a contract giving unlimited control over -the richest forests in the world, on the pretext of cutting -sleepers, is in itself a pretty smart stroke of business. -To stipulate for payment of railways according to the -mileage executed, irrespective of topographical considerations -or local requirements, is a triumph of -contracting skill; but to claim payment for work -done in the plains only, on the basis of an average -calculated for working through plains and mountain‐chains -alike, is the very glory of financial genius. The -secret, too, of the art was as simple as the result was -lucrative. Backsheesh in adequate amounts, distributed -at appropriate moments in the right quarters, was the -alpha and omega of the business.</p> - -<p>Midhat, in his determination to strike at the root of -the whole system of corruption, irrespective of persons -or of consequences, having discovered that the highest -person in the land was himself a recipient of the largesses -of the Austrian baron, insisted on the restitution of the -sums received. The Sultan listened to the advice -tendered, returned the money, and dismissed his Grand -Vizier.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER III<br /><br /> - -<small>DEPOSITION AND DEATH OF ABDUL AZIZ</small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">After</span> an honourable exile as Governor of Salonica, -Midhat obtained leave to return to Constantinople, and -after a brief tenure of the office of Minister of Justice and -of the Presidency of the Council of State, he handed in -his resignation in the following terms, and retired to his -Konak in the neighbourhood of the capital and awaited -developments:</p> - -<p class="center f09"><em>To Midhat Pasha, President of the Council of State.</em></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“I beg that your Highness will be good enough to -instruct me as to the reply I am to make to His Majesty, -in case he should question me as to the motives for -your resignation.</p> - -<p class="right padr5">“<span class="smcap">Hafiz Mehemed</span></p> - -<p class="right padr1 f09">“<i>Head Chamberlain</i> (<i>of Sultan Aziz</i>).”</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Reply.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Excellency,—My request is not based upon any -personal motives. I have nothing but praise for all my -colleagues, both high and low; but the motives which -have forced me to this decision are, as I have already -set out in my petition, the difficulties of the position -in which we are placed, that is to say, our finances are -in a hopeless condition, the civil administration is utterly -disorganised, and the state of the army is beyond -description; all this compromised the security and -credit of the country, and the non‐Mussulman element -loudly proclaims the intention that it long ago formed -of placing itself under foreign protection. While the -faults and mistakes made twenty years ago have prepared -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span>the way for the disasters which are now showing themselves -in rapid succession, and which are sufficient to -employ all our time, our foreign policy has also been -misdirected, the feelings of the Powers have changed -towards us, and they entertain hostile intentions towards -our country to such a degree that the most friendly Power -has lost all confidence in us. It is impossible for us not -to deplore the unfortunate results which this line of -conduct cannot fail to produce for Turkey, and for the -faithful servants of His Majesty—that of being unable -to see the future clearly before them. In view of the -attitude adopted by His Highness the Grand Vizier, -which gives reason to hope that this state of affairs may -be remedied, I feel compelled to devote my feeble efforts -and support to those duties which are specially incumbent -on me in the existing crisis through which the Ministry -is passing. But as I have explained in the petition which -I have already sent in, I have passed the greater portion -of my life in provincial service, and have never taken part -in such delicate and complicated affairs, and am therefore -compelled to ask you to have the goodness to intercede -with His Majesty to accept my resignation.</p> - -<p class="center2">“I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“29 <i>Cheval</i>, 1291 (1874).”</small></p></div> - -<p>In the meantime things went from bad to worse in the -affairs of the State. Grand Viziers one after the other -were appointed and dismissed. Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, -Essad Pasha, Chervani Rushdi Pasha, held office for a few -months only, and with the best of intentions were utterly -unable to grapple with the situation, and the “villain of -the piece,” Mahmoud Nedim, was at last recalled to office. -The finances of the country were fast getting beyond all -remedy. Although it was only twenty years since the -fatal secret of a national debt had been learnt in Turkey, -bankruptcy was already staring the country in the face. -So palpable was this to the best friends of Turkey, that -Mr Yorke in the British Parliament, in the interests of a -long‐standing ally of Great Britain, and of the alliance -itself, called attention to the state of Turkish finances, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span> -summoned the British Government to intervene through -its ambassador at Constantinople to endeavour to ward -off impending catastrophes. Three months after this -warning the Turkish Treasury suspended payment on -half the amount of the coupons of the public debt.</p> - -<p>The outcry caused by this measure throughout Europe, -not only in strictly commercial and financial circles, but -in every class of the community, was indescribable. -Tempted by the high rate of interest, and confiding in the -assurances of financiers interested in floating successive -loans that “Turkey always has paid and therefore -always would pay” the coupons of its debts, the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">petite -bourgeoisie</i> and the small investor had largely placed their -savings in Turkish bonds, and the “tightness” and misery -caused by the suspension was undoubtedly very great -(1875). Meetings of indignant bond‐holders were held in -every capital and large city in Europe, and the Turkish -Government and the Turkish nation, the Pasha and the -people, were confounded in a common anathema. The -ground was admirably prepared for an explosion of -political passion directed against Turkey. The occasion -for this was not long in presenting itself.</p> - -<p>During the second Vizierate of Essad Pasha, certain -movements of a suspicious nature took place on the -Montenegrin frontier which would have arrested the attention -of a more vigilant Government. A party of sixty Slav -peasants from the village of Nevesinje in the Commune -of Mostar, on some trivial quarrel with the local authorities, -emigrated in a body across the frontier into Montenegro. -In a short time, through the good offices of the Russian -Ambassador, they obtained leave to return to their homes; -but very soon, in concert with their Montenegrin friends, -they organised a <em>razzia</em> on the lands of the neighbouring -Mussulmans. Instead of nipping this incipient rebellion in -the bud and enquiring into its cause, the local authorities<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span> -temporised with its leaders and awaited instructions from -Constantinople as to how they were to proceed. Encouraged -by this impunity, and with the assurance of -external support, the insurgent bands rapidly increased in -numbers, and when at last the Government determined to -act, it found itself in presence of a serious rebellion. Essad -Pasha, well‐intentioned but weak, and preoccupied with -the serious outlook of affairs generally, accepted the -insidious offer of the Russian and Austrian Ambassadors -to intervene between the leaders of the bands and the -Supreme Government. No policy could have been more -fatal. It afforded the greatest possible encouragement to -the rebels, who considered the step an acknowledgment -by the Government of its own inability to deal with -the movement; it practically conceded belligerent rights -to the rebels, and it encouraged the habit and consecrated -the principle of interference by foreign governments in the -internal affairs of the empire.</p> - -<p>The hollowness of the offer was apparent the moment -the terms of surrender came to be discussed, and the net -result of this diplomatic comedy was, as was no doubt -intended, that what was at first an insignificant rising -of a handful of peasants was raised to the dignity of a -recognised rebellion that could negotiate on equal terms -with the Imperial Government through the medium of -foreign consuls and ambassadors.</p> - -<p>Mahmoud Nedim had now succeeded Essad Pasha as -Grand Vizier (1875), and as no effective measures were -taken to suppress the rising, it went on spreading from -village to village and district to district till the contagion -was caught in Bulgaria. There, in the beginning of 1874, -a commencement of unrest showed itself in the districts of -Drenova, Kazanlik, and Zagra; but the local authorities -(warned by what had taken place in the Herzegovina -through the neglect of initial precautions) had all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span> -leaders of the movement arrested. Thereupon General -Ignatieff made such energetic representations to the -Porte, that orders arrived not only for the release of the -imprisoned malcontents, but for the dismissal of all the -functionaries concerned in their arrest.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">6</a></p> - -<p>The effect of this novel and original mode of dealing -with an insurrection was soon apparent in the effervescence -and excitement it caused among the Mussulman population -throughout the province. They saw rebel bands, the -leaders of which were patronised and supported by foreign -consuls and diplomatists, being organised without disguise -and approaching their own hearths, whereas all defensive -measures on the part of their own natural leaders -were discountenanced and punished. They thereupon -resolved to take the matter into their own hands, and -formed vigilance committees and organised local bands -under the command of retired <em>zaptiés</em> throughout the -province.</p> - -<p>In such psychological conditions an explosion of -popular passions was certain sooner or later to take place. -The occasion for this was furnished by an incident that -occurred at Salonica on the 5th May 1875. This incident -was, with the Bulgarian insurrection and the Berlin Note, -one of the external difficulties that confronted the Govern<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span>ment, -and placed it in a very critical position. A young -Bulgarian girl had come by rail to Salonica from a neighbouring -village on the evening of the 5th May, accompanied -by a <em>hoadja</em>, with a view to making a declaration of -conversion to Mahomedanism before the Grand Council of -Salonica—a formality required by the law, as a preliminary -to her being married to a young Mahomedan of her village. -On her arrival at the station she was met by a mob of -Greeks and Bulgarians who pulled off her <em>yashmak</em> and -<em>feradje</em> (mantle and veil), and forcing her into a carriage, -in spite of the efforts of four <em>zaptiés</em> who came up in the -middle of the disturbance, drove her at a gallop to the -American Consulate, where the brother of the Vice‐Consul -(a Bulgarian), who had arranged the abduction, concealed -her during the night. The next day he had her removed -to the house of a friend, so that all trace of the girl should -be lost. But early next morning a Mussulman mob, comprising -(as in such occurrences is certain to be the case) the -worst and most violent sections of the population, had -assembled at the Konak and loudly demanded the restoration -of the girl and her appearance before the Grand -Council. As their demands were not complied with, they -retired to the Saatli Mosque, adjacent to the Governor’s -Konak, where they reiterated their demands for the restoration -of the girl. Unfortunately, by some fatality which -was never satisfactorily explained, the German and French -Consuls found their way into the mosque in the very midst -of excited Mussulmans. Whether they went there of their -own accord to remonstrate and argue with the people, or -approaching the scene of the demonstration were hustled -into the mosque, was never cleared up. But once they -appeared there, the frenzy of the mob burst all bounds, -and the most violent amongst them, pursuing the Consuls -into one of the apartments of the <em>Muderris</em> (Academy) in -connection with the mosque, fell on them with iron bars<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span> -hastily snatched from the windows of the mosque, and -murdered them on the spot. The English Consul, Mr -Blunt, accompanied by his <em>cavass</em>, seems to have been -the only one who kept his head on this occasion -and acted with presence of mind and sagacity; for, at -the risk of his own life, he forced his way to the Konak, -and when he found that the Governor could not effect the -restoration of the girl, which was the only way to calm the -mob and rescue the Consuls, he sent to the American Vice‐Consulate -to apprize Mr Lazaro, who was the cause of the -whole disturbance, of the perilous situation of his colleagues, -the French and German Consuls, and to implore him to -restore the girl. Unfortunately, Mr Lazaro at first procrastinated -and pretended that he did not know where the -girl was, and so precious time was lost; and when subsequently, -on a further appeal from Mr Consul Blunt, he -delivered up the girl, it was too late, for the crime -against the foreign Consuls who had intervened had been -accomplished.</p> - -<p>Although the Ottoman Government took immediate -steps to punish the authors of this crime—the six principal -leaders of which were immediately executed, and the -remainder punished with severe terms of penal servitude—the -effect of the outrage on the public opinion of Europe, -in the existing state of feeling in regard to Turkey, -can easily be conceived. It excited indignation everywhere; -but the anti‐Turkish Press, now pretty numerous, -seized on it with avidity and pointed to it as irrefragable -evidence of the incorrigible fanaticism of the whole Mussulman -population of the empire, and called for various -coercive measures, amounting in some cases to a combined -crusade, to protect the Christians in the country, now -threatened with wholesale massacre.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">7</a></p> - -<p>It was in vain that Europeans who had lived all their -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span>lives in the country, and were acquainted from personal -experience with the feelings and opinions of the inhabitants, -protested against these exaggerations and deprecated -their vain terrors. Colonel James Baker, an English resident -for twenty years in the neighbourhood of Salonica, where -he had been farming on a large scale, and whose occupation -had brought him in contact with all sorts and conditions -of men, Christian and Mahomedan alike, wrote a book -ridiculing these apprehensions, and communicating his -experiences of the harmony and good fellowship existing -among the adherents of both religions, with whom he had -for twenty years been brought into contact.</p> - -<p>But the experience of people living on the spot could -not stem the torrent of hostile prejudice fortified by such -dramatic examples as the murder of the Consuls at -Salonica. General Ignatieff, whose plans were being -admirably served by events, was not slow in lending the -weight of his authority to the propagation of these -imaginary terrors. He embodied 300 Montenegrin workmen -at Constantinople to serve as a body‐guard of his -Embassy, to the amusement of his more sensible colleagues, -who were quite aware of the baselessness of the fears that -were the pretext of these ostentatious precautions. But the -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mise en scène</i> contrived by the ingenious ambassador was -not the less effective, and these picturesque mountaineers -as they lounged about the streets of Pera, in their handsome -national costume, bristling with multifarious arms -in their embroidered sashes, were striking advertisements -of the terrible dangers that threatened all Christians in the -fanatical land of the Osmanli.</p> - -<p>Servia, too, was preparing to enter the lists. Although -without the shred of a grievance against the suzerain -Power, nor indeed alleging any, Prince Milan, moved -by the sole ambition to convert his principality into a -kingdom, had easily allowed himself to be drawn into the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span> -conspiracy of a concerted attack on the Ottoman Empire. -All the reserves of his army were called out and armed -with newly imported rifles; and trains full of Russian -officers of all grades and ranks, from Generals of divisions -to corporals and sergeants, arrived daily at the capital to -organise this militia into a fighting machine, and to drill -the raw peasants into soldiers. The whole country, in fact, -from Belgrade to Alexinatz, was an armed camp.</p> - -<p>Everything portended important developments for the -ensuing spring (1875). Early in the year, information -reached the Porte that a serious outbreak would take place -in Bulgaria in the month of April, and that the districts -of Philippopolis, Eski‐Zagra, and Tirnova would be the -scene of the explosion. The information which was very -detailed and supported by evidence as to its accuracy, was -accompanied by an earnest request by the authorities of the -threatened districts that a body of regular troops should -be despatched to the spot to inspire confidence in the -inhabitants and to protect the lives and property of peaceful -citizens. General Ignatieff again interfered, and in the -capacity of <em>amicus curiæ</em>, insisted that the presence of -regular troops would only inflame the passions of the -population and precipitate a crisis. Mahmoud Nedim -allowed himself to be persuaded by the Russian -Ambassador, and persisted in turning a deaf ear to the -reiterated requests of the local authorities for the despatch -of a regular force.</p> - -<p>Three weeks before the appointed day (16th April -1875) the anticipated rising took place. It was accompanied -by exactly the same incidents that had characterised -every previous rising that obeyed a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mot d’ordre</i> -from outside. The armed bands fell on the first -Mussulmans they met with, and massacred them all, -regardless of age or sex, with the obvious aim of provoking -reprisals that should play into the hands of the enemies of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span> -Turkey.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> These reprisals did, in fact, take place, and were, -no doubt, of a sanguinary and wholesale character. It is not -intended here to defend or condemn the atrocities that -took place on this occasion; but human nature being what -it is, and the provocation endured by the Mussulman -population being taken into account, and due allowance -being made for the contagion of passion and panic, it is no -great wonder if scenes were enacted in Bulgaria that -have marked revolution and <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">jacqueries</i> in all ages in -every part of the world; and perhaps still less if a confessedly -and bitterly hostile Press in Europe denounced -“methods of barbarism” with little sifting of evidence -and with much dramatic exaggeration. Party spirit has -occasionally not scrupled to apply exactly the same terms -without much reason to the methods of warfare of its own -regular troops. One fact was clearly and conclusively -established by the various commissions subsequently sent -to prosecute enquiries on the spot, viz., that not a single -instance occurred of an unarmed Christian being injured, -or of a Christian village being destroyed whose inhabitants -had not actually risen in armed rebellion. Fanaticism, in -the strict acceptation of the term, is not so discriminating.</p> - -<p>Matters had now come to such a pass that a general -cataclysm was to be apprehended. Bulgaria, Montenegro -and Herzegovina in flames, Servia arming to the -teeth under the supervision of competent foreign officers, -Roumania preparing to move in the same direction, -a bankrupt treasury at home, a Grand Vizier whose -sole resource seemed to be in the promises and counsels -of a perfidious ambassador, the arch‐enemy of his country, -and a sovereign wholly unconscious, or careless, of the -condition of the empire, provided his own extravagant -caprices were gratified—such was the aspect of affairs -in Turkey in the spring of 1876. But that was not all.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span></p> -<p>Under the spur of public opinion, and moved by secret -springs in the same direction, European diplomacy was -meddling with the matter. Rulers of State and masters -of many legions were holding meetings to discuss the -situation in the East, and “Notes” and “Memorandums” -were flying about the Chancellories of Europe. The -diplomatic outlook was quite as menacing as the situation -at home was critical.</p> - -<p>It was in such a condition of affairs that counsel -was being taken in Midhat’s Konak, among a few patriots -who did not yet despair of their country, as to the best -mode of saving the empire. But before the events that -led up to the deposition of the Sultan Abdul Aziz are -detailed, it will be useful to cast a glance at what was -passing in the diplomatic world in Europe.</p> - -<p>The first and most important event in this respect, -inasmuch as it was the key of all that subsequently -occurred, was the meeting of the Czar and the Emperor -of Austria at Reichstadt, 8th July 1876.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">9</a></p> - -<p>The outcome of that interview, with respect to Turkey, -is no secret to‐day, but twenty‐five years ago it was -certainly ignored in London, otherwise the negotiations -that took place between the English and Austrian Governments -relative to the contingency of an armed intervention -in the Turko‐Russian War—carried on through the -Austrian Embassy in London in the significant absence -of the Ambassador, which went so far as to discuss the -terms of a guaranteed war loan—would certainly not -have occurred. The acumen of the English Government -on this occasion would seem to have been somewhat -at fault, and the information that came to it from Vienna -strangely unreliable; for it acted, throughout negotiations -extending over two years, in undisturbed reliance on -the <em>bonâ fides</em> of the Austrian Chancellor’s assurances, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span>and apparently in a secure trust in the force of his Magyar -prejudices with respect to Russia. The fact is patent -to‐day—and was well known at Berlin, and was not ignored -in Paris—that Austria was, if not the actual instigator of -the Herzegovinian rising—which is by no means certain—the -Power that was determined to profit by it, and that -her whole policy and diplomatic action with respect to -the events that were taking place in the South‐East of -Europe was governed by this determination.</p> - -<p>The turning‐point of Austrian policy with respect -to Turkey has already been indicated: the abandonment -by England of Austria’s interests on the Danube left -her free, or even compelled her to have regard to what -she considered her own exclusive interests; and the -meeting of the two Emperors, at the breaking out of -the Herzegovinian disturbances, was the confirmation -of this change of policy.</p> - -<p>Two assurances seem to have been given by the -Czar at this now historic interview. First, that whatever -might be the outcome of events in Turkey, he would not -seek for Russia any territorial aggrandisement in Europe; -and secondly, with regard to Bosnia and Herzegovina, that -in the contingency of the continuance of disturbances there -he would not oppose the occupation of those provinces by -Austria if sanctioned by the rest of Europe.</p> - -<p>If this agreement had not been a secret one, and -the terms of it had been known or suspected in London, -does any one imagine that events would have followed -the course they did, or that the “Notes” and “Memorandums” -coming from Vienna and Berlin would have -been taken seriously by the English Cabinet? The -pact between the two Emperors, sealed at Reichstadt, -was quite as much at the expense of England in Asia -as of Turkey in Europe. It was a practical corollary -of Prince Bismarck’s avowed Eastern policy.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span></p> - -<p>There is only an academical interest now in pointing -out the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">rôle</i> that the personality of Count Andrassy and -his reputed Magyar sentiments played in all these transactions, -and it is not necessary to interrupt the course of -this narrative by dwelling on them.</p> - -<p>After the Andrassy Memorandum had prepared the -Cabinets of Europe for some sort of diplomatic interference -in the affairs of Turkey, and familiarised them with the -idea, the natural course of events in the Turkish Empire -did the rest. The ball set going at Vienna was taken -up at Berlin. The comparatively colourless diplomatic -Memorandum concocted in the first‐named capital was -followed by a far more coercive Note emanating from -the latter. The former contained recommendations, the -latter added external sanctions to them. The policy -intended to be pursued with reference to Turkey was -contained in germ in this remarkable “Note,” and the -diplomatic strategy to be employed was herein clearly -revealed. The “Conference,” which was to impose the -conditions and insist on the sanction, was already on -the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">tapis</i>, and formed the subject of an interchange of -views between the various European governments; and it -was, as it were, under the shadow of this menace to the -integrity and independence of the country that the -friends of Midhat now hastened their deliberations.</p> - -<p>As early as the winter of 1875, Midhat, with a view -of profiting by the lights, and seeking the advice of the -eminent diplomatist who represented the Court of St James -at Constantinople, paid a visit to Sir Henry Elliot, the -purpose of which can best be described in the words of -the Ambassador himself.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">10</a></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“In the beginning of December 1875, I was informed -by one of Midhat’s partisans, a Pasha who had filled some -of the highest offices of the State, that the object of his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span>party was to obtain a ‘Constitution.’ This was more than -a year before its promulgation, when it was declared to -have been invented only to defeat the Conference then -sitting at Constantinople.... A few days later Midhat -himself called upon me and explained his views more -fully than he had ever done before, though I was -acquainted with their general tenor. The Empire, he -said, was being rapidly brought to destruction; corruption -had reached a pitch that it had never before attained; -the service of the State was starved, while untold millions -were poured into the Palace, and the provinces were -being ruined by the uncontrolled exertions of governors -who purchased their appointments at the Palace, and -nothing could save the country but a complete change of -system. The only remedy that he could perceive, lay, -first, in securing a control over the sovereign by making -the Ministers—and especially as regarded the finances—responsible -to a national popular Assembly; and secondly -in making this Assembly truly national, by doing away -with all distinctions of classes and religions, and by -placing the Christians on a footing of entire equality with -the Mussulmans; thirdly, by decentralisation and by the -establishment of provincial control over the governors. -It must surely be admitted that these were enlightened -and statesmanlike views, deserving of every encouragement.... -He dwelt repeatedly on the value that the -sympathy of the British nation would be to the reformers, -and on the manner in which his countrymen were now -looking to England as the example they hoped to follow. -I told him in reply that I could not doubt that measures -framed upon the lines he had laid down must command -the approval and ensure the good wishes of every -Englishman who, like myself, had faith in the advantages -of constitutional checks upon arbitrary power. I gave -him this assurance confidently and in good faith; for -certainly the very last thing that I anticipated was that -those who in this country make the greatest parade of -their devotion to constitutional principles would be the -first to heap contumely upon men who were trying to -introduce it into theirs, and to hold up their proposals to -ridicule....”</p></div> - -<p>The first of the many incidents that soon after this -conversation began to follow each other closely, took<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span> -place on the 10th May 1876, when an assemblage of -several thousand Softas stopped Prince Izzeddine, the -Sultan’s eldest son, on his way to the Seraskierat -(Ministry of War), desiring him to return to the Palace, -and to inform the Sultan that they demanded the dismissal -of Mahmoud Nedim, the Grand Vizier and of Hassan -Fehmi Effendi, the Sheik‐ul‐Islam. The Sultan did not -venture to reject the demand. Mahmoud and Hassan -Fehmi were dismissed, the latter being replaced by -Hassan Hairullah Effendi, who enjoyed a high and -exceptional reputation for learning and enlightenment. -Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, an old man universally respected, -was named Grand Vizier; and as he insisted on Midhat -joining his Cabinet (although holding no specific office), it -was believed that he would be the guiding spirit, and general -satisfaction was felt. Sir Henry Elliot proceeds to say:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“This general satisfaction did not last long. The -Sultan quickly showed his determination to resist all -reforms by appointing to high posts several of the worst -of the old school of Pashas, and it then became so -evident to me that an attempt to depose him would -certainly very shortly be made, that on the 25th May I -put my conviction on record in a despatch in which I -wrote that the word ‘Constitution’ was in every mouth; -that the Softas, representing the intelligent public opinion -of the Capital, knowing themselves to be supported by -the bulk of the Nation—Christian as well as Mahomedan—would -not, I believed, relax their efforts till they obtained -it, and that should the Sultan refuse to grant it, an attempt -to depose him appeared almost inevitable; that texts -from the Koran were circulated proving to the faithful -that the form of Government sanctioned by it was properly -democratic, and that the absolute authority now wielded -by the Sovereign was an usurpation of the rights of the -people and not sanctioned by the Sacred Law; and both -texts and precedents were appealed to to show that -allegiance was not due to a Sovereign who neglected the -interests of the State. The disaffection, I said, now ran -through every class, and from the Pashas down to the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span>porters in the streets and the boatmen on the Bosphorus, -no one thought any longer of concealing his opinions.... -Within a week after my reports were written, the deposition -had been effected....”</p></div> - -<p>The two moving spirits in the deposition of Sultan -Abdul Aziz were undoubtedly Midhat Pasha and Hussein -Avni Pasha, the Minister of War (<em>seraskier</em>). The latter, -a thorough soldier and a sterling patriot, distinguished for -the great energy and decision of his character as well as -the impetuosity of his temper, had occupied the highest -military posts in the country, and had been repeatedly -exiled from Constantinople by the Sultan. He was -particularly feared and disliked by Mahmoud Nedim, -who had procured his banishment each time that he -had been made Grand Vizier. Although not sharing -all Midhat’s constitutional views and professing more -confidence in the efficacy of the sword than in the -saving grace of popular institutions, he had lent a -willing and energetic support to his colleague’s views as -to the indisputable necessity of deposing the Sultan as -a preliminary to any attempted amelioration in the condition -of the State.</p> - -<p>As soon as the final resolution of Ministers was arrived -at, and before any commencement of execution could be -given to it, it was indispensable to obtain a <em>Fetva</em> (authoritative -decree) of the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Hassan Hairullah, the -highest authority and mouthpiece of the Sacred Law, in -order to give legal validity to the act of deposition. -Accordingly the following <em>Fetva</em> was issued for the -deposition:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“If the Chief of the Faithful gives proof of mental derangement; -if he displays ignorance of State matters; if he -employs the public revenues for his personal expenditure, -beyond what the Nation and the State can support; if he -introduces confusion into political and spiritual concerns, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span>and if his continuance in power becomes injurious to the -nation, may he be deposed?”</p> - -<p>Answer: “The Cheri pronounces ‘Yes.’</p> - -<p class="center2">“Signed by the humble</p> - -<p class="right padr5">“<span class="smcap">Hassan Hairullah</span>,</p> - -<p class="right">“To whom God grant His indulgence.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>Djemaziel Evel</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxxxx</span>(30<i>th May</i> 1876.)</small></p></div> - -<p>Armed with this <em>Fetva</em>, Ministers decided on the -immediate execution of their plans, the details of which, -it was agreed, should be left to the Grand Vizier, to -Midhat, and to the Minister of War.</p> - -<p>There was a slight divergence of views between Midhat -and the Seraskier with reference to the form of procedure -which should accompany the deposition. Hussein Avni -inclined to a simple military <i lang="it" xml:lang="it">pronunciamento</i>, whereas -Midhat wished to give the consecration of popular sanction -to the act. For this purpose he proposed that the Softas -and the population of Stamboul should be convoked <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en -masse</i> to the Noure‐Osmanieh Mosque, where they should -set forth the griefs of the nation and demand a change of -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">régime</i>; and that on this demand being refused or ignored, -they should proceed at once to the execution of the decree -of deposition. The majority of Ministers inclined to this -latter method of proceeding; but a circumstance occurred -which necessitated a change of plans and determined the -abandonment of the proposal for a popular demonstration.</p> - -<p>The 31st May was chosen for the execution of the -plan agreed upon. On the eve of that day information -reached Midhat from a woman of the Palace that the -Sultan had had wind of the affair, and that the whole plot -was about to be discovered. This was corroborated by -the fact that twice that same day Hussein Avni had been -peremptorily summoned to the Palace, although on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span> -first summons he had pleaded illness as a reason for -disregarding it.</p> - -<p>It was decided thereupon by the Ministers to anticipate -the hour fixed upon, and to proceed at once with the -execution of their design.</p> - -<p>At midnight accordingly, of the 30th of May, Mehemet -Rushdi and Midhat, accompanied each by a single -attendant carrying a lamp, proceeded to Sirkedji to -embark on a <em>caïque</em><a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> for Pachalimani on the Bosphorus, -the residence of Hussein Avni. It was a pitch‐dark night -with rain falling in torrents, and it was with some difficulty -that they reached the place of rendezvous. Here they -found Hussein Avni anxiously waiting for them, and after -a hurried interview in which the final dispositions were -made, they separated to their respective posts. Hussein -Avni started for the palace of Dolma‐Bagtche, whilst -Rushdi and Midhat proceeded to the Seraskierat.</p> - -<p>It had been decided that the Ministers and high civil -and military dignitaries should assemble at the War Office -and await the arrival of Prince Murad, whom Hussein -Avni had undertaken to conduct there in person; and -that as soon as he should arrive, the proclamation and -investiture of the Prince as the new Sultan should take -place. It was further arranged that immediately on the -arrival of the Prince a bonfire should be lit on the tower -of the Seraskierat, as a signal to the fleet of what was -taking place, and thereupon a Royal salute should be -fired by Kaisserli Ahmed’s ironclads, to announce to the -whole city the commencement of a new reign.</p> - -<p>Hussein Avni, proceeding in the direction of the -Palace, was, according to preconcerted arrangement, met -by Suleiman Pasha, to whom the delicate task of executing -the measures necessary to be taken at the Palace had -been entrusted.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span></p> -<p>Suleiman Pasha, marshal in the army and director‐in‐chief -of the school of military cadets at Pancaldi, the -trusted lieutenant and right‐hand man of Hussein Avni, -himself a strong partisan of Midhat Pasha and the young -hope of the Reform Party, was the very man to carry -out an operation requiring careful preparation and unflinching -resolution for its successful execution.</p> - -<p>The troops in the barracks of Tash‐Kishla and -Kumuch‐Suyou had already received their orders from -Redif Pasha, the commander of the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">corps d’armée</i> of -Constantinople, and had been so posted as to blockade -all approaches by land. The fleet of ironclads under the -personal command of Kaiseli Ahmed, the captain Pasha, -had taken the same precautions by sea, so that nothing -remained but to disarm the sentinels and <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">corps de garde</i> -along the immediate approaches to the Palace. Suleiman, -taking with him a selected body of military students from -Pancaldi, under the command of Ahmed Bey (colonel) and -Bedry and Rifat Beys (captains), after successfully performing, -without disturbance but not without some opposition, -the delicate operation of disarmament, hastened to -the apartments of Prince Murad. Although the Prince -had been made aware of the intentions of the Ministers, -and had acquiesced in their general arrangements, it had -been found impossible to acquaint him with the change of -date resolved upon. He, therefore, fearing some surprise -or treachery, hesitated for some time before he could be -induced to comply with Suleiman’s urgent request that -he should immediately join Hussein Avni, who was waiting -for him in a carriage at the gates of the Palace to drive -him to the Seraskierat, where his proclamation and investiture -as the new sovereign were to take place. At -one moment it looked as if the solemn drama about to -be enacted would have to be played out with the part of -the “Prince of Denmark” omitted.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span></p> - -<p>Having surmounted this unexpected difficulty and -despatched Murad on his way to the Seraskierat, -Suleiman proceeded to discharge the second and more -distasteful part of the mandate confided to him. Making -his way to the Imperial apartments, and overcoming -the hesitation of the attendants by presenting an -order signed by all the Ministers, he peremptorily -demanded to be immediately led into the presence of -the Sultan. The demand being at last complied with, -he proceeded to communicate to Abdul Aziz the justification -of his intrusion, and read to him the <em>fetva</em> of -the deposition. Whilst the Sultan and Suleiman were -engaged in parleying, the big guns of Ahmed’s ironclads -were heard booming in the distance. Abdul Aziz at once -took in the import of the firing, and from that moment -yielded to the inevitable. He prepared to comply with the -order communicated to him to quit the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche -for that of Top‐Kapou, which had been assigned -as a residence for him.</p> - -<p>The new Sultan confirmed all his Ministers in their -posts, addressing the following letter to the Porte:—</p> - -<p class="center"><i>To my Grand Vizier and very patriotic Mehemet Rushdi -Pasha</i>—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“By the favour of the Almighty and the will of my -subjects, we have ascended the throne of our ancestors, -and by reason of your patriotism and ability in the discharge -of your duties as Grand Vizier, we confirm you and -all your colleagues in your former posts. The numerous -difficulties experienced for some time past both in our -domestic affairs and foreign relations, have produced uneasiness -in the public mind, and caused detriment to the -material and territorial interests of the country. The -necessity of amending this state of things and of adopting -remedial measures such as shall insure the happiness -and secure the confidence of our subjects, imposes itself -imperatively upon us; and to effect these purposes, it -is absolutely necessary to organise the administration of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span>the State on a basis of stability and justice. Our exclusive -attention will be directed to this end, and for this purpose -we desire that our Ministers, after due deliberation, shall -submit to us for our approbation their views on the means -by which, whilst respecting the laws of the Cheri and of -Justice, the organisation of our Empire in accordance with -the wants and requirements of our people can be effected, -with the view of procuring to all our subjects alike, without -distinction or restriction, the completest liberty compatible -with order; and, moreover, that our Ministers shall -communicate to us their views on the application of such -just laws and regulations as shall be calculated to consolidate -and unify the national and patriotic sentiments of all -our subjects. It is clear, moreover, that in order to obtain -these objects, it is indispensable to reorganise the Council -of State, the Ministers of Justice, as well as of public -Institutions and of the Finances, as well as other departments -of State; and it is, moreover, evident that one of the -principal reforms of all will consist in establishing on a -sound foundation the financial situation of the Empire, and -in taking steps that no expenditure shall be tolerated that -shall not have been provided for by the Budget of the -State, by which measures it may be hoped that public -credit and confidence will be restored. In order to help -to obtain this result, we hereby diminish our Civil list by -the sum of £T300,000, and surrender to the State the -coal‐mines of Heraclia and the other mines and manufactories -appertaining to the Civil list; and we recommend -that like economies shall be effected in all the various -branches of the administration, so as to establish an -equilibrium in our finances. Our liveliest desire is for -a continuance of intimate relations with all the friendly -Powers, by the strictest observance of treaty obligations, -and all our efforts will be directed to this end, and we -pray the Almighty to crown them with success.</p> - -<p><small>“9 <i>Djemaziel Evel</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> -<span class="h">xxxxxx</span>(2<i>nd June</i> 1876.)</small></p></div> - -<p>Besides the retention of their portfolios by all the -Ministers, Kemal Bey (the best known and most distinguished -poet and litterateur of Turkey) and Zia Bey -(equally celebrated as a poet and patriot) were appointed -as his private secretaries, and Sadullah Bey (well known<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span> -for his liberal sympathies and opinions) made chief of the -Sultan’s secretariat—important guarantees for the smooth -working of the machinery of State, and security against -the revival of the old pernicious intrigues of the Palace -against the Ministers of the Porte. Murad had, moreover, -undertaken to promulgate the Constitution prepared by -Midhat and his colleagues at the earliest date compatible -with the despatch of urgent public business.</p> - -<p>So far everything seemed to favour the Reformers. A -revolution of the most fundamental character, involving -the destruction of autocratic power in Turkey, and -carrying the promise of a Constitution which would lay -the foundations at any rate of stable government in the -country, effected not only without bloodshed or disturbance -of any kind, but with the assent and approval -of all classes and creeds in the land, and with a new -sovereign on the throne known sincerely to share the -views of his Ministers and the aspirations of his people, all -this seemed to ensure the prospect of healing the wounds -of the much afflicted land of the Osmanli, and of opening -up a new era of progress and prosperity in the East.</p> - -<p>But suddenly a cloud, not bigger than a man’s hand, -lowered over the destinies of the country, and from this -time the stars in their courses fought against Turkey, and -violently set back the date of the promised era of -prosperity.</p> - -<p>On the eventful night of the 30th‐31st May, during -the drive with Murad to the Seraskierat, Hussein Avni -had perceived that the Prince was suffering from violent -nervous excitement, and these symptoms were still further -accentuated in the return journey to the Palace of -Dolma‐Bagtche after the ceremony of investiture was -over—so much so that Midhat Pasha, who accompanied -him, thought it prudent to remain in the Palace, without -quitting it, for three days. The physicians called in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span> -consultation did not at first take a grave view of the -case, and sanguine hopes were entertained that, in a -short time, by pursuing the regimen of repose and hygiene -recommended by these authorities, Sultan Murad would -rapidly recover his health and be able to discharge the -duties incumbent on him. Dr Lamsdorf of Vienna, the -celebrated specialist, made a very favourable diagnosis of -the case. A happy issue of this most unfortunate and -inopportune malady was now generally hoped for and -expected, when two startling events occurred in rapid -succession, each seriously aggravating and affecting the -Sultan Murad’s nervous condition of health, and together -fatally compromising the hope of rapid recovery.</p> - -<p>The first of these tragedies referred to was enacted in -the Palace of Tcheragan, five days after the dethronement -of the late Sultan. Abdul Aziz, whose imperious temper -could ill brook the change of destiny that had overtaken -him, had already made one or two unsuccessful attempts, -which were with difficulty thwarted, to throw himself out -of the windows of the Palace. On the morning of the 5th -June, he asked for a pair of scissors with which to trim his -beard. On the attendants demurring to comply with -this request, the Valide Sultan ordered the scissors to be -given to her son. Shortly after this, the ladies of her -suite, looking out of a window of a corridor that commanded -a view on the room occupied by the late Sultan, -saw him sitting quietly in an armchair with his back -turned to the window; but shortly afterwards, perceiving -that his head had dropped on his lap, they ran to the -door and tried to open it. Finding it locked, and fearing -a catastrophe, they ran screaming to the Valide Sultan -and informed her of what they suspected. Orders being -given to break into the room, they found Abdul Aziz -sitting in the posture already described, and in a pool of -blood flowing from two wounds in his arms, evidently<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span> -caused by the scissors, which had fallen beside him on -the floor. The physicians, who were hastily summoned, -could only confirm the apprehension that life was extinct, -and the Ministers, immediately apprised of the fact -of the tragedy, ordered an immediate examination of -the body to be made by all the available medical men -in Constantinople, hastily summoned to draw up an -official report on the subject. Seventeen medical men -of all nationalities, comprising all the most distinguished -in the city and in the Embassies of the great Powers, -signed a unanimous report to the effect that death was -undoubtedly due to suicide, and handed the following -certificate:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“The year 1876 <span class="smcap">A.D.</span>, on the 23rd of May, O.S., the -4th of June, N.S., or the year of the Hegira, the 11th of -the month of Djemazi‐el‐ewel 1293, Sunday, at 11 o’clock -<span class="smcap">A.M.</span>, we, the undersigned doctors of medicine, namely, -Marco Pasha, Nouri Pasha, Julius Millingen, Caratheodori, -Sotto, Dickson, Marroin, Nouridjian, Spadare, Vitalis, -S. Spagnolo, Marc Markel, Jatropoulo, Miltiadi Bey, -Abdinour Effendi, Mustafa Effendi, Servet Bey, Mehmed -Bey and Jacques de Castro, being summoned by the -ministry by order of His Imperial Majesty to ascertain -the cause of the death of the ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz, -proceeded to the guard‐house situated near the Imperial -Palace of Tcheragan. There we were ushered into a -chamber on the ground floor and found a body lying -on a mattress on the floor. The body was covered with -a new white linen cloth. On removing this cloth we -recognised the ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz. All the parts of -the body were cold and bloodless, pale, or covered with -coagulated blood. The corpse was not rigid, the eyelids -were partially unclosed, the corneæ were slightly opaque, -the mouth partly open. Linen cloths, soaked in blood -covered the arms and legs. On lifting the linen coverings -on the arms we discovered a gash near the joint of the -left arm five centimetres long and three centimetres deep. -The edges of the wound were hacked and irregular. The -direction of the wound was from above to below, and -from inside to outside. The veins of this region were -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span>cut, and the cubital artery at its emerging point was -three‐fourths severed. At the joint of the right arm we -discovered a wound, slightly oblique, also hacked, two -centimetres long and one centimetre deep. On this side -the wounds were only in the smaller veins; the arteries -were intact.</p> - -<p>“We were shown a pair of scissors ten centimetres -long, very sharp, one point of which bore a small lateral -projection near its summit. The scissors were stained -with blood, and we were told that the ex‐Sultan Abdul -Aziz had with these scissors inflicted upon himself the -wounds above described.</p> - -<p>“We then proceeded to the residence of the late -Sultan, where we were ushered into a large chamber -looking on to the sea. There we found in the corner of -a sofa, placed near a window, a pool of blood spread -over that article of furniture, and on the matting of the -floor a great quantity of coagulated blood in one mass, -and further several stains spread over the room.</p> - -<p>“From what precedes we are unanimously of opinion:—</p> - -<p>“1. That the death of the ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz was -caused by the loss of blood produced by the wounds -of the blood‐vessels at the joints of the arms.</p> - -<p>“2. That the instrument shown to us could certainly -produce such wounds.</p> - -<p>“3. That the direction and nature of the wounds, -together with the instrument which is said to have -produced them, lead us to conclude that suicide had -been committed.</p> - -<p>“In witness whereof we have accordingly drawn up -and signed the present minute of proceedings at the -guard‐house of Tcheragan on the day, month and year -aforesaid.</p> - -<p class="center">“<i>Signed</i>:</p> - -<p>“Dr Marco, Nouri, A. Sotto, Physician attached to -the Imperial and Royal Embassy of Austria‐Hungary; -Dr Spagnolo, Marc Markel, Jatropoulo, Abdinour, Servet, -J. de Castro, A. Marroin, Julius Millingen, C. Caratheodori; -E. D. Dickson, Physician of the British Embassy; Dr -O. Vitalis, Physician of the Sanitary Board; Dr E. -Spadare, J. Nouridjian, Miltiadi Bey, Mustafa, Mehmed.”</p></div> - -<p>The body was transferred to Top‐Kapou and buried -in the mausoleum of Sultan Mahmoud.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span></p> - -<p>Ten days after the tragedy at the Palace of Tcheragan -the news of which had deeply affected Sultan Murad, -another quickly followed, in some respects of a still more -startling character, and calculated to prostrate still further -a mind already unhinged.</p> - -<p>A Circassian captain, formerly aide‐de‐camp of the -Sultan Abdul Aziz, one Hassan by name, on whom -certain suspicion of violent intentions rested, had been -ordered to Bagdad, and on his showing signs of -recalcitrancy, he was imprisoned for insubordination by -orders of Hussein Avni, the Minister of War. Feigning -submission, he was released after two days’ detention. -On the 15th June, during a Cabinet Council which was -being held at the house of Midhat Pasha, and at which -all the Ministers were present, Tcherkess Hassan, armed -with no less than six revolvers, forcing the consigne -without much difficulty, managed to penetrate into the -room where the Council was sitting, and advancing straight -up to Hussein Avni, discharged a barrel of a revolver -at him, and turning sharply on Reshid Pasha, the -Minister of Foreign Affairs, shot him dead on the spot. -The Minister of Marine, Kaisserli Ahmed, threw himself -on the assassin and tried to disarm him, but he was -immediately stabbed with a poniard that Hassan carried -in his left hand. Hussein Avni, although severely -wounded, managed to make his way to the staircase, -but Hassan, following him, struck at him furiously in the -neck with his dagger and despatched him. Returning to -the Council room he discharged his revolvers promiscuously -all around him, smashing the chandelier suspended in -the middle of the room, and consequently plunging the -room into darkness. It was this that probably saved the -lives of the remaining Ministers, for Kaisserli Ahmed, -though wounded, and Mehemet Rushdi, and Halid -succeeded in escaping into an adjoining boudoir, where<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span> -they barricaded the door against their furious assailant, -who, having despatched the War Minister, seemed chiefly -bent on wreaking vengeance on the Minister of Marine. -Midhat escaped by a miracle, and by slipping off his -coat, the sleeve of which he left in the hand of Hassan -who had seized it in the darkness. One of Midhat’s -servants, Ahmed Aga, on hearing the firing, had rushed -into the room and tried to seize the assassin from -behind, but Hassan turned sharply on him and shot -him dead. The same fate attended Chukri Bey, the -aide‐de‐camp of the Minister of Marine, who also rushed -in to the rescue. At last a guard of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmerie</i> appeared -on the scene, and a regular fusillade ensued between the -Circassian at bay and the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmes</i> reinforced by a picket -of soldiers; it was only then, after a regular pitched battle, -that this determined criminal was at length overpowered -and seized.</p> - -<p>He was very soon afterwards tried, and hanged in -due course, stoutly denying to the last that he had any -accomplices.</p> - -<p>The effect of these compound tragedies on the mind -of the Sultan Murad was disastrous. His recovery, -sanguine hopes of which had been held out by Dr -Lamsdorf, the famous specialist summoned from Vienna -to give his opinion on the state of the Sultan’s health, -seemed destined to be indefinitely postponed. Two -parties, holding distinct views on the situation and the -manner it should be dealt with, now showed themselves -among the Ministers and the high Court officials. -Mehemet Rushdi especially, the old experienced vizier -and the majority of Ministers well aware of the favourable -disposition of Sultan Murad towards the cause of reform, -and very averse to taking a plunge in the dark, leant to the -opinion that patience should be exercised and reasonable -time given for the recovery of the Sultan’s health.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span></p> - -<p>But another and very active party had in the meantime -been formed, of which Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin Pasha -(the Sultan’s brother‐in‐law) was the moving spirit, and -which included, together with some high Palace officials, -one or two of the influential marshals, such as Redif -Pasha, the commander of the Constantinople <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">corps d’armée</i> -and under the influence of Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin. -This party—as far as it could be said to have been based -on any particular political opinions, and not on the simple -ground of ambition and the desire to exercise a preponderating -influence in the future <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">régime</i>—consisted of -the men who had acquiesced, and even participated, in -the dethronement of the late Sultan, but did not share, -and some of them were even bitterly opposed to, the -constitutional views advocated by Midhat and the reforming -party. Borne along by the current of events which -they would have been impotent to resist, they would -have constituted a helpless minority in the State without -power or influence, if they had had to do with a reforming -Sultan on the throne, a palace where men like Zia Bey, -and Kemal Bey were the guiding spirits, and the party of -reform in strong possession of the Porte. The prospect, -however, of being able to change the occupant of the -throne and place their own candidate upon it afforded -them the precious opportunity of upsetting the whole -edifice of reform, of themselves seizing the chief power of -the State, and turning the revolution that had been -accomplished to their own exclusive advantage. It was -less a victory of reaction than a triumph of ambition.</p> - -<p>Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin was a very ignorant -and uncultivated man, and though careless and without -a conviction in respect to political opinions, he enjoyed -the reputation of being neither careless nor indifferent -with respect to matters of personal or pecuniary concern -to himself. On the other hand, he was endowed with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span> -great, almost brutal, determination of character, and was -utterly reckless as to the means of carrying out his -ends. His position of Damad (brother‐in‐law to the -Sultan) gave him great influence in the Palace, and -at the same time secured him weight in the Councils -of the State. He was the very soul of the anti‐reform -conspiracy.</p> - -<p>Having described Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin, the -character of his lieutenant, Redif Pasha, can be described -in a sentence: he was Damad Mahmoud <em>in petto</em>. -Whatever qualities distinguished the master were conspicuous -in the lieutenant, and only in a less degree, -inasmuch as he was physically of a somewhat less -robust nature. He had, like Mahmoud, lent himself -with all the weight of his military position to the -dethronement of Abdul Aziz, but he viewed with an -evil eye the advance of reform, and still more the -triumph of the reformers.</p> - -<p>These two men practically constituted the central -power of the conspiracy, for those who co‐operated with -them were scarcely admitted into the inner councils or -secret plans of the Duumvirate, although themselves the -willing participators in the conspiracy.</p> - -<p>Among them was Djevdet Pasha, Minister of Justice, -who, during all the stirring events of the Vizierate of -Mehemet Rushdi, had been lying low in the Cabinet waiting -for the opportune moment to show his colours and -take part in the overthrow of the ministry.</p> - -<p>Whilst enumerating the instruments of Mahmoud’s -ambition, it would be impossible to omit the names of two -other men who, although they had not yet emerged into the -notoriety which they were soon to enjoy, were indispensable -tools of Mahmoud’s ambition, and powerfully contributed -to the success of his plans. These were the two -Saïds. The one was brother‐in‐law of Mahmoud, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span> -destined for the important post of first aide‐de‐camp to -the Sultan Abdul Hamid. He was generally known as -“Ingless Saïd Pasha,” for his having been educated at -Woolwich, and though entirely wanting in initiative or -political convictions, was naturally of a frank and loyal -disposition, not deficient in energy, and an invaluable -coadjutor in carrying out the views of his brother‐in‐law. -With Redif Pasha he formed the third member of the -Triumvirate, which Mahmoud intended should, during the -succeeding reign, govern the country. The other Saïd, of -whom a great deal more will have to be said hereafter, -was known, on account of his small stature, as “Saïd -Kutchouk” (small), and when he reaches the dignity of -Pasha, it will be necessary to distinguish him from the -other Saïd by this appellation. He was supposed to be -the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">âme damnée</i> of Mahmoud, especially by Mahmoud -himself, who destined him for the important confidential -post of First Secretary to the Sultan.</p> - -<p>Without any doubt, Damad’s plans were well conceived, -and his net was well spread. The post of Vice‐Sultan he -reserved for himself.</p> - -<p>Behind these were marshalled the whole phalanx of -Reaction, and the Konak of Mahmoud become the Cave -of Adullam of all the malcontents.</p> - -<p>The means of action were not wanting to the conspirators -in this respect; indeed, the material to their -hand was only too abundant. A sovereign of unsound -mind is not recognised by the Ottoman Constitution. -The girding of the Padishah with the sword of Osman, -as an essential part of the ceremony of investiture, was -to the Ottoman sovereigns what the sacred oil of Rheims -was to the kings of France, and this ceremony had not -taken place.</p> - -<p>No Sultan, moreover, had ever before absented himself -from attendance at the mosque on Friday, and the Selam<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span>lik -that follows. The public anxiety and excitement on -the subject were genuine and universal. Public affairs, -too, were suffering: the Constitution was, in a double sense, -suspended; the new Constitution could not be promulgated, -and the old Constitution, such as it was, could -not be worked; the mainspring of the machinery of State -was deranged. Foreign diplomacy, too, was beginning to -take an active part in the matter. The ambassadors and -envoys from foreign States were asking to whom, and -when, they could present their credentials. The Russian -Embassy—that seemed to have better information relative -to Prince Hamid’s character than Ministers themselves—was -particularly persistent and active in this respect. It was -evident that the crisis could not be indefinitely prolonged.</p> - -<p>In these circumstances, it was resolved by Ministers -that Midhat should go to Muslou‐Oglou, where Prince -Hamid, heir presumptive to the throne, resided, in order -to ascertain by a personal interview with him whether -Ministers could rely on his co‐operation to carry out the -important reforms that they had in hand, should it become -absolutely necessary to remove Murad from the throne, -and in that event, to agree to certain clear and definite -stipulations with the Prince as conditions of their support.</p> - -<p>These stipulations were the following:—</p> - -<p>1. To promulgate without delay the new Constitution.</p> - -<p>2. To act in matters of State only with the advice of -his responsible advisers.</p> - -<p>3. To appoint Zia Bey and Kemal Bey his private -secretaries, and to make Sadullah Bey the head of the -Palace Secretariat.</p> - -<p>The importance attached by Midhat and Rushdi to -this last condition was very great. It afforded a guarantee -against those intrigues of the Palace which had ship‐wrecked -so many schemes of reform, and prevented, so far -as was possible, a renewal of that mute opposition between<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span> -the Palace and the Porte which had existed for centuries, -and had paralysed the efforts of so many Ministers.</p> - -<p>At this historical interview at Muslou‐Oglou Prince -Hamid evidently “played a deep game” with Midhat -Pasha. He promised all and more than all that was -asked of him. He pretended to opinions more advanced -than the most advanced of his Ministers, and in favour of -even a more democratic Constitution than the one elaborated. -The other condition he accepted without demur.</p> - -<p>On receiving these clear and emphatic declarations, -Midhat returned to Stamboul and reported the result of -his interview to the assembled Ministers, who thereupon -resolved to take the decisive step and put Prince Hamid -on the throne in the place of his brother Murad.</p> - -<p>As on the occasion of the dethronement of the Sultan -Abdul Aziz, it was necessary to obtain a <em>Fetva</em> from the -Sheik‐ul‐Islam to the effect that the contemplated step -was in accordance with the Sacred Law. Mehemet Rushdi -thereupon demanded an official report from six principal -physicians in Constantinople—of whom four belonged to -the Embassies of the Great Powers—who, after examination -of Murad, handed to him the following certificates:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“On the 31st of the month August, 1876, Chaban 11: -1293 Hegira, we have made a report on the health of -His Majesty Sultan Murad, and come to certain conclusions -which we hereby confirm, and add thereto the -following opinion, viz. that even should the Sultan Murad -after a long lapse of time, contrary to expectation, recover -his intellectual faculties, these can never recover their normal -condition.”</p> - -<p>“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Castro</span>.<br /> - -<span class="smcap padl4">Akif.</span><br /> - -<span class="smcap padl4">Dickson</span>, <cite>Physician to English Embassy</cite>.<br /> - -<span class="smcap padl4">Marroin</span>, <cite>Physician to French Embassy</cite>.<br /> - -<span class="smcap padl4">Muhlig</span>, <cite>Physician to German Embassy</cite>.<br /> - -<span class="smcap padl4">Sotto</span>, <cite>Physician to Austro‐Hungarian Embassy</cite>.”<br /> -</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span></p> - -<p>Thereupon Mehemet Rushdi made a speech to the -people gathered together to hear the report of these -physicians at the Palace of Top‐Kapou.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Our sovereign, the Emperor Murad,” he said, “has been -enabled to reign for only twelve days, but during that time -he has been afflicted with an illness which, in spite of all the -efforts of human science, has shown no amendment. His -intellectual faculties are in a state of great feebleness, and -the physicians pronounce them incurable. Nevertheless -we have waited for the expiration of the legal delay, and -this delay has now expired. This is the sum total of the -truth of the matter. Let us be informed of what, under -such circumstances, the law of the Cheri dictates.”</p></div> - -<p>The assembled crowd expressed its sense of the -justice of these words, and the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Hassan -Hairullah, gave the following <em>Fetva</em>:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“If the Commander of the Faithful is suffering from -mental alienation and if the exercise of his function is -thereby rendered impracticable, can he be deposed?</p> - -<p>“Answer: The Cheri says ‘Yes.’</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Hassan Hairullah</span>,</p> - -<p class="right">“To whom God grant His indulgence.</p> - -<p><small>“12 <i>Chaban</i> 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> - (1<i>st September</i> 1876.)</small></p></div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER IV<br /><br /> - -<small>ABDUL HAMID SULTAN</small></h2> - -<p>The act of dethronement of Sultan Murad V. was -now accomplished. On Thursday, 1st September 1876, -Prince Hamid, surrounded by all the great Civil and -Military dignitaries of the State, descended the Grand -Rue of Pera on horseback, on his way to Top‐Kapou -at Stamboul. The people thronged in large crowds to -see the procession, but dazed by the series of dramatic -events that were so rapidly succeeding one another, they -viewed the spectacle with silence and without enthusiasm. -There seemed a feeling of anxiety in the air as of the -prescience of future evils.</p> - -<p>From Stamboul the Prince passed in a State <em>caïque</em> -to the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche. Monday, the 15th of -the month Chaban, was fixed for the reception of the -Biat (first ceremony of the investiture), and on that day -a deputation of notabilities of Finance, accompanied by -the chiefs of the five non‐Mussulman communities, headed -by Jean Lorando, presented the Sultan elect with an -address of congratulation in the name of the city of -Galata, and to this the Sultan made the following reply:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“I thank you for your congratulations; I have only -one desire, and that is the progress of our country and -peace for all our subjects. They will perceive by the -logic of facts the fulfilment of the promise of the reforms -made to them. They, too, on their part, must, in order -to enjoy these privileges, give proof of the strict observance -of the duties incumbent on them.”</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span></p> - -<p>To his Ministers he made a short speech, counselling -union and agreement among themselves as the condition -and symbol of union among all the subjects of the empire, -and “counselled and ordered” them to prove their union -by their acts.</p> - -<p>The following Thursday, 18th of the month Chaban, -was fixed for the great ceremony of investiture. On the -morning of that day Abdul Hamid embarked in a <em>caïque</em> -for Eyoub, the suburb on the Golden Horn, where the -sword of Osman and the other sacred relics are kept, and -on his passage thither he was saluted by the guns of the -fleet anchored there, and the shout of the sailors manning -the yards, “Padishahim tchok Yasha!”</p> - -<p>After the important ceremony here was over, and the -investiture of the new Padishah was thus completed, he proceeded, -according to usage, to the mausoleum of Selim I., -the founder of the Ottoman Caliphate, and thence to -the mausoleum of Abdul Medjid, his father and the father -of Murad, and lastly to the Palace of Top‐Kapou, where -the mantle of the Prophet and the sacred Banner are -deposited; and at night, the ceremony of this important -day being over, he returned to the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche, -where the ceremony of the investiture was -completed.</p> - -<p>Girt with the sword of Osman, Hamid II. reigned -over Turkey, and the dark gloom of the Hamidian epoch -was now about to settle over the land of the Osmanli.</p> - -<p>On leaving the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche that night -old Mehemet Rushdi, turning to his colleagues, said to -them: “We have been in a great hurry to get rid of -Murad. May we never have cause to repent what we -have done.”</p> - -<p>With these quasi‐prophetic words on his lips, feeling -no doubt that a new era of struggles was about to open -for which younger men were required, the veteran Grand<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span> -Vizier, who had piloted the country through one <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup d’état</i>, -and had very unwillingly assisted at a second dethronement, -in consideration of his great age and feeble state -of health, requested to be relieved of the duties of Grand -Vizier. His request was granted, but three months after, -Midhat, universally designated for the post, was nominated -as his successor. These three months were passed under -the Grand Vizierate of Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, but it was -Midhat who was leader of the Cabinet, and Mehemet -Rushdi was only the mouthpiece of Midhat, until the -latter finally replaced him on the 16th December -1876.</p> - -<p>The first audience accorded by the new sovereign -to foreign envoys was to Count Zichy, the Austro‐Hungarian -Ambassador, accompanied by the Secretary -of his Embassy. Safvet Pasha, the Minister of Foreign -Affairs, was present. The audience lasted one hour, and -turned exclusively on the affairs of Herzegovina, the -ambassador laying stress on the gravity of the events -passing there, the anxiety and expenses that disturbances -on its borders caused the Dual Empire, and exhortations -to the new sovereign to listen to the advice of the -friendly Powers. All this was, as we have seen, in the -strictest conformity with the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">rôle</i> that Austria had been -playing for two years. Having set light to the gunpowder -in her neighbour’s house, she quoted to that neighbour -the familiar proverb, “Proximus ardet Ucalegon,” and -warned him of the consequences.</p> - -<p>The next audience was granted to the Russian -Ambassador, General Ignatieff, recently returned from -St Petersburg with the last instructions from his Court. -The tone that the ambassador and envoys of Russia, the -Strogonoffs, and Mentchikoffs, and Ignatieffs, had rendered -familiar to the Porte on its communications on critical -occasions, was not absent on this occasion:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“His Majesty the Emperor, my master, officially -informed of Your Majesty’s accession to the throne, has -conferred on me the signal honour to represent him at -Your Majesty’s court. The friendly relations of the -two countries may continue on the condition of the -interests of both being assured. His Majesty the -Emperor cannot view with indifference what is passing -in the Ottoman Empire, possessing, as it does, the -commercial routes of the Black Sea and the Mediterranean, -and a portion of the inhabitants of which is of the same -religion as his own.</p> - -<p>“It is to the interest of our country that peace should -reign in Turkey, and my country desires that late sad -events should not be renewed, and that peace should be -assured. His Majesty the Emperor is aware of the -difficulties and critical moments that accompanied the -accession of Your Majesty, and is convinced that the -troubles will disappear, and that the re‐establishment of -peace in the interior will be secured. His Majesty the -Emperor prays for the success of Your Majesty.”</p></div> - -<p>To this speech the Sultan made answer in a few -appropriate words:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“More even than the Emperor of Russia ... I desire -the progress of Turkey, peace in my provinces, and my -most ardent desire is to secure the happiness of my -people.”</p></div> - -<p>Hardly had Abdul Hamid mounted the throne than -the conflict between the two parties already described, -commenced. The first act of the new reign was to -appoint the <em>personnel</em> of the Imperial Household. Damad -Mahmoud Djelaleddin Pasha was named Grand Marshal -of the Palace, and Saïd (Ingless) Pasha, first aide‐de‐camp -to the Sultan. To these no objections had been raised or -conditions imposed. Their duties had reference to what -might be considered the more strictly household functions of -the Palace, and their appointment lay within the exclusive -domain of the sovereign’s personal choice. But it was -very different with the office of First Secretary to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span> -Sultan (or his successor) inasmuch as this important -functionary has always been the right hand and mouthpiece -of the sovereign, and the person by whom and -through whom all communications pass between Ministers -and the Sultan; and through the confidential character -of his office, and his ready and continual access to the -person of the sovereign, has always enjoyed a position of -exceptional importance, hardly second to that of the -Grand Vizier himself. It was for this reason that -Midhat, attaching such importance to the worthy occupancy -of this post, had not only laid stress on the necessity of -its being filled by a functionary in harmony with the -views of Ministers, but had actually laid down as one of -the three conditions to which Prince Hamid was required -to subscribe at the interview at Muslou‐Oglou, that -Sadullah Bey, Zia Bey and Kemal Bey should be chosen -as occupants of the post of Secretary respectively. In -spite of his formal acceptance of this condition, the -Sultan informed Midhat Pasha on his very first visit to -the Palace, that he had appointed Saïd Bey (Mahmoud’s -man) as his First Secretary. Astounded at this breach -of faith, and aware of its significance—although perhaps -not recognizing the full import of it—Midhat strongly -remonstrated with the Sultan and urged a reconsideration -of the appointment; but in spite of the remonstrances and -prayers of his Ministers, the Sultan remained unmoved, -and Midhat eventually acquiesced.</p> - -<p>It is easy enough to be wise after the event and to see -that Midhat ought to have put his foot down on this -question and accepted the decisive battle thus offered -him by the Sultan; that it ought to have been clear to -him that this was only the first contest in a campaign -that would decide the fate of Turkey during the whole -of the coming reign, and that the first blow would -probably decide the issue in the campaign. But our per<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span>spective -of things is of course better than was Midhat’s. -By the light of all the subsequent events that have -unrolled themselves before our eyes, we now know the -character of all the actors in the drama which was commencing, -especially of the principal actor, and of this very -First Secretary, who was the appropriate subject of the -first contention. We can now appreciate the character of -Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin, the backbone and arm of -the reaction; of some of the Ministers who had been -feigning for months past to support Midhat’s views and -were only waiting the moment to betray him; and can -recognise the existence of a matured and carefully -laid plot to upset reform by crushing the reformers—all -these things are palpable and clear to us in the broad -daylight of subsequent events; but they were scarcely -surmised or imagined at the time we are now dealing -with. The important citadel of the Palace was delivered, -with all its defences, into the hands of the conspirators, -and the Palace as a whole was organised for the express -purposes of the reformers. This strong position being -once firmly secured, the new Sultan could afford to show -his hand with little disguise. He could not yet afford to -treat with Midhat; it would have been clumsy to do so -at once, for Midhat in opposition would have been a force -with which he would have had to reckon, and, moreover, -he and the Constitution were both necessary as a means -of combating the conference that was assembling; but -short of a rupture with his Grand Vizier, which was to -be studiously avoided, he could afford to emphasize more -and more his opposition to the policy of Midhat, so that -when the moment arrived he could strike a decisive blow -with effect, and with less fear of the consequences.</p> - -<p>Subjects of contention between them were not far to -seek. The speech from the throne, written by Midhat, -which was a <i lang="it" xml:lang="it">pronunciamento</i> of the policy of a new reign<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span> -inaugurated under such exceptional circumstances, and -looked for with great eagerness, was revised by the Sultan -beyond recognition; the essential sentences were omitted, -others of quite incomprehensive character substituted in -their place. The keynote of the original was “a new -Regime, the Constitution, and Reform”; this was changed, -and meaningless colourless phrases took its place.</p> - -<p>In order to give the reader an exact idea of the art -displayed in this transformation, the speech actually -delivered on this occasion is here appended, and the -omitted sentences of the original, placed in parentheses:</p> - -<h3>“HATTI HUMAYUN.</h3> - -<p class="center2">“<i>On ascending the Throne</i>.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“My illustrious Vizier, Mehemet Rushdi Pasha,—</p> - -<p>“By the Divine will my elder brother, Sultan Murad -V., vacated the throne, and according to the law -of succession We have mounted the throne of our -Ancestors.</p> - -<p>“Appreciating your great qualities, your ability and -experience in the affairs of State, We confirm you in the -functions of Grand Vizier and of President of the Council -of Ministers (avec le titre de Premier Ministre), and -direct all Our Ministers to keep their respective posts. -Confident in the assistance of the Almighty, We will -pursue Our object of strengthening Our Empire, and of -making all Our subjects, without exception, participate -in the blessings of liberty, peace, and justice; We trust -that Our Ministers will help us in the realisation of Our -wishes (for Turkey ranks among the great Powers, and -in order to attain this object and to march on a footing -of equality with its neighbours in the progress of the -sciences, she must needs follow the same methods; and -as the Constitutional system is one of the principal causes -of the progress of Nations, <cite>We hereby declare this system of -Government to be adopted by Us</cite>, whilst holding strict -account of the laws of the Cheri and the customs of Our -people.) No one who casts a glance at the causes -of the critical condition of affairs to‐day, can fail to -recognise among the various and numerous factors two -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span>principal ones, viz. the non‐observance of the strict laws -of the Cheri, and the capricious and wilful actions of -men. If the disorganisation that has for some time -reigned in the affairs of State has latterly greatly increased; -if our financial operations no longer inspire confidence; -if our Courts of Justice no longer command respect, if -Our Empire, with its vast capacities for commerce, -industries and agriculture, and of every kind of progress, -has profited by none of these things—if, in fine, all the -efforts that have been made to insure liberty and peace -for Our subjects have remained fruitless, this comes from -the non‐observance of the laws and regulations; hence the -necessity, whilst pursuing the noble object of assuring the -happiness of Our subjects of commencing in the first -place by the strict observation of existing laws, and of -those which shall be elaborated and proclaimed in strict -accordance with the laws of the Cheri and the wants of -Our subjects, and by keeping a strict eye on the expenditure -and revenues of the State, in order so to gain public -confidence. (Each administrative department, therefore, -must act prudently and abstain from useless expenses; -and likewise with respect to the Household and other -expenses of the Imperial Palaces, these shall be diminished -and reduced to what is strictly necessary; and the Civil -list of the Princes of the Imperial family shall also be -reduced, and their amount shall be paid directly by the -Minister of the Finances; and We make over to this -same Minister, as reduction from our Own Civil list, the -sum of £300,000, and We hereby fix the expenses of our -Palace at the sum of £30,000 per month).</p> - -<p>“The necessity of convoking a general assembly -compatible with the habits and customs and capacity of -Our population being more and more recognised and felt, -Our Ministers will carefully and minutely study this -question and submit their report on the subject to Our -sanction. (In order to elaborate the Constitutional laws -in conformity with the needs of Our population and their -customs and usages and the law of the Cheri, We -command our Ministers of State, the learned doctors of -the law, and all those whose knowledge and experience -can contribute to the perfection of the common work -to unite in Council to express their opinions on the -subject, and that on their report being approved by the -Council of Ministers, it shall be submitted for Our approbation.) -Further, the confusion in the affairs of State, result<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span>ing -as it does from the incapacity of certain functionaries -in their posts, and from the frequent and unnecessary -changes in the personnel, it is Our desire that from -the present time, according to their different ranks, all -office‐holders shall be chosen according to their merit -and capacity, and shall be irremovable without serious -reason, and that each of these shall be responsible for -the proper execution of his allotted duties. Moreover, Our -attention is directed to the question of public instruction, -and seeing that European nations have acquired the -prosperity that they enjoy by means of public instruction, -We desire that all Our subjects, without distinction of -classes, shall be able to profit by the benefits of knowledge, -each according to his personal capacity; (and in order that -the progress of the country may produce the happiness -of all its subjects alike, and in order to inculcate these -ideas, We decree the foundation of schools in which -instruction and education shall be common to all), and -with this object We desire that the credits allotted to -public education shall be increased, in order that without -loss of time we may endeavour to realise this programme. -In order, too, that the civil and financial administration -of the Provinces may be restored to their normal condition, -We must without loss of time endeavour to institute an -organisation in the Provinces resembling as much as -possible the Central organisation.</p> - -<p>“(It is also absolutely necessary that the laws regulating -the levying of tithes, taxes and indirect contributions -shall be placed on a just and equitable basis, and all -Our efforts will be directed to prevent any derogation or -abuse in the execution of these laws. The buying -and selling of slaves being contrary to the prescriptions -of the Sacred Law (Cheri), We hereby enfranchise -the slaves and eunuchs of Our Palace, and declare that -henceforth all trade in slaves, whether purchase or sale, -is hereby formally forbidden in Our Empire, and a date -will be fixed for the gradual emancipation of all existing -slaves, and special measures will be adopted to prevent -any return of slavery.)</p> - -<p>“Since last year, owing to malevolent instigations, -Bosnia and Herzegovnia have been in a state of insurrection, -and the revolt of Servia is now added as an outcome -of this insurrection, so that the blood of the children of our -common country is being spilt. The continuation of such -a state of things is a subject of profound sorrow to Us, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span>and Our most sincere desire is to put an end to it by the -employment of the most energetic measures.</p> - -<p>“Our treaties with foreign Powers having been renewed -and recognised by Us, it will be Our aim to cultivate -still further the friendly relations already existing with -them.</p> - -<p>“May the Almighty, our common Ruler and Master, -grant through His mercy and goodness, success to our -efforts.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>Saturday</i>, 22 <i>Chaban</i>, 1292, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxxxxx</span>(9<i>th September</i> 1876.)</small> -</p></div> - -<p>The points of contention between the Palace, or the -Sultan (which now become synonymous expressions), and -Midhat were all contained in germ in the foregoing -variations in the first speech from the throne.</p> - -<p>(1) In the very first sentence of the Hatti Humayun -of inauguration the Sultan had cut out a passage which -would have introduced a change to which Midhat attached -some importance—“my Grand Vizier with the title of -Prime Minister.” Midhat desired to abolish the title -of Grand Vizier and to substitute for it that of Prime -Minister, a change which would have entailed as a -consequence the collective, instead of the individual, -responsibility of Ministers. What the first Minister would -lose in dignity and personal influence would be acquired -by the Ministry collectively, and would thus consolidate -the component parts of the Constitution. Midhat was well -aware that this post of Prime Minister would require -strengthening and developing for some time in Turkey, in -view of the power and influence which the Throne derived -from the very nature of the traditions and sentiments of -the Ottomans, and the position of Islam in the world.</p> - -<p>The purport and tendency of the proposal did not -escape the new sovereign, and, faithful to his own views -and interests, he simply cancelled the sentence and -rejected the proposal.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span></p> - -<p>(2) Midhat had placed in the mouth of the Sultan the -following phrase: “As the Constitutional system is one -of the principal causes of the progress of nations, we -hereby declare this system of government to be adopted -by Us, whilst holding, etc.”—instead of which, after some -colourless commonplace sentences about the non‐observance -of laws and regulations and pursuing the noble object -of assuring the happiness of our subjects, he speaks of -the necessity of convoking “a general Assembly compatible -with the habits and customs and capacity of -our population” (which might mean anything or nothing -according to the estimate of their capacity), and he orders -his Ministers carefully and minutely to study this question -(which they had done for a year past), and submit the -report to his sanction.</p> - -<p>(3) In connection with the same important subject -Midhat had proposed, for the purpose of elaborating the -Constitutional laws, the convention of a Grand Council -composed of the Ministers of State, the Doctors of the -Law, and all those whose knowledge and experience -entitled them to a voice in the country, to express their -opinion on the subject, and that on their report being -revised by the Council of Ministers it should be submitted -to the approbation of the Sultan.</p> - -<p>This proposal evidently meant business, and would -not only have fixed a limit of time for the inauguration -of the new Constitution, but would have given it the -<em>imprimatur</em> of all that was enlightened and worthy of -respect and attention in the empire. The Sultan -rejected the sentence <em>in toto</em>.</p> - -<p>(4) Midhat, who was deeply concerned by the actual -condition of Turkish Finances, and thoroughly convinced -that the first step in setting this right must be the exercise -of rigid economy in all branches of the administration, -and who, moreover, had experience of all that had taken<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span> -place in the reign of Abdul Aziz, did not hesitate to -propound to Abdul Hamid what his predecessor Murad -had unhesitatingly accepted, viz., that the expenses of -the household and of the Imperial Palace should be -diminished and reduced to what was strictly necessary, and -the Civil list of the princes of the Imperial family -should be in like manner reduced, and their amount -paid directly by the Minister of Finance, and he -left it to the sovereign to make over a sum that -he should fix himself for the monthly expenses of the -Palace.</p> - -<p>The Sultan omitted the whole paragraph.</p> - -<p>(5) Midhat attached the greatest importance to the -question of mixed schools in the provinces where Christians -and Mussulmans lived together. The reader will recollect -(p. 40) that when Governor of the provinces of the -Danube he desired to establish this system in Bulgaria, -and it was this very proposal which excited the anxiety -and stirred the energies of the vigilant Ignatieff to defeat -the proposal and obtain the dismissal of the Vali.</p> - -<p>The Governor of Bulgaria—who now became for the -second time the Grand Vizier of the empire—desired to -make this cherished scheme general in all the provinces -of the empire, and in the inaugural speech he had placed -in the Sultan’s mouth words that signified the adoption -of this measure and its inauguration in the empire, “in -order that the progress of the country may produce the -happiness of all its subjects alike; and in order to -inculcate these ideas, <cite>We decree the foundation of these -schools</cite>, in which instruction and education shall be -common to all.”</p> - -<p>Instead of this categorical declaration the Sultan -substituted the colourless proposal: “We desire that all -Our subjects, without distinction of classes, shall be able to -profit by the benefits of knowledge, each according to his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span> -personal capacity,” which will bear the exact sense that -anybody may choose to attribute to it.</p> - -<p>We shall very shortly see what practical sense the -Sultan himself attributed to it.</p> - -<p>(6) Midhat desired to abolish the slave trade, which -he considered a scandal and a disgrace to the empire, and -incompatible with its pretensions to a high place in the -ranks of civilised nations. He proposed, therefore, in this -inaugural speech to proclaim its abolition, and that the -Sultan should inaugurate the change by enfranchising all -the slaves in the Palace. The Sultan cut out the whole -paragraph.</p> - -<p>With such a radical difference in the whole point of -view from which the Palace clique and the new Grand -Vizier regarded the situation, it was clear that occasions -for serious conflict would not be wanting, nor would be -long in manifesting themselves. They arose indeed at -once, and it will be seen that each subject of contention -was implicitly contained in the divergence of views manifested -with reference to the speech from the throne that -has just been analysed.</p> - -<p>The question of the Constitution naturally occupied -the foreground in these disputes. The Sultan, as has been -seen, refused to submit its provisions to a Grand Council -to be summoned <em>ad hoc</em>, lest it should receive, as it -undoubtedly would have received, this important sanction. -He preferred that Ministers should be its sole sponsors, -which would leave him free to deny subsequently that its -details had been stamped with the seal of national approval. -From the very first days of his accession he had shown the -greatest anxiety on this subject of the Constitution, and no -wonder: it was what the Magna Charta was to John of -England—the curb and limit of arbitrary power and -exaction.</p> - -<p>Knowing that Midhat was its chief champion, it was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span> -with him that he entered into negotiations on the subject, -even before the actual resignation of Mehemet Rushdi -Pasha. The following significant letter signed with his -own name (instead of through the usual vehicle of the -First Secretary’s signature) was the warning shot fired -across the enemy’s bows:—</p> - -<p class="center"><small><cite>Letter addressed by the Sultan to Midhat Pasha on the -eve of his Grand Vizierate.</cite><a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">12</a><br /><br /> - -“<i>To my illustrious Vizier, Midhat Pasha</i>.</small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“We have made ourselves acquainted with the Constitution -which you unofficially forwarded to us, and we -have noticed in it passages incompatible with the habits -and aptitudes of the nation. Our desire is to assure the -future of the country by just administration, and we cannot -but appreciate all efforts towards that end. And one of -the objects to which we attach much importance is that of -<cite>safeguarding the Sovereign rights</cite> by a new organisation -drawn up with regard to the needs of the people. We -desire therefore that the Constitution should be discussed -by the Council of Ministers, and should be revised in the -manner referred to above. Communicate our greetings to -our Grand Vizier and show him this order. In any case -we expect from your patriotism that your efforts shall -tend towards the object we have in view, and demand -that this Irade shall be kept secret between our Grand -Vizier and yourself.</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Abdul Hamid</span></p> - -<p><small>“9 <i>Zilkade</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> - - (25<i>th November</i> 1876.)</small></p></div> - -<p class="center"><small><i>Reply.</i><br /><br /> - -<i>To the First Secretary of His Majesty.</i><a name="FNanchor_12a_12a" id="FNanchor_12a_12a"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">12</a></small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Excellency</span>,—As it was impossible for me to thank -His Majesty for the favours and the many proofs of -goodwill with which he overwhelms me every day and -every moment, I am entirely unable to testify my gratitude -for the signal honour, so disproportionate to my -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span>deserts, which I have received in the reply of an autograph -letter from His Majesty, inviting me to furnish -certain explanations of the text of the Constitution -unofficially forwarded to His Majesty. As to the contents -of the report which has been submitted, I myself also -recognise that the majority of the articles require to be -modified and changed, and I think it is not necessary to -say that if this text has been submitted to His Majesty -as an incomplete rough draft, it was simply with the -intention of correcting it later according to the views and -wishes of His Majesty. This report has been drawn up -and completed by the Commission convened for the -purpose by Imperial command, and, as the time has -come when the text should be studied by the Council of -Ministers, the terms of the Imperial Irade have been -communicated to His Highness the Grand Vizier. Now, -urged by fidelity to my Sovereign and my love for my -country, I feel it incumbent upon me, and have the -courage to be of opinion that there are two methods -of extrication from our present position. The first -consists in putting into execution, before the meeting -of the Conference, the reforms for our home government -that were promised and proclaimed to all the Powers, and -the time needed for so doing would be three or four -days at the outside. The second method is to accept -the proposals formulated by the Powers, and to make -up our minds to live henceforth and for ever under their -tutelage. If the first method is not adopted, or even if its -promulgation is delayed and retarded until after the -meeting of the Conference, the second becomes inevitable. -My attachment to my Sovereign and my love for my -country force me to give utterance to these ideas.<br /> -<span class="h">xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx</span>“I am....</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“11 <i>Zilkade</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> - (27<i>th November</i> 1876.)</small><br /><br /></p></div> - -<p>The inner meaning of the words “safeguarding the -Sovereign rights” contained the pith and kernel of the -conspirators’ views and intentions. It had direct -reference to a clause which the Sultan desired to have -inserted in the text of the Constitution, or rather (and -the difference is very material) to a rider which he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span> -desired to be added to a clause (the 113th), referring -to the declaration of a state of siege in disturbed -districts. The purport and intention of the clause would -naturally govern its different branches. It could not -possibly be supposed to apply to Ministers themselves, -inasmuch as the Constitution specially and elaborately -provided for their trial and punishment in clauses 31, 32, -and 34 of the text. In spite, however, of the provisions -and safeguards which were to hedge and limit the exercise -of this prerogative, Midhat had long combated the -insertion of this rider to the 113th article. Anxious above -all things, however, to get the Constitution promulgated not -later than the first sitting of the Conference, and not as -yet fully grasping the character of the man he was dealing -with, he listened to the explanations and glosses offered -with reference to this rider, and finally, though reluctantly, -consented to its insertion in the text of the Constitution.</p> - -<p>It is easy to see now that this was the second error -of tactics committed by Midhat. “Put not your trust in -princes” is an especially wise injunction when you do not -know the character of the princes you are dealing with. -If Midhat had forced the Sultan Hamid—as he might have -done, if he had been less trustful and more strenuous—to -observe strictly the terms of the treaty of Muslou‐Oglou -that Prince Hamid had agreed to as a condition -of his mounting on the throne at all, Midhat would never -have been banished, and the Constitution would never -have been strangled. Good men are rarely as determined -and strenuous as bad men. It is a pity, for half -the political ills of the world come from this weakness -on their part.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER V<br /><br /> - -<small>SECOND GRAND VIZIERATE OF MIDHAT PASHA</small></h2> - -<p>On 19th December 1876, three months after the accession -of Abdul Hamid to the throne, Midhat was appointed -Grand Vizier. His nomination to this post was again -welcomed with great rejoicing in Turkey, and gave -Europe generally hopes of the accomplishment of some -reforms. Sir Henry Elliot addressed the following -despatch to Lord Derby:—</p> - -<p class="center"><small>“<i>Sir H. Elliot to the Earl of Derby</i>.</small></p> - -<p class="right padr2"><small>“<span class="smcap">Constantinople</span>, 19<i>th December</i> 1876. -</small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My Lord</span>,—Midhat Pasha has been appointed Grand -Vizier in the place of Mehemet Rushdi Pasha. The -importance of this appointment at this moment is very -great. Midhat Pasha is beyond question the most -energetic and liberal of the Turkish statesmen, and a -man of action, although his decisions are sometimes -hasty.</p> - -<p>“He has always advocated the equality of Mussulmans -and Christians, and wishes for a constitutional control -over the power of the Grand Vizier as well as of the -Sultan. He is opposed to centralisation, and in favour -of giving the provincial populations much control over -their local affairs.</p> - -<p>“He has at times spoken strongly to me against the -grant of special institution in the Slav Provinces; but he -is a man who listens to argument, and may, perhaps, be -brought to see the necessity of it under the present -circumstances.</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span> -<p>“He is disliked by the old Mussulman party, but is -regarded as the hope of the Mussulman reformers and of -the Christians.</p> - -<p>“He used formerly always to wish to follow the advice -of Her Majesty’s Government, but I am not aware what -his feelings towards England are at this moment.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">13</a><br /> -<span class="h">xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx</span>“I have....</p> -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Henry Elliot</span>.”</p></div> - -<p>Midhat pointed out to the Sultan, in a letter addressed -to Saïd, the danger of the delay and procrastination -that would be caused by too prolonged discussion on the -text of the Constitution; further, that the text which -had been submitted to the Sultan was such as had been -decided upon by the Commission appointed by His -Majesty himself, and that that text, after having been -submitted to His Majesty as it came from the hands -of the Commission, was now, together with His Majesty’s -observations on it, being considered by the Ministers as a -final stage, requiring at most three or four days’ deliberation, -and that any longer delay before its actual promulgation -would assuredly raise in the minds of the friendly -Powers a doubt as to the sincerity of the Turkish -Government in the work of the reform; and he insisted, -finally, that, in order to convince them of this sincerity, -it was essentially desirable that the promulgation of -the Constitution should take place before the date fixed -for the assembly of the Conference.</p> - -<p>At the very first Ministerial Council under Midhat’s -presidency as Grand Vizier, held at the house of -Mahmoud Damad—a significant circumstance in itself—the -conspirators showed their hand. When the subject of -the Constitution and its promulgation came under discussion, -Djevdet Pasha, Minister for Justice, and Mahmoud’s -man, who had hitherto been “lying low” awaiting -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span> -developments, suddenly sprang upon his colleagues the -proposal that the whole question of the Constitution -should be indefinitely adjourned, on the pretext that -with the change that had taken place in the occupancy -of the throne it was no longer necessary. The indignation -and wrath of Midhat can easily be imagined at the -audacity and perversity of this audacious proposition; he -apostrophised his colleague in no sparing terms, and -pointed out to him that the sole ground and justification -of the solemn act of deposition to which they had -lent their countenance was the necessity of having the -Constitution promulgated; and he made Djevdet and -Mahmoud, and any other weak‐kneed colleague who -might be inclined to support their views, very clearly -understand that he would throw up his office and retire -into private life if the slightest hesitation was shown -on their part with respect to this essential matter. By -this uncompromising firmness he dispelled any illusion -that might have been harboured that a frontal attack on -the Constitution, with Midhat at the helm, could be of -any avail, and the opposition feigned acquiescence in the -Grand Vizier’s views. The incident, however, was not -the less significant, and ought to have warned Midhat -of what was secretly preparing in the councils of the -conspirators.</p> - -<p>It has been said, among other equally groundless and -disingenuous criticisms, that “Midhat’s Constitution,” as -it has been called, was a simple device to defeat the -Conference that was about to assemble. One single -fact, vouched for on an authority that will not be disputed, -absolutely disposes of this calumny. Sir Henry -Elliot, referring to these very matters, distinctly says that -Midhat Pasha and his friends had informed him that they -were working for the promulgation of a Constitution, and -explained their views fully to him, twelve months before<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span> -there was any question of a conference at all: “This -was more than a year before its promulgation, when it was -declared to have been invented to defeat the Conference -then sitting at Constantinople!”<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">14</a></p> - -<p>That Midhat and his friends used the fact of the -promulgation as a weapon to oppose the decisions of -the Conference is likely enough; but this was perfectly -fair dealing, and a legitimate weapon to make use of. -Another proposition which is not true, and is proved to -have been false, is that the Constitution was invented for -the purpose of defeating the Conference. It is abundantly -evident that if there had been no Conference at all, the -Constitution would none the less have been elaborated and -its promulgation insisted on.</p> - -<p>Another disingenuous and captious criticism passed -on the Constitution by its enemies is the implication -contained in the expression “Midhat’s Constitution,” as -if it was a “one‐man’s” Constitution, and not the work -of what may be called the national mind—that is, the -majority of the best minds in it. That Midhat had a -great deal to say in its elaboration, and still more in its -promulgation, in spite of the unconcealed opposition of -the Sultan, and the Palace, and the whole phalanx of -reaction behind them, there can of course be no doubt -whatever, and to his eternal honour be it said; but that -it was a “one‐man’s” work, in the sense that it was not -the expression of the wants and wishes of the nation, -is disproved by all the circumstances connected with it. -Chakir Effendi, one of its warmest partisans, was one of -the most learned, distinguished and highly esteemed Ulema -at Constantinople; it was he who headed a deputation of -Ulemas and doctors of the law, to congratulate Midhat -immediately after the ceremony of promulgation was -over. The most enthusiastic champions of both Midhat -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span>and the Constitution were the Softas, or body of students, -numbering several thousands, of all the <em>medresses</em> (schools -and universities) in Constantinople, the future generation -of the educated mind of the nation. The provinces, without -exception, were in favour of it. The important city -of Adrianople sent a congratulatory address to Midhat, -which the Sultan would not allow to be published in the -papers. The instinct of the masses looked upon it as -the one resource in the dire straits of the nation. The -very fact that, with an opposing Sultan clinging to his -“sovereign rights,” and a bitterly hostile and determined -Palace clique, and in spite of all the means at the disposal -of Turkey’s nearest and most powerful neighbour unscrupulously -put into action, the Constitution ever saw -the daylight, and actually lived for a twelvemonth in such -an environment, is the very strongest evidence that can -possibly be adduced of its inherent vitality, and an undeniable -proof that it was something more than a “one‐man’s” -Constitution.</p> - -<p>The Constitution, although the principal, was not the -only subject of contention between the new Sultan and -his Vizier. There were questions of persons, questions -of money, questions of education that divided them irreconcilably. -The Sultan, who had no doubt fixed on -Edhem Pasha as the pliable instrument that he would -need after the Conference was over, and when the work -of getting rid of Midhat had to be gone through, desired -to elevate one who, in his opinion, “was not quite the -person for a very high position,” to a post whence -subsequent promotion to the very highest position would -seem a little less incongruous. He accordingly selected -Edhem Pasha for the post of President of the Council -of State, the important office concerned with the elaboration -of the laws of the country. Midhat’s candidate was -Sadik Pasha, whose competency was beyond dispute.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span> -Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin wished to have Djevdet -Pasha, his faithful henchman—whom we have already -seen at work—nominated to this post, but even the -Sultan thought his knowledge and intellectual capacity -altogether too circumscribed. The accompanying letter -shows the strong insistence of the Sultan on his own -intention. He had the great advantage over Midhat -which conspirators always have, viz., of having his plan -of campaign with a distinct aim already settled, and -knowing therefore beforehand the strong position which -it was necessary to occupy on the field of battle.</p> - -<p>Midhat, ignorant of the game that was being played, -sacrificed point after point in it, considering their importance -with reference to public affairs secondary to that of -having the Constitution promulgated as soon as possible.</p> - -<p>The following letter makes these points clear:—</p> - -<p class="center"><small><i>To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier.</i></small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Highness</span>,—After you had left the Palace, His Majesty -sent for me and questioned me as to the cause of the -delay in the nomination of Edhem Pasha as President of -the Council of State. I told His Majesty that the Irade -(order) relative to that appointment had been communicated -to your Highness yesterday, and that probably the -visit of the French Envoy to your Highness was the -cause of the delay in my receiving an answer to the -communication, and I told His Majesty that the only -motive of your opposition to the appointment was the -incapacity of Edhem Pasha to fulfil the duties of a post -to which were confided the constitutional functions of -elaborating the laws; that as for Sadik Pasha, whom you -proposed for that post, there could be no doubt that his -nomination would add a useful person to the Ministerial -Councils. At that moment Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin -was called in, and he expressed the same opinion, but proposed -that Djevdet Pasha should be appointed President -of the Council, and that Edhem Pasha, whose incompetency -you objected to, might fill the post of Minister of -Justice. On this His Majesty made the following declaration: -‘I am not acquainted with Edhem Pasha, in spite -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">122</a></span>of his services to my father, but I have now learned to -appreciate his abilities; I intend therefore to profit by -everybody’s capacities, and <em>although Edhem Pasha is not -quite the person to occupy a very high position</em>, I think -nevertheless he is capable of performing the duties of -President of the Council of State. The knowledge and -learning of Djevdet Pasha are very limited, whereas the -accomplishments and capacity of Edhem Pasha are great -in comparison with his. In a word, I shall be glad if His -Highness the Grand Vizier will acquiesce in my wishes, -and will to‐morrow propose his nomination to me. Write -and tell him so.’ This is the reason why I have written -at length to you on the subject.—I have the honour to be,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Saïd</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“6 <i>Zilhidje</i>, 1293, 1 <i>o’clock, Hegira</i>.”<br /> -<span class="h">xxxx</span>(22<i>nd December</i> 1876.)</small> -<br /><br /></p></div> - -<p>Another and still more serious difference of opinion, -relative to persons, arose concerning Zia Bey. This -person, one of the most distinguished litterateurs and -poets Turkey possessed, who had been appointed private -Secretary of the Sultan Murad, and whose nomination -to the same post by the present Sultan had been made -an article of the treaty between Midhat and Prince -Hamid at Muslou‐Oglou, was suspected of inspiring -certain articles in the Turkish paper <cite>Istikbal</cite> which threw -doubts on the Sultan’s sincerity with reference to the -Constitution. These articles gave great offence at the -Palace, and were considered of dangerous tendency. The -Sultan determined not only to proceed against the paper, -but also to remove Zia Bey, at any price, from the capital.</p> - -<p>The accompanying letter will show the feelings of the -Sultan on the subject:</p> - -<p class="center2"><small><i>To Midhat Pasha.</i></small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Highness</span>,—The Imperial Irade (written order) relative -to the nomination of Zia Bey to the post of Ambassador -at Berlin, was communicated to your Highness yesterday -evening, and His Majesty has just asked me if the proposed -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">123</a></span> -nomination had arrived, and on my reply in the -negative His Majesty ordered me to insist upon it, adding -the following observation: ‘Zia Bey is very ambitious, -and if he had known how to profit by this quality with a -view to his advancement and his future, he would have -succeeded in obtaining a post here suited to his capacity; -but this person has never yet shown any stability of -character or fixity of purpose, and when anything occurs -contrary to his views and wishes, he is in the habit of -weaving intrigues in the matter, which is not favourable to -his prolonged sojourn in Constantinople. His removal, -moreover, from the capital cannot but facilitate for the -Grand Vizier the exercise of his functions in freeing him -from this kind of obstacle. These observations of mine -are no exaggerations; but if on the one hand Zia Bey’s -individual merit is only mediocre, the people are naturally -attracted by these critics and attend to their criticisms, -and in this way lend an importance to these polemics -which they do not intrinsically deserve. As for the -despatch of Zia Bey to Berlin, the Government is resolved -to take the same steps at Berlin as it has determined to -take at Paris, London, and Vienna, and to endeavour to -gain the sympathies of Prince Bismark (<i>sic</i>), and if Zia -Bey succeed in this, he will have shown his <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">savoir faire</i>, -earned the gratitude of the State, and by the fact itself -shown his aptitude for foreign affairs, and then his further -promotion will be justified. Moreover, his selection will -provoke no opposition on the part of the Court of Berlin.’ -On account of these considerations His Majesty orders -this nomination to be submitted to him as soon as -possible. It is, moreover, by Imperial command that I -have written to you at such length on the subject, and -have repeated what has already been said; and His -Majesty desires that you will carry out these injunctions -by to‐morrow at the audience you will have with His -Majesty.</p> - -<p class="center">“I have the honour to be,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Saïd</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“12 <i>Zilhidje</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(28<i>th December</i> 1876.)</small><br /><br /></p></div> - -<p>In the meantime the population of Constantinople, -who have been represented by interested critics as indifferent -about the Constitution and reform, hearing of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span> -proposed exile of this champion of the Constitution and -reform, determined to prevent his departure from the -capital by electing him as one of their representatives -in the new Parliament. Consternation is not too strong -a term to describe the feelings that this proposal excited -in the Palace. Zia Bey had an influence among the people -of the capital. What if his presence among them in the -Parliament should checkmate all the plans of a carefully -hatched conspiracy? The following letter clearly reveals -this consternation:—</p> - -<p class="center"><small><i>To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier.</i></small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Highness</span>,—His Majesty has just read in the paper -<cite>Istikbal</cite> that the population of Constantinople have -decided to elect Zia Bey as their representative, and that -a petition signed by several thousand persons will be -addressed to the Palace with a view of retaining Zia Bey -in the capital. Thereupon His Majesty declared categorically -that the candidature of Zia Bey as deputy was -not acceptable; that numerous acts proved the participation -of Zia Bey in acts against his Sovereign; that the constitution -forbade the entry into Parliament of individuals -compromised in any way.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">15</a></p> - -<p>“‘It is to be observed that this person has had recourse -to various methods, including the intervention of the Press -and other contrivances, to gain popularity for himself. -Although these proceedings have constituted no claim -on his part for favourable consideration from the Government, -the rank of Vizier has been conferred upon him, -and the post of Governor‐General in one of the most -important vilayets, viz., Syria, simply in order to comply -with the request of the Grand Vizier. But Zia Bey, far -from exhibiting any gratitude, has sought more than ever -to exercise an influence in the Capital, through his position -as Vizier, by announcing in the <cite>Istikbal</cite> that he is one of -the originators of the Constitution, which was, in fact, -promulgated by our desire with the co‐operation of a few -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span>patriots. We have consequently directed the Grand Vizier -to proceed against Zia Bey in such matter as may seem -proper to him.’ Such was the declaration of His Majesty. -His Majesty further criticised the action of the <cite>Istikbal</cite>, -which, without reason, has just published the famous -letter of Mustafa Fazil Pasha, and calls your attention to -the fact of that paper, though suspended indefinitely, having -reappeared. His Majesty considers it urgent to find means -to put an end to such doings in the Press.</p> - -<p class="center">“I have the honour to be</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Saïd</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“24 <i>Zilhidje</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxx</span>(9<i>th January</i> 1877.)</small><br /><br /></p></div> - -<p>As the concluding passage of this letter shows, the -Sultan, whilst banishing Zia Bey, determined, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">pour -encourager les autres</i>, to proceed with all possible vigour -against the Press. There was to be no faltering in so -grave a matter. For this purpose the <cite>Istikbal</cite> was to be -suspended, and a Draconian law against the Press prepared -“within three or four days,” although by Article 12 of the -Constitution this matter ought to have been left to be -dealt with by the Parliament.</p> - -<p>The following letters speak for themselves:—</p> - -<p class="center"><small><i>To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier.</i></small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Highness</span>,—His Majesty, after having made the -remark to me that the contents of the article ‘The -Future of Islam,’ published by the <cite>Vakit</cite>, and especially -the words underlined, were calculated to lead astray public -opinion, and referring to an interview with your Highness -yesterday evening on the subject of the Press, orders -your Highness to inform him of the measures you -intend to take against the Editor of this particular paper, -for having published facts calculated to make a bad impression, -and, moreover, to propose to him a competent -person ... as Director of the Bureau of the Press, in -the place of the present functionary, who has been guilty -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span>of inattention and negligence, and must be nominated to -some other post.</p> - -<p>“As the Press, basing its pretensions on the liberty it -enjoys under the Constitution, does not cease to publish -all sorts of things, His Majesty, with a view to putting an -end to abuses, and placing a curb on the license of the newspapers, -commands your Highness to give the necessary -orders in the proper quarter to complete within the delay -of three or four days, the law on the Press, referred to -in the Constitution.</p> - -<p class="center2">“I have the honour to be</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Saïd</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“15 <i>Zilhidje</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(31<i>st December</i> 1876.)</small><br /><br /></p></div> - -<p class="center"><small><i>To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier.</i></small></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Highness</span>,—With reference to the measures to be -taken against the Editor of the <cite>Vakit</cite>, I presented to His -Majesty the note sent by your Honour last night on this -subject. Whilst accepting the spirit of your observations, -and even granting that the article in that paper was not -in itself seditious, it is not the less a fact that that paper -published, without any plausible justification, a statement -to the effect that the <em>Fetva</em> of Sheik‐ul‐Islam is sufficient to -depose a Sultan, a declaration calculated to prompt the -people to a seditious movement, and to nullify the conditions -and safeguards on which the promulgation of -the <em>Fetva</em> depends, teaching the people that all power -is attached to the individual will of the functionary who -issues the <em>Fetva</em>. If such acts are tolerated, the papers -will not fail to profit by the license, and to abuse it, and His -Majesty orders that the Imperial Irade issued against the -<cite>Vakit</cite> and its Editor shall be executed as soon as possible -by way of example; the present law with respect to the -Press being sufficient for this purpose. Further, the journal -<cite>Istikbal</cite>, in its number of last Tuesday, published a long -article to the effect that the delay in the promulgation of -the Constitution, which was elaborated and ready for promulgation -in his reign, had caused all kinds of ills, and -this article corroborates the facts above referred to; and -it is with a view to preventing the Press, either from -ignorance or evil intention, from adopting a line of reasoning -in contradiction to the views and intentions of His -Majesty, that His Majesty commands me, with a view of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span>emphasising his views on the subject, to send you a copy -of the incriminated article.</p> - -<p class="center2">“I have the honour to be,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Saïd</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“18 <i>Zilkidje</i>, 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(2<i>nd January</i> 1877.)</small></p></div> - -<p>Two other subjects of grave difference were the cause -of a good deal of fencing between Midhat and the Palace. -The one was the position of Galib Pasha, Minister of -Finance, whom Midhat was determined to remove from -the post of Minister of Finance; the other had reference -to mixed education in the State schools, a subject on -which Midhat had always held very strong views. But -as the foreign envoys in the capital were now demanding -the convocation of the official meeting of the -Conference, it was determined to postpone the final -resolution on these subjects till after the Conference -was over.</p> - -<p>The preliminary difficulties being at last overcome, or -at least their discussion postponed till after the Conference -was over, the date for the proclamation of the Constitution, -with the Sultan’s famous rider inserted in the text, -like the fatal gift of the evil fairy in the fable, was finally -determined on.</p> - -<p>On the morning of the 23rd December, 1876, in the -big open space in front of the Sublime Porte, facing -the apartments reserved for the Sultan, a large platform -was erected, profusely decorated with Turkish flags. -Hither all the notabilities and Ulemas and Ministers -were convoked to hear the promulgation of the new -Constitution which, in the view of its promoters and -supporters, was to inaugurate a new era for the sorely -tried empire of the Osmanli. It might indeed have -been a day marked in red, the greatest date in Turkish -history. As it was, it was only the first act of a -stupendous comedy.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span></p> - -<p>The notabilities were now assembled, and in spite -of a downpour of rain, an immense crowd of people came -to witness and applaud the ceremony. The troops lined -the road between Sirkedji and the Sublime Porte, and -along it, at mid‐day. Saïd Pasha, the first Secretary to -the Sultan, in full uniform, preceded by a military band, -arrived at the Sublime Porte, bearing the Sultan’s letter -(<em>Hatti Humayun</em>) of promulgation, addressed to the Grand -Vizier Midhat Pasha, and the text of the Constitution. -The letter ran as follows:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><em>Rescript</em> (<em>Hatti Humayun</em>) <i>of the Sultan promulgating -the Ottoman Constitution</i>.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My Illustrious Grand Vizier, Midhat Pasha</span>,—The -power of Our Empire was lately declining. Foreign -affairs were not the cause of this, but men had strayed -from the right path in the administration of home affairs, -and the bonds that attached Our subjects to the Government -had been relaxed. My august Father, the late -Sultan, Abdul Medjid, granted a Charter of Reform, the -<em>Tanzimat</em>, which guaranteed, in accordance with the sacred -law of the Cheri, life, property, and honour to all.</p> - -<p>“It has been in consequence of the salutary effect -of the <em>Tanzimat</em> that the State has, up to the present -time, been able to maintain itself in security, and that -We have been enabled to found and proclaim this day -the Constitution which is the result of ideas and opinions -fully expressed.</p> - -<p>“On this auspicious occasion I desire to recall with -a feeling of special devotion the memory of My late -august Father, who has been rightly considered the -regenerator of his country. I doubt not that he would -have himself inaugurated the Constitutional era that we -are about to enter this day, if the period of the promulgation -of the <em>Tanzimat</em> had been adapted to the necessities -of our own times. But it has been to Our reign that -Providence has reserved the task to accomplish this -happy transformation, which is the supreme guarantee -of the welfare of Our peoples. I thank Heaven for -allowing me to be its instrument.</p> - -<p>“It is evident that the principle of our Government -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">129</a></span>had become incompatible with the successive modifications -introduced into our internal organisation, and the increasing -development of our foreign relations. Our most -earnest desire is to cause the disappearance of all obstacles -to the full enjoyment by the nation of all the natural -resources it possesses, and, in a word, to see Our subjects -put into the possession of rights which appertain to all -civilised society, and to be united together in a common -bond of progress, union, and concord.</p> - -<p>“In order to attain this object it was necessary -to adopt a salutary regular organisation, to safeguard -the inalienable rights of the Governing body by the -abolition of faults and abuses of all kinds, <em>which result -from illegality—that is to say, from the arbitrary power of -one or more individuals</em>: to accord the same rights and -to prescribe the same duties to all the members of the -several communities composing our Society, and to enable -them all to profit, without distinction, by the blessings -of liberty, justice and equality—these being the only -possible methods of guaranteeing and protecting the -interests of all.</p> - -<p>“From these essential principles flows the necessity of -another eminently useful work: viz., that of connecting -Public Right with a deliberative and constitutional System. -That is the reason why in the Hatt that We promulgated -on Our accession to the Throne We declared the urgency -of creating a Parliament.</p> - -<p>“A special Commission composed of the highest -dignitaries, Ulemas and functionaries of the State, has -carefully elaborated the basis of a Constitution, and this -again has been studied and approved by Our Council of -Ministers.</p> - -<p>“This fundamental Charter confirms the prerogatives -of the Sovereign; the civil and political equality of -Ottomans before the law; the responsibilities and duties of -Ministers and Officials; the complete independence of the -Tribunals; the efficient balancing of the Budget, and -lastly, the decentralisation of provincial administration, -whilst preserving the decisive action and the powers of the -Central Government.</p> - -<p>“All these principles, <em>in strict conformity with the -dispositions of the Cheri</em>, as well as to Our aptitude and -aspirations, are equally in harmony with Our generous -desire to assure the happiness and prosperity of all Our -subjects, which is Our Supreme wish.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">130</a></span></p> -<p>“Confiding in the Divine Grace and in the intercession -of the Prophet, I am now placing in your hand this -Constitution after having invested it with My Imperial -sanction. With the assistance of God, it will immediately -be applied to all portions of Our Empire.</p> - -<p>“Therefore, it is My decided will that you shall -publish it, and shall see that it shall be executed, from -this day forth.</p> - -<p>“You must, moreover, take the promptest and most -efficacious measures to proceed with the study and -elaboration of the laws and regulations mentioned in this -instrument.</p> - -<p>“May the Almighty deign to accord success to all -those who work for the salvation of the Empire and the -Nation.</p> - -<p>“Given this 7th of Zilhidje 1293, Hegira.”</p> - -<p class="center2 f09">(23<i>rd December</i> 1876.)</p></div> - -<p>The reading of the <cite>Hatti Humayun</cite> concluded, the -First Secretary ceremoniously handed the Grand Vizier -the text of the Constitution, after reverently raising it -to his lips. The Grand Vizier received it with the like -ceremony, and then handed it to the Grand Referendary,<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> -Mahmoud Bey, who read it to the assembled people, -while thousands of fly‐leaves bearing the text of the -Constitution were distributed in all directions.</p> - -<p>After the text was read, Midhat made a speech, expressing -gratitude to the Sultan for the graciousness of -this act in promulgating the Constitution, the immense -importance of which he proceeded to point out to the -people. When he had concluded, the Mufti of Adrianople -offered up a prayer, and all the people cried “Amen,” and -a salute of 101 guns from the Seraskierate announced to -the whole city that “the Constitution” was proclaimed.</p> - -<p>The Ulemas with the Sheik‐ul‐Islam (Hairullah Effendi) -at their head; the Christian clergy with their patriarchs; -the Ministers; the learned and distinguished Chakir Effendi, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span> -followed by the Softas and students; the representatives of -all the corporations, and the populace of the capital, with -flags bearing the inscription “Liberty,” came to congratulate -Midhat, at his own residence, on the new era of liberty. -In the evening the mosques were illuminated, and the -people, carrying torches, paraded the streets, crying, -“Long live the Sultan and Midhat Pasha!” Telegrams of -congratulation were received from all the provinces of -the Empire, expressing the joy felt at this great event. -In short, the whole populace was in a state of rejoicing; -the Palace of Bechiktashe was the only place not -illuminated. The Sultan was indisposed.</p> - -<p>Although it was contrary to custom for a Grand -Vizier to pay an official visit to the religious communities, -Midhat Pasha went the following day to the Greek and -Armenian Patriarchs and to the Jewish Chief Rabbi, to -thank them for their expressions of rejoicing at the new -Constitution. He was received with enthusiasm by the -patriarchs, and the Christian populace threw flowers in -his way. The Grand Vizier made speeches in which he -declared that he recognised no distinctions between -Mussulmans and Christians, as they were all children of -the same country, urging that all should work together -as brothers to promote the progress of their country, -under one flag, and by the aid of the new liberty pronounced -by His Majesty the Sultan.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">132</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER VI<br /><br /> - -<small>THE CONFERENCE AND MIDHAT’S EXILE</small></h2> - -<p>The day fixed for the first plenary meeting of the -Conference of Constantinople was the same as that -chosen for the promulgation of the Constitution. That -there was a purpose in the simultaneous occurrence of the -two events admits of no doubt; but to conclude from that -fact, as has been disingenuously argued, that the Constitution -was a mere device to defeat the ends of the -Conference, is, of course, absurd, and has been conclusively -disproved.</p> - -<p>On the 23rd December (1876), accordingly, the envoys -and plenipotentiaries of the Great Powers met in the -handsome building of the Admiralty on the Golden -Horn, in the large hall that had been prepared for -their reception, to discuss with the Turkish envoys the -condition of the Christian provinces of the empire. -There were present, Count Zichy and Baron Calice -representing Austro‐Hungary; Count Chaudordy and -Count Bourgoing representing France; Baron Werther -representing Germany; Lord Salisbury and Sir Henry -Elliot representing Great Britain; General Ignatieff representing -Russia, and Edhem Pasha and Safvet Pasha -representing the Empire that was to be placed on the -dissecting table.</p> - -<p>Scarcely had the preliminary formalities been concluded, -when from across the Bosphorus, at the Seraskierate, -was heard the booming of the first gun that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">133</a></span> -announced the proclamation of the new Constitution. -Thereupon a somewhat dramatic scene—that, no doubt, -had been arranged beforehand—was enacted. Safvet -Pasha arose in his place, and, addressing the assembled -plenipotentiaries, said: “Gentlemen, the cannon that you -hear across the Bosphorus notifies the commencement -of the promulgation by His Majesty the Sultan of a -Constitution guaranteeing equal rights and constitutional -liberties to all the subjects of the Empire alike; and -in the presence of this great event, I think our labours -become superfluous.”</p> - -<p>This little speech of the Turkish Envoy was received -by the assembly in chilling silence. The somewhat -theatrical <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup</i> had evidently missed its effect. After -a few moments’ dead silence, General Ignatieff moved -that the Conference should proceed with the business of -the day. The proceedings themselves were not lengthy. -The envoys of the Great Powers had been a whole -month in Constantinople holding unofficial meetings -among themselves, from which the Turkish delegates were -studiously excluded; and the programme to be followed -and the policy to be enforced had all been arranged -before the official meeting took place. The object of -this somewhat unusual proceeding was clear. Turkey -was to be given to understand that it had to do with -a veritable Concert of Europe, which, however much it -might minimise the demands made by one of the Powers -interested, would insist unanimously on substantial concessions -from the Porte, and that the latter must in consequence -dismiss any hope or expectation of dissensions -or jealousies breaking out between the Powers.</p> - -<p>The achievement of this unanimity was intended as -the master‐stroke of Lord Salisbury’s policy. He did not -imagine then, though he probably has realised it since, -that the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">rôle</i> he was playing at Constantinople had been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">134</a></span> -carefully prepared for him at Vienna, and that the success -of his efforts was simply the triumph of Count Andrassy’s -policy. What remained for the Conference to do was, -not to discuss measures, but to formulate decisions. -There was, at any rate, this advantage in such a -summary method: the agony would not be prolonged. -The business of the Conference began, like a Dutch -auction, with a maximum opening bid on the part of -the Russian envoy. He proposed the autonomy of the -province of Bulgaria, the appointment of a Christian -Vali, the formation of a national militia, and the confinement -of Turkish troops within the limits of certain fixed -fortresses. The Turkish envoys having declared these -proposals entirely inadmissible and beyond the sphere -of discussion, the proposal was modified to what General -Ignatieff designated “un minimum extrême et irreductible,” -viz., that Bulgaria should be endowed with a special -privileged government, and with an international commission -to watch the administration, and that the appointment -of its Governor should be submitted to the approval -of the Great Powers. To this proposal, again, the Turkish -envoys demurred, pointing out that the examples of Servia -and Roumania, to which special privileged governments had -been conceded with the other special arrangements now -proposed for Bulgaria, were not encouraging precedents for -a repetition of a similar experiment in Bulgaria: that the -Mahomedan population in the above‐named States had -not been treated with the equality and liberality promised -and stipulated for, but had found themselves under the -necessity of emigrating <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en masse</i> from those countries, and -that even the extreme concessions made to these States, -removing all shadow of pretext for complaint, had not -deterred them from joining the enemies of the Empire, -or intriguing against it whenever the opportunity occurred.</p> - -<p>Eventually, after a heated and rather academical<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span> -passage of arms between Edhem Pasha and Count -Chaudordy, a further modification was made in the -proposals, but not without a protest from General Ignatieff, -who said: “You are plucking all my feathers out of -me,” to which Count Chaudordy replied, with pregnant -truth, “You will always have plenty left, General.” The -finally irreducible minimum proposed was to the effect -that a Consular Commission should be appointed to aid -the local authorities, and that the Valis of the three -provinces, Bulgaria, Herzegovina and Bosnia, should be -appointed subject to the assent of the Great Powers, -during the first five years.</p> - -<p>The Turkish envoys, however, could not agree to this -proposal either. They pointed out that the appointment -of the Consular Commission was an infringement of the -sovereign rights of the nation, <em>which it was beyond their -competence to acquiesce in</em>, and that over and above this -difficulty the proposal was open to the practical objection -that an exceptional situation created for those provinces -would cause discontent in all the other provinces of the -empire, and lead to unrest, and probably disturbance, in -some of them; and they again pointed out that the -moment seemed singularly ill‐chosen for insisting on -special privileges for a portion of the Empire, when the -Sultan had just promulgated a charter containing the -largest possible measure of liberty and equal rights to -all his subjects without distinction throughout every -portion of the Empire.</p> - -<p>This declaration of <em>non possumus</em> on the part of the -Turkish delegates was followed by a most violent speech -from General Ignatieff, immediately after which the -assembly broke up without even listening to the protest -that the Ottoman delegates were prepared to make to -the speech of the Russian envoy.</p> - -<p>The last modified proposal was embodied in an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">136</a></span> -Ultimatum delivered to the Porte by the envoys -collectively, to which an answer was required within a -week. At the expiration of that time, if the answer was -not satisfactory, they declared their intention of quitting -Constantinople.</p> - -<p>On the news of what had occurred becoming known, the -conduct of the Turkish delegates was generally approved -of throughout the Empire. Christians and Mahomedans -vied with each other in sending patriotic addresses to -the capital, and a battalion of Christian volunteers was -raised, at their own expense, and marched to the Servian -frontier, where they distinguished themselves greatly, let -it be said in passing, by their courage and devotion.</p> - -<p>Midhat, in the meantime, by the Sultan’s order, had -convened a Grand Council of 237 persons, composed of -all nationalities and notabilities, to whom the final propositions -of the Conference were submitted.</p> - -<p>Midhat made a speech to the notabilities, in which -he pointed out the consequences of the rejection of the -terms in question, and told them clearly that unless -they were prepared to face this <em>ultima ratio</em>, they had -no alternative but to accept the terms of the Conference. -After listening attentively to this speech, the Grand -Council, by a practically unanimous vote, amidst very -considerable enthusiasm decided on the rejection of the -Ultimatum. The foreign envoys accordingly left the -capital on 20th January (1877). So ended the Conference -of Constantinople.</p> - -<p>It is necessary here to recall the fact that Midhat -during the Conference sent the patriot Odian Effendi to -London to communicate to Lord Derby the occurrence -which had recently taken place in his country, and to -add that as the Powers had not insisted on the carrying -out of the proposals formulated by Russia, which -were found to be impracticable in the present condition<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span> -of Turkey, it was hoped that the Powers would take -the new Constitution under their protection, and see -to its execution in practice. The following despatch from -Lord Derby to Lord Salisbury and Sir H. Elliot shows -the result of this step:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>The Earl of Derby to the Marquis of Salisbury and Sir H. -Elliot.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="right f09">“<span class="smcap">Foreign Office</span>,<span class="h">xxx</span><br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>“10<i>th January</i> 1877.</p> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My Lord and Sir</span>,—Odian Effendi called upon me -this afternoon by appointment, and spoke to me again -of the impossibility which his Government felt of accepting -the proposals made to them in the Conference.</p> - -<p>“There might, he said, be concessions on both sides -in regard to the reforms, but the question of the guarantees -would still remain, and offered insuperable difficulties.</p> - -<p>“Under these circumstances he was anxious to make -a personal suggestion, which he thought might offer a -mode of arrangement, and which he understood that -Midhat Pasha was ready to adopt. It was that the -Constitution recently decreed by the Sultan should be -brought to the cognizance of the Powers in a form -which should make its execution a matter of international -obligation between the Porte and them, and that the -organisation of the provincial administrations to be drawn -up by the Turkish Ministers should, after receiving the -approval of the Powers, be made a portion of the general -plan, and embodied in the same agreement.</p> - -<p>“The whole system of reforms granted by the Sultan -to his subjects would thus be placed under the guarantee -of the Powers, who would have a right to watch over the -manner in which it was carried out.</p> - -<p>“Odian Effendi wished to know whether this proposal -would be favourably received by Her Majesty’s Government, -and whether I thought there would be any use in -the Porte bringing it forward in the Conference.</p> - -<p>“I told Odian Effendi in reply that there was a -manifest inconvenience in discussing here the questions -which at the same time were in process of negotiation at -Constantinople. I must therefore refrain from expressing -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">138</a></span>an opinion upon the plan which he had mentioned to -me.</p> - -<p>“If it was to be proposed by the Turkish Government, -this must be done by them at Constantinople, and upon -their own responsibility.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">17</a></p> - -<p class="center2">“I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Derby</span>.”<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>Hardly had the foreign envoys departed from the -capital, and the doors of the great hall at the Admiralty -been shut behind them, when the Palace proposed to put -the match to the mine that had been carefully laid for the -reformers.</p> - -<p>Within a fortnight of the departure of the Plenipotentiaries, -matters were brought to a climax. Two -subjects of contention between Midhat and the Sultan -had been reserved for further discussion when the Conference -should be over: the position of Galib Pasha and -the question of mixed schools. Either would serve for a -<em>casus belli</em>.</p> - -<p>Midhat had resolved on the dismissal of the complaisant -Minister of Finance, who had, <em>proprio motu</em>, -doubled the amount appropriated to the Civil list by the -simple device of paying it in gold; there were other -counts, too, against the Minister which necessitated this -measure. One was the specific charge of irregularities in -the accounts of the Treasury, which, although Midhat did -not attribute them to malversation on his part, were nevertheless, -in his opinion, proofs of great negligence in the -supervision of the business of his office. The other was a -general charge of incapacity as Minister of Finance, -especially revealed in his tactless method of issuing -Treasury bonds, thereby causing an excessive and alarming -depreciation in the paper of the State. The Sultan -had agreed to the dismissal of Galib, but he desired to -have him forthwith appointed Senator, whereas Midhat -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">139</a></span> -insisted on a preliminary examination of the accounts of -his office. It will be perceived at once that there was a -great deal more in this dispute than met the eye, and that -it accounted for the bitterness of the feelings entertained -against Midhat at the Palace. The following letter, if read -between the lines, will throw some light on the questions at -issue:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To the First Secretary of His Majesty Saïd Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Excellency</span>,—By an Irade of our august Master, -the nomination of his Excellency Galib Pasha as member -of the Senate has just been adjourned. The delay on my -part in making you acquainted with the motives which -have determined me to remove Galib Pasha from the -Ministry of Finance, whilst abstaining from any reflection -whatever on his personal integrity, only emphasises the -responsibility of Galib Pasha in the matter of finance. -It is manifest that that faithful servant of the State, in -conformity with the orders of our august Master, would -not hesitate to admit his share of responsibility, and in -order to put an end to a discussion which has no precedent, -he should certainly claim an investigation, and submit to -its consequences, whatever sacrifices it might entail; but -since explanations are demanded of me, I hasten to give -them as shortly as I can. In order to judge whether or -not Galib Pasha is competent to administer the Finances -of the State, it seems to me sufficient to refer to the fall -in the value of paper money.</p> - -<p>“The paper of the State, fifteen years ago, amounted -to twenty millions (£T), and yet its depreciation never -reached more than 50 to 60 per cent, compared to gold, -although its circulation was then limited to the radius of -the town of Constantinople, and it was not received in -payment of taxes. At the present time, although the -amount issued does not amount to four millions, and -there is no limit imposed to its circulation in the Empire, -and it is accepted in payment of taxes, the depreciation -amounts to 70 per cent. This state of things is the result -of the carelessness and neglect on the part of the ministers -of Finance. The depreciation, moreover, has given rise -to venality and corruption on the part of functionaries -in the Provinces, and to excitement and unrest, in consequence, -in public opinion.</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">140</a></span> -<p>“We have no accusation to make against the probity -and honesty of Galib Pasha, nor any complaint on the -score of the obligation under which we lie, of issuing -bonds to realise the sum necessary, in gold, for exportation -to Europe for war purposes. But seeing that an -issue of paper money, to an amount necessary for the -realisation of £T100,000 only, is sufficient to cause a still -further depreciation of the paper and rise in gold, the -Minister of Finance is in duty bound to take such steps -and employ such means as shall, as much as possible, -prevent or mitigate this consequence. For instance, he -should take a portion of the sum required from the -receipts of the Treasury, in gold, and issue the remainder -of the sum in paper, with such prudence and precaution -as to avoid financial panic by all means in his power. -But Galib Pasha seems incapable of appreciating such -measures, and the finances of the State have suffered in -consequence.</p> - -<p>“Such a state of things implies a grave responsibility, -and as it is somebody’s duty to fix this responsibility, the -functionary on whom devolves these particular duties -would necessarily be the person to assume it. But it is -also the duty of the person who happens to be Grand -Vizier to superintend the general march of affairs, and to -take steps to prevent all maladministration.</p> - -<p>“In the report made by Galib Pasha, which was read -before the Council of Ministers, he declares himself -incapable of finding a remedy for this state of things. -And when an official makes such a declaration, it is impossible -to keep him in the exercise of those functions -without sharing the responsibility with him. It is on -these grounds that we have based our opinion as to the -necessity of replacing him.</p> - -<p>“The day after the issue of the Imperial Irade -approving this decision, His Excellency Damad Mahmoud -Djelaleddin Pasha advised us to recommend Galib Pasha -for some other post; but it so happens that not only are -the accounts in the treasury with reference to this paper -money defective, but whereas we thought that only one -million of paper money out of the proposed seven millions -had actually been issued, we now find that two millions -have in point of fact been issued.</p> - -<p>“I thought it therefore proper, as I informed you in -my letter of the 14 Moharem, 1294, to keep Galib Pasha -in the office of Finance until all his accounts were put -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span>into proper order. In the discussion on these matters in -the Council of Ministers, on the 6th day of Moharem, -Galib Pasha informed us that he had made arrangements -with some private bankers for the purchase of £T90,000 -in gold against £T210,000 paper. This enormous depreciation, -which could be accepted only in the event of the -extremest urgency, seemed to us beyond all limits of reason.</p> - -<p>“Whatever may be the personal honesty of an official, -yet when such irregularities take place in his Office, it -would seem more proper to request him first to put his -accounts in order before appointing him off‐hand to another -position of trust, such as the Senate.</p> - -<p>“On consideration of the whole matter, we are convinced -that just as Galib Pasha’s incompetence involves -no reflection on his honesty and probity, so the matter of -the £T90,000 which I have just mentioned is far from -revealing any desire on his part to conceal the real -situation of affairs.</p> - -<p>“Hence the only reasons why we have requested a -delay in the nomination of Galib Pasha to the Senate -are founded on his own declarations last Wednesday before -the Council of Ministers.</p> - -<p>“Although this little matter is scarcely worthy of so -lengthy an explanation, I have made it simply on the -demand addressed to me to furnish explanations on the -subject, and in order to comply with the Imperial -commands.</p> - -<p>“I will only, in conclusion, beg you very particularly -to be good enough to bring these details to the notice of -His Majesty, if he should express his desire to be made -acquainted with them.<br /> - -“Receive, Excellency, etc.,—</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“9 <i>Moharem</i> 1293, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(25<i>th January</i> 1877.)</small></p></div> - -<p>The other question held in reserve was that of the -mixed schools, a measure to which, as we have seen on -several occasions, Midhat attached the greatest importance, -as a means of welding together the different elements of -the nation. He desired to make a beginning by applying -it to the military academies of the Empire. The eve, -possibly, of a great war, in which the nation might require<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span> -the service of all her sons, seemed to him the most -opportune moment conceivable for the application of this -most important reform. He accordingly pressed it on the -Sultan. He was met by the ordinary Fabian tactics of -the Palace—procrastination, promises, delay. The Sultan -demurred, temporised, first gave and then withdrew his -consent, and a long discussion ensued between them on -the subject. The dispute culminated in the following -Memorandum, addressed by Midhat in the name of the -Ministry, to the Sultan, through the usual channel:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To the First Secretary of His Majesty Saïd Pasha.</i><a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">18</a></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Excellency</span>,—All sincere friends of Turkey -continue to urge us—as did Mr Thiers quite lately—in -the actual condition of affairs, to give proofs to -Europe of our sincerity and good intentions. This very -day a despatch from Musurus Pasha informs us that Lord -Derby congratulates the Imperial Government on the -dissolution of the Conference, which he considers as a -success for Turkey. At the same time Lord Derby -urges us to conclude peace with Servia as soon as -possible, and to make a beginning in carrying out those -articles of the Constitution, and those propositions of -the Conference, that are susceptible of immediate application. -And whilst we, taking these friendly counsels -into very serious consideration, are working with a view -of putting into operation without delay the Firmans -concerning reforms, an Imperial Irade, promulgated -yesterday, prohibits the admission of Christians into -the military schools, which a preceding Irade had -authorised. Now, such a prohibition is calculated -seriously to compromise, from the very beginning, -an important reform that the whole world expects -from the Constitution, and it is natural that obstacles -of this kind should discourage and paralyse the efforts -that we are constantly making to serve our country with -devotion. We therefore regret sincerely that of all the -questions which are now placed on the order of the day -to be studied by the Council, this important one alone -remains in suspense, and we regret it all the more in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span>asmuch -as the explanations that we addressed to His -Majesty on the subject yesterday morning have remained -unanswered. I therefore appeal to the Imperial goodwill, -and beseech His Majesty to bring to bear on this question -all the forethought and attention that it deserves.</p> - -<p class="right">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> -<br /> -<p><small>“8 <i>Moharem</i> 1294, <i>Hegira</i>.”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(24<i>th January</i> 1877).</small></p></div> - -<p>Worn out by these tactics, Midhat determined to bring -the matter to an issue, and make it what would be called -a Cabinet question, and addressed to the Sultan the -following letter:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Sire</span>,—The object of promulgating the Constitution -was to abolish Absolutism, to indicate Your Majesty’s -rights and duties, to define and establish those of -Ministers; in a word, to secure to the nation complete and -entire liberty, and thus by a common effort to raise the -condition and position of the country.</p> - -<p>“Contrary to what had occurred in the case of former -<em>Hatti Humayuns</em> promulgated thirty years back, the new -charter was to subsist and receive its full application after -the present political crisis should be at an end; for our object -in promulgating that Constitution was certainly not merely -to find a solution of the so‐called Eastern Question, nor -to seek thereby to make a demonstration that should -conciliate the sympathies of Europe which had been -estranged from us.</p> - -<p>“Allow me, Sire, to offer a few observations on this -subject. In the first place, Your Majesty, who is responsible -before the nation for your acts, is bound to be -acquainted with your duties as well as with your rights and -prerogatives. It is, moreover, indispensable that Ministers -should have the certain conviction of being able to -accomplish their tasks, and that we should be able to -free ourselves from that habit of servile flattery which has -debased our people and ruined the country during the last -four centuries.</p> - -<p>“I am animated by a profound respect for the person of -Your Majesty. But basing my conduct on the ordinances -of the Cheri (sacred law), I am bound to withhold obedience -to the commands of Your Majesty whenever they -are not in conformity with the interests of the nation; -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span>otherwise the weight of my responsibility would be too -heavy for me to bear. The dictates of my conscience that -command me to conform my acts to the salvation and -prosperity of my country impose an imperative obligation -on me; and the judgment of my country, which is what I -respect and cherish most, forbids me to act otherwise.</p> - -<p>“I desire earnestly that no shadow of a suspicion should -cross the mind of Your Majesty, and I dread, as I have -already said, to find later on that I have sinned against -my own conscience and deserved the malediction of my -countrymen. It is this very apprehension that forces me -to submit those considerations to Your Majesty. It is -indispensable, Sire, that the Ottoman nation should have -the power to reform and administer their country, according -to the law. It is unnecessary for me to point out or -explain to Your Majesty all that is contained in this -phrase. I humbly pray and beseech Your Majesty to -have confidence in me and my colleagues in the accomplishment -of our difficult task, in which patriotism and -love of our country are our only motives and inspiration.</p> - -<p>“I trust that I have not as yet committed any act -compromising the responsibility that I feel, and I desire -that the nation should be imbued with the sense of our -responsibility towards it, otherwise no satisfactory result -can ever be attained.</p> - -<p>“It is now nine days, Sire, since you have abstained -from giving a favourable answer to my petition. You -thereby refuse to sanction laws indispensable to the -welfare of the country, and without which our whole -previous work will be rendered futile. Whilst Your -Majesty’s Ministers are engaged in endeavouring to -restore the governmental edifice which has with so -much difficulty escaped total ruin, surely Your Majesty -would not willingly add to the work of destruction.</p> - -<p>“If Your Majesty should in consequence of the above -named opinions consider it your duty to relieve me of my -functions as Grand Vizier, I would pray Your Majesty to -confide them into such strong hands as shall be able to -reconcile the principles and ideas of Your Majesty with -the necessities of the country and the gravity of the situation -in which the Empire finds itself placed to‐day.—I am, -Sire, Your Majesty’s humble servant,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“18<i>th January</i> 1293, <i>O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(30<i>th January</i> 1877.)</small></p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span></p> - -<p>For three days he abstained from going to the Palace.</p> - -<p>The Sultan, who was now prepared for extremities, sent -Safvet Pasha to him to inform him that all he demanded -would be granted and to request him to come to the Palace. -Safvet Pasha, Minister for Foreign Affairs, and one of the -Turkish delegates at the Conference, was not what would -be called a strong Minister. He was prone to conciliation -and compromise rather than energetic measures and resolutions; -but he was essentially an honest man: duplicity -and treachery were absolutely foreign to his nature. If on -this occasion he was intended as an instrument of duplicity, -it was practised at his own expense, and he was merely -an unconscious tool. Midhat, however, demurred to -the invitation, and required the necessary Irades to be -issued on the matters pending with the Palace, before -he resumed his functions as Grand Vizier. Thereupon -the Sultan sent his first aide‐de‐camp, Saïd (Ingless) -Pasha, to him, to assure him that the Irades were ready, if he -would, on the Sultan’s order, accompany him to the Palace. -Midhat went. He perceived on his way an unwonted -display of troops in the district of Tavshan Tashi, -where his Konak was situated, but he was not aware -then, on the night of the 4th‐5th February, that the -Imperial Yacht <em>Izzeddine</em> was moored close to the -marble steps leading up to the terrace of the Palace of -Dolma‐Bagtche. If he had perceived it and guessed its -purpose, it was too late to retreat, or to escape the snare -laid for him. On his arrival at the Palace he was shown -into a small ante‐chamber and told to await the Sultan’s -orders.</p> - -<p>The first aide‐de‐camp soon returned with the Sultan’s -order to deliver up his seal of office, and to accompany -him.</p> - -<p>He then conducted him on board the <em>Izzeddine</em>, -which, with steam already up, immediately weighed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">146</a></span> -anchor and steamed off in the direction of the Sea of -Marmora with Midhat on board. The Captain of the -<em>Izzeddine</em> had sealed orders, which he was only to open in -the Sea of Marmora. These orders were, that he should -wait for twenty‐four hours in the Bay of Tchekmedje, and if -he received no telegram within that space of time, he was to -conduct Midhat to any European port on the Mediterranean -that the ex‐Grand Vizier might select. No despatch -arriving, he proceeded on his course to Brindisi, where he -landed Midhat.</p> - -<p>That the forcible banishment of the Grand Vizier was -a violation of the letter as well as the spirit of the -Constitution promulgated and sworn to by the Sultan, has -never been seriously denied. The “reason of State” urged -would obviously cover any act of arbitrary power whatever. -It was for the express purpose of putting an end to such -an arbitrary <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">régime</i> that the Constitution was framed and -insisted on. The flimsy pretext put forward, that it was in -accordance with the 113th Article of the Constitution, will -not bear the most superficial examination. The power -therein conceded to the Sultan was in a rider to a clause -declaring a state of siege when the safety of the State -required it, and the purport and limits of the clause must -necessarily govern the subsidiary provisions of the clause -itself. Not only could a rider of this description not bear -the interpretation sought to be placed upon it, but other -substantial clauses of the Constitution directly forbade the -exercise of any such arbitrary power, and provided for the -elementary right that no man should be punished except -after due trial. But further: clauses 31, 32, and 34 contained -special and minute provisions for the arrest and -trial of Ministers guilty of treason or malversation, so -that both positively and negatively, in its substantial provisions -and in its omissions, the banishment of Midhat, with -its attendant circumstances, was as clear a violation of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">147</a></span> -Constitution as the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup d’état</i> of the 2nd December 1852 -in France.</p> - -<p>But political morality and good faith and patriotism -apart, it must be allowed that the tactics pursued by -the Palace were, <em>qua</em> tactics, very cleverly devised. If -the Sultan had struck at the Constitution as well as the -champion of it; at reform at the same time as the reformer, -he would undoubtedly have raised a storm in the country -which would have immediately endangered his throne; -but by striking down the father and pillar of the -Reformers he practically killed reform, and put the -Constitution at his mercy as certainly as if he had -suppressed it then and there; and whilst pretending -himself to champion both reform and the Constitution, -he managed to play the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">rôle</i> of Wat Tyler successfully, -and to take the sting out of the blow, and conceal -the full meaning of the act that he had just committed. -There was a party in Constantinople, to which personal -ambition was not a stranger, who imagined that Midhat -was not essential to the cause of the Constitution, and -that Abdul Hamid II. was sincere in his protestations of -reforming ardour. Some were of good faith, and some were -simply moved by ambition. Both very soon discovered -their mistake, and in various distant provinces found leisure -to reflect and repent of their confiding innocence.</p> - -<p>The Palace, although they had hazarded this great -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup</i>, did not feel at all secure as to the effect it might -produce on the population of Constantinople, in spite -of all the measures of precaution that had been taken; -and the order given to the captain of the <em>Izzeddine</em> -to remain twenty‐four hours at anchor in the bay of -Tchekmedje, was with a view, in case of a serious -rising in the capital, of recalling Midhat and persuading -him to resume his functions—until a more convenient -opportunity arose. The Palace was playing for safety.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">148</a></span></p> - -<p>Stunned by the suddenness of the blow, entirely unprepared -for any concerted action, and distracted by reports -industriously spread, the people did not rise, and the Palace -breathed freely. It had gained a complete victory.</p> - -<p><span class="gesperrt">* * * * *</span></p> - -<p>Between the breaking up of the Conference and the -breaking out of the war, the sequence of diplomatic action -can be very briefly narrated. On the 19th January 1877 -Prince Gortchakoff issued a Circular to the Powers, which -can be summed up in the question, “What are you going -to do about it?” One particular phrase, however, in this -document must be noted. He says that the agreement -in the Berlin Memorandum not being unanimous, and -the crisis being aggravated, among other causes, by the -revolution in Constantinople, the Cabinets recommenced -negotiations, and, on the initiative of England, agreed upon -a basis and guarantees to be discussed at a Conference -at Constantinople. There is very little doubt that this -revolution in Constantinople—which had the avowed -object of checking absolutism and giving the Turkish -people guarantees for good government—was in the eyes -of Russia an aggravation of the crisis, and justified, and -even necessitated, in her opinion, hostile action against -Turkey. That Russia, who had undertaken the championship -of liberty and progress among the inhabitants of -a neighbouring empire, should be confronted by the -establishment of institutions far more liberal and advanced -than anything her own people were allowed to dream of; -and that there should be sitting at Constantinople a -Parliament, the very name of which was a terror and -nightmare at St Petersburg, was without question an -intolerable grievance.</p> - -<p><i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">À propos</i> of this, the famous despatch of Count Pozzo -di Borgo, of November 1828, to M. de Nesselrode, may -be read with profit:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">149</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“When the Imperial Cabinet examines the question -as to whether the moment had arrived to take up arms -against the Porte, some doubts as to the urgency of -this measure might exist in the minds of those who had -not sufficiently meditated on the effects of the sanguinary -reforms that the Ottoman Chief had just executed with -terrible energy. But now the experience that we have -just had ought to unite everybody in favour of the line -then adopted. The Emperor has put the Turkish system -to the proof, and His Majesty has found in it a commencement -of material and moral organisation which hitherto -it has never possessed. If the Sultan has been enabled to -oppose to us a more lively and sustained resistance whilst -he had scarcely collected the elements of his new plans -of reform and improvement, how much more formidable -should we have found him if he had had time to give them -more consistency and solidity?...”</p></div> - -<p>The whole policy of Russia towards Turkey is contained -in the above despatch. The Cabinets of the Powers -did not immediately answer Prince Gortchakoff’s Circular -of the 19th January. General Ignatieff took a circular -journey round Europe and felt the pulses of its Governments. -On the 13th March, Count Schouvaloff handed -to Lord Derby the draft Protocol which it was proposed -to submit to the signature of the Great Powers, so as -“to terminate the incident.” In this interview, the Russian -Ambassador urged in favour of this course the unfortunate -result that would ensue if shades of difference of opinion -were to manifest themselves in the replies of the various -Cabinets to the Russian Circular, which might be a -determining cause to induce Russia to seek for a solution -<em>either by means of a direct understanding with the Porte</em>, -or by force of arms.</p> - -<p>Lord Derby does not seem to have requested the Russian -Ambassador to explain the above oracular utterance. -There was more in it than he perhaps imagined. Another -remarkable expression fell from Count Schouvaloff at this -interview, and one which shows that he did not give<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span> -himself the trouble, in his interview with the English -Minister, to maintain even the appearance of consistency. -“<cite>As a period of some months would not be sufficient to -accomplish these reforms</cite>, it would be preferable,” etc. But -this was Mr Disraeli’s and Lord Derby’s contention, though -not sustained, for postponing diplomatic action, and the -Turkish Ministers were never tired of urging it as a good -and valid reason for deferring the Conference altogether.</p> - -<p class="tb">The Protocol that was signed at London on the 31st -March 1877 was certainly, as compared with the Protocol -of the Conference, a very colourless document. After recapitulating -certain recent diplomatic acts and taking -cognisance of certain others, in view of certain indications, -“the Powers propose <em>to watch carefully</em> by means of their -Representatives at Constantinople, and their local agents, -the manner in which the promises of the Ottoman Government -are carried into effect.” It concluded by saying: “If -their hopes should once more be disappointed, and if the -conditions of the Christian subjects of the Sultan should -not be improved in a manner to prevent the return of -the complications which periodically disturb the peace of -the East, they think it right to declare that such a state -of things would be incompatible with their interests and -those of Europe in general. In such case, they reserve -to themselves the right to consider, in common, the means -which they may deem best fitted to secure the well‐being -of the Christian population and the interests of the general -peace.”</p> - -<p>This Protocol was accompanied by two remarkable -declarations, annexed to the Minutes of the Meeting at -the Foreign Office at which the Protocol was signed—the -one on the part of the Russian Ambassador, the other -on that of the English Minister.</p> - -<p>The latter was to the effect that, in the event of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">151</a></span> -the object for which the Protocol had been signed, viz., -reciprocal disarmament and peace, not being attained, the -Protocol in question should be regarded as null and void.</p> - -<p>The declaration by the Russian Ambassador was in -the following terms:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“If peace with Montenegro is concluded, and the Porte -accepts the advice of Europe and shows itself ready to -replace its forces on a peace footing, and seriously to -undertake the reforms mentioned in the Protocol, let it -send to St Petersburg a special envoy to treat of disarmament, -to which his Majesty the Emperor would also, -on his part, consent. If massacres similar to those which -have occurred in Bulgaria take place, this would necessarily -put a stop to the measures of demobilization.”</p></div> - -<p>The Porte thought fit, perhaps unnecessarily, inasmuch -as its adhesion to the Protocol was not required, -to make on the 9th April 1877 a most elaborate and -spirited answer to the position taken up by the signatories -of that document.</p> - -<p>It pointed out that the efforts of the Powers were -exclusively directed to what they considered the well‐being -of one portion only of the Sultan’s subjects, whereas -the reforms which the new Constitution aimed at introducing -did not bear a special or exclusive character in -regard to province, race, creed or language. That the -small account which the Powers seemed to have taken -both of the great principles of equality and justice which -the Turkish Government sought to introduce into the -internal administration, and of its rights of independence -and sovereignty, was deeply to be regretted. That Turkey -as an independent State could not submit “to be placed -under any surveillance, whether collective or not.” That -the Treaty of Paris explicitly declared the principle of -non‐intervention. That Treaty which binds the other high -contracting parties as well as Turkey, cannot be abolished<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">152</a></span> -by a Protocol in which Turkey has taken no part. And -as for the last clause, the Government of the Sultan saw -in it “a proceeding of intimidation calculated to deprive -their action of all merit of spontaneity, and a source of -grave complication for the present as well as for the -future.”</p> - -<p>With reference to the declaration of the Russian Ambassador -annexed to the Protocol, the Porte very pointedly -remarked that “as regards the disorders which might break -out in Turkey and arrest the demobilization of the Russian -army, the Sultan’s Government, while resenting the offensive -terms in which this idea has been expressed, believes that -Europe is convinced that the disorders which have disturbed -the tranquillity of the provinces were due to external -agitation; that the Imperial Government cannot be held -responsible for them, and that consequently the Russian -Government will not be justified <em>in making the demobilization -of its armies depend on such contingencies</em>.”</p> - -<p>This last paragraph pointed out a serious practical -difficulty that confronted the Ottoman Government with -reference to the proposal for demobilization. Russia was -supposed to be able to mobilise her armies in eight days: -at any rate, it was a question of days with her. Turkey, -on account of her geographical position, and the nature of -her organisation, required several months to effect this -object. If, therefore, after making the greatest sacrifices in -order to collect her forces, she were now to dismiss them to -their distant homes, and Russia were allowed, on a pretext -indicated by herself, to remobilise her own army, Turkey -would be caught at the greatest possible disadvantage, and -would then be completely at the mercy of her unscrupulous -opponent. And nothing would be easier than for Russia, -employing the means at which she had shown herself an -adept, to excite troubles which would give her the very -justification which she sought for a systematic attack on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">153</a></span> -the now defenceless Ottoman Empire. The Porte had had -experience of this very same line of action and of argument -in respect to Servia. On the 2nd November 1876, Sir -H. Elliot writes to Lord Derby that “General Ignatieff -told me this morning that he has been directed by his -Government to inform the Porte that they would consider -any excesses committed by the Turkish troops as a -violation of the armistice; and one of the secretaries of the -Russian Embassy was desired this afternoon to tell me, -further, that the General had orders at once to leave -Constantinople upon any violation of it occurring,” and -he adds, “a ready pretext for a rupture appears thus to -be prepared.”<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">19</a></p> - -<p>On the 19th April 1877, Prince Gortchakoff issued -another Circular announcing a declaration of war against -the Ottoman Empire, and concluding with the following -most remarkable sentence: “In assuming this task, -our august Master fulfils a duty imposed upon him by -the interests of Russia, whose <em>peaceful development is -hindered by the permanent disturbances of the East</em>.”</p> - -<p>Commentary would spoil this choice bit. The lamb -was troubling the stream.</p> - -<p>On the 1st May, Lord Derby made a most caustic -and merciless reply to the Russian Circular.</p> - -<p>After pointing out that the Porte had never wavered -“in affirming its intention of carrying out the reforms -already promised,” which was the avowed object of the -Powers, and that by patience and moderation on both -sides these objects might still have been attained, and -that it was the presence of large Russian forces on the -frontiers of Turkey, “menacing its safety, rendering disarmament -impossible, and exciting a feeling of apprehension -and fanaticism among the Mussulman population,” that -constituted a material obstacle to internal pacification and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">154</a></span>reform. It went on to say, that the course on which the -Russian Government had entered involved graver and -more serious considerations. It was in contravention of -the stipulation of the Treaty of Paris of 30th March, 1856, -by which Russia and the other signatory Powers engaged, -each on its own part, to respect the independence and -the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire, and -further, that they had, as late as 1871, signed a declaration -at the Conference of London, affirming it to be “an -essential principle of the law of nations that no Power -can liberate itself from the engagements of a Treaty, nor -modify the stipulations thereof, unless with the consent of -the Contracting Parties by means of an amicable arrangement.” -It concluded by saying, in reference to the pretension -that Russia was acting in the interest of Great Britain -and of the other Powers, that it felt bound to state in a -manner equally formal and public that the decision of the -Russian Government was not one that could have their concurrence -or approval.</p> - -<p>Nothing could be more logical or reasonable, but it -was not logic or reason that could keep the Russian -armies on their side of the Pruth.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">155</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER VII<br /><br /> - -<small>MIDHAT PASHA IN EUROPE</small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> exile of Midhat Pasha to Europe, after his sensational -downfall from power on 5th February 1877, caused -very much excitement in Europe. The Emperor of -Austria is reported to have exclaimed, “Good Heavens! -these Turks are incorrigible!”; while M. Thiers said, -“Turkey’s most inveterate enemy could hardly have -devised such a diabolical piece of advice to give to the -Sultan.” The Cabinets lost all hope of seeing reforms -introduced into Turkey. The English, as well as the -greater part of the European Press, showed their sympathy -towards the ex‐Grand Vizier and their discontent with -the Sultan. Amongst the Russian newspapers the <em>Golos</em> -of St Petersburg, 9th February 1877, whilst clearly -showing the interest that Russia had in the disgrace of -Midhat Pasha, yet expressed its opinions in the following -manner:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“The end of the Turkish Empire in Europe has come. -All that is now wanted is patience, and waiting is not -difficult, since war is impossible with a State which will -perish more quickly by the effect of its internal crisis than -through a foreign army. Russia will have time enough to -save the Christians from the misfortune that might befall -them through the fall of Turkey. It is now more to the -advantage of Russia, as well as of the Christians, to wait -and see how the course of Turkish decay will shape -itself than to prolong the process of dissolution by interference.”<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">20</a></p></div> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span></p> -<p>The exile of Midhat, and the consequent change in the -Ministry, also caused the very greatest commotion throughout -the greater part of the Turkish population.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> But the -Sultan had taken every precaution against the possibility -of any insurrection on the part of the people in favour of -the exiled Grand Vizier, and he hastened to assemble -Parliament, in order that he might gain the credit of being -considered even more liberal than his Grand Vizier; and -to show that the downfall of Midhat by no means involved -the abolition of the recently promulgated Constitution, he -opened Parliament.</p> - -<p>The opening of the new Parliament had been fixed -for the 1st March, but owing to the fact that many of -the deputies from the more distant provinces had not -arrived in the capital, the ceremony was adjourned till the -4th March. On that day Parliament was opened with -great ceremony by the Sultan in the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche.</p> - -<p>On the right of the throne stood the Ministers and high -functionaries, the Chiefs of the Christian communities, and -members of the Council of State; on the left, the Ulema, -and Cadi, and Heads of the High Courts of Justice, with -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span>the Generals of Division; behind these the pages of the -Court. Behind the throne were the Foreign Representatives, -and interspersed between the groups on the -right and left of the throne were the Senators and Representatives -in the Parliament. The Sultan entered, dressed -in black, and stood by the throne with his hand on his -sword, whilst his First Secretary read the following Opening -Speech:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>The Sultan’s Speech.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Senators and Deputies,—Gentlemen</span>,—The -difficulties and dangers which our general situation presents -cannot be compared to any of the crises through which -the Empire has hitherto passed. I was obliged, first of -all, in order to guard the rights of the Empire, to augment -the effective force of our armies at various points, and to -call under arms 700,000 combatants. Next I considered -it a duty to try, by means of essential reforms, to put an -end, with God’s help, to the disorder of the situation, and -thus to insure our future in a permanent fashion. It is -evident that, thanks to the resources with which Providence -has endowed our country, and the aptitudes of our subjects, -a good administration would enable us in a short time to -make considerable progress. If we have not reached the -level of progress of other parts of the civilised world, the -cause of this must be traced to the instability of the institutions -necessary to the State, and of the laws and regulations -issuing therefrom. This instability proceeded from everything, -being in the hands of an absolute Government, which -disregarded the salutary principle of common deliberation. -The progress effected by civilised States, the security and -wealth they enjoy, are the fruit of the participation of all in -the enactment of laws and in the administration of public -affairs. This is why we thought it necessary to seek in -that course the means of arriving at progress, and of enacting -and enforcing laws adopted by the common consent of -the population. For this purpose I have granted and -promulgated the Constitution. By the promulgation of -the Constitution, I have not simply designed to invite the -population to share in the direction of public affairs; I -have had the firm resolution of employing the deliberative -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span>system as an effective means for the amelioration of the -administrative system of the country, to preserve it from -maladministration and absolutism. Irrespective of these -fundamental advantages, the Constitution guarantees the -unity of the governed, and confirms the principle of the -welfare and fraternal solidarity of the population; for our -illustrious ancestors, having, by God’s grace, extended their -possessions and aggrandised the Empire, have combined -under their rule a large number of peoples. These peoples -being of various nationalities and religions, it was desirable -that a uniform law should unite and protect them all. I -give thanks to Divine Providence for this legitimate aspiration -being at length realised. Henceforth all my subjects -will be considered children of the same country, and will -be placed under the protection of one law. They will be -designated by the name borne by the illustrious race of the -Founders of the Empire—a name associated with the -glorious annals of a history of 600 years. I have a firm -conviction that from this moment all my subjects will unite -their efforts to make the name Osmanli retain the force -and power hitherto surrounding it. I am therefore resolved, -in view of this ideal and these reasons, not to deviate from -the course which I have just adopted, and ever to adhere -closely to it. I expect from you a real and intelligent co‐operation, -in order to derive legitimate benefit from the -Constitution, which is based on justice and the public -security. I have deemed it necessary to insure to all the -advantages of liberty and equality, to abolish the system of -arbitrariness, to enact and execute laws adopted in common -accord with the population, and, lastly, to found our administrative -system on constitutional and liberal principles. -It is in order to realise this sincere desire that I have -created and convoked your body, composed of the Senate -and Chamber of Deputies. It now devolves on you -faithfully and honestly to fulfil the legislative duties -intrusted to your patriotism. In this task you should not -be influenced by any personal considerations, but have in -view only the faithful maintenance of the safety and welfare -of the State and country. The improvements which we -now need, and the reforms in all the public services, are -of the highest importance. The gradual application of -these measures depends on the accord which shall prevail -among you. The Council of State is engaged in framing -Bills which will be submitted to you. In the present -Session you will have before you Bills on the Standing -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">159</a></span>Orders of the Chamber, the Electoral Law, the General -Law respecting the Vilayets and the Government of the -Communes, the Municipal Law, the Civil Code of Procedure; -the laws relative to the re‐organisation of the -Tribunal and the mode of promoting and superannuating -Judges, the Law concerning the functions and retiring -pensions of all public functionaries in general, the Law of -the Press, that respecting the Court of Accounts, and, -lastly, the Budget Law. I desire that these different Bills -be successively studied and discussed. You will have -especially to occupy yourselves with the re‐organisation of -the Tribunals, the only safeguard for the rights of everyone, -and with the formation of the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmerie</i>. In order to -attain this end, it will be necessary to augment the amount -of special grants for these two branches of the Service. -As you will see from the Budget which will be submitted -to the Chamber, our finances are in an extremely difficult -situation. I recommend you, above all, to adopt common -measures adapted to meet the difficulties of the situation -and to restore our credit. You will have moreover, to take -measures to insure the supply of funds required for urgent -reforms. One of the greatest wants of our Empire and of -our subjects is the development of agriculture and industry, -and the progress of civilisation and of public wealth. This -result can only be obtained by means of the development -of public instruction. Measures with the object of -improving educational establishments, and of fixing the -programme of studies, will be submitted to the Chambers -in the Session of next year. The Imperial Government -attaches the greatest importance to the choice and appointment -of the functionaries who will be called upon to apply -and execute the above‐mentioned laws and those which -will be ultimately promulgated for the working of the -Constitution. Since my accession to the Throne I have -given particular attention to this question. It is for this -reason that I have decided on instituting, at my own -expense, a special school for the education of administrative -officials. As stated by the published organic regulations -of that school, they will be admitted to the highest -administrative and political posts. The pupils will be -selected without distinction of religion, from all classes of -my subjects. Their promotion will be according to the -degree of their capacity. For nearly two years we have had -to face internal complications. During this period, especially -during the hostilities with Servia and Montenegro, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">160</a></span>our faithful subjects have given proofs of patriotism, and -our troops have done, at the price of great suffering, acts of -courage and bravery which I profoundly appreciate. In -all questions we have only had the defence of our rights -in view. The efforts we have made for this purpose have -had the result of restoring peace with Servia. As to the -decision we shall take in the negotiations with Montenegro, -it will be referred to your deliberations at their first sitting. -I advise you to be prompt in deciding. Our relations -with friendly Powers are still marked by that courtesy -and deference which are among the most precious rules -for our State. Several months ago the Government of -England proposed the meeting of a Conference in our -capital for the consideration of the present questions. -The bases proposed being also supported by the other -Great Powers, our Sublime Porte consented to the meeting -of the Conference. Though a definite understanding was -not obtained in that Conference, we have given proofs of -our sincere desire to defer to the wishes and counsels of -friendly Powers. As to the causes of the non‐agreement -of the Conference, these lay rather in the form and the -mode of execution than in the substance. I thoroughly -appreciate the imperative necessity of continuing the efforts -for progress, by which so much has already been achieved, -from the origin of the <em>Tanzimat</em> till this time, in all -branches of the administration, and in the general -condition of my Empire. All our efforts still tend towards -that object. But on this occasion I considered it my -duty to preserve the country from all attacks on its -honour and independence. Time will prove the sincerity -of our intentions. Our desire being in all cases to maintain -our rights and independence, we adopt also for the -future the same line of conduct. I rejoice to think that -the proofs of moderation and sincerity furnished by our -State, before and after the Conference, will have served to -strengthen the bonds of friendship and sympathy which -unite my Empire to the Concert of European Powers. -May the Almighty deign to grant success to our common -efforts!”</p></div> - -<p>Thus, against his will, the Sultan had been obliged to -keep his word and to open the Chamber of Deputies, but -he now left no means untried in order to deprive the -people of the privilege which he had just granted them.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">161</a></span> -It so happened that events occurred which furnished him -with certain opportunities, of which he took advantage with -the greatest astuteness, and which were very much to -the detriment of the nation.</p> - -<p>The refusal of the Porte and of the Grand Council to -accept the propositions formulated at the Conference -had placed Turkey in an exceedingly critical position, -although the whole civilised world, with the exception of -Russia and the Sultan Abdul Hamid, were convinced -that this refusal was of no great importance, since -the solemnly proclaimed Constitution had assured the -Empire that the necessary reforms should be made, and -that the maladministration should be brought to an -end. Nevertheless, the fall of Midhat, of the very man to -whom the empire owed this Constitution, gave rise to -doubt as to the execution of the promised reforms. On -19th April, Prince Gortchakoff sent out his Circular to -the Powers, and on the 24th of April hostilities were -begun by Russia.</p> - -<p>Public opinion in Turkey was thus entirely engrossed -by the danger with which the empire was threatened -from outside, and was no longer able to concentrate -itself on the changes that were taking place in the -internal government. All minds were excited at the -near approach of Russia, and were unable to occupy -themselves in the maintenance of those rights which -had been conferred by the new charter. The Sultan -was thus able to attain his object, and finding no -longer any obstacle to his will, he closed the Parliament -and exiled the few deputies who dared to raise their -voice in protest.</p> - -<p>The war declared by Russia was the necessary result -of the policy which Abdul Hamid had proposed to follow. -Having exiled Midhat Pasha, and closed Parliament -without having executed a single reform, he was equally<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">162</a></span> -obliged to crush every liberal tendency in order that he -might monopolise the supreme power, and spared no -effort to rid himself of every force that was capable of -thwarting his designs. He now began to get secret -information as to the opinions of all the principal Ministers -and Generals, and took care at once to deprive of all -power those whom he feared might be dangerous to -him. The contradictory instructions that he gave to the -Generals, the absurd military orders that he issued from -his Palace of Yildiz, were transmitted after reports which -attributed revolutionary designs to certain of his Generals—designs -which they were far from cherishing—had -reached him.</p> - -<p>It was in consequence of these suspicions on the part -of the Sultan that the Commander‐in‐Chief Abdul Kerim -and the Marshal Suleiman Pasha were brought before a -Council of War and condemned, <em>not</em> on account of faults -committed, but simply because one of these two chief -officers had participated in the deposition of the Sultan -Abdul Aziz, and the other was known to have liberal -opinions.</p> - -<p>The Sultan’s efforts were crowned by the Treaty of -San Stefano. The Circular of Prince Gortchakoff, -which had appeared in the Official Journal of St -Petersburg on the 9th April 1877, showed that what -Russia had wished to obtain from Turkey by the -Conference of Constantinople, differed but very little -from the conditions which she imposed on the Porte in -the Treaty of San Stefano, a fact to which Lord -Salisbury rendered due justice in his despatch of 1st -April.</p> - -<p>Although the Cabinet of Great Britain had firmly -stated its intentions of not entering into the quarrel, the -general interests of Europe and the special interests of -England were so deeply involved in the dispute, that it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span> -was impossible for that Power not to be obliged sooner or -later to take some share in the proceedings. The intervention -of England, although unhappily it came rather -late in the day, led to the Congress of Berlin, which -blotted out the Treaty of San Stefano.</p> - -<p>As Midhat Pasha, however, played no part in the -Russo‐Turkish War, nor in the events that followed, we -will pass over them, and relate the vicissitudes of his -journey in Europe, including the interviews which he had -with the heads of States and celebrated politicians.</p> - -<p>Midhat arrived at Brindisi, 11th February, 1877, and -after a few days’ rest left for Naples, where he had at -first wished to live, withdrawn from the world and its -capitals. The following statement, which we reprint from -the <cite>Neue Freie Presse</cite> of Vienna, was made by him on -the future of the Constitution:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“It is not despotism which, by my banishment, has -reacted against the constitutional <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">régime</i>. That is not at -all the case. Montesquieu has taught us that the creation -of a constitution is very difficult and takes much time. -A sovereign prince, accustomed to absolute power, can -only be persuaded little by little to abandon his prerogatives, -that being necessary to the constitutional <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">régime</i>. -It is a difficult task, frequently interrupted by contrary -currents, but for all that one need never despair of reaching -the goal, for with time, patience and perseverance -success is attainable. It is not in the person of the -Sultan, nor yet through his present Ministers, that I see -danger for the Constitution, but rather in the want of -character and of courage so often to be found in those -who are the Sovereign’s Councillors, and who, instead -of acting according to their convictions, seek their own -advantage in hiding the truth. I have never hesitated -about giving my opinion to the Sultan, whoever he might -be, whenever it happened to differ from his; I have always -done so with the greatest respect, but also without the -least reticence. Many a misfortune might have been -avoided in this world of ours if there had not been a great -lack of men, capable of placing the whole truth before -their Sovereign.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">164</a></span></p> -<p>“The danger to the Constitution lies, not in the lack -of goodwill, but in the ignorance as to how to manage -the mechanism. The Governmental form of despotism -reminds me somewhat of a primitive mill, which may be -turned by the force of water, or may equally be turned -by its wheel. Constitutional Government also resembles -a mill—but one that is put in movement by a complicated -and artistically constructed mechanism. A knowledge as -to how to work this machine and to keep it in movement -is absolutely necessary. Thus, we must hope that the -men of experience who find themselves at the head of -affairs at Constantinople will not put the machinery of -the new mill in motion, in accordance with the ideas -and routine of the primitive mill. Constitutional Government -cannot have the customs and the men of the -Despotic system as its motive power. Reshid Pasha, -our great reformer, was one day reproached for employing -young men who had only just left college; he replied -that it was right that it should be so, as neither one man -alone, nor yet ten, could possibly do everything, and that -it was therefore necessary to prepare a fresh staff of -administrators. This has always been my idea, and -whenever I have seen many rivals around me, I have -delighted in the thought that it was to the profit of my -country.</p> - -<p>“If a man would render real and genuine services to -his Sovereign and his Nation, he must be <em>patriotic</em>, and -very much depends upon the way in which each person -interprets this word. As for me, I consider that man to -be a true patriot who, renouncing his own private interests, -devotes himself morally and physically to one supreme -aim—the welfare of his country. One must be willing to -renounce everything—to be ready at a moment’s notice to -sacrifice happiness, family, and life itself for what one -realises to be the good of the Fatherland.</p> - -<p>“I have frequently been in a position in which I might -have remained Minister, or have acquired vast wealth, and -so have been able to end my days in the midst of luxury -and covered with honours. But such is not my idea of -patriotism.</p> - -<p>“The esteem, love and sympathy of my nation have -been always valued by me far above all other favours -and all the splendours of this world. I could not remain -a Minister when my Sovereign refused to allow me to -act as I thought necessary for the honour and welfare -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">165</a></span>of my country, and I prefer poverty and exile to the -swords of honour, the diamonds and highest favours; -and to be held in esteem by my compatriots is to me -the proudest and keenest satisfaction.”</p></div> - -<p>Events in the East having now begun to assume a -more and more threatening aspect, Midhat felt he could -not possibly remain in inactivity at Naples, in the face -of all the troubles that assailed his country. He went -to Paris, and thence he crossed to London. He was -the subject of the warmest welcome in each of the two -capitals. Although an exile, he worked his hardest to -find some favourable issue, and to deliver his country -from the risk she ran in the Russian War. His friendly -relations with Lord Beaconsfield and with the other -English statesmen did not fail to produce some good -effects in helping to save his country from an unjust -war. When he had seen that the English Government -were disposed to offer their good office for the promotion -of an honourable peace, he left London for Vienna, where -he was granted an audience by the Emperor Francis -Joseph. On receiving news of the resistance offered by -the Turkish army to the Russians, he addressed the -following telegram to the Sultan Abdul Hamid:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To H.M. First Secretary, Saïd Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“During my stay in London, I have tried to employ -all my feeble efforts in favour of the Empire’s cause, -and to obtain an honourable peace. I flatter myself that -I have achieved some results. Now that I am at Vienna -I am desirous of acting in the same way, subject of -course to the approval of His Imperial Majesty, but -it naturally goes without saying that in order that my -efforts may be crowned with any measure of success, -I must be to some extent acquainted with His Majesty’s -plans, so that guided by the intentions of the Government, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">166</a></span>I may, to the best of my ability, render those services -which are necessary in the crisis through which we are -passing.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"><span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.”</p> - -<p><small>(1877.)</small></p></div> - -<p>The Sultan informed him in reply that he would -never accept peace, and he would refuse to listen to any -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">pourparlers</i> on this subject, and that he did not hesitate -to declare that any man who should contemplate such -a step was far from being a true patriot.</p> - -<p>Midhat Pasha, seeing that peace was impossible, -returned to London, where he never wearied of striving -by every means in his power to be of assistance to his -country. The Sultan, on his side, was doing his best to -vilify Midhat’s name in his own capital, and it is this that -elicited the following letter from him to the Grand Master -of Ceremonies, Kiamil Bey.</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of Ceremonies.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Dear Sir</span>,—I am thoroughly aware of how anxious -you must be to avoid a correspondence with me in my -present disgrace, but I must ask your indulgence for the -few lines that I find myself obliged to address to you.</p> - -<p>“It has been brought to my knowledge that the -publication of a letter in one of the newspapers of -Constantinople has given rise to various attacks directed -against me. I know very well that if an exile, instead -of seeking for indulgence and pity, dares to make use -of the language of criticism as to the acts of the -Government, in such a way as to provoke the enmity -of certain personages, he will not even be able to avoid -hurting his friends. But as these observations only relate -to the defence of my own personality, it would be better -to pass them over in silence, for there is no greater -crime than to be occupied with one’s own individuality -whilst the State is in the midst of such serious dangers. -I believe that no one who has studied my letter can -deny that it only contains the absolute truth. If there -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span>is a certain crudeness to be found therein, it comes from -the truth of the words. If I have been able to remain -indifferent to the attacks of my enemies, who for more -than a year have done their best to injure me in the -eyes of His Majesty by inserting articles and pamphlets -against me in the newspapers, it is also in my power to -bear with patience the vexatious attacks against my character. -But no one must be surprised that the right of -nationality which I possess in common with thirty‐six million -fellow‐countrymen prevents me from keeping silence whilst -our country is in the midst of such terrible vicissitudes, -and our Ministers are involved in such great difficulties. -Yet time presses, and the perilous situation, which has -been dreaded for more than forty years, draws nearer -and nearer. It is therefore the duty of every child of the -country to let his complaint be heard and to lay his fears -before his Sovereign. Those to whom the door of access -to the Sovereign is closed must naturally employ every -possible means by which their words may reach him. It -is high time to realise that to place the truth before a -Sovereign is an act of fidelity, and to hide it is a felony. -Recent events have successively shown us the faults of -those who are opposed to the wise measures which had -been recognised by our Sovereign as necessary to save -the Nation and the Government, and, putting aside all -personal enmity, I am tempted to believe that they will -profit by the goodwill of our august Sovereign and -devote all their efforts to the good of the country. I -end this letter with a request to you to be indulgent -towards my expressions, which are free from all adulatory -emphasis.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>27 Zilhidje 1294, Hegira.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>November 1877.</i>)</small></p></div> - -<p>The Sultan, beginning to fear lest his former Grand -Vizier’s sojourn in Europe should prove a danger to him, -decided to recall him. We publish the following correspondence -which passed between the Grand Master of -Ceremonies and Midhat Pasha on this subject, and which -resulted in the return of the latter to Turkey and his -tragic death. Midhat committed a great error in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">168</a></span> -accepting the reversal of his exile, an error which has -cost the Party of Reform at the very least twenty years -of progress.</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Letter from Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of Ceremonies, to -Midhat Pasha, in exile.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—His Majesty having questioned -me some time ago on Your Highness’ situation, I replied -that you were wandering, sad and dispirited. As to -your means of subsistence, I stated that you were living -on what you borrowed. His Majesty, on whom these -facts made the deepest impression, and who was much -touched, shed tears and wished to send Your Highness -at once the sum of £T1000, to provide for your absolute -necessities. But I took the liberty of saying that it was -first of all necessary to ask how the money should be sent, -and also if you would wish to appoint someone to draw it—and -then to act accordingly. What I have just related -to you is only known to His Majesty, Your Highness, and -to me, and must be kept secret. His Majesty even went -so far as to say—‘The poor man was deceived.’ As to -Your Highness’ present situation, it may come to a happy -termination through a correspondence with your humble -servant, according to the Imperial desire. I shall await -with impatience the immediate reply of Your Highness to -this letter, as well as a letter of thanks for the favour which -Your Highness has received from His Majesty.</p> - -<p class="right">“I am, etc.,<span class="h">xxxx</span><br /> -“<span class="smcap">Kiamil</span>.<span class="h">xx</span></p> - -<p><small>“<i>13th‐25th November 1293</i> (1877.)</small><br /><br /> - -“<i>P.S.</i>—His Majesty repeatedly enjoined that all -that I have just told you should be kept secret.”</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Letter from Midhat Pasha in reply to Kiamil Bey, Grand -Master of Ceremonies.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My very dear Sir</span>,—I have received your letter of -November 13th. I was at first surprised and astonished -to find that a friend, who ever since my departure from -Constantinople had taken care not to send me even a -simple greeting, should now have the courage to write -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">169</a></span>me a letter with his own hand; but after having read it -I understood the motive. Thank you for having wished to -attract the Imperial kindness towards me, and for having -replied—‘He wanders, sad and dispirited’ to the question -that His Majesty kindly put to you. But at the same -time I must point out to you that these words are used -for the unhappy and the bewildered. If His Majesty has -sent me away from Constantinople and exiled me to Europe, -it was in order to put an end to the calumnies which were -spread against me in Constantinople, where my presence -caused a certain amount of anxiety. As it is neither in -keeping with the dignity of the State nor yet with the -Imperial will that a man who has occupied the highest -rank in the Government, and who has so frequently -received the public proofs of the Imperial favour, should -be treated as one who wanders bewildered through foreign -countries, I think you would have been nearer the truth -and also have better pleased His Majesty had you said, -‘Midhat Pasha has retired to Naples, where he is praying -for the happiness of the Sultan.’</p> - -<p>“As to the rest of your letter, I must beg you to -excuse me before I begin to comment on it. You know -that I am the son of Hadji Echref Effendi, and that I have -no other protector than God. I have worked very hard to -acquire knowledge and virtue, but I have not succeeded. -I own that my capacities and accomplishments are inferior to -those of my colleagues. Now, if under these circumstances -I have still been able to reach a rank so much above my -merits, it can only be thanks to my plain dealing; and -all the difficulties that I have met with during my life, are -entirely due to my having spoken the truth.... What -has happened, and to what is it due that I have -been deceived? It was necessary that there should be a -Sovereign at the head of the State after the Sultan Abdul -Aziz, and, in accordance with the law, he was succeeded by -the Sultan Murad. He became ill—was deposed—and, -still in accordance with the law, the Sultan Abdul Hamid -ascended the throne. It has been recognised that he -manifested a sincere desire and also the necessary -capacity to lead the State into the paths of progress; he -showed much esteem for everyone, and his esteem and -benevolence for me were prodigious. In the report which -the late Mustapha Fazil Pasha laid before the Sultan -Abdul Aziz, it is stated that the truth is always the last -to gain admittance into the palace of Sovereigns, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">170</a></span>indeed this is the case. But the more dangerous the word -of truth, the more profitable is the result when it is spoken -to the Sovereign in the hope of serving the State. This -is the reason why, subordinating my private opinions to -the public interests, I have never failed to speak the truth, -and have never hesitated to point out clearly which was -the way of salvation, and which path would lead to the -destruction of our country. Men of evil intention have, -I know, made use of this as a weapon against me, but all -the events of to‐day are proving one by one how just were -my words. Unhappily, there are certain personages who, -instead of trying by every means to save their country -in the present dangerous situation, think only of their -own private interest, and desiring to preserve their prestige, -have committed serious faults, which are incompatible with -humane feeling and quite impossible to correct. And by -these acts not only have they created a bad name for -themselves, but they have been the principal cause of -the destruction of the empire. I can, however, only -be grateful to His Majesty, and ever since my departure -from Constantinople, wherever I have been, I have never -ceased to repeat with fervour how good are His Majesty’s -intentions. Those who know the constancy of my words -and deeds will realise that there is no other course possible -to me. My most ardent desire at present is to see my -country delivered from the horrors of war—my own -personal consideration can only hold a secondary place -in my thoughts.—I am, dear Sir, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>28th November 1293, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>10th December 1877.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Letter from Kiamil Bey, in reply to Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—I hope that Your Highness has -perfectly recognised from the tone of my letter from what -source it came. I was expecting to hear some expressions -of gratitude from Your Highness, but your reply -has in no way fulfilled this expectation, and you have -ruthlessly exposed the real state of affairs without giving -the least consideration to the shades of meaning in my -expressions. This has been a great grief to me, and has -diminished the hope I had of seeing you aiding the course -of progress. In certain circles it is suggested that Your -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span>Highness may be waiting for a change in the Khalifat. -I have been in Egypt for some months for change of air, -and if you should wish to answer me, I would beg you to -address your letters to me in Egypt.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Kiamil</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>24th December 1293, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>6th January 1878</i>).</small></p></div> -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER VIII<br /><br /> - -<small>THE RETURN OF MIDHAT PASHA TO TURKEY</small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">After</span> having received the most sympathetic welcome in -Europe, and above all, in London, during a period of -seventeen months, Midhat Pasha yielded to the Sultan -Abdul Hamid’s invitation and returned to Turkey, thereby -disregarding the wise advice given him by his friends -both at home and abroad, but declaring that he would -sooner die in his own country than in a foreign land. -He refused to accept any office, and only desired to be -allowed to live quietly with his family, far from all -politics and public affairs. He fixed upon Crete as his -place of residence. During his exile in Europe he had -seen the Sultan Abdul Hamid enter into the paths of -despotism—giving power to those men who had done -nothing in the past, and banishing from the capital all -those who were his partisans and who had striven -to establish a rule of justice and of progress. He had -seen his country menaced by every danger, and had -observed the manœuvres of those ambitious statesmen -who only sought for their own personal interests in the -Sultan’s despotism and in their country’s decadence. He -had seen the destruction of all he had worked for, had seen -the Constitution he had done so much to establish deprived -of every authority, and become only a name in the official -records.</p> - -<p>The position that Midhat occupied after his return<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">173</a></span> -to Turkey, may be considered as an exile imposed upon -him by the Sultan. Abdul Hamid was anxious to keep -him in Turkey, but at the same time did not dare to -keep him there in inactivity, fearing lest the leader of -the Liberal Party should once more begin to occupy -himself in obtaining the necessary measures for opening -the Chamber of Deputies. He was well aware that -Midhat, as the Governor of a province, would devote -himself entirely to its re‐organisation, and would therefore -have no time in which to concern himself with central -administration. Thus, in accepting the Governor‐Generalship -of Syria and of Smyrna, it will be seen that -Midhat played no political <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">rôle</i>. Forced as he had been -to accept these posts, he occupied himself completely in -their administration and in the good management of -their current affairs, thoroughly realising his position as -an exile.</p> - -<p>Before returning to Turkey, Midhat Pasha went to the -Island of Crete, as his future residence. The Sultan -granted his request, and sent a cruiser of the Turkish -Fleet to Syria, which landed him at Candia on 11th -September 1878; the Imperial yacht <em>Fuad</em> was also -commanded to transport his family to the island.</p> - -<p>The Cretan population, Mussulmans and Christians -alike, gave him the warmest and most cordial of welcomes; -the foreign fleets which were in the bay fired salutes -when he disembarked.</p> - -<p>This enthusiastic reception, this spontaneous manifestation -on the part of the foreign fleets, made the very worst -of impressions on Abdul Hamid, whose fears were, moreover, -increased by the continual intrigues of Midhat’s -enemies. At one time there was some question at -Constantinople of nominating Midhat Pasha as Governor‐General -of the Island of Crete. One of his friends (an -English subject, whose name we may not divulge) sent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">174</a></span> -him the following letter, written at the invitation of the -British Ambassador, Sir Henry Layard:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Constantinople</span>, <i>3rd October 1878</i>.</p> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—I have had an interview with -our Ambassador this morning. His Excellency assures -me that for the last four months he has tried by every -means in his power to act on the Sultan’s mind, in order -to persuade His Majesty to believe in your fidelity and -devotion to his throne. Sir Henry Layard has assured -me that he has incontestable proofs, that whilst Your -Highness was in power, a certain individual, who dined -every evening at your table, was in the pay of General -Ignatieff, and repeated to the General every day all that -you had said the night before. His Excellency has asked -me to tell you that His Majesty is always surrounded by -Russian emissaries, who do all in their power to influence -him against you, and therefore he is obliged to use the -greatest prudence in speaking to His Majesty of Your -Highness. The Ambassador expressed to me his very -great regret that you had refused to accept the thousand -pounds that the Sultan had offered you. He also wished -me to tell you, <em>in strictest confidence</em>, that there had been -some question of nominating you Governor‐General of -Crete, and that he prevented this nomination, being -convinced that you would do no good in the Island, and -that the insurrection instead of diminishing will only -increase later on. Besides this, he told me that his desire -is that Your Highness should occupy a higher post, where -you would render very great services to the Government. -He said that he was very anxious to meet you somewhere -and to speak with you, but that at the present moment -he sees no possibility of such an interview; in the meanwhile, -if Your Highness would put yourself into correspondence -with him, there is nothing that would give -him greater pleasure than to receive news of you.</p> - -<p>“Such, Your Highness, is the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">résumé</i> of our conversation. -I left with the conviction that the Ambassador sees -the immense difficulty of introducing any reforms into -the country without Your Highness’ co‐operation. Your -opinion on the policy of England, and on the manner of -introducing reforms into this country, would, I am sure, -be very much appreciated by his Excellency, and there<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">175</a></span>fore, -if you see fit to write to the Embassy, you may count -on my honour that no one in the world will know that you -are in correspondence with Sir Henry Layard.—I am, etc.”</p></div> - -<p>No event worthy of record took place during the -short time that Midhat passed in the island of Crete. -As he had wished, he lived peacefully in the midst of his -family, not occupying himself directly with the affairs of -State.</p> - -<p>At the end of a month, Midhat Pasha received a -telegram from the Palace, which nominated him Governor‐General -of the vilayet of Syria. He was compelled to -accept this new post, and embarked with his family on -board the Imperial yacht <em>Fevayid</em> for Beyrout.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">176</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER IX<br /> - -<small>MIDHAT PASHA, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SYRIA</small></h2> - -<p>The arrival of Midhat Pasha in Syria was greeted by the -population with as much enthusiasm and sympathy as in -Crete. Compelled to accept this new position, Midhat, -without losing hope of obtaining better results, and without -taking into consideration that this post of Governor‐Generalship -was a distinct loss of position after the high -posts which he had occupied, began at once to study -the general situation of the country, and the improvement -which it would be possible to introduce there, as he had -already done in the other vilayets. He introduced the -most urgent reforms in the administration, which he -discovered to be in a state of complete anarchy. He -founded a School of Arts and Crafts, and an Orphanage, -he increased the public safety, constructed high‐roads, -which diminished the long distances that separated -the capital of the vilayet from the outlying districts, -and contributed to the construction of a line of tramways -which connected the town of Tripoli, in Syria, to the -port of Mina.</p> - -<p>However, the population of Syria, composed as it -is of people of diverse races and religions, who are -always at enmity with each other, had preserved their -ancient manners and customs. The overwhelmingly -difficult task of creating a complete union between all -these jarring elements, and of strengthening the Ottoman -Supremacy in the country—where the minds of the popu<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">177</a></span>lace -were excited by foreign influences—consisted at first -in the re‐organisation of the administration, in Judicial -and Financial Reforms, and, finally, in insisting upon the -absolute integrity of the officials.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, the Sultan Abdul Hamid allowed his -original bitterness against Midhat Pasha to increase, and -although addressing the most flattering words to him, he -refused to sanction every single scheme of reform brought -forward by him. The more the people showed their very -great sympathy towards the Governor‐General, so much -the more furious was the Sultan at his growing popularity. -In order to prevent Midhat from gaining the friendship -of the people by introducing the required improvements, -Abdul Hamid took care to appoint as officials in Syria -those men who would be capable of opposing his projects -on every side. Such was the hostile conduct of the -Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha, who was in command of the -Fifth Army Corps, and also of General Djémil Pasha.</p> - -<p>The absence of harmony which existed between the -officials of the province, and the Sultan’s delay in sanctioning -his schemes, finally obliged Midhat to tender his -resignation in the following telegrams, to which the Sultan -replied in the most hypocritical language.</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To Ali Fuad Bey, H.M. First Secretary.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Worn out, physically and mentally, by a service to the -State which extends over nearly forty years, and taking -into consideration my old age, which renders me incapable -of serving any longer, I beg His Majesty, as a favour, -graciously to accept my resignation of the Governorship -of Syria, and to allow me to return, as soon as possible, to -my house at Constantinople, or to Metelin, or else to some -habitable district of the Syrian coast, where I may settle -down with my family and spend my remaining years.—I -am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>7th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>19th October 1879.</i>) -</small></p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">178</a></span></p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To the Grand Vizier, Saïd Pasha.</i><a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">22</a></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Having reached a condition, when mentally and -physically I can render no further services to the State, -I had some weeks ago prepared my resignation and was -going to send it in, for urgent reasons, when your nomination -to the Grand‐Vizierat retarded my action. But the -appointment of Mahmoud Nedim Pasha<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> to the Ministry of -the Interior has decided me to present it at the Palace. I -inform you of this in advance, so that my resignation, -following on your appointment as Prime Minister, may not -be misinterpreted. I beg you will support my petition, -and be my intermediary in helping me to get permission -to end my days in some suitable place, with my family.—I -am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.”</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Reply from H.M. First Secretary.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—His Majesty has taken note -of Your Highness’ resignation of the Governorship of -Syria.</p> - -<p>“The success which has attended Your Highness in -the vilayet of Syria has been reported to His Majesty -by Sir Henry Layard, who has just returned from his -travels in Syria. His Majesty was on the point of sending -you his congratulations, and of asking you what measures -should be taken for the application of those reforms in -which you encounter some obstacles. The arrival of -your resignation has caused regret to His Majesty. You -declare that the principal reason of your resignation is -your advanced age, but as Your Highness is well aware, -the longer an official has served, so much the greater will -be his experience and his competency. Now, just at the -moment when the State is on the point of reaping the -fruits of Your Highness’ long experience and high efficiency, -your decision to withdraw from public affairs cannot -agree with the sentiments of your well‐known patriotism, -and His Majesty would not, at present, be able to reconcile -himself to placing on the unattached list, a servant as -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">179</a></span>capable and experienced as Your Highness. Consequently, -the reasons of your resignation are not admissible. His -Majesty orders me to beg that you will address yourself -directly to the Palace, if you have complaints to formulate.—I -am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Ali Fuad</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>10th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>22nd October, 1879.</i>)</small></p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Reply.</i></p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To Ali Fuad Bey, H.M. First Secretary.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Excellency</span>,—I have received the cipher telegram of -the 10th October, 1295, and I humbly thank His Majesty -for the questions which he has deigned to address to me; -my request is occasioned by the weakness of my body and -by the responsibility imposed upon me by the state of the -vilayet. All the services of the vilayet are in disorder; -the localities, as well as the population on the coast, are -almost entirely under foreign influences, and the interior of -the country, ever since the war, has been undermined by -insurrections, which paralyse all the efforts of the State to -bear on the abolition of the dissensions and revolts, in -order to secure to the population a measure of repose and -justice under the ægis of the State, by taking into consideration -the exigencies of the localities and the requirements -of the inhabitants. While this state of affairs exists, -the enforced application in this vilayet of such reforms -as those imposed in the vilayets of Konia and of Angora -has only succeeded in alienating still further the population -from the Government, and caused it to sympathise -still more strongly with the foreigners. Moreover, even -the power to assure the security of the Province is in the -hands of the Military Administration, yet the responsibility -thereof has been assumed by the Vali, which is not in the least -in agreement with any known rule, and the disputes which -may arise from this system can only add to the other -mismanagements, and as the vilayet cannot go on for -more than six months or a year in this manner, I find -myself obliged to resign my functions. I am proud of -sacrificing my life for His Majesty, in any service or -in any country whatsoever. There exists only one means -to effect the improvement of the state of the Province, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">180</a></span>that is the appointment of a capable and honest Vali, to -whom would be accorded full power to apply all the administrative -and financial reforms, as well as the works of public -utility according to the exigencies of the locality and of the -populace, and according to what was done in the vilayet of -Bagdad, the military force must be placed in the hands of -the Vali in order to concentrate all the converging powers -to this sole aim. I only venture to make these proposals -on the strength of the invitation given me by the Imperial -command.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>11th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>23rd October 1879.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Telegram in reply, from H.M. First Secretary.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—Your reply telegram, which has -only just arrived, has been submitted to His Majesty, who -was much gratified to hear that you declare yourself proud -to be able to sacrifice your life in His Majesty’s service. -I have been ordered to communicate the imperial compliments -to you, and to inform you that in two or three days -someone from the Palace will start for Syria, charged to -furnish you with the instructions and Irades relating to the -contents of Your Highness’ telegram.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Ali Fuad</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>12th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>24th October 1879.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p>Thus it is seen that Abdul Hamid refused to accept the -resignation of Midhat Pasha, but Midhat gave him the -choice between his resignation and the desired reforms, -and sent the Grand Vizier long schemes for the general -re‐organisation of the province.</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To the Grand Vizier, Saïd Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—Exhausted after a continuous -service of the State of nearly forty years, and further -weakened by my age which is nearly sixty, my sole desire, -prior to my return from Europe, was to withdraw myself -from all public affairs. The permission, which I obtained -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span>from His Majesty, to live in the island of Crete with my -family, was the favour which I most desired. But His -Majesty, recollecting my former services and deigning to -believe that I should be able once more to devote myself -to the work, was graciously pleased to appoint me to the -Governorship of Syria. Although worn out both mentally -and physically, I could but bow in gratitude before the -imperial will, and trusting in Divine support I took up my -duties.</p> - -<p>“Thirty years ago I had already filled the office of -Secretary in this vilayet, and twenty‐seven years ago I -had been there on a temporary mission. Thus I had a -certain knowledge of the manners of the inhabitants. -Judge therefore what was my surprise, on my return -there, to discover a complete change in the Administrative -and Political Government of this province. As France -was protecting the Lebanese, England found herself -obliged to protect the Druses; the Americans were -founding schools etc., in the Djebel Noussairi, in order -to create there a sphere of influence for themselves. -Whilst the Germans, under the name of <em>Colonies</em>, were -peopling Palestine with German emigrants, the Spaniards, -who cherished analogous schemes, had constructed a -school and a church at Jaffa, in order that they might -have their share. All these influences produced the -very worst effect on the country, for one party of -the Christians cherish a dream of union with Lebanon, -whilst another party are seeking foreign protection, and -meanwhile the Mussulmans can only marvel at the disorder. -Now, although it is incumbent upon the State to -reassure public opinion and to put an end to all these -exterior influences, yet, on account of the exigencies of -the war, the only orders sent from the Central Authority -consist of demands for money, and for men for the Army. -This state of things has opened the door to every abuse -under the sun, and both law and order have been completely -neglected. The officials of every rank, with some -few exceptions, only seek their own personal interests, and -the result of this, on the manners of the inhabitants, is so -disastrous, that murders and robbery are the order of the -day, and there is no security to property. To go no further -than Tripoli, in Syria, during the last four years I myself -have seen no fewer than ninety cases of murder, theft and -pillage in the districts of Akiar and Safna alone; and not -one single case has ever been brought to judgment. The -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span>thieves and brigands remain unpunished or are released, -whilst innocent people are detained, without being -previously tried, and are subjected to penalties varying -from eight to ten years. I have myself, this time, liberated -several prisoners of this category, and I abstain from -mentioning the administration of the districts dependent -on the Kaimakam of Dehle.</p> - -<p>“As to the financial state of the province, it is most -deplorable, and, as I have already had the honour of -showing you, in a previous letter, the public revenues -are reduced to one half; the country has been ruined -by the tithes, and the depredations of the Army have -desolated that which remained. The disastrous effect of -the paper money having been to reduce the revenues by -one half, one is appalled at the acknowledged deficit. -This enumeration is a faithful <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">résumé</i> of the state of the -vilayet, a state of which foreigners are the first to complain, -whilst at the same time, they are just those who have -the greatest political profits to gain from the continuance -of these disorders. It is quite certain, that if this condition -of affairs is not brought to an end, the Great Powers -will place the administration of the vilayet of Anatolia -in the hands of foreign officials, under the pretext of the -introduction of reforms. And, as the schemes of foreigners -for Syria are well‐known, to accept their conditions, based -upon the maladministration denounced by the European -newspapers, would only increase public opinion in their -favour, and cause their pretensions to be sustained by the -Cabinets of Europe.</p> - -<p>“Ever since my arrival, I have done all in my power -to bring some order into the affairs of the vilayet and to -avoid the dangers I have detailed above. With your -support, the question of the central district might be -arranged, but the improvement of the province is not even -then accomplished. There still remains the great difficulty -of establishing the financial condition of the vilayet on -an equitable base, of improving the Tribunals, and, above -all, of putting an end to the extortions of the officials, -who, in addition to the loss they occasion to the Treasury, -do still more to discredit the Government in the eyes -of both the natives and of the foreigners. In a word, it -would be necessary, at all costs, to reassure public opinion -by the application of existing laws.</p> - -<p>“The actual state of things having reached this point, -the laws, which are at present being deliberated upon in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">183</a></span>the Council of Ministers, should be elaborated and applied -in all the provinces of the Empire, taking into consideration -the manners and customs of each province.</p> - -<p>“It would be a complete mistake to believe that this -state of things can continue, and it is quite insupportable -to me to know the remedy for the evil and yet not to -be able to apply it, and above all to acquiesce wittingly -in the harm caused by the present administration.</p> - -<p>“I feel myself obliged once more to submit the above -observations to Your Highness.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>17th March 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>29th March 1879.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p>Abdul Hamid, however, although he promised Midhat -to apply these measures of amelioration, which he considered -indispensable, refrained from giving his sanction -to them, and the troubles which broke out, in the middle -of all this, between the Druses and the Arabs of Hauran, -obliged Midhat to keep his office in order to prevent the -conflict from taking a turn which might have led to foreign -intervention. The causes of these troubles and the attitude -of the Palace and of the Government are shown in the -following correspondence with Midhat Pasha.</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Telegram sent to the Grand Vizier, by Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—It is necessary to give Your -Highness details of the affair of Hauran, for which you -ask in your telegram of the 3rd October. The Djébéli Druse -(Druse Mountain) and the valley of Ledja are inhabited -entirely by the Druses. Since the events in Egypt these -people have completely lost all respect for the Government, -to which they no longer furnish any troops, or taxes, but -all the crimes and misdeeds committed in the neighbourhood -arise from their insubordination and opposition to -authority. Last year they captured the English post, -and those people who attacked the caravan at Iki‐kapoulu -this year, and killed two men, are also Druses. Some of -the stolen cattle have been found at Djébéli Druse, but it -has been impossible to punish the authors of the crime. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span>This district being exempt from all taxation, it has become -the haunt of brigands, and of all those who wish to live as -such; those who have committed a crime, deserters, or -good‐for‐nothing Druses from Lebanon, all have sought -refuge here for the last five or six years, until the mountain -is crowded with them. It is they who attacked Hauran, -put the inhabitants to flight, and up to the present moment -they have conquered seventeen villages. They provoke -quarrels and massacres for the most trivial causes, in order -that they may be able to lay hands on other villages in -succession. The Arabs of Hauran, having now adopted -the Druse tactics, had entered into alliance, at the beginning -of the present occurrence, with the inhabitants of -Adjloun, of Kounitara, as well as with other Arab tribes, -and were prepared to march against the Druses. The -officials who were sent to the place were able to prevail -upon the Hauranians, by their counsels, to abandon their -plans and to obey the orders of the Government, but -they insisted on those Druses who had been guilty of -acts of brigandage being brought to justice and punished. -The Druses, meanwhile, will listen to no representations, -and remain with a force of several thousand armed men, -in the face of the Hauranians. Although we learn that -the Commandant of the troops which were sent, has been -in communication with the Druses, in order to bring them -back under control, we are not sufficiently well acquainted -with the result, and for further details you should apply to -the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> -<p><small>“<i>6th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>18th October 1879</i>).</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Cipher Telegram from the Grand Vizier to Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—The English Ambassador has -just been to see us, on account of the events which are -taking place among the Druses, which he deeply regrets, -and he has made the same communications to the Minister -for Foreign Affairs. It is of course a well‐known fact -that England offers a moral protection to the Druses, -whilst France does the same to the Maronites. Whilst -the English, on one hand, are scarcely pleased with the -measures which have been adopted against the Druses, -yet on the other side there are the representations made -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">185</a></span>to Your Highness by the British Consul, to the effect -that France would have to bring a formal complaint if -the increasing looting by the Druses continues, as it is -very hard on the Maronites. In short, although the -Druses are behaving abominably, it is not in keeping -with the justice of the State to leave them unpunished, -and yet, although their system of brigandage dates from -time immemorial, an opportune moment in which to teach -them a lesson has never been found. Supposing that -the troops sent to safeguard the security of the Empire -were sufficient to end the whole affair, it is certain that -the continuation of the conflict between the Druses and -Hauranians could have no good result to the Empire. -Consequently the best means, in our opinion, by which to -put an end to this affair, consist in postponing the subjection -of the Druses until the period of the complete -re‐organisation of the vilayet, and we must resign ourselves -to acting solely as arbitrators between the Druses -and Hauranians, to bring about an amicable arrangement. -Your Highness tells us that the Hauranians would refuse -to accept the indemnity that the Druses offer them. -This may at first sight seem a difficulty in the way of -mediation by the Government, yet it is necessary to -induce the Hauranians to accept this indemnity, in order -to prevent the shedding of blood, and to avoid the -multiplication of vexatious incidents which might bring -on political complications.</p> - -<p>“If by chance the above arrangement cannot be brought -about, Your Highness is then authorised to suggest to -the Hauranians the total payment of the indemnity -demanded by the State, informing the public that it is -among the pacific intentions of the Government to have -recourse to this solution of the matter, in the sole aim -of abolishing the enmity which exists between its two -subject races.</p> - -<p>“Necessary instructions as to the departure of the -required troops have been given to the War Office. -I think it is my duty to add, that in case the affair -cannot be amicably arranged, it would be well to have -recourse to the influence of the leading men on either -side, this being a method, the efficacy of which has been -already proved, and if it were necessary Your Highness -might go in person to the scene of conflict.</p> - -<p>“In short, we beg that Your Highness will employ -every means for conciliation, and we anxiously await the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span>news of the closure of this incident, without having to seek -the intervention of coercion.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Saïd</span>,<span class="h">xxx</span><br /> -“<i>Grand Vizier</i>.”</p> - -<p><small>“<i>13th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>25th October 1879</i>).</small></p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Reply from Midhat Pasha to the Telegram from the Grand -Vizier.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—In reply to your telegram of -13th October, it has been shown in my previous communications -that the incident of Hauran was caused by -a quarrel between the inhabitants of two villages, on -account of a girl, and this quarrel spread until it attained -its present serious proportions. Since it is quite impossible -to remain a passive spectator in face of a force of between -three and four thousand individuals, all armed and ready -to kill each other, we first of all sent officials, then -gendarmes, and finally regular troops, in order to prevent -a collision between the two parties, and we ended by -calling in the Sheiks—proposing that they should come -to some amicable arrangement. The Hauranians thereupon -insisted that those Druses who were guilty of -having killed some of their tribe unjustly should be -brought up to justice, or else, since they are the more -numerous, that the State should permit them to march -against the Druses. On the other hand the Druses -declare that it is contrary to their customs to be given -up to justice, and fearing lest they may thereby create -a precedent, they refuse to surrender the culprits; at the -same time they have taken up their position in front -of the troops, and cut off the water‐supply that was -used by the Army. They are thus prepared to offer -a strong resistance, and at the same time are pillaging -the villages which are inhabited by both Mussulmans -and Christians. Yesterday they devastated four -villages, killed two of the inhabitants, and after having -wounded several others, they slew four more whom they -met on the road. We have sent many special envoys -to them, trying to impress upon them the necessity of -surrendering at any rate some of the twenty‐five criminals -to the Government, and they have at last consented to -pay an indemnity, which was intended to go to the -families of those men who had been assassinated. The -Hauranians, however, will not hear of any such solution. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">187</a></span>One thing is certain: it is quite impossible for us, after -what has already occurred, to leave the Hauranians at -the mercy of the Druses, without running the risk of -creating very grave political and administrative dangers. -Consequently, if Your Highness can succeed in finding -any other method than that of the employment of an -armed force, we shall do all in our power to execute it -successfully.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>14th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>26th October 1876.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Telegram from the Grand Vizier to Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—Since your advice coincides with -ours that the Druse question should be amicably settled, -it is necessary to take immediate steps towards obtaining -a good result and preventing any recurrence of these -incidents, and this without having recourse to military assistance. -It would be very helpful to have the co‐operation -of those who by their influence would be able to quiet -down the minds of the people. Your Highness’ presence -in these districts would create a good impression. We -therefore beg that Your Highness will let us hear of -your departure and of the means you intend to adopt. -From the telegram from the Marshal to the Minister -of War, it appears that the Druses have fired on the -gendarmes whom General Djémil Pasha had sent to -that district in order to try and re‐establish peace, and -that on a Captain being killed, the gendarmes retaliated, -and that a battle took place. As this is not at all -expedient, Your Highness is particularly requested to -put an end to all reprisals.</p> - -<p>“The Minister for War has stated that two battalions -of regular troops, and three battalions of reserve (with -munitions of war) are just starting for Beyrout, on the -steamer <em>Mevridi‐Nousret</em>.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Saïd</span>,<span class="h">xxx</span><br /> -“<i>Grand Vizier</i>.”</p> - -<p><small>“<i>16th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>28th October 1879.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Reply to the Grand Vizier from Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—The troops were not sent to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">188</a></span>Hauran with the intention of fighting with the Druses, -but, as my last telegram explained, more than four -thousand men, from one part and another, had armed -themselves and were prepared to attack, and as, under -these circumstances, the Government was obliged to -interfere, it was simply to prevent bloodshed and to procure -justice for those who had been injured. Your -Highness is not unaware that those officials, who were -punished in 1276 (1860), owed their disgrace to having -failed to execute their duty conscientiously.</p> - -<p>“Although the re‐establishment of order at Djébéli‐Druse -might be obtained as the natural result of our -action, yet for the moment, this would be of only a -secondary interest; and since Your Highness recommends -us not to force it to this point, it may be possibly obtained -in the future.</p> - -<p>“It is as Your Highness remarks: the Druses having -always lived in a state of brigandage, have been treated -differently from others, and, until now, I have tried to -manage them with due recognition of this fact. Some -of the Druse Chieftains who were at Damascus have -been sent to the disturbed districts on a mission of -peace. But they only joined the others, and have committed -criminal acts. Without taking into consideration -the treachery of these men, our one aim has been always -to find some means of ending this conflict without calling -in the aid of the Military, and we were awaiting the -reception of the Druse Chieftains from Mount Lebanon, -who, through the negotiations of Rustem Pasha, had -offered themselves as mediators between the belligerents. -But yesterday, at a distance of only three‐quarters of -an hour from the camp of the Imperial Army, the -inhabitants of Hauran began once more to fight with -those of Ledja. As soon as this news reached the camp, -a company of gendarmes and two companies of regular -troops were sent to the spot to try and separate them. -But the Druses immediately fired upon the Imperial -troops, killing two gendarmes and wounding an officer. -On that, General Djémil Pasha joining them, with two -companies of regular troops, the Druses killed a captain -and fifteen soldiers, and the battle lasted until midnight. -From a telegram that the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha -received this morning, it appears that Djémil Pasha has -returned to the camp, with all his troops.</p> - -<p>“After this incident the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">189</a></span>gave the necessary orders to concentrate the remaining -military troops. Holo Pasha will be sent, with a member -of the Administrative Council of the vilayet, to try and -persuade the belligerents to lay down their arms. But -to bring this business to an end, with moderation, one -will be obliged to drive the Druses from their positions -in Hauran. The arrival of the promised troops is quite -indispensable.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>17th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>29th October 1879.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>The Grand Vizier to Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—The report of the Minister for -War, and the telegrams which have been exchanged -relating to the question of the Hauran Druses, have been -read at the Council of Ministers. After some deliberation -it has been decided to settle this question in a pacific -manner, and to invite Your Highness to go in person to -the affected districts, to hasten the departure of the troops -which have been demanded, and that the Minister for War -should give Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha the necessary -orders, so that he may be in agreement with the ideas of -Your Highness. The importance of the Question and the -wishes of the Sublime Porte being settled by the correspondence -which has passed up to the present, Your Highness -is requested to go to the camp and to bring this -matter to a peaceful close.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2">“<span class="smcap">Saïd</span>,<span class="h">xxx</span><br /> -“<i>Grand Vizier</i>.”</p> - -<p><small>“<i>22nd October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>4th November 1879.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Reply from Midhat Pasha to the Telegram from the Grand Vizier.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—Since the Druse Question must, -in conformity with His Majesty’s orders, be brought to a -pacific termination, may I beg that you will leave to me the -choice of means to be employed, and wait patiently for a -few days longer. You may have every reliance that the -matter will be ended without having recourse to arms, and -in a manner worthy of the prestige of the State and of the -Army.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>23rd October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>5th November 1879.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">190</a></span></p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>From Midhat Pasha to H.M. First Secretary.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Excellency</span>,—The Druse Question has at -last come to an end, with the arrival of the Sheiks -yesterday at Damascus. They are anxious to solicit the -protection of our august master. The Government having -insisted on the extradition of those individuals who were -implicated in the assassinations of Basr‐el‐Houreiri, the -four men who survived the skirmishes have been accordingly -delivered up to the authorities, and they are now in -prison, waiting to be brought before the tribunals. This -fact is full of promise for the future, for, hitherto, the -Druses have never been accustomed to deliver to the -authorities those criminals who have sought refuge in their -midst. I must now devote myself to the consideration of -the future condition of the Druses, which is of great -importance.</p> - -<p>“As there is now no further need for the battalions of -Reserve, recently sent, they have been sent back, and we -have decided, with the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha, that -the battalions now at Hauran and at Damascus shall be -returned.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>29th October 1295, O.S.</i>”<br /> - -<span class="h">xxx</span>(<i>11th November 1879.</i>)</small></p></div> - -<p>Midhat Pasha, who had withdrawn his resignation, with -the express purpose of not leaving the province in a state -of turmoil, and in order to bring the Druse Question to -a suitable and lawful termination, succeeded thus in re‐establishing -peace, in a manner that was honourable to the -Government, in spite of the unjustifiable conduct of the -Sublime Porte and of the Palace. But Midhat, perceiving -the impossibility of working satisfactorily with the Government, -once more sent in his resignation, in the following -telegrams:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Telegram sent to the First Secretary, enclosing the Resignation of -Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“With respect to my proffered resignation of October -last, His Majesty condescended to issue an Irade, which -made me decide to wait patiently for some time longer. -Now that the question of the Druses, which was the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">191</a></span>reason of the refusal of my request, has been settled, and -the conditions of the vilayet are absolutely normal, I -humbly beg that my resignation may be accepted by His -Majesty, on account of the reasons which render my -position untenable.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>18th May 1296, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>30th May 1880.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>H.M. First Secretary to Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—Your telegram, dated 18th May -1296, has been presented to His Majesty. If there has -been any delay as to the departure of the personage who -was charged to communicate the Imperial instructions to -Your Highness, and to receive your exact replies, it has -been occasioned entirely by the difficulty he has experienced -in quitting his post. And it is very difficult to -find any one who possesses the same qualities, to replace -him. You must not attribute the non‐execution of -the Imperial promise to any other cause. In your telegram -you say that your resignation arises from causes which are -not unknown to His Majesty. In one of your later -telegrams these causes resolve themselves into two -principal ones: of which the first consists in Your Highness’s -advanced age, and the other in the difficulties you -encounter in the Administration of the Province. The -first reason cannot be accounted as valid, by a servant who -is devoted to his country and Sovereign, and whose chief -desire should be never to renounce the honour of serving -the State. As to the extension of power, a special order -will soon be published on the duties of Governor‐Generals, -so that this second reason of your resignation will no -longer have any force. His Majesty expresses a desire -to know positively if Your Highness wishes to resign from -any other cause, independent of those already cited.</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Ali Fuad.</span></p> - -<p><small>“<i>19th May 1296, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>31st May 1880.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Telegram from Midhat Pasha in reply to H.M. First Secretary, -Ali Fuad Bey.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Excellency</span>,—Besides those causes cited in -your telegram replying to my request for permission to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">192</a></span>retire, I may also mention the difficulties presented by the -application of the new laws, and the insults to which -I am exposed on all sides, on account of which I find -myself obliged once more to entreat His Majesty for his -indulgence. As I said six months ago in one of my letters, -I am firmly resolved to sacrifice my life in the service of -His Majesty, and as my life is nearing its end, the few -years that remain are of but little importance. But there -is something that is dearer and still more sacred than life—that -is honour.</p> - -<p>“It is quite possible that there may be some reason -of which I am not aware, for the formalities which have -occurred, and for the present situation, but, from my -humble point of view, and from my most inward conviction, -everything seems to combine to wound my honour, -as much in what concerns the administration of the -vilayet which has been confided to my care, as in my -private capacity. Now, as it is pardonable that I should -desire not to tarnish my honour, which I have preserved -unspotted during a service of more than forty‐five -years, I have decided to protest no longer, but to retire. -I, therefore, take the liberty of once more referring this -subject to our magnanimous sovereign.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>21st May 1296, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>3rd June 1880.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To Midhat Pasha, from the First Secretary, Ali Fuad Bey.</i></p> - -<p class="center f09">[<i>Confidential.</i>]</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness’</span> telegram of 21st May, 1296, has -been submitted to His Majesty. All the world knows how -highly His Majesty has always regarded your honour, and -Your Highness, from the Humanitarian point of view, can -only recognize and approve the justice of this observation. -For many years Your Highness has rendered the greatest -services to the State, you occupy the highest rank in the -Vizierat, and are one of the greatest dignitaries and -Statesmen of the Empire, and His Majesty informs you -that he will guarantee your honour and consideration, as -well as your reputation.</p> - -<p>“If the difficulties, which you declare you have encountered -in the application of the new laws, refer to the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">193</a></span>judicial laws, that must arise from the incapacity of the -officials in the Judicial Department. Without criticising -the fundamental significance of the laws, Sir Henry -Layard has also represented to His Majesty, in a report, -the difficulty that would be encountered in applying these -laws, for want of competent officials, and, although every -one recognises the necessity of the adoption and promulgation -of these laws and regulations, yet the rumour of -Your Highness’ resignation has immediately given rise to -criticisms, which were delivered here yesterday evening by -several personages. As you know, one of the very first -reforms, the execution of which is to be desired, and even -the principal reform to be executed, is the re‐organisation -of the Courts of Justice. But the difficulties involved in -carrying out these reforms place the Government in a -very awkward position. Your Highness is begged to -draw up a note stating the changes that are necessary, -in the opinion of Your Highness, who has so great an -experience both in Civil Administration and also in -judicial laws, and to place this note in the hands of a -capable official—one who possesses your full confidence—that -it may be presented to His Majesty. You will also -make use of this capable official, possessing your confidence, -in your correspondence with the Palace. As our -principal aim must be always to serve the State and our -Sovereign with all fidelity and devotion, Your Highness is -requested not to pay any attention to tale‐bearing, which -is unworthy of any consideration, and not to allow yourself -to be affected by it. His Majesty appreciates your actions, -and sends you his friendliest Imperial greetings.</p> - -<p class="center"> -“I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Ali Fuad</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>23rd May 1296, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>5th June 1880.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Midhat Pasha to Ali Fuad Bey.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“The most precious and the most welcome part of -your telegram of 23rd May being the expression of the -Imperial goodwill towards me, I must first of all offer -you my humble thanks. As to the other matters, your -Excellency is not unaware that not only do I recognise -in principle the necessity and the benefit of the new laws, -but I am, above all, one of the chief advocates of judicial -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span>reform. As was mentioned in the Imperial telegram -conferring the Governorship of Syria upon me, the local -manners and customs must be taken into consideration -with regard to the new organisations. But the new laws, -instead of embodying these recommendations, have been -drawn up on exactly the old lines, and when I suggest that -with a slight modification these laws might be ameliorated, -my observations are systematically ignored. This state of -things has produced a result quite the opposite of that intended, -and the greater part of the new laws, as well as the -older ones, remain in disuse. The general situation is -therefore most strange and peculiar.</p> - -<p>“To this disorder must be added the difference which -exists between the civil and military authorities, which -have ended by becoming hostile to each other. A country -such as Syria, which is full of troubles and intrigues, both -internal and external, is in crying need of a military force, -yet every time that we demand an armed force we meet -with a deliberate refusal, or the troops which have been -sent are withdrawn without reason, or else our official -letters remain unanswered. Now, although it is possible -that this results from the inimical system which has -been adopted against me personally, yet, undoubtedly, the -Government and the country are the principal sufferers -from it; and when it comes to six months passing without -the governor and the marshal of a vilayet meeting, one -can imagine the state of affairs in the province. Again, -the grant for the gendarmes and the salaries of the officials -having been reduced, these measures have struck a blow at -the security of the country, and have driven the officials to -corruption, whilst the judicial system which has been -adopted by the tribunals towards criminals has weakened -public confidence. This state of things being well known, -the orders which arrive daily never fail to put all the -responsibility on the Governor. Now, it is impossible to -accept this situation, nor can I, in a telegram, give an -explanation of all these difficulties, but, in conformity with -the Imperial Irade, a confidential official is on the point -of starting, commissioned to give you the amplest information. -I shall strive for patience until his return.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>25th May 1296, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>7th June 1880</i>).</small> -</p></div> - -<p>Quite apart from all this question, the Sultan Abdul<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">195</a></span> -Hamid was far from being satisfied with Midhat Pasha’s -sojourn in Syria. The Syrians, realising the good that -he had done to the country, were loud in their expressions -of gratitude, which gave offence to the Sultan. The cries -of “Long live Midhat Pasha!” in the streets, and the -interviews of the British Ambassador, Sir Henry Layard, -with the Governor‐General during his travels in Syria, all -augmented the fears of the Palace. Midhat’s enemies -then put into circulation the rumour that Syria would -soon become an autonomous principality, and that Midhat -Pasha would receive the title of Khedive.</p> - -<p>Abdul Hamid then informed Midhat that he declined -to accept his resignation, that he wished to see him -continue his services to the State, and that he appointed -him Governor‐General of the vilayet of Smyrna. The -Syrians addressed a petition to the Palace, begging that -Midhat might remain at Damascus, but the Sultan paid -absolutely no attention to this act on the part of the -Syrian population, and Midhat found himself compelled to -start off for his new post on board the Imperial yacht -<em>Izzeddine</em>, which had been sent for that purpose.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">196</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER X<br /><br /> - -<small>MIDHAT, GOVERNOR‐GENERAL OF SMYRNA</small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> vilayet and town of Smyrna were then, like other -provinces of the Empire, in a state of lamentable disorder. -It is quite certain that the Sultan, who had refused to -apply the necessary reforms in Syria, had never sent -Midhat to Smyrna with the intention of putting a stop -to the administrative anarchy existing in that part of -his dominions. Midhat, although well aware that the -aim of all these machinations was only to paralyse his -activity, could not forget the duties and responsibilities -which the Governor‐Generalship placed on his shoulders.</p> - -<p>There were a quantity of liberated convicts of every -foreign nationality in Smyrna, who daily committed all -manner of theft and crime; the sense of terror in the -province was so great that no one dared venture abroad -in the streets after night‐fall. Midhat Pasha formed a -corps of police, in imitation of the European police, a -force which at that time did not exist in Turkey -apart from the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gendarmerie</i>. He showed the same -activity here as in the other vilayets, and succeeded, -after several arrests, in establishing public security. He -widened the streets of the city, and founded a School of -Arts and Crafts, as well as an orphanage, which still exists -under the name of “Islahané.”</p> - -<p>On the other hand, the Sultan never renounced his -aim of ridding himself of Midhat, and four or five months -after his arrival in Smyrna, Abdul Hamid decided to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">197</a></span> -strike a mortal blow at him, in once more raising the -question of the sudden death of his uncle, the ex‐Sultan -Abdul Aziz, whose suicide in the Palace we have already -related (see p. 89). This suicide had not only been -verified by eye‐witnesses, but also by the report of all -the doctors of the foreign embassies at Constantinople, -and above all by the statement of Dr Dickson, doctor -at the British Embassy, a fact which has been confirmed -by Sir Henry Elliot, who was the then English -Ambassador, and who wrote an account of the deposition -and suicide of Abdul Aziz, which appeared in the -February number of the <cite>Nineteenth Century</cite> in 1888. -Now, after a lapse of four years, the Sultan asserted -that his uncle had not committed suicide, but that -he had been assassinated, and that the murder had -been perpetrated by Hussein Avni Pasha, the Minister -for War (who was himself murdered in Midhat’s house, -in 1876, by Cherkess Hassan), and by his two brothers‐in‐law, -Mahmoud Djelaleddin and Nouri Pashas, and that -<em>other personages of high rank</em> (an allusion to Midhat, -Mehemet Rushdi Pashas, and to the Sheik‐ul‐Islam—Haïroullah -Effendi) were implicated in the affair. In -fact the two brothers‐in‐law, Mahmoud Djelaleddin and -Nouri Pashas, were arrested in Constantinople, and the -news of a fresh trial of the assassins of Abdul Aziz -was noised abroad by the European Press.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">24</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">198</a></span></p> -<p>The Turkish Press, inspired from the Palace, addressed -praises to the Sultan, and some newspapers—amongst -others the <cite>Terdjumani Hakikat</cite>—actually went so far as -to advise Abdul Hamid to arrest every one who had -played any part in the affair of Abdul Aziz.</p> - -<p>By this time the Sublime Porte had lost all authority, -and the enemies of the Constitutional Party had increased -very considerably. Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, the former -Grand Vizier, and colleague of Midhat, had been condemned -to pass his remaining years on his estates near -Manissa; the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Hairoullah Effendi, a -follower of Midhat, had been exiled to Mecca. The few -Liberals who remained in the capital had all been sent -away into the provinces, either as officials or as exiles. -Only the partisans of Abdul Hamid and those who had -changed their opinions and who now ranged themselves -on the side of despotism—such as Ahmed Midhat Effendi—were -to be found in Constantinople. Ahmed Midhat -Effendi, who had been one of Midhat Pasha’s most ardent -followers, now heaped all the lowest slanders upon him, -through the pages of the <cite>Terdjumani Hakikat</cite>, asserting -that Abdul Aziz had been murdered, and that the culprits -must be arrested.</p> - -<p>Midhat Pasha was in receipt of the most alarming -news from his friends at Constantinople, and also from -abroad; he was told that his life was in great danger. His -only reply was: “I have no reason to be alarmed nor to fly -from Turkey. I have laboured for the good of my -country, and I have nothing with which to reproach -myself; if others see reason to blame me, I am always -ready to reply before a tribunal.” He took no further -steps than to write a letter to the Grand Vizier, protesting -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">199</a></span>against the baseness of Ahmed Midhat Effendi, Editor -of the <cite>Terdjumani Hakikat</cite>. The letter is as follows:—</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>From Midhat Pasha to the Grand Vizier.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Your Highness</span>,—The number of the <cite>Terdjumani -Hakikat</cite>, dated 5th December, 1296, after stating that -the Editor of a newspaper, published at Athens, and -directed against the Imperial Government, is Essad -Effendi, who was exiled to Damascus, but who has since -sought refuge in Greece, goes on to insinuate that in -producing this paper he has my moral and pecuniary -support. The same week, explanations are given in -the <cite>Messenger</cite>, both in French and English, of these -calumnies, and this is done in the most peculiar manner, -my name being mentioned. The baseness of the Editor -of the <cite>Terdjumani Hakikat</cite> is well known to the whole -world. As to Essad Effendi, all who have seen him -at Damascus will be able to estimate these erroneous -publications at their true value. I think there is no more -for me to add on this subject, for if I said anything, it -would be according to the rules to bring an action. But -these publications are not only hostile to me personally. -It is beyond all question that the publication, in a -foreign land, of a newspaper, directed against the Imperial -Government, with the material and moral aid that I am -reported to have furnished, constitutes a crime; consequently, -how can you leave such a man at the head of -so important and vast a vilayet as that of Smyrna? Such -a state of things does much to destroy the prestige of the -State, and all the more so, because of the confirmation -of these slanders by the newspapers of Constantinople, -which are under the orders and surveillance of the -Sublime Porte. It seems to me wiser to send in my -resignation, than to give rise to such a state of affairs, -so that the honour and consideration of the State may -be preserved intact. This course is, moreover, in keeping -with the decision, reached by me some time ago. Nevertheless, -I feel it my duty that I should first of all seek -Your Highness’ advice on the subject.—I am, etc.,</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>25th December 1296, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>7th January 1881.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">200</a></span></p> - -<p>However, the Sultan, who wished to put an end to -Midhat, decided finally to arrest both him and Mehemet -Rushdi Pasha, who was then at Manissa. The arrival in -Smyrna of the aides‐de‐camp, General Hilmi Pasha and -Colonel Riza Bey (at present Minister of War), with their -suites, gave the first warning to the Governor‐General, -who ordered his men to watch the acts and movements -of these aides‐de‐camp, and very soon reached the -conviction that these emissaries had come with an order -to arrest him.</p> - -<p>Among the men who had been charged by Midhat to -get the aides‐de‐camp to talk about the manner in which -the arrest was to be made, was a police agent, an -extremely intelligent man, who, disguised as a rich -merchant, was lodging in the same hotel as Hilmi -Pasha, chief of the mission. Hilmi Pasha, at the end -of a good dinner, had allowed to the pretended merchant -that he had come to Smyrna by the Imperial command, -and that his object was to arrest the Governor‐General, -but that he was waiting for further instructions before -carrying out his instructions. Midhat, in order to be -prepared for any occurrence, had ordered a secret door -to be made, and one of the steamers of the Compagnie -Joly was retained in the harbour, ready to carry him -off abroad. One evening the above‐mentioned agent -came and warned him that Hilmi Pasha had been -called to the Telegraph Office, and that, after a long -conversation with the Palace, he had re‐entered the hotel, -had put on his uniform, and gone straight to the barracks. -It was asserted that among the orders he had received, -he had been instructed to kill Midhat and to massacre -his family. Indeed, one of Midhat’s servants, named -Nezir, had been bribed, and it was arranged that before -the Governor’s house was occupied, he should fire off a -revolver on the troops, and thus give the signal for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">201</a></span> -massacre. In support of this theory, it is interesting to -note that after Midhat Pasha’s exile the said Nezir -entered into the service of the Yildiz Kiosk, and received -a considerable salary. Besides this, one of the chamberlains -of the Sultan Abdul Hamid, Bessim Bey, who died -some time ago in disgrace, whilst still in the service of -the Palace, assured a member of Midhat’s family that -Hilmi Pasha was not only entrusted with the arrest -of Midhat, but that the Sultan had given him a positive -order to have him killed in the tumult which was to be -adroitly brought about, and to massacre his whole family, -men, women and children. It was on this account that -General Hilmi had bribed Nezir, so that the public might -believe that Midhat had refused to obey, and that he had -fired upon the soldiers.</p> - -<p>On the receipt of this news from his agent, Midhat -Pasha, without losing his <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">sang‐froid</i>, sought out his family -and acquainted them with the position of affairs. He -advised them to be resigned, and informed them of his -intention of quitting Turkish soil from the moment that -his life had been threatened. As midnight struck, three -cannon‐shots rang out from the barracks (in Turkey this -is the method employed for giving the alarm of fire), but -Midhat understood only too well that it was done with the -express purpose of distracting the attention of the mob. -At the same moment he left his house by the secret -door, accompanied by his secretary, and stole down to -the quay; but perceiving that the quays were blocked by -sentinels, he hailed a carriage, and recollecting that the -English Consul, Mr Dennis, was not in the town, he told -them to drive to the French Consulate, and there begged for -protection. Meanwhile, the soldiers, who had forced their -way at the point of their bayonets up to the doors of the -first floor, now demanded to speak with Midhat Pasha, -and were informed that he had just left. This reply being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">202</a></span> -absolutely unexpected, they were convinced that he was -hiding in one of the rooms. Hilmi Pasha gave orders -that the house should be searched, and that all the -servants should be thrown into prison. The troops entered, -breaking down the doors, and recommending the ladies -not to move, they made an exhaustive search, even tearing -up the flooring. At this moment, by way of fulfilling his -cowardly promise and giving reason for a massacre, -Nezir, hiding himself behind a mattress, tried to fire off -his revolver, but one of the servants, realising the peril, tore -the weapon from his hand.</p> - -<p>After a minute search that lasted for several hours, and -during which no trace of either Midhat nor yet of his papers -had been discovered, Madame Midhat, seeing that the -officers and soldiers had no intention of withdrawing, -sent for General Hilmi and informed him that in the -case of the troops remaining in the house, she would -open the windows and call in the help of the people. -This terrified the General, for he had received orders not -to give rise to a revolution, and he dismissed the soldiers, -only remaining himself with one or two officers. A -few hours later the police informed General Hilmi that -Midhat was at the French Consulate, and he thereupon -went thither, and had it surrounded on every side. The -French Consul‐General, Monsieur Pélissier, had sent a -telegram to the French Ambassador at Constantinople, -informing him of all that had taken place. On seeking -refuge at the French Consulate, Midhat had invited the -consuls of all the Great Powers to attend; had acquainted -them with the danger from which he had escaped, and had -begged them to insist on a guarantee that he should be -judged by a High Court. Meanwhile, he received a telegram -from Constantinople begging him to surrender, and assuring -him that no injustice should be done him, but that if -he refused to do so, then he would be considered guilty.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">203</a></span></p> - -<p>There are two versions given of this memorable -occurrence of the spring of 1881; and these two versions -are so much the more important, because they affect -the truth of the fact whether the Government of the -French Republic delivered up Midhat Pasha, who had -sought refuge in the French Consulate, to the Sultan, or -whether he surrendered of his own accord on receiving the -telegram from Constantinople. The fact that he had -caused a secret door to be constructed in a hidden corner -of his house, and that a steamer had been kept in readiness -in the harbour, all proves that Midhat had intended flight. -Not having succeeded in his design of reaching the sea, -he had sought refuge at the French Consulate, and he -had implored the assistance that France might easily have -rendered him. It is to be presumed that the ambassador, -after having asked for instructions from Paris, and having -explained to the Government the Sultan’s insistence, may -have informed Midhat that he could not effectually -protect him. Not having any definite proof on this -subject, it is impossible for us to certify anything. The -opinions of the European Press were very divergent. We -reprint the telegrams sent by the correspondent of the -<cite>Times</cite> from Constantinople, dated 19th May and 21st -May, 1881, which give the fullest details.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">25</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">204</a></span></p> -<p>Midhat Pasha had been perfectly well aware of what -would happen. He knew the plots that had been formed -against him, and when his friends had invited him to -leave Turkey, by the boat which had been got ready to take -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">205</a></span>him aboard, he replied, “I shall never give way before -the insinuations of the Sultan. I shall never allow the -world to say that I fled because I was guilty and that I -feared the Sultan. I shall resist until the last moment, -and if I then see that my life is in danger, I may perhaps -have recourse to the means you offer.” It was this same -state of mind which led him to think of embarking, -when the soldiers, under the command of General Hilmi -Pasha, surrounded his house, and by their attitude showed -plainly the danger in which both he and his family were -placed. On realising the impossibility of carrying out -this plan, he had taken refuge at the French Consulate, -and had asked the Consuls of all the Powers that their -respective Governments should demand a public trial, -and had declared “that he gave himself up to judgment, -trusting to the good faith of the telegram which he had -received from Constantinople.”</p> - -<p>For the honour of France, we are inclined to believe -that Midhat surrendered to the Ottoman authorities of his -own accord. It is scarcely credible that France would -have delivered Midhat Pasha to the Sultan, the more so -because Gambetta, who was then in power, had been a -great friend of his.</p> - -<p>The Sultan had been anxious to have Midhat arrested -when he was still Governor‐General of Syria, but so great -was his popularity in that Province, that Abdul Hamid -was reluctantly obliged to relinquish his design, for fear -of provoking a revolution.</p> - -<p>The day following the arrest found the town of Smyrna -still strictly guarded by the troops, and no one was -permitted to go about the streets for fear of any demonstration. -The terrified inhabitants closed their shops, and -all business was suspended for twenty‐four hours. Midhat -was retained as a prisoner in the barracks, until the -arrival of the Imperial yacht, which brought over the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span> -new Governor‐General, the high judicial dignitaries, and -also the Minister Djevdet Pasha. He embarked quietly -in the midst of the general emotion, and duly arrived at -Constantinople. Whilst waiting for the assembling of -the High Court, the little pavilion in the “Yildiz Park” -called “Malta Kiosk,” was assigned to him as his place -of residence by the Sultan.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">207</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XI<br /><br /> - -<small>THE TRIAL OF MIDHAT PASHA</small></h2> - -<p>As we have already stated, Midhat Pasha arrived at -Constantinople in one of the Imperial yachts, accompanied -by the Minister and the high judicial dignitaries. He -was kept in the pavilion of the “Malta Kiosk,” which -is situated within the park of Yildiz. In accordance -with his desire that he might be given a public trial, and -that the conditions on which he had surrendered to the -Ottoman authorities from the French Consulate should be -observed, a High Court was formed by the Sultan Abdul -Hamid. But the tickets of admission to the meetings -were issued in such a manner that the Turks who wished -to be present at the trial had to renounce their intention, -for fear of attracting the ill‐will of the Sultan, or else, those -who were followers of Midhat, had to pose as his adversaries -in order to be able to hear and understand the -manner in which he was to be condemned. The Diplomatic -Corps was present, but many foreigners found -difficulty in obtaining admittance. Only a few correspondents -of the foreign newspapers were admitted, and -amongst the representatives of the Turkish Press only -those who were faithful adherents of the Sultan.</p> - -<p>We possess no special information on the subject -of the trial, and that which we have been able to collect -from those persons who were present at the debates gives -us no further details than those which the <cite>Times</cite> corre<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span>spondent -(present at the Trial) sent to his newspaper. -We publish, therefore, by permission of the proprietors of -the <cite>Times</cite> the most interesting portions of their reports, -together with some extracts from the debates in the Houses -of Parliament on this subject, in order to give the reader -some idea of this most memorable mock trial.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<i>Constantinople, 28th June.</i>—The great State trial which -began yesterday, and of which I have already forwarded -you a summary of the proceedings, presented an interesting -and picturesque spectacle. Around the Malta guard‐house, -situated in a large open space immediately outside -the Imperial park of Yildiz Kiosk, a goodly number of -soldiers were posted at short distances from each other, -and all persons not provided with a ticket of admission -were prevented from approaching the building. The -few who had been fortunate enough to obtain tickets, -found on approaching the Guard‐House a large green -oval tent, and adjoining it a considerable space enclosed -by a canvas screen and covered by an awning. One side -of this tent was occupied by a bench, on which sat the -judges, three Mussulmans and two Christians, in black -frock‐coats <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">à la Turque</i> and red fezes, presided over by a -grey‐bearded Ulema called Sourouri Effendi, in a black -robe and white turban. To the right and left of the -judges sat the Public Prosecutor, the secretaries, and the -subordinate judicial functionaries, and behind them stood -several Imperial aides‐de‐camp and Palace servants. -Below the bench, in a trench cut for the purpose, sat on -cane chairs the ten prisoners, Mahmoud and Nouri -Pashas (both brothers‐in‐law of the Sultan), two ex‐functionaries -of the Palace, three officers of the Guard, two -professional wrestlers, and a Palace watchman. Behind -each of the prisoners stood a common soldier. The side -of the tent facing the bench was left open, so that the -spectators, seated on rows of chairs under an awning, -immediately behind the prisoners, could witness the -proceedings. Among the audience, comprising about one -hundred and twenty people, were the Persian Ambassador -and other members of the Diplomatic Body, several high -officials in and out of office, a score of Imperial aides‐de‐camp, -a few officers of the Palace, several Ulema -in flowing robes and white or green turbans, and the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span>representatives of the Press to a limited number. The -spectators might have been considerably increased, for -behind them were more than a hundred chairs unoccupied.</p> - -<p>“The first formality was the proving of the prisoners’ -identity, and immediately thereafter the indictment was -read by three of the prosecutors, which may be briefly -stated as follows:—A few days after the dethronement -of Abdul Aziz, Mahmoud Damad, and Nouri Damad, -engaged two professional wrestlers and a Palace watchman -to assassinate their ex‐Sovereign, promising them £100 -each and a monthly pension of three pounds, as appears -from the accounts of the Civil Lists. The crime was -committed with the assistance of the Chamberlain, Fahri -Bey, while Ali and Nedjib Beys, who had introduced the -assassins into the Palace, mounted guard with drawn -swords at the door of the room. As there was at that -time a Supreme Commission, composed of Mehmed -Ruchdi, Midhat, Hussein Avni, the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, and -Mahmoud Damad, and as no important orders could be -given without the concurrence of this Commission, it -may be assumed that all its members must have been -<em>cognizant</em> of Mahmoud and Nouri’s criminal proceedings, -and it is for this reason that Midhat is among the accused.</p> - -<p>“When the indictment setting forth this theory had been -read, the President, in a quiet and dignified manner, began -to question the prisoners. The first called upon to state -what he knew, was Mustapha, the wrestler, a man of -ordinary size and not presenting any signs of abnormal -muscular development. His face was of a common type -and betrayed no symptoms of emotion as he related, in -plain, unvarnished terms, how he had cut open the -ex‐Sultan’s veins with a knife given to him for the purpose -by Mahmoud Damad. His description, accompanied by -slight and significant gestures, was brutally graphic, and -made a strong impression on the spectators, more than one -of the older men in the audience giving vent to their -feelings of horror by audible exclamations. Mustapha’s -account was fully confirmed by Hadji Mehmed Pasha, -who declared that together with the Chamberlain Fahri Bey -and Djezairli, he had hold of Abdul Aziz whilst the crime -was being perpetrated. Djezairli, who had made a full confession -in his preliminary examination, was then questioned, -and retracted what he had previously said. Fahri Bey, -a young man, with long fair moustache, delicately‐cut -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">210</a></span>effeminate features, and of tall and slender build, was -next examined, and denied the statements of the wrestler -and his companion. In a tremulous tone, which gathered -firmness as he proceeded, he described, from his personal -observation, the mental condition of Abdul Aziz after his -dethronement, and obstinately insisted that the dethroned -monarch had committed suicide. The other prisoners, -without endeavouring to explain how the Sultan’s death -occurred, successively maintained their own innocence, -and found more or less plausible answers for all the -questions put to them by the judges. Mahmoud Damad -Pasha, a tall stout man, with regular and handsome -features and large dark eyes, found most difficulty in -replying, and his deep gruff voice showed more than once -signs of great emotion; but he denied emphatically and -indignantly the accusations brought against him by the -wrestlers and others. About two o’clock Midhat was -introduced and took his seat by Mahmoud Damad’s side. -His hair and beard had become much whiter since I last -saw him, four years ago, and his complexion was still as -morbidly florid as before, but he seemed well, and sought -to conceal his emotion by stroking his beard, and arranging -his notes, from which he was preparing to speak. Starting -up suddenly and leaning on the back of his chair, he made -a short speech, in which he declared himself happy to have -been cited before the public tribunal, and he rendered -justice to His Majesty’s sentiments of equity in causing -the affair to be carefully examined. To all the questions -about the Supreme Commission, of which he was a -member, and which must have had cognizance of the -intended assassination, he replied emphatically that such -a Commission existed nowhere except in the imagination -of his accusers, and that all matters of State were considered -by the regular Council of Ministers. When -reproached by the presiding judge for not having -immediately ordered a searching inquiry, he admitted that -he had been guilty of this sin of omission; but at the -same time he maintained that all the other Ministers were -in this respect equally guilty. On the subject of his -having sought refuge in the French Consulate his answers, -though extremely ingenious, were not so satisfactory. -Unlike the other prisoners, Midhat withdrew from the -Court as soon as he finished what he had to say, and after -his departure a number of witnesses were called for the -Prosecution. The chief of these were three young men -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">211</a></span>who had seen the crime perpetrated in the way the -wrestlers described, and the wife of a certain Ali Bey, who, -being at that time one of the ladies of Abdul Aziz’ harem, -had witnessed some of the incidents connected with the -assassination. One of the most interesting witnesses was -a frail, white‐bearded Mussulman, in an old‐fashioned -costume, who related in a faltering voice, that he had -washed the body of Abdul Aziz, and noticed a small -wound in the region of the heart. The Court rose about -half‐past seven o’clock without the witnesses having been -cross‐examined. The proceedings will be continued, and -possibly terminated, to‐day.”</p> - -<p class="tb">“<i>Constantinople, 28th June.</i>—The trial of the persons -charged with the assassination of Abdul Aziz was resumed -to‐day. After the counsel for the prisoners had concluded -their addresses, the judges decided that the two prisoners -Mustapha (the one a gardener and the other an athlete), -Fahri Bey and Hadji Mehmed, were guilty of the murder, -and that Ali Bey, Nedjib Bey, Midhat Pasha, Nouri Pasha -and Mahoud Damad Pasha were accomplices, being privy -to the crime. Sentence will be passed to‐morrow.”</p> - -<p class="tb">“<cite>Times</cite>,” <i>30th June 1881</i>.—“<i>Constantinople, 28th June.</i>—The -second day’s hearing of the case against the persons -accused of the murder of Abdul Aziz, the ex‐Sultan, lasted -for eight hours. Several additional witnesses appeared -for the prosecution. Among them was Ibrahim Edhem -Effendi, who acted as intermediary between the Ministers -and the ex‐Sultan, and who described the harsh treatment -to which the latter was subjected.</p> - -<p>“The case for the defence was then opened. Four -advocates appointed by the judicial authorities spoke very -feebly on behalf of the prisoners. Mahmoud Damad was -justly dissatisfied with his counsel, and defended himself, -and, notwithstanding evident signs of illness, refuted some -of the accusations brought against him. Midhat Pasha -was then called, and the President Sourouri Effendi, after -remarking that Midhat had accused him of personal -enmity, retired from the bench, leaving his colleague, -Christoforides Effendi, to direct the proceedings. The -ex‐Grand Vizier, who had taken such a prominent part in -the dethronement, defended himself for more than an hour -against the charge of complicity in the assassination. -Thoroughly conversant with the new laws of judicial -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span>procedure, he pointed out several mistakes which had been -committed, and demanded permission to cross‐question -the witnesses as well as the prisoners who had made -confessions; but all his demands were refused by the -Court. Finding himself thus fettered, he took his stand -on the solemnity of the law, and declined to defend himself -any further.</p> - -<p>“The President, after three times vainly inviting him -to proceed, declared the hearing closed, and retired with -the other judges to deliberate. Their verdict was, as had -been foreseen from the beginning, that all the prisoners -were guilty, but in different degrees. Four were declared -guilty of premeditated assassination; five, including Midhat -and the Sultan’s two brothers‐in‐law, were condemned as -accomplices; and the two remaining prisoners were placed -in the category of aiders and abettors.</p> - -<p>“The Court will re‐assemble to‐morrow morning to -pass sentence. According to the Ottoman code, premeditated -assassination entails capital punishment, while -the lesser degrees of crime are punished by various terms -of penal servitude.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>29th June.</i>—“The remarks and the bearing of Midhat -Pasha at the trial yesterday produced, on the whole, a very -favourable impression on the public, and it was not difficult -to perceive that he still enjoys a certain popularity even -among good Mussulmans. As numerous Palace spies -were present, the Ottoman officials carefully endeavoured -to hide any latent sympathy with the accused, but some of -them did not altogether succeed. More than once Midhat -replied very appositely in a half‐ironical tone, which was -much appreciated by the audience. All the details were -at once transmitted to the Sultan, and Sourouri Effendi -doubtless congratulated himself on having removed the -Imperial displeasure from his own shoulders to those of -his colleagues. As yet no evidence has been produced -proving Midhat’s complicity, but it is not likely that he -will be acquitted. Considering that the trial has been -prepared, and is being conducted under the immediate -influence of the Palace, which is filled with Midhat’s -enemies, it would be absurd to expect impartiality and -independence in the judges. I happen to know many -curious facts tending to show how absurd such an expectation -would be, and I may mention one by way of illustration. -Yesterday morning, immediately before the trial -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">213</a></span>began, Sourouri Effendi had a long private audience with -the Sultan, and received from His Majesty certain instructions -as to how the proceedings should be conducted. -The most interesting part of the proceedings at the State -trial yesterday was the incident which terminated in -Midhat Pasha’s refusal to continue his defence. The facts -are briefly as follows:—The President invited the accused -not to continue his defence and to intrust that duty to his -counsel. Midhat replied that he would defend himself, -because he had not been allowed to confer freely with the -counsel officially appointed. He justified his flight to the -French Consulate at Smyrna, pointed out numerous errors -in the procedure, expressed astonishment at such grave -accusations being founded on such insufficient evidence, -reproached the Public Prosecutor with having accepted the -testimony of the eunuchs, who, professing to have seen the -crime committed without denouncing it, should be themselves -in the dock, and ridiculed the testimony of Marco -Pasha, the chief physician of the Palace at that time, -who professed to have seen from the Asiatic side of the -Bosphorus what took place at the Palace on the European -shore, and yet could not see a wound said to have been -inflicted on the body of Abdul Aziz in the region of the -heart. He then demanded that the Court should examine -the prisoners and witnesses in his presence, as he was not -present at the previous examination, and requested that -the Embassy doctors who examined the body should be -summoned, offering to defray the necessary expenses at -his own cost, in order to compare their report with that of -Marco Pasha. On the demand of the Public Prosecutor, -the Court retired to consider Midh<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span>at’s request, and decided -to grant it on condition that the prisoners should not be -interrogated separately. To this reply Midhat opposed -the text of the Code of Criminal procedure, and demanded -its application, declaring that he must question those who -had given evidence, in order to prove that they had committed -perjury. The President answered that the article -in question in the Code referred to witnesses, and not to -the accused, and declared that if any person had committed -perjury it would be for the Court to punish them hereafter.</p> - -<p>“Midhat maintained that the prisoners who accused -him should be regarded as witnesses against him, and -considering, therefore, the decision of the tribunal as a -miscarriage of justice, he declined to defend himself further, -adding in a bitter tone, that he would derive little practical -advantage from the punishment of a false witness after -he was in his grave. The Court again retired for deliberation, -and on returning after a few minutes, the President -declared that Midhat’s request could not be granted. The -prisoner, having three times declined to continue his -defence, the President declared the proceedings at an end, -and the Court retired to deliberate, returning after about -an hour with a verdict of ‘Guilty’ against all the accused. -The Court will meet again this morning at eleven o’clock -to pronounce judgment, when this extraordinary, sensational -trial, conducted as I reported, will come to a -close.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>Later.</i>—“Judgment was delivered this morning in the -cases of the persons convicted of the murder of ex‐Sultan -Abdul Aziz. Nine of the accused, including the Sultan’s -two brothers‐in‐law and Midhat Pasha, were condemned -to death. The remaining two accused were condemned -to penal servitude.</p> - -<p>“All the prisoners gave notice of appeal.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>Reuter’s Telegram.</i>—“<i>Constantinople, 29th June.</i>—The -Court pronounced judgment and delivered sentence of -death upon Midhat Pasha, Mahmoud Damad Pasha, Nouri -Pasha, Ali Bey, Nedjib Bey, Fahri Bey, Hadji Mehmed, -Mustapha the Wrestler, and Mustapha the Gardener.</p> - -<p>“Izzet and Sayd are each sentenced to ten years’ penal -servitude. The prisoners have eight days allowed them -to give notice of Appeal, and the indictment and document -connected with the trial will be sent to the Court which -will try the Appeal.”</p> - -<p class="tb">“<cite>Times</cite>,” 4<i>th July</i> 1881.—“<i>Constantinople, 1st July</i>.”—In -telegraphing about the recent State Trial, I have been -hitherto working under serious restrictions, which I was not -allowed to mention in my telegrams. All telegraphic despatches -on the subject had to be submitted to the authorities, who -naturally prevented the transmission of anything that might -be disagreeable to the Palace. In the circumstances, it -was, of course, impossible to criticise the proceedings, -or even to give a full account of what took place. I have -now, fortunately, an opportunity of communicating with you -freely, and I hasten to declare that the trial was little -better than a parody of European judicial procedure, which -has justly roused the indignation, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span> -not only of foreign observers, but also of many Turks, -who have an elementary conception of justice and fair -play. In a trial in which the political element was so -prominent, the first condition to be observed was complete -neutrality of the Palace, and this condition was most -grossly violated. It was at the Palace that the preliminary -investigation was made, under the immediate personal -direction of the Sultan, who is an interested party. It -was at the Palace that the prisoners were confined, judges -chosen, and even the counsel for the defence appointed, -without the prisoners themselves being consulted. It was -at the Palace that the accused were examined and various -unjustifiable means were employed to extort confessions -from them—as, for example, when the Grand Eunuch, -one of the three highest official personages of the Empire, -struck with his fists and otherwise maltreated the Chamberlain, -Fahri Bey, when under examination, in the presence -of His Majesty. It was in the Palace, and under the -immediate influence of the Sultan, that the amount of -the punishment for the accused was considered and decided. -It was in the Palace that Sourouri Effendi, the President -of the Tribunal, had a private audience with the Sultan, -immediately before the opening of the proceedings, while -a Palace dignitary appealed to the counsel for the defence -in a cajoling, half‐plaintive tone, to refrain, in the fulfilment -of their duty, from adding to the Sultan’s already numerous -embarrassments! Lastly, it was in the immediate vicinity -of the Palace that the trial was held. Soldiers of the -Palace garrison surrounded the Court, aides‐de‐camp and -other Palace officials were present, while eunuchs and -other confidential messengers were constantly passing to -and fro between the Palace and the tribunal. A certain -amount of publicity was allowed with regard to the trial, -for a few tickets were distributed among the Diplomatic -Corps and leading representatives of the Press, but there -were at the same time serious restrictions and difficulties. -The date of the trial was kept strictly secret until a few -hours before the proceedings began, and newspaper correspondents, -nearly all of whom are imperfectly acquainted -with, or entirely ignorant of, the Turkish language and -judicial procedure, were not allowed to take a dragoman -with them, though three‐fourths of the space reserved for -the public remained all the time unoccupied. I made -personal representations on this subject to some influential -officials, but they all declared positively that no more -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">216</a></span>tickets could be given. To the few who were admitted, -I must say the greatest courtesy and consideration were -shown by the Imperial aides‐de‐camp and the masters of -the ceremonies, but the powers of these gentlemen were -very limited. With regard to the restrictions placed on -telegraphing I have already spoken above.</p> - -<p>“It is hardly necessary to say, that with the all‐pervading -influence of the Palace, there could be no -independence or impartiality on the part of the judicial -functionaries, and no zeal in the counsel for the defence; -but there was something worse than this. The ardent -desire of nearly all concerned to gain the Imperial favour -by securing the condemnation of the prisoners in general, -and of Midhat in particular, caused certain gross violations -of the guarantees provided by the Criminal Code. I may -mention a few facts by way of illustration. Sourouri -Effendi, who had in the secret preliminary inquiry directed -the case for the Prosecution, and who is well known to be -one of Midhat’s bitter personal enemies, appeared at the -trial as President of the Tribunal. He says, privately, by -way of exculpating himself, that in the preliminary inquiry -he never signed any official documents, and that during -the trial of Midhat he ceded his presidency to one of the -other judges; but these specious arguments increase rather -than diminish his moral guilt. He refrained from signing -official documents simply in order to avoid giving occasion -for an appeal <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en cassation</i>, and his making a distinction -between Midhat and the other prisoners entailed new -violations of judicial procedure, for it prevented Midhat -from being present during a great part of the trial. Besides -this, the distinction was more specious than real, for by -procuring the condemnation of the other prisoners, he -impliedly secured Midhat’s condemnation likewise; and -though he did not sit on the bench when Midhat was -present, he joined his colleagues in the consulting‐room -when the ex‐Grand Vizier’s demand for permission to -cross‐question the witnesses was considered and rejected. -Not content with having a devoted adherent like Sourouri -in the President’s chair, the Palace further controlled the -proceedings by Raghib Bey, one of the Sultan’s private -secretaries, and Djevdet Pasha, the obsequious Minister of -Justice, who is one of Midhat’s personal enemies. These -two personages sat behind the judges on a bench, and -secretly gave directions in moments of hesitation and -difficulty. I can state this without fear of contradiction, for -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span>during one of the sittings I was myself on the bench, and -carefully observed what was invisible to the audience. -The conduct of the Public Prosecutor was naturally in -keeping with that of the chief judge. I am assured by -eye‐witnesses that he entered the consultation‐room when -the judges had retired to consider their verdict, but as I -did not see this with my own eyes, I refrain from drawing -any conclusion. Another act of his, however, may be -commented on, because it took place in public. Midhat’s -attitude during the preliminary investigation seemed to -indicate that he would seek to obtain the Imperial clemency -by raising no difficulties, and by making no serious attempt -to defend himself at the trial; and as none of the other -prisoners were sufficiently conversant with the law to -embarrass the Prosecution, it was hoped that the proceedings -might be hurried through in a single sitting. These -plans were prevented by Midhat’s energetic action on the -first day of the trial, and it was then considered necessary -to find some means of effectually crushing him. A -convenient instrument was at hand in the person of a -certain Rifat Effendi, who professed to have heard Midhat -say one day in Damascus that it was necessary to put -Aziz out of the way, because otherwise he might have -returned to power and have strangled the Minister who -had deposed him. As Rifat was not in the list of -witnesses, he could not be called without due notice having -been given to the Court; but the Public Prosecutor overlooked -this little formality and called him next day. -When Midhat heard this new and unexpected piece of -evidence, he very soon disposed of it, and was at no pains -to conceal what he thought of Rifat’s character, conduct -and motive.</p> - -<p>“A few words now to show how the prisoners were -treated. According to the Code of Criminal Procedure -the accused has a right to choose his own advocate, and to -have free communication with him. In the present trial -the advocate was chosen by some anonymous personage in -the Palace, without the accused having been consulted as -to the choice, and free communication was not allowed. -On this subject Midhat asserts that he saw his counsel -only twice. On the first occasion they had only time to -read about an eighth part of the indictment, and on the -second they were favoured with the presence of Raghib -Bey, one of the Sultan’s private secretaries, who listened -to all that was said. Worse than this, with prodigious -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span>ingenuity each advocate was entrusted with the duty of -defending prisoners belonging to different categories and -employing mutually contradictory modes of defence. Refik -Effendi, for example, was ordered to defend on the one -hand Mustapha the Wrestler—who confessed his own guilt, -and accused Fahri of having taken an active part in the -assassination—and on the other hand the said Fahri, -who maintained that Abdul Aziz committed suicide. In -like manner Shukri Effendi had to defend on the one -hand Midhat, and on the other hand Nouri Pasha, who -endeavoured to exculpate himself at Midhat’s expense. -The idea of crippling the defence in this ingenious way is -exquisitely Oriental, and rendered almost superfluous the -half‐pathetic, half‐menacing exhortation made to the -advocates at the Palace that they should refrain from -adding to the Sultan’s numerous embarrassments and -trust to His Majesty’s clemency. Equally Oriental and -characteristic is the fact that the learned gentlemen who -undertook the so‐called defence on such conditions, -showed no signs of being ashamed of themselves. It is -hardly necessary to say that they carefully abstained from -cross‐questioning the witnesses and sifting the evidence, -and did not object when the President and the Public -Prosecutor assumed important facts without proving -them.</p> - -<p>“With regard to the way in which Midhat was -threatened, it is difficult to speak without using strong -terms of indignation. Not a particle of carefully sifted -evidence against him was produced, and he was refused -means of defending himself against the unsubstantiated -assertions of his accusers, though he proved from the -Code that he was asking no more than he had a right to -demand. If his sentence is carried out, his execution will -be simply a judicial murder, perpetrated from motives of -political vengeance and personal enmity. As for the -other prisoners, I cannot pretend to say whether they -really committed the crime with which they are charged, -but I can unhesitatingly assert that their guilt was not -legally proved.</p> - -<p>“The judicial inquiry, which has thus been brought to a -close, was instituted, as I informed you at the time, for the -purpose of removing and frightening possible conspirators, -and thereby preventing a revolution for the future; but it -may be doubted whether in the long run it will have the -desired effect, for I noticed that even among Ottoman -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span>subjects, surrounded by Palace spies, the feelings of -indignation were sometimes stronger than those of fear.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>“Times,” 7th July 1881.</i>—“<i>Constantinople, 5th July</i>—The -appeal of the prisoners condemned for the assassination of -Abdul Aziz will shortly be considered by the Court of -Review, and it is almost certain that in spite of the gross -irregularities and flagrant illegality of the proceedings the -sentence will be confirmed. Immediately after the close -of the trial on Wednesday, the judges of this Higher Court -were summoned to the Palace and received their instructions, -which will, of course, be followed, irrespective of all -considerations of justice and equity. The possibility, -therefore, that the judgment may be annulled and a new -trial ordered, may be left out of account, and the only -practical question that remains is whether the Sultan will -have the sentence carried out. For some days the general -opinion at the Palace was that the nine who had been -condemned to death would be all executed, but I have -now very good reason to believe, as I informed you on -Sunday, that those who did not actually take part in the -assassination will have their sentence commuted to imprisonment -for life at Taïf, near Mecca. This unexpected -clemency is to be attributed, at least in part, to the -excitement and indignation which the mode of conducting -the trial has produced both in Pera and Stamboul. The -Sultan learned that the Embassy Dragomans had unanimously -condemned the proceedings as irregular; that the -Ambassadors had telegraphed in this sense to their -respective Governments; that the newspaper correspondents -had unsparingly described and criticised the way -in which the proceedings had been conducted, and that -even in Stamboul, among good Mussulmans, the trial had -produced an impression very different from what was -intended. In these circumstances His Majesty perceived -that it would be dangerous to have the sentence carried -out, and he determined to commute it. At the same time, -in order to counteract the conviction that the whole story -of the assassination was an invention, rumours were propagated, -through the local Press and other channels, that -nearly all the accused had made partial confessions. The -<cite>Vakyt</cite>, for example, published yesterday mutual recriminations -between Mahmoud and Nouri, and to‐day those -of Midhat and Mehemed Rushdi. All such stories must -be accepted with great reserve, for they are certainly told, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">220</a></span>and possibly invented, for the purpose of prejudicing -public opinion against the prisoners. In spite of these -efforts to supplement defective legal evidence, many -people, and among them the mother of Abdul Aziz, and -some of the doctors who examined his body, still hold to the -conviction that there was no assassination and that Abdul -Aziz committed suicide. Without endorsing this opinion, -I can confidently assert that the trial has by no means -cleared up the mystery. The semi‐official announcements -that the <cite>Valide Sultana has thanked the Sultan for having -brought the assassins to justice are untrue, for she has all -through the inquiry obstinately maintained that her son -perished by his own hand, and that she was partly to blame -for having given him the famous scissors</cite>.”</p> - -<p>“I am now in a position to explain why the prosecution -showed such anxiety to get Midhat condemned, and -employed such unjustifiable means for this purpose. It -may be remembered that some months ago the Sultan -was greatly alarmed by a revolutionary propaganda, of -which the chief instigator was believed to be the -ex‐Khedive. A judicial functionary, who has since taken -a prominent part in the trial, was ordered to make an -inquiry, and came to the conclusion that Midhat was -implicated in the propaganda. The conclusion was -probably erroneous, but it made a strong impression on -the Sultan’s mind, and from that moment Midhat’s fate -was decided. As no legal proofs of his complicity in the -seditious agitation could be produced, other means had -to be employed for getting rid of him, and the regicide -inquiry was used for this purpose.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>“Times,” 11th July 1881.</i>—“<i>Constantinople, 10th July.</i>—During -the last few days representations have been twice -made to the Sultan by the British Ambassador concerning -the State trial. It is believed at the Palace that Lord -Dufferin acted on the first occasion spontaneously, and -on the second occasion by the express orders of Lord -Granville. The later communication is said to be couched -in strong terms, urging His Majesty for his own sake to -refrain from carrying out the sentence of the tribunal. -The Sultan has received also a telegram from the Ottoman -Embassy in London, in which Musurus Pasha describes -the unfavourable impression produced by the trial in -England, and implores His Majesty to prevent at least -the capital punishment being inflicted.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">221</a></span></p> - -<p class="tb"><i>“Times,” 28th July 1881.</i>—“<i>Constantinople, 26th July.</i>—Since -the judgment was pronounced at the State trial -considerable hesitation and embarrassment have harassed -the Sultan and given rise to numberless exaggerated and -contradictory rumours, which I have thought it undesirable -to report at the time of their production, because they -were in some cases manifestly without foundation and -in others largely improbable. During the last few days, -however, an attempt has been made on the part of the -Sultan to lessen his responsibility in the matter, through -the instrumentality of a Grand Council, comprising the -highest dignitaries of the State both in and out of -office. The Council contained twenty‐seven members, of -whom five were ex‐Grand Viziers, fourteen were Ministers -in and out of office, and eight were Ulemas. We now -hear that in that solemn assembly, which sat at the Palace -for three days, opinions were divided, and finally an -important minority courageously voted against carrying -out the extreme penalty of the law, especially in the -case of those of the accused who had not confessed, and -against whom no positive proof of guilt had been elicited -at the trial. This minority is said to have included -most of the more prominent members, viz.:—four Grand -Viziers and the present Prime Minister, three Ministers -in the Cabinet, one of the most influential high ecclesiastics, -and one former Minister. The majority is said to have -voted in the sense of a confirmation of the judgment -given at the trial, subject, of course, to the exercise of -the Imperial clemency. It included ten Ministers in -office, most of them specially antagonistic to Midhat -Pasha, and seven Ulemas. The Sultan has chosen to -adopt the opinion of the minority and to decide that -the accused shall be banished for life. It is not quite -clear why, in the circumstances, His Majesty should -have chosen this course; for it was supposed that the -Council had been called together with a view to make -it share the responsibility of the signature of the death‐warrants, -which His Majesty hesitated to sign without -the direct sanction of the great officers of State. The -repugnance of the Sultan to have criminals executed is -well known, and since his accession he is said never to -have sanctioned a single capital sentence. While securing -the removal of the criminals to some distant and safe -locality, where they will be powerless to work harm, he -avoids at the same time the issuing of the fatal decree, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span>so repugnant to his feelings. Much must be attributed -to the action of our own Government. Brilliant, indeed, -has been the commencement of the mission of Lord -Dufferin, who has already gained much favour in public -opinion here both native and foreign. Considering the -popularity and prominent personal value of at least one -of the accused Pashas, the impression that his life has -been saved through the intervention of the British -Ambassador tends to remove much of the popular clamour -which had lately become so loud against British influence, -and it is a significant sign of the times that one of the -semi‐official Turkish organs publishes to‐day an article -advocating a close alliance between England and Turkey. -A few months ago this same officially inspired print -loudly proclaimed that England’s friendship was more -hurtful to Turkey than the enmity of any other Power.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>“Times,” 1st August 1881.</i>—“<i>Constantinople, 30th -July.</i>—The Sultan is greatly disappointed with the result -of the State trial. He expected that the proceedings -would have received the approval of public opinion, both -in Turkey and in Western Europe, and he finds that -the reverse has been the case. The Court of Appeal, -as I ventured to predict, confirmed the sentence; but the -Ulemas, who are the custodians and expounders of the -Sacred Law, made an evasive reply to the questions -addressed to them, and in the Grand Council, composed -of Ministers and other great personages, there was a -large and influential section of members who recommended -that the capital sentence should not be carried -out. Both in the Assembly of Ulemas and in the Grand -Council the proceedings were very curious, as showing -that, even under the present reign of terror, there are -a few men who have the courage to maintain openly -opinions which they know to be unpalatable in the -highest quarters. The obsequious Sheik‐ul‐Islam, for -example, who wished to cover the illegal proceedings -by art, encountered a determined resistance from the Mufti -Emini, whose duty it is to give a written decision to -any legal questions which may be addressed to him. The -old man said in a calm decided tone: ‘During my long -life, I have never willingly given an unjust decision, -and now, when I have one foot in the grave, I shall -certainly not begin to deviate knowingly from the path -of right. The accused have been tried and condemned -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span>by a Civil tribunal, according to laws and a procedure -with which we have no professional acquaintance. If -we are to give a decision, the case must be tried again -from the commencement, according to the procedure prescribed -by the Sacred Law. To the question as it at -present stands, the Sacred Law provides no answer, and -consequently no <em>fetva</em> can be issued.’</p> - -<p>“Similar courage was shown by some of the civil -functionaries, especially Haireddin Pasha, who, with his -usual frankness and fearlessness, condemned the proceedings -of the Criminal Tribunal in no measured terms. -The ex‐Grand Vizier, Safvet and Kadri, spoke more -cautiously in the same sense. Osman, Mahmoud Nedim, -and Djevdet, Minister of Justice, were in favour of having -the sentence executed. Soubhi Pasha tried to find a -middle course. He admitted that irregularities might -have been committed by the Tribunal, but at the same -time maintained that the Council had no power to reverse -the decision. This argument was tersely refuted by -Haireddin, who reminded his colleagues that they were -called upon, not to reverse the decision, but simply to -give advice regarding the exercise of the Imperial -clemency. The Sultan, as you have heard, has commuted -the capital sentence as far as his two brothers‐in‐law -are concerned, on the ground that these personages acted -according to stringent superior orders. In this way one -of the objects for which the trial was instituted is attained -more completely than by executing the accused, for the -ex‐Sultan Murad, who is supposed still to have adherents, -is thereby represented as being the real culprit.”</p> - -<p><span class="gesperrt">* * * * *</span></p> - -<p><i>Parliamentary Debates, 1st July 1881.</i>—“Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span> -asked the Under‐Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs -whether any other report than that published at the time -had been received from Dr Dickson (page 90), physician to -Her Majesty’s Embassy at Constantinople, and a member -of the Medical Commission, who examined the body of -the late Sultan Abdul Aziz immediately after his death, -of the result of such examination, and, if there be, whether -he will lay it upon the table of the House; and also, -whether in the interests of justice and humanity, and -in view of the report made at the time by such Medical -Commission, it is the intention of Her Majesty’s Government -to interpose its friendly good offices at the Porte, -or directly with the Sultan, to save Midhat Pasha, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">224</a></span>any or all of the other persons convicted with him -yesterday of complicity in the alleged murder of Abdul -Aziz, from execution of the sentences severally passed -upon them. He desired to express, before the question -was answered, his absolute distrust of the capacity and -probity of the members of the Turkish court which -conducted the recent trial; and, from his own personal -knowledge, he accepted all the responsibility of stating -that they were persons not entitled to the respect of -Europe, or of that House.</p> - -<p>“Sir <span class="smcap">Charles W. Dilke</span>—Sir, the substance of a -report by Dr Dickson was laid before Parliament (<cite>Turkey</cite>, -No. 3, 1876), and no further report has been received. -Lord Granville is in communication with Lord Dufferin -with regard to the recent State trial; but it would be -premature to make any announcement at present.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>4th July 1881.</i>—“Earl <span class="smcap">de la Warr</span> asked the noble -Earl the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether -any information could be given with reference to the -trial of Midhat Pasha, which was now proceeding at -Constantinople. He was quite aware that this was a -question of great delicacy as regarded interference on -the part of Her Majesty’s Government; but it could -not be otherwise than a matter of deep interest to their -Lordships, and to the country generally, to know that -all that was possible was being done to insure a just -trial, as upon the issue of the trial might depend the -life of a great and distinguished statesman.</p> - -<p>“Earl <span class="smcap">Granville</span>—My Lords, I have been in communication -with Lord Dufferin on this subject, which is -exciting great interest in Europe. Of the trial I have -received no authentic report, and it would clearly not -be right for me to express any official opinion upon -it. I am not, at the present moment, able to give your -Lordships any further information on the subject.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>7th July 1881.</i>—“Mr <span class="smcap">Staveley Hill</span> asked the Under -Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he had any -information from Constantinople, with regard to the fate -of Midhat Pasha.</p> - -<p>“Sir <span class="smcap">Charles W. Dilke</span>—I can give no information -upon this subject. The telegrams which have passed, up -to the present time, do not show what are Lord Dufferin’s -views; but representations are being made.”</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span></p> - -<p class="tb"><i>11th July 1881.</i>—“Viscount <span class="smcap">Folkestone</span> (for Mr -Staveley Hill) asked the Under Secretary of State for -Foreign Affairs whether Her Majesty’s Ambassador at -Constantinople has been instructed to call the attention of -the advisers of the Sultan to the allegations of the grave -irregularities in the trial of Midhat Pasha, and to urge -upon His Majesty that the execution of that distinguished -statesman upon the result of such a trial may be regarded -as a judicial murder brought about by political rivals.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span> asked the Under Secretary of State for -Foreign Affairs whether the Christoferides Effendi who -presided at the recent trial of Midhat Pasha is identical -with the person of the same name who, in May 1871, was -an employé of the Turkish Ministry of Police.</p> - -<p>“Sir <span class="smcap">Charles W. Dilke</span>—Sir, with regard to the -first question, I have to say that this is a somewhat -delicate matter. I have already said that communications -are passing. Looking to the object which the hon. -Member has in view, it would not be wise that I should -make any public statement at the present time. The -second question I must answer in the affirmative.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>21st July 1881.</i>—“Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span> asked if there was any -truth in the newspaper report of that day that Midhat -Pasha was to be sent in exile to a place near Mecca.</p> - -<p>“Sir <span class="smcap">Charles Dilke</span> said that up to four o’clock that -afternoon no telegram had reached the Foreign Office to -that effect.”</p> - -<p class="tb"><i>22nd July 1881.</i>—“Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span> asked the Under -Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he had received -any information with regard to the execution of the -sentence passed on Midhat Pasha.</p> - -<p>“Sir <span class="smcap">Charles W. Dilke</span> said that within the last -forty‐eight hours they had received no further information -from Lord Dufferin on the subject.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span> said in view of a telegram of peculiar -significance published that morning, and which seemed to -point to an almost immediate decision in regard to the -sentence passed at the recent State trial at Constantinople, -he must plead the urgency and gravity of the case if he -trespassed upon the time of the House for a few moments, -and would, if necessary, conclude with a motion. The -case was, shortly, this:—One of the most noted figures in -European politics, a statesman of the highest antecedents -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">226</a></span>and reputation (‘No!’), at least, for an Eastern statesman, -had been tried in a way notorious to the House, and his -life at that moment was trembling in the balance. He did -not say that Her Majesty’s Government could bring any -more pressure to bear on the Porte than they had done -with reference to the subject. He was aware of the -delicacy and difficulty, probably the impracticability, of any -Government putting pressure upon the Sultan, except in -the way of friendly intercession, which so far, had had no -effect. He therefore now wished to elicit from the House -its opinion in reference to the recent trial and the action of -the Turkish Government with respect to it, and he had -reason to believe that such expression of opinion would -have the best possible effect at Constantinople. Midhat -Pasha, after passing a distinguished official career, became -Governor of Bulgaria, which he found overrun with -brigandage, and in such a state that the revenue could not -be collected. In a few months he put down brigandage, -caused the revenue to be collected, and, under his rule, -Bulgaria became one of the most prosperous provinces of -the Turkish Empire. One of his most persistent opponents -was the Russian Ambassador. Midhat was doing everything -to revive European confidence in Turkey, and as -that did not suit Russian views, General Ignatieff became -his most persistent enemy, and intrigued against him.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">Newdegate</span> rose to order. He submitted -that the Honourable and learned member was asking the -House to give an expression of opinion upon a motion -for adjournment, which was placing the House in a false -position, because it was precluded by its own forms -from giving an opinion on that subject on a motion of -adjournment.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">Speaker</span> said that, as the House was aware, -the only question on which the judgment of the House -could be taken on the motion for adjournment was -whether the House should or should not adjourn.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span> said he would make his observations -very brief. Subsequently Midhat Pasha became Governor -of Bagdad. It was said by some that Midhat Pasha -was a poor man, and therefore, presumably, an honest -man; by others that he was a rich man, and therefore, -presumably, a corrupt man; and he was sorry to say that -a very high authority—the Prime Minister—had given -expression to the latter opinion in an article he published. -This, however, he knew: that though the revenues of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">227</a></span>provinces he governed, passed through Midhat Pasha’s -hands, he returned from each of them a poor man—in one -case not having sufficient funds to pay his own and his -retinue’s travelling expenses, and in another not being -possessed of £500. Afterwards he became Grand Vizier, -and his famous Constitution elicited from Liberal -politicians everywhere praise and admiration, and it was -no fault of his that that admirable scheme did not -become an organic law of Turkey. He failed in his -efforts to reform the Administration, and to turn corrupt -misrule into good government. Subsequently, both in -Syria and Smyrna, he carried out the same principles -of administrative reform. He was undoubtedly a party -to the deposition of the Sultan; but it was widely believed -that he was no party to his death, if he did not die by -suicide. The Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs -had admitted that the Report of the Medical Commission -was in favour of the opinion that the death was caused -by suicide. Dr Dickson, the physician to the English -Embassy at Constantinople, joined in that opinion, and -had assured him (Mr M’Coan) that after the most careful -examination of the body he was clearly of opinion that -it was a case of suicide. But what happened at the so‐called -trial? Why, that two of the doctors, who had -as Commissioners certified that it was a case of suicide—Marco -Pasha and Dr Castro—actually at the trial gave -evidence to the effect that, in their opinion, death had -been caused by murder. Such evidence was worthy of -the tribunal before which it had been given. In a reply -to a question put by him, the Under Secretary of State -for Foreign Affairs had stated that the President at the -trial had been formerly an employé of the Municipal -Police at Constantinople, and that he had himself positive -knowledge of the corruption of the man when he held -a judicial position. He had also evidence, though not -so direct, that this same person had continued to be one -of the most corrupt judicial functionaries in the service -of the Porte; and also evidence, less direct still, that -the other members of the Court which tried the State -prisoners were of no whit better character. No European -community, therefore, would hang a dog upon the finding -of such a tribunal. He knew that Her Majesty’s -Government could not interfere directly, and that an -unofficial or indirect appeal on the part of Her Majesty’s -Ambassador might have no effect, but he was proud to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">228</a></span>know that no other opinion in Europe could have such -an effect upon the Porte, or in the Palace, as that of the -House of Commons, because it was thoroughly understood -there that such opinion reflected that of the country, and -so influenced the action of the Government. He begged -to move the adjournment of the House, in the hope -that such opinion would be expressed on behalf of an -innocent, distinguished, and falsely condemned statesman.</p> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">The O’Donoghue</span> seconded the motion.</p> - -<p>“Motion made and question proposed.—‘That this -House do now adjourn’—(Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span>).</p> - -<p>“Sir <span class="smcap">H. Drummond‐Wolff</span> said he would not follow -the last speaker in criticising the trial that had taken -place at Constantinople, a trial which he thought would -not be considered satisfactory in this country. He would -not make an appeal to the right honourable gentleman -at the Head of the Government to interfere in regard -to the trial; but he would remind him that upon more -than one occasion the interference of the British Government -had saved the lives of men who had been condemned -to death in Turkey. He trusted that the Premier would -see his way to take some steps to bring the influence of -Her Majesty’s Government to bear upon the Porte, with -a view of, at any rate, reducing the sentence passed on -Midhat Pasha. He was a man of what was called a very -liberal mind, and had discharged his duties in a remarkably -impartial manner, and with much enlightenment, considering -the difficulties under which he had had to labour. He -ventured to suggest that the Premier would be doing a -graceful act in using his great influence on behalf of this -unfortunate man.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">Ashmead Bartlett</span> said it was remarkable to -notice the intense interest taken in Turkish Pashas by -the honourable gentleman, who had lost no opportunity -hitherto of denouncing them. The trial had by no means -been so unfair as was represented, and the evidence -against most of the accused was very strong. Everyone -sympathised with Midhat Pasha, who was a great statesman -and patriot, and it would be a most unfortunate -thing if the trial resulted in his death. He doubted, -however, if there was any danger of that. The present -Sultan was a most humane and kind‐hearted man—and -neither Midhat Pasha nor the other two Ministers who -were condemned with him were in danger of execution. -He thought the question might be safely left to the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">229</a></span>discretion of Her Majesty’s Government without any -formal expression of opinion by the House. It would -be most unfortunate if any representations were made -on behalf of the other condemned Ministers, Mahmoud -Damad and Nouri Pashas, who were openly corrupt, and -were guilty of almost every possible offence against the -interests of their country and of civilisation. It would -be a matter of rejoicing if they could be brought to -justice. It would be better if representations were made -diplomatically by the Government without the direct interference -of the House; and although the influence of the -British Government was much less than it used to be, -he had no doubt they would have due effect.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">Gladstone</span>—I do not know that much advantage -would be gained by a prolongation of the discussion. In -answer to the appeals made, especially by the honourable -Member for Portsmouth (Sir H. Drummond‐Wolff), I -think I can state very briefly what is a very simple matter—namely, -the limits of action laid down for us, and the -fact that we have not scrupled to act within them. Those -limits were necessarily narrow. I was sorry to hear the -honourable gentleman who made this motion introduce -statements of so pointed a character respecting the individuals -who have been called upon to conduct the inquiry. -He may be quite warranted in all he says; but it is -perfectly impossible that we can know that, and it is -perfectly impossible, in justice to those individuals, to go -in this House into the circumstances of which he speaks. -If the trial be bad, an attempt to re‐try the case in an -Assembly of this kind, with the view to an expression of -opinion on the definitive merits of the case, would likewise, -be open to much objection.</p> - -<p>“The real state of the case is this—Have we a right of -intervention in a matter of this kind? Clearly we have -none. I use the words ‘right of intervention.’ But there -are considerations of policy and humanity which have, -on various occasions, led to representations, more or less -formal, which are in the nature of interference with private -affairs, but which are grounded on a sincere and dispassionate -anxiety, in the first place, for the general -principles of humanity and justice, and, in the second -place, for the interests of the great Power in whose -counsels you appear to intervene. Unquestionably, though -we have no power to pass a final sentence on the nature -of the proceedings in Constantinople, there has been a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span>public opinion in regard to these proceedings, both in -Constantinople and Europe generally, such as to make -us believe that it would be greatly for the interest of the -Sultan of Turkey were he moved to pursue a humane -and liberal course. Recognising these facts, we have not -scrupled to act upon them. So early as 4th July instructions -were sent to Lord Dufferin to use the least -obtrusive, but, at the same time, the most confidential, -direct and effective means to make the kind of representations -which we desired to be made. Lord Dufferin has, -I think, with as much tact and delicacy as are in the -possession of any man, and with, at the same time, as -much good feeling and zeal, acted readily upon these -instructions, and has, to the best of his power, made -representations in the general sense I have described. We -have no doubt whatever that a lenient and a considerate -course will give satisfaction to the enlightened opinion -of Europe, and will be greatly for the interests and peace -of Turkey. Having said that, I think I had better add -no more. I see no advantage in implicating or attempting -to pass judgment on anyone. We have stood on the -purely general consideration I have described; and I -believe the House will be disposed to think, on the general -statement I have made, that without any special merit -on our part, we have discharged our duty.</p> - -<p>“Mr <span class="smcap">J. Cowen</span> said he was sure the House had listened -with satisfaction to the humane and generous observations -of the Prime Minister. He trusted his hon. friend, the -Member for Wicklow, having elicited such an expression -of opinion, would be content, and not push his motion -to a division. He entirely sympathised with him in the -course he had pursued. It was desirable that the British -Parliament should have an opportunity of recording its -opinion of the very exceptional proceedings under the -name of law that had recently taken place at Constantinople. -Midhat Pasha was a distinguished Turkish Pasha. -He had served his country ably and honourably in the -highest offices the Sultan could confer. He had proved -himself to be a friend of England and of progressive -principles. He (Mr Cowen) had the privilege of his -acquaintance, and he could confirm the high character -that the hon. Member for Wicklow had given him. He -recognised the delicacy of the position, and he could -appreciate the difficulties that the Premier had referred -to. To interfere with the action of the Turkish Courts, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">231</a></span>however they were constituted, might be regarded as -trenching upon the freedom of an independent State. If -representations were made in a too emphatic way, they -might be resented by the Sultan, and have the very -opposite effect than was designed. This was a possibility -which they should all bear in mind, and of which the -Government, no doubt, were conscious. They should -remember also that it was impossible for the House to -review the proceedings of the Constantinople tribunal. -They might have their opinions; but they were not, and -could not, be informed of all the details. But still, -admitting all this, the English Government had on other -occasions interceded with foreign rulers on behalf of fallen -statesmen or popular leaders. There were many instances -in history where there had been such friendly interference; -and they had, therefore, the warrant of precedent for doing -what was now suggested. He trusted that the Government -would—with all the energy that they felt themselves -justified in using, but at the same time, with the necessary -friendliness—intercede on behalf of Midhat Pasha. The -Prime Minister had said that instructions to that effect -would be sent to Lord Dufferin, and the House and the -country would feel satisfied that any appeal by him would -be supported by a man of great ability, high character, and -of generous spirit. Having called attention to the subject -and made this representation, he would advise that the -matter be allowed to rest in the hands of Her Majesty’s -Government.</p> - -<p class="tb">“Mr <span class="smcap">M’Coan</span> asked leave to withdraw the motion.”</p> - -<p><i>29th July 1881.</i>—“Lord <span class="smcap">Stratheden and Campbell</span>, -in rising to ask the Government whether their influence -at Constantinople is being exercised to arrest proceedings -in the case of Midhat Pasha, said he hoped that in -the absence—which he regretted—of the noble earl the -Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, some member of the -Government would be able to give an answer to his -question. No doubt all the members of the Government -knew what answer to give, because the Prime Minister -really decided these matters, and his colleagues must be -in possession of his views. The fate of Midhat Pasha -was a question in which the people of this country took -great interest. There was no doubt that he had not had -a fair trial, and obstacles were put in the way of his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span>defending himself. There was little doubt that Abdul -Aziz had put an end to his own life; and he thought that -the public law of Europe, about which so much had been -said of late years, should be put in motion on his behalf. -It might be said that public law would be an obstacle to -exercising influence to arrest proceedings in the case; but -if that were so, public law had been set at nought by every -ambassador whom the Queen had employed at Constantinople -recently.</p> - -<p class="tb">“Lord <span class="smcap">Stanley of Alderley</span> said he regretted the -course which the noble lord had taken as damaging to his -consistency, since he usually respected the law of nations; -but now he asked the Government to do something which -was quite contrary to it. He was not only asking them to -obtain a commutation of the sentence passed on Midhat -Pasha, but to arrest proceedings. A month ago the noble -lord intimated that the Foreign Secretary had not the -control of the Foreign Office, but that the Prime Minister -had; and the Prime Minister had stated in ‘another place’ -that this was a case in which the Government had no right -to interfere. The noble lord should have been satisfied -with that answer. When Midhat Pasha was Grand Vizier -he was responsible for what was going on at Constantinople; -and after the time that Sultan Abdul Aziz Khan’s -death took place, he did not institute any enquiry into any -of the circumstances that had surrounded it. No doubt, it -was unfortunate that in the recent trial the Ottoman -Government had adopted European forms, and it would -have been better if the Turkish Government had followed -their own forms of trial in this case. However, he had no -doubt that substantial justice had been done to Midhat -Pasha. The present question was, moreover, unnecessary, -because the sentence had already been commuted, and -Midhat Pasha was going into a healthy climate, where -there need be no fear on account of his health. Midhat -Pasha was a good administrator in Bulgaria, but he had -been too much praised for what he had done, and, on the -whole, he was an ignorant, rather than a learned man. -However, in Midhat Pasha’s present situation, he would -rather not make further observations upon his administration -of affairs. There was no ground for any alarm in -regard to the country to which he was banished.</p> - -<p class="tb">“The Earl of <span class="smcap">Kimberley</span> said he was sorry that his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">233</a></span>noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs was -not present to answer the question of the noble lord. As -to the actual form of the question, he agreed with his -noble friend opposite (Lord Stanley of Alderley) that -it would be an extraordinary interference on the part of -one Government to exercise its influence upon another, -in order to arrest proceedings which the latter had thought -it necessary to take in regard to an accusation against a -subject of that Government. But probably his noble -friend desired to know what course had been taken by -Her Majesty’s Government in the whole matter; and what -he had to say was that in a question of so much delicacy, -involving the internal Government of the Porte, and -touching the Sultan himself, Her Majesty’s Government -had not thought that it would be desirable to exercise any -direct advice or interference; but feeling, as they did, an -interest in this matter, they had been able, through Lord -Dufferin, in a perfectly private and unofficial manner, to -express their wish that it might be the pleasure of the -Sultan to deal with this matter in a merciful spirit. He was -not in a position to state that it had been officially notified -that the sentence passed upon the incriminated Pashas had -been commuted; but he had good reason to believe that the -statement in the newspapers alluded to, that the sentence -had been commuted to banishment to Arabia, was true.”</p></div> - -<p>The result of the humanitarian intervention on the part -of the English Government was that the death sentence on -Midhat Pasha was changed to one of imprisonment for life.</p> - -<p>The Sultan Abdul Hamid knew far better than any -one else that Midhat was innocent, and that Abdul Aziz -had committed suicide, as was fully proved by the -Medical report; if Abdul Hamid had had genuine -proof on which to accuse Midhat before the eyes of -Europe and the law, nothing could have prevented the -death penalty from being executed, since he had sworn to -put an end to Midhat Pasha. Although the Sultan was -thus foiled in his attempt to put away Midhat by form of -law, he did not relinquish his intention, but sought other -clandestine means to attain it. How this was accomplished, -will be proved by documents in the following pages.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XII<br /><br /> - -<small>EXILE OF MIDHAT PASHA</small></h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> Sultan, yielding to the humane intervention of -England and Europe, named the town of Taïf, in Arabia, -as the place of exile for Midhat Pasha. Taïf is a town -situated to the south of Mecca, and is renowned for its -verdure and for its surrounding fortress. Midhat Pasha, -Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin and Nouri Pashas, with -the other prisoners, were taken by a special steamer and -landed at Djeddah, and reached Taïf by way of Mecca. -The Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Haïroullah Effendi, who had been on -a pilgrimage to Mecca when he was accused of being an -accomplice in the alleged murder of Abdul Aziz, had been -imprisoned at Taïf, where Midhat found him on his arrival.</p> - -<p>After the banishment of Midhat, his family were -detained in exile in Smyrna, and his son and daughter -sought refuge from any possible contingency at the British -Consulate, where they remained for three months, returning -to their mother when the storm of these events had -passed. Two years after his exile, Midhat sent his family -the most alarming information in his letters, of which we -give a translation. These letters were carried to Smyrna -by men who were the devoted friends of the family, and -who made the journey for that express purpose.</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Translation of an Autograph Letter from Midhat Pasha (from the -Prison of Taïf) to his Family.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My Dear Family</span>,—Nearly a month ago I sent you -a letter through Saïd Bey—the last that I was able to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span>write before this—in which I gave you the list of the -numbered letters which I had previously sent you. A -week after, I became ill with an abscess on the right -shoulder‐blade. Later on, this was diagnosed as being -anthrax. It caused me very great suffering. The only -doctor here is quite a young man, without any experience. -My companions in exile,<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> seeing my condition, became -very uneasy, and, without consulting me, took upon -themselves to address a letter to the Governor of Mecca, -asking that a doctor might be sent here. But they -did not receive any reply from this personage, who, however, -had just received through an aide‐de‐camp sent -from Constantinople the firman bestowing on him the -rank of marshal, and also strict secret orders that we must -perish, either by starvation or by some other means.</p> - -<p>“To this end the Vali chose Major Bekir Effendi, -who was charged with our surveillance and with the -execution of this mission. As soon as he arrived, Bekir -dismissed our servants and cooks and reduced our -rations. I was in bed, suffering from the pain of this -abscess, when Bekir came and told me the orders he had -received, which he did in a severe voice, with a rough tone -and without the least touch of feeling. He told us that we -must be contented with a little soup and with vegetables, -which would be served to us in one of those bowls used by -the soldiers, and that we were strictly forbidden to procure -other food than that which was provided for us. At the -same time he forbade us to have our linen washed, a task -which each one of us must perform for himself. Besides -this, he took away the inkstand, pen and paper that was at -our disposition, and everything necessary for correspondence. -Luckily, I had burned your letters, although they -contained nothing compromising, but complications might -have arisen from them if they had fallen into their hands.</p> - -<p>“This part of his mission accomplished, Major Bekir had -the wife and child of Haïroullah Effendi, who were occupying -a separate house, sent off to Mecca that very night. -Our servants and cooks followed very soon afterwards.</p> - -<p>“The treatment to which we are submitted is one means of -many to get rid of us. For my companions have always been -accustomed to luxury and ease, and even though hunger -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span>may oblige them to eat the poor food given to the soldiers, -their health cannot endure such a regimen, and they will -certainly end by succumbing, but only after how much -suffering and misery! I cannot give you an idea of the -melancholy into which they are plunged. They are -constantly praying Heaven for their deliverance. As to -me, what I find the most painful, is being deprived of my -servant, whom they removed by force, and whose attentions -were more than ever necessary to me at a moment when -my state of health has got so much worse.</p> - -<p>“The refusal of the Governor‐General of Mecca to send -a doctor, and the speech and most unjustifiable conduct of -Bekir, contributed not a little to the aggravation of my -condition. I had no other consolation than the hope of -quitting this life and of at last succumbing to the sufferings -that I endured. But it cannot be helped; the supreme -hour has not yet come, and I must still suffer. I had lost -all hope, although Heaven in its mercy often reserves -consolations for the unhappy, and relief for their sorrows.</p> - -<p>“I was thus in despair of ever getting well, when, -thanks to the care of my companions, who applied a -poultice, the abscess burst and continued suppurating for a -fortnight. Since then the pain has diminished and the -wound is beginning to heal. At the moment when -Haïroullah Effendi’s wife and child, and our servants -also, were embarking at Djeddah for Constantinople, a -telegraphic order caused them to return to Taïf in company -with Major Bekir. Thus, when on the point of becoming -free, these unhappy beings were once more cast into prison.</p> - -<p>“This is a brief statement of our situation, and if no -change takes place in the conditions of our existence, it -will be very difficult for me to send letters as hitherto. -The linen, food and money that you wish to send me -will never reach me. Perhaps you could find some one -who might be able to send me my false teeth. Give up -any idea of sending me money, for we are now forbidden -to buy any really nourishing food, such as meat, vegetables, -rice, etc., and as to coffee, coal, and soap, I have plenty -of money to buy those. I embrace you all affectionately.</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>8th Djemazi‐ul‐Ahir, 1301</i>” (1883).<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>Year of the Hegira.</i>)</small> -</p> - -<p>“<i>P.S.</i>—Every morning they bring a bowl of soup for -eight people, a dish of radish leaves or something of that -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">237</a></span>nature; in the evening we all assemble round these bowls -and those who are very hungry are obliged to eat from -them; the others content themselves with a piece of bread -kept back from the day before. Those who have money -buy soap and coal, and heat water for washing their linen. -Those who are without the necessary means use water -mixed with cinders. As to me, who have no teeth, I -live on bread‐soup. The abscess is nearly cured, but my -weakness is very great. As I have already told you, all -these means are taken with the sole aim of destroying -us. Time will show who will be the first to give me the -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup de grâce</i>.”</p></div> - -<p class="center f09"><i>Another Autograph Letter from Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My dear Wife, my beloved Daughters, my -dear Son Ali Haidar</span>,—This letter is perhaps the last -that I shall ever write you; for, as I told you in my -two preceding letters, it is now proved that in modifying -our regimen and in depriving us of all means of correspondence, -they have no other aim than that of getting -rid of us. Besides which they have tried to poison us.</p> - -<p>“Ten days ago, my servant Arif, whom I had ordered -to buy some milk through one of the officers, discovered -when he was boiling it that it was poisoned. Four days -after this, Arif, having bought some meat, prepared it -in the evening and placed it in his room. In the morning -we perceived that the metal of the saucepan bore traces -of poison. Several days afterwards they poisoned the -water in the jug from which we drink. All these attempts -have been foiled by the attention and watchfulness of -the servant. Seeing this want of success, they will try -other means. We are surrounded by very dangerous -people; especially Major Tcherkesse Bekir, one of the -college companions of the famous Tcherkesse Hassan,<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> -who was sent two years ago from Constantinople to keep -watch over us. This Tcherkesse Bekir has, as accomplices, -three non‐commissioned officers, who lodge with us. Every -day the most sinister orders are transmitted to the Vali, -Osman Pasha (Governor of Mecca), who in return for his -services has received a Marshal’s bâton. Yesterday there -arrived Colonel Tcherkesse Mehemet Lutfi, always with -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span>the same orders. We are face to face with very great -danger and are threatened with the blackest designs; I -believe that there is little hope that we shall escape. -Perhaps even before receiving this letter you will learn -the news of my death. In this case it is useless to suffer -great affliction. May the merciful God pardon us our -sins! And if we are destined to succumb, there can -be no greater happiness than to be martyrs in a holy -cause.</p> - -<p>“My supreme desire is that you should live in peace, -united around the family hearth. May the Almighty -God have you in His Holy keeping!</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>10 Redjeb 1301, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>24th September 1883</i>).</small> -</p></div> - -<p>Madame Midhat had these facts brought to the knowledge -of Lord Dufferin, at Constantinople. At the same -time the Duke of Sutherland, who was going to Constantinople, -passed through Smyrna and went to see -Midhat’s family, assuring them that he would do all in -his power to persuade the Sultan to give Midhat Pasha -his liberty. Lord Dufferin made representations to the -Ottoman Government, and charged the Dragoman belonging -to the British Consulate at Djeddah to procure news -of Midhat’s health from the Grand Shereef of Mecca. -The Grand Shereef, Abdul Mutalib Pasha, assured the -Dragoman that Midhat was perfectly well.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> But the -Sultan, terrified at the relations between the Grand Shereef -Abdul Mutalib and the English Dragoman, accused the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">239</a></span> -former of holding secret relations with England, with a -view to saving Midhat and combining with him against -his person; he therefore disgraced him, throwing him into -the fortress of Taïf. It was on this account that Midhat, -without knowing the real reason, wrote the following letter -to his family on the arrest of the Grand Shereef:—</p> - -<p class="center f09">Another Letter from Midhat Pasha to his Family.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My Dear Family</span>,—Two days ago a very strange -event occurred. During the night of 30th August, at -midnight, the house of the Emir of Mecca, Shereef -Abdul Mutalib (who was then in residence at Taïf), was -suddenly surrounded by four battalions of Infantry and -four guns. At daybreak he was torn from his bed and -conducted to the fortress where we are imprisoned. He -has been replaced in his office by the Shereef Abdullah -Pasha. It is believed that Abdul Mutalib will be sent -to Constantinople or elsewhere. He is accused of having -kept up a correspondence with the English. The fact -that this personage, who, in his anxiety to please in a -high quarter, caused us so much suffering, is now thrown -into a wretched hole of a prison, is a very great example. -However, we can only pity his fate, when we think of -his great age—he is a hundred—and that he is a descendant -of the Prophet.</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Midhat</span>.</p> - -<p><small>“<i>2nd September 1299, O.S.</i>”<br /> -<span class="h">xxx</span> -(<i>14th September 1882.</i>)</small> -</p></div> - -<p>Whilst the Sultan was assuring England of his good -intentions, he was at the same time maturing his tyrannical -plan of execution. Damad Nouri Pasha had already -died—mad; but it was extremely difficult to put a Sheik‐ul‐Islam -to death on a false accusation, and above all -before the “Softa” (Theological Students and Ulemas, of -whom he is the Supreme Head); for this reason, Haïroullah -Effendi was placed on one side. The Vali of Hedjaz—Marshal -Osman Nouri Pasha—received an order by special<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">240</a></span> -envoys to see to the execution of the murder. On the -26th of April, 1883, they entered Midhat’s room during -the night, and by means of a cord they strangled him -in his bed without the least resistance. Damad Mahmoud -Djelaleddin Pasha attempted to defend himself, but was -overcome by brute force. An eye‐witness of the crime, -Haïroullah Effendi, sent a letter of condolence to the -family of Midhat Pasha, of which we publish a translation.</p> - -<p class="center f09"><i>To the Honourable Family of Midhat Pasha.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“I humbly present my most respectful homage to -Madame and Mesdemoiselles Midhat Pasha, and also to -his son Ali Haydar Bey, with the expression of my profound -regret and sympathy on the occasion of the death -of our beloved master, Midhat Pasha. May the Almighty -grant them as great a measure of happiness as there are -grains of dust in the earth that covers his martyred -remains.</p> - -<p>“You will have heard of his tragic death and of the -circumstances under which it occurred. His Highness -did not succumb, as has been announced in the newspapers, -to the illness from which he was suffering. It is -true that he had anthrax, but it was not bubonic. The -truth is that in the same night and at the same moment -both Midhat Pasha and Damad Mahmoud Pasha were -strangled. May the Divine clemency and blessing be -upon them.</p> - -<p>“There are many things that I ought to tell you, -but I dare not write more fully, as I am in dread of our -persecutors. Kindly let me hear that you have received -this letter, and do not divulge the name of him who sent -it. If you have anything that you wish to ask me you -can write to me.</p> - -<p>“Half of the Pasha’s possessions have been stolen by -the employés, the rest has been sent to Constantinople.</p> - -<p>“The servant, who so faithfully served our lamented -Midhat Pasha, is well worthy of being helped. The -Pasha, shortly before his death, left him £T100. He -gave me a note signed to this effect, which I enclose -to you, begging that you will send the poor man the -money.</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span> -<p>“I beg you, Madame and Mesdemoiselles, to accept -the expression of my respectful affection.</p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -“<span class="smcap">Hassan Haïroullah.</span><br /> -(<i>ex‐Sheik‐ul‐Islam.</i>)</p> - -<p><small>“<span class="smcap">Taïf</span>, <i>15th Zilkade, 1301</i>” (1883).</small> -</p></div> - -<p>Wishing to render a last service to his country, the -Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Haïroullah Effendi, also sent to the Reform -Party a record of the details of this assassination, which is -contained in the following chapter.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">242</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XIII<br /><br /></h2> - -<p class="indent f09"><small>DETAILS OF THE ASSASSINATION OF MIDHAT PASHA, -ACCORDING TO INFORMATION DERIVED FROM HAÏROULLAH -EFFENDI.</small></p> - -<p>In the course of the third year of his exile at Taïf, Midhat -Pasha had a large tumour on his right shoulder. The -doctor, who was permitted to attend him, was a certain -Nashid Effendi, who delayed a fortnight before diagnosing -it as anthrax, and who, being ignorant of all modern -surgical knowledge, did not even perform the necessary -operation, alleging the age of the Pasha as a cause for -this omission.</p> - -<p>This infamous and unworthy conduct on the part of -the doctor was, at first, explained in two ways: as he -had only just left the School of Medicine, perhaps he had -not sufficient experience, or perhaps he was acting under -superior orders of those who were desirous of the death of -the invalid. But what is certain is that Damad Mahmoud -Pasha, companion in exile of Midhat, having no confidence -either in the capacity or honesty of Nashid, and fearing -lest he had some criminal design, sent a telegram to the -Governor‐General of Hedjaz, residing at Mecca—Osman -Nouri Pasha, who is now Marshal and Aide‐de‐camp to -Abdul Hamid—in which he implored him to send another -doctor, accusing Nashid of incapacity. But Osman Nouri -had not even the politeness to reply to him. However, -fortunately the anthrax burst of itself, and it was always -this same Nashid, accompanied by an officer, Captain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span> -Ibrahim Aga, who dressed the wound. The state of -health of the invalid, which grew worse from day to -day, was caused probably by the treatment to which -he was submitted. It must be said that it is almost by -a miracle that the wound healed eventually, thanks to -a different but altogether rudimentary treatment, which -was tried.</p> - -<p>The doctor made a report to the Governor‐General -after each visit, and that official never failed to transmit -it regularly by telegraph to Yildiz Kiosk.</p> - -<p>One day Nashid, after dressing the wound with -Ibrahim, suddenly asked Midhat Pasha, to the general -consternation, if it were really true that in Europe criminals -were now only executed by means of chloroform. This -question, simple enough in itself, gave more than one -person cause for reflection.</p> - -<p>Major Bekir<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> of the Third Battalion, 10th Regiment, -who was specially charged with the surveillance of the -prisoners, had gone away some days previously to Mecca -and Medina. It was with very great surprise, therefore, -that we saw him enter Midhat Pasha’s room with the -doctor and Ibrahim. When asked the reason of his -sudden return, Bekir replied simply, with extraordinary -cunning, that it was only to arrange certain affairs of -the garrison, in the first place, and secondly, to collect the -taxes in the villages situated on the side of Tarié. He -added that he was getting ready for this journey on the -receipt of a special order from the <em>Muchir</em> (Marshal).</p> - -<p>This was a bare‐faced lie, and we shall see further -on what was in reality the mission with which he was -charged.</p> - -<p>The sixth day after the arrival of Major Bekir was a -Friday, and, as usual, the servants belonging to the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">244</a></span> -prisoners, accompanied by a guard, went to the mosque -in the town for the Friday prayer. Arif Aga, servant to -Midhat Pasha, remained by his suffering master.</p> - -<p>On their return, Major Bekir stopped them all before -the <em>caracol</em> or guard‐room, and not seeing Arif Aga -amongst them, had him at once sent for.</p> - -<p>Arif refused to obey this order, alleging that he could -not leave his invalid alone. When the Pashas perceived -that Bekir insisted, they told the orderly to fetch him, in -order that they might learn the reason of this inexplicable -affair. Bekir, on receiving this communication, jumped -up, and going to Midhat Pasha’s room in the <em>kalé</em> (fortress), -declared in a haughty, insulting manner that the servants -would be dismissed from their service, that in future they -would have to be contented to eat from <em>caravanas</em>, and -that they would no longer be allowed to purchase eggs, -cheese, nor olives, only tobacco; and last of all, that they -would now be forbidden to present any further requests -to the Sultan.</p> - -<p>Such was the arrogant language employed by Bekir. -Later on, changing his tone, he added with less impertinence -that he was charged with a special mission, -and that he had received an order to send Haïroullah -Effendi’s wife (who was living in the town with her baby) -first of all to Mecca, and thence to Constantinople. This -was most alarming news to many, for it all pointed to -secret plots. However, there was no other course open -than to await the end with resignation.</p> - -<p>Damad Mahmoud Pasha, who was of a very hot‐blooded -disposition, and who easily got angry, lost -patience, and replied to the explanations of Bekir by -demanding that at least the dismissed attendants might -be allowed to return to them in order to settle their -accounts. Bekir, now become almost amiable, replied -that this would be contrary to the orders he had received,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">245</a></span> -but in order to do them a service, he would take the -responsibility upon himself and allow the servants to come, -accompanied by a guard.</p> - -<p>The servants, after their accounts had been settled, -were lodged in a room near the principal door of the -barracks. The cooking utensils, pens, paper, and ink‐stands, -which until then had been placed at the disposition -of the Pashas, were now taken from them. Bekir, -in order to make the preparations for his travels, spent -the night at the barracks.</p> - -<p>Midhat Pasha had more than once filled the office of -Grand Vizier, and had rendered eminent services to his -country. The manner in which they treated him shocked -me, for even under these circumstances, taking into consideration -his age and the weak state of his health, they -might have shown him some consideration.</p> - -<p>A hospital attendant, a soldier, who was completely -ignorant of the habits of the Pasha, was now appointed -as his servant. Nevertheless, Midhat Pasha, we must -allow, whilst we render homage to his energy, submitted -to all these humiliations with the greatest calm, and even -with indifference.</p> - -<p>On the 8th of April, a Sunday, Bekir visited Midhat, -undoubtedly with the intention, after some conversation, -of taking the latest news to the Pasha at Hedjaz, for -that same day he was going to leave for Mecca, taking -with him the wife of Haïroullah, his child, the servants, -and the cooks.</p> - -<p>“Are you going now?” asked Midhat Pasha of Bekir.</p> - -<p>“Yes, in a few hours,” he replied; “if you have any -communications to make me, will you kindly do so -now?”</p> - -<p>“Very well! Listen to me attentively. His Majesty, -Abdul Hamid, has recently raised the Vali to the rank -of Marshal, and I congratulate the latter with all my heart.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">246</a></span> -You know, however, all the services that I have rendered -my country; no one can deny them. You are not ignorant -of the distinguished posts I have successively occupied. -Now, you see how I am treated; I see nothing before -me except the most gloomy prospect, and it is through -you that they will get rid of me. You will be the -instruments, and each of you, most probably, will be -promoted; the officer will become colonel, the colonel -will be gazetted as a general, and so on; but remember -that you may die after Abdul Hamid. If you die before, -your titles will be inscribed on your tombs; but if the -contrary occurs, then I am convinced it will be quite -otherwise. Pause now, examine your conscience, calculate -your own moral and material interests, and without -looking so far ahead, whilst His Majesty is still alive, -just think for a moment what has become of the Chief -President of that arbitrary tribunal which condemned -me in so cowardly a manner, without any tangible proof. -It is quite true that Sourouri Effendi was appointed -<em>Cadi Asker</em>; but was he not exiled soon afterwards, -under the title of Governor of Manissa. As to Djevdet -Pasha, the second President, he is, as everyone knows, -deprived of his functions, and is now at home—a disgraced -man. Think of these events, and you will form a correct -idea of the situation. I see that some crime is overhanging -me. Remember the verse of the Koran which says: -‘Whosoever kills shall be punished with hell and eternal -tortures.’... We are all deserving of chastisement at -the hands of Divine Justice. And now that you know -my opinion, will you communicate it faithfully to the -Vali?”</p> - -<p>Bekir grew pale, but plucking up courage, replied: “I -have been present at several battles; but, apart from war, -I have never even cut off the head of a fowl.” The conversation -coming to an end, Bekir went out of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">247</a></span> -prisoner’s room, and at once started on his journey to -Mecca, accompanied by the individuals we have already -mentioned.</p> - -<p>On the seventh day after his departure—a Friday -evening—we saw him return to Taïf. To the general -surprise he reinstated the servants in the Pashas’ service. -After a few days Haïroullah’s wife also returned from -Djeddah with her baby and the cook. Haïroullah -ordered his servant Ibrahim to look after his household -in the town, and contented himself with the services of -a common soldier.</p> - -<p>The day after his return Bekir once more made his -appearance in the Pashas’ quarters, saying that a new -Irade had just been telegraphed ordering a diminution -of the prisoner’s rations and the dismissal of the cooks. -He also presented the greetings from the Vali, who -would, nevertheless, allow them to purchase from the -bazaar all that they needed.</p> - -<p>Why this toleration? What did it mean, coming -after the diminution of the rations and the dismissal -of the cooks? Bekir replied to this maliciously, stating -that such a duty was most unpleasing to him, but that -as a soldier he was compelled to obey his superiors, -although he regretted to be unable to act otherwise.</p> - -<p>At this time, Midhat Pasha was fortunately almost -entirely cured of his illness, but they still continued to -telegraph daily the state of his health to the Governor‐General.</p> - -<p>One day Midhat Pasha sent his attendant to the -town to buy some milk from a milkman named Echreff. -Immediately on learning this, one of the officers, told -off to guard the prisoners, a certain Nouri, wished to -accompany the soldier to the milkman’s house. On arriving -at their destination, they asked for the milk. Echreff -declared that he had only three <em>kilos</em> of milk, which had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">248</a></span> -been ordered by the General, but that he would give -them one <em>ock</em> at once if it were for the Pasha. Nouri -accepted this offer, and ordered the soldier to take it to -Daïra. This most unexpected and unusual amiability on -the part of Nouri was noticed, and gave rise to suspicions.</p> - -<p>During the Pasha’s illness, it was Saïd Bey, another -prisoner, who watched over the food prepared by -Midhat’s servant, Arif Aga. Saïd Bey at once took care -to examine the can that contained this milk, and noticed -to his surprise that the colour of it was unnatural. He -tasted a small spoonful and found that the milk had a -bitter flavour that hurt his throat. Saïd mentioned this -fact to several people who were present, and especially to -the lieutenant, Mehemet Aga, and they all tasted it—some -of them even had to keep to their beds for several -days afterwards, having been so imprudent as to take a -sufficient quantity to upset their system.</p> - -<p>When this was related to Midhat Pasha, he at once -sent for Mehemet Aga, and with much self‐restraint spoke -to him as follows: “I sent to‐day for some of the same -milk as that ordered by the Binbashi (Major). It has -been found to contain verdigris; this has been proved by -all those who drank it; I believe that you also tasted it.”</p> - -<p>Mehemet acknowledged that the milk had been very -much adulterated. Midhat, still preserving his <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">sang‐froid</i>, -continued: “Since this is the case, why do you not go to -the Binbashi (Major) and warn him to be careful not to -drink it.”</p> - -<p>The officer went away hurriedly, and soon after returned, -saying: “That the Binbashi was going to send -for the milkman, that he intended to investigate the -matter, and that if it were deserved, a severe punishment -would be inflicted. That he meant to get to the bottom -of the whole business.”</p> - -<p>But we learned later on that before Mehemet went to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">249</a></span> -inform the Binbashi, this latter was in the garden of the -military hospital, surrounded by his confidants, whom -he asked from time to time if all had gone off well! -If the milk had been drunk, and if it had proved -efficacious.</p> - -<p>At the same time we were told that several soldiers -who had drunk the Binbashi’s milk had become ill. -This, undoubtedly, was nothing but a rumour which had -been purposely spread, and has never received confirmation -from any trustworthy source.</p> - -<p>A sample of this milk was sent to the Binbashi to be -analysed by the doctors. The only reply he made was: -“That they had not got the necessary apparatus for -analysis!” This is absolutely incredible.</p> - -<p>In order to save appearances, Bekir sent for Echreff, -the milkman, and remonstrated with him. But Echreff, -on his side, protested most vehemently. Besides which -all his cans were in good condition. He insisted that the -milk must have been contaminated by some medicament -after it had left his dairy.</p> - -<p>Thus the incident was closed, for the Binbashi did not -follow up the affair, which he wished to be forgotten.</p> - -<p>Another time a strange fact was again noticed. It -was when Arif, Midhat’s servant, was still in his service. -He always passed his nights in the Pasha’s room, having -first of all locked up his own, in which he frequently kept -the food he had prepared for the following day.</p> - -<p>Arif perceived one morning that the lids of his -saucepans had been disturbed, and that their contents -presented an unusual appearance. He immediately told -Midhat of his extraordinary discovery, and the Pasha -sent at once for Damad Mahmoud and the other -prisoners, begging them to examine the saucepans. -After a summary examination they ascertained that -some foreign matter had been introduced. The perpe<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">250</a></span>trator -of this odious attempt remained as much unknown -as he who had put the verdigris in the milk. The contents -of all the saucepans were given to the dogs and cats, but -as these animals were none the worse, we thought that -this foreign matter could not have been a poison. However, -after the assassination of Midhat Pasha we learned -that the sub‐lieutenants Mehemet and Nouri, getting in -one night by the window, had managed to poison all -those dishes of which Midhat Pasha would have partaken -the following day. These two gentlemen made a complete -confession of this crime some time afterwards.</p> - -<p>During this time there was an honest soldier, Mehemet -Yosgad, whose duty it was to prepare the coffee. We -now know that it was suggested to him more than once -that he should give poison to the prisoners, mixing it with -their coffee. However, as this honourable man firmly -refused to commit this crime, others had to be found who -would undertake it.</p> - -<p>Mahmoud Pasha, who was very fond of coffee, began -to give up drinking it, and no longer smoked his <em>narghilé</em>, -but in order to show his confidence in honest Mehemet, -he never refused coffee that had been prepared by him.</p> - -<p>Another time it was noticed that the water which -was kept in a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">baradé</i> had a most offensive smell. The -jar was broken, and very great precautions were taken -thenceforth.</p> - -<p>Major Bekir was a thoroughly bad man, and extremely -cunning. He took as many precautions about the crime -he was about to commit as he did about his accomplices. -So far all attempts at poisoning had failed; other means -must be employed!</p> - -<p>On the 9th of Redjeb, 1301 (23rd April 1883, O.S.), -a Sunday, a detachment of cavalry, with two guns, arrived -at Taïf, under the command of a Circassian colonel -belonging to the 53rd regiment of the 7th Army Corps.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">251</a></span> -Mehemet Lutfi at once chose out about forty of the -strongest soldiers and increased the prisoners’ guard.</p> - -<p>Before the arrival of Mehemet Lutfi, Bekir had several -times called Hadji Chukri Aga, Mahmoud Pasha’s servant, -into his own private room very late at night, when every -one was asleep, and kept him there in trivial conversation; -but he had never dared to confide the secret to him, nor -to ask his help, for Chukri was not the kind of man to -become his accomplice, or to commit a crime against his -benefactor.</p> - -<p>As has been stated above, the colonel reorganised -the prisoners’ guards after his own manner. The -same day he sent for Arif Aga in order that he -might have the incident of the milk explained to him, -but in reality he proposed to Arif that he should poison -his master.</p> - -<p>“The poison is ready,” he said, “and if you succeed -in making Midhat drink it, you will receive very great -rewards from His Majesty the Sultan. Another man has -been commissioned to kill Damad Mahmoud, but if you -are willing to undertake that as well, your recompense -shall be doubled. If ever you divulge the secret you -will be killed.”</p> - -<p>The promised reward amounted to £T1000 for the -death of Midhat, and £T600 for that of Mahmoud.</p> - -<p>Arif was a devoted and faithful servant, besides being -a good Mussulman. He not only refused the rewards, -but, disregarding all intimidations, protested strongly -against the cowardly and unworthy schemes that they -had formed against his master. He hastened also to -relate to Midhat and to Mahmoud Pasha all that had -been said to him.</p> - -<p>These two Pashas, deeply moved by this communication, -held a long consultation together, but to no purpose. -What could they do? For a long time now they had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">252</a></span> -foreseen very clearly that their end was approaching, if -not by one way, then by another.</p> - -<p>The colonel, who had not thought fit to pay them a -visit, appeared very much preoccupied.</p> - -<p>On the second night after his arrival he had the -prisoners’ quarters surrounded by numerous soldiers, and -gave special orders to those who formed the inside -guard. On Tuesday evening, he wished to end the -whole affair, but circumstances obliged him to put off -the execution until the following night. Ibrahim Aga, -the captain, and three lieutenants sent for Arif Aga, and -told him plainly that owing to a command received from -the Palace of Yildiz Kiosk, they were obliged to put an -end to Midhat, and that as Arif had refused to poison -him, they hoped that at least he would have a little good -sense and open the door of the Pasha’s room about midnight; -and that if he refused this little service they would -know what steps to take.</p> - -<p>Poor Arif Aga, maddened by hearing of the odious -crime which was about to be committed against his -beloved master, sprang up in rage and cried frantically -to these wretches: “Oh no! I will never do what you -suggest—I will never open the door! I will not be -your accomplice! I am afraid of my conscience and of -Allah!”</p> - -<p>They were beginning to ill‐treat him, but at that -moment the prisoners happened to be going to their -separate rooms. Midhat, who was on his way to his -bedroom, was descending the stairs when he heard the -voice of his faithful servant crying out over and over -again: “Master, do not go down; return to your friends -at once, and spend the night with them. These cowards -are meaning to assassinate you!”</p> - -<p>Midhat Pasha went up the stairs again, re‐assembled -the prisoners, and informed them of this sinister occur<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">253</a></span>rence. -Just then one of the officers went to tell the -colonel what had happened. He ordered that Arif should -be arrested and the prisoners all separated. The faithful -servant was dragged off to the barracks, where he was -imprisoned, whilst an officer, Memiche, was sent by the -colonel to separate the prisoners and to try and calm -their fears.</p> - -<p>“The colonel,” said Memiche, “presents his compliments -to you all, and begs that you will withdraw to -your separate bedrooms, as the law requires.” To this -command Midhat and Mahmoud replied that they would -only be separated by force. They sent for Ibrahim, who -arrived somewhat troubled by the turn of affairs. They -also requested to speak with Bekir, in order to obtain -some explanation of this matter. The major arrived, and -entering the room, said—“That good‐for‐nothing Arif -doesn’t know what he’s talking about. It looks as if he -were doing all this in order to get sent away, unless -he is quite out of his mind.” The Pashas could not -succeed in hiding their anxiety, for everything foreboded -the approaching crime.</p> - -<p>“At the present moment,” continued Bekir, “no such -order exists. But we are soldiers, and therefore owe unquestioning -obedience to our superiors. Be quite at ease! -Do you think that anyone would be afraid of you whilst -you are in our safe keeping?”</p> - -<p>He then began to swear by all that he held most sacred -in the world that there was no cause for them to fear. -Meanwhile Arif Aga was being tortured for having -divulged the secret.</p> - -<p>Midhat passed the whole of that night with Ali Bey, -another prisoner.</p> - -<p>Colonel Mehemet Lutfi and Major Bekir remained -in the room overlooking the principal entrance to the -barracks, whence they directed the operations. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">254</a></span> -soldiers were given the same orders as on the preceding -night, and cartridges were distributed amongst them.</p> - -<p>A captain and three lieutenants were placed in the -prisoners’ quarters to superintend operations, and two -soldiers, bare‐footed for the occasion, and with bayonets -fixed, were stationed at the door of each prisoner’s room.</p> - -<p>About six o’clock,<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> Hadji Chukri Aga, Mahmoud’s -servant was awakened and transferred to the barracks, -where he was imprisoned.</p> - -<p>Colonel Mehemet Lutfi remained in the barracks, -whilst Major Bekir directed the assassination from the -officers’ room.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">31</a></p> - -<p>We have stated above that Ali Bey was sharing -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span>Midhat’s room. At about half‐past six (1.30 <span class="smcap">A.M.</span>) the -door was forced open, and Ali Bey was dragged from -the room. Then they strangled this old man, who was -incapable of offering any resistance.</p> - -<p>On bursting in the door of Mahmoud’s room, they -threw round his neck a soaped cord, which had been -specially prepared, for they were aware that he possessed -very considerable muscular strength. Mahmoud made a -most desperate resistance, giving vent to piercing cries. -They tried every means to hasten his death, with such -ferocity that even the animals in the neighbourhood -trembled at the sound of his heartrending cries for help. -But soon the screams of anguish died away.</p> - -<p>A few moments after, two corpses, wrapped in sheets, -were transported to a room in the hospital. The perpetrators -waited until the day broke before digging their -graves in the cemetery, set apart for soldiers, which lies -outside the fortifications. There these two martyrs repose -in their eternal sleep.</p> - -<p>Even the religious ceremonies were not carried out with -regard to the funeral—doubtless, in order that the secret -might be better preserved. They knew not that Time is -the Revealer of all things!</p> - -<p class="center2"><span class="gesperrt">* * * * *</span></p> - -<p>Midhat Pasha had recovered completely from his indisposition. -One evening, a little while before his -assassination, after a lengthy meditation, he had said to -his friends: “I am thinking of death. The pain thereof -only endures for five minutes. But I do not know what -kind of death may be the least painful. Perhaps poison, -or a bullet, or death at the end of some illness. My body, -sixty year old, is worn out. Why live beyond this age if it -be only to suffer! I should have been happy if my illness -had carried me off. But what can I do? The hour has -not struck yet. Several innocent people are prisoners here<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">256</a></span> -on my account, being obliged to mount guard over me; I -should have liked to give them back their liberty.”</p> - -<p>Finishing these reflections, he once more returned to -his sad and harrowing meditations.</p> - -<p class="center2"><span class="gesperrt">* * * * *</span></p> - -<p>Immediately after the horrible execution, that same -night, the doors and locks were all repaired, and two days -later the belongings of the Pashas were taken into a room -in the barracks. During two consecutive days several -subordinates kept going in and out of this room, removing -small objects.</p> - -<p>Terror had reigned in the hearts of all the prisoners -during the assassination. The following day the sentinels -were removed, and when the prisoners went to make their -morning prayer they embraced and took a last farewell of -each other, bursting into tears and awaiting their turn -with resignation. The reign of terror still continued, and -every word and gesture gave rise to suspicion.</p> - -<p class="center2"><span class="gesperrt">* * * * *</span></p> - -<p>Thus ends the faithful translation of the document sent -by Halroullah Effendi, ex‐Sheik‐ul‐Islam. We have -preserved all its originality.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span></p> - -<p class="center f12">APPENDICES</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">259</a></span></p> - -<h2>APPENDIX A<br /><br /> - -<small>THE NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE BERLIN NOTE -AND THE CONFERENCE OF CONSTANTINOPLE</small></h2> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> effects of the Bulgarian troubles on British policy were clearly -visible. England, that had hitherto been favourable and friendly -to Turkey; that had counselled against the Consular Commission -of August 1875; had adhered to the Andrassy note of December (1875) -only at the express request of the Ottoman Government (on the -13th June 1876); had pressed reforms upon Turkey as a means of -forestalling the designs of the enemies of the Ottoman Empire,<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> -and had firmly refused to adhere to the Berlin Memorandum, now -took up a slightly altered position. This nuance was clearly perceived -in a despatch from Lord Derby to Sir H. Elliot of the -25th May 1876, in which he said: “In the course of conversation -with Musurus Pasha, I took the opportunity of suggesting to His -Excellency that it would be undesirable that the Turkish Government -should misunderstand the attitude of Her Majesty’s Government -in regard to the proposals of the Berlin Conference. Her Majesty’s -Government had declined to join in proposals which they thought -ill‐advised, <em>but both the circumstances and the state of feeling in this -country were very much changed since the Crimean War</em>, and the -Porte would be unwise to be led, by recollections of that period, to -count upon more than the moral support of Her Majesty’s Government -in the event of no satisfactory solution of the present difficulties -being found.”<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> It will be seen later on that even this attitude of -benevolent diplomatic neutrality was not entirely preserved by the -British Government at the Conference of Constantinople or the -negotiations that led up to it.</p> - -<p>“The three Northern and allied Powers” were evidently disconcerted -by the turn matters were taking at Constantinople. It seemed -impossible to present a comminatory note to a new Sultan and a new -Government established by a revolution, the very purpose and aim of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">260</a></span> -which was to introduce practical reforms in the country, without a -certain delay demanded by equity and even decency. They determined -to make it as short as possible.</p> - -<p>In spite, however, of strenuous efforts to conceal the fact, differences -had arisen among “the allied Courts,” or rather between the -two principal parties interested. Russia was in favour of an occupation -of the three disturbed provinces, with a view to the eventual -establishment of autonomies on the model of Servia and Roumania. -Austria was dead opposed to both propositions. There is no doubt -that she had been working up to an occupation by her own troops -of Bosnia and Herzegovina as the mandate of Europe—up to the -time of the Bulgarian insurrection; but now that such an occupation -would be accompanied by a Russian occupation of Bulgaria, she -entirely changed her mind. If a joint occupation took place, the -last state of those provinces would be worse than the first. At -present she had the strategical advantage of position over Russia, but -Russia in Bulgaria would have it over her. She was firmly opposed -to joint occupation. Neither would autonomy suit her. The -establishment of autonomous provinces, placed under the guarantee of -the Great Powers, would make the absorption by herself of these -coveted possessions impossible. Count Andrassy put his foot down -against both these proposals.</p> - -<p>A very active interchange of ideas consequently took place during -the whole of the month of June between the two Empires, and it was -here that the full value of a third partner, the disinterested broker, -was revealed. Russia evidently meant business, for Servia, which was, -as Consul‐General White explained, absolutely in her hands, now -(1st July 1876) formally declared war against Turkey, and invaded the -Ottoman territory. Montenegro followed her example. In the -latter case it was rather a superfluous or <em>ex post facto</em> formality.</p> - -<p>A knot had occurred worthy of the interposition of the gods, -and on the 8th July a meeting was arranged at Reichstadt between -the Emperor Francis Joseph and the Czar. Of course it is only in -Homeric times that accounts of the interviews of Olympic gods were -vouchsafed to men, and simple mortals have to content themselves -nowadays with being told the results of these interviews. The -result of this particular interview was “very satisfactory.” According -to Sir A. Buchanan, “the Emperor and Count Andrassy returned -last night (10th July 1876) <em>greatly satisfied</em> with the interview of -Reichstadt.” “The Emperors parted on the best terms; they agreed -to maintain the present principle of non‐intervention, reserving for -the future the expediency of coming to an understanding with the -Great Powers, according to circumstances which may arise.”<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> So, -according to this authority, the Emperor of Austria returned to -Vienna “greatly satisfied” with doing nothing. It was scarcely worth -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">261</a></span>while going all the way to Reichstadt for that. It was, however, -generally supposed in well‐informed chancelleries in Europe at the -time, and subsequent events greatly corroborated the surmise, that -the Emperor had something else to be greatly satisfied about than -what was vouchsafed to Sir A. Buchanan.</p> - -<p>It was said that two specific points had been formally agreed upon -between the rulers of these two military Empires, in presence of the -threatening aspect that affairs were assuming. (1) That, should -affairs in the East eventuate in war between Turkey and Russia, -Russia would, under no circumstances, seek any territorial acquisition -<em>in Europe</em>. (2) That Bosnia and Herzegovina should be considered -within the exclusive sphere of Austria’s influence, and that Russia -would not actively oppose any arrangement with respect to them -that Europe might propose. All the rest would be left to their -respective chancellors, each would retain his liberty of action and -pursue the policy he deemed the best, certain that nothing that -could happen in the way of differences of opinion between them -could bring about a rupture between the two Empires. The middle -term of an agreement had evidently been found. “British interests” -would pay the bill, and the desertion of Bucharest would be avenged.</p> - -<p>By a curious coincidence, on the same day (8th July) that this -historical interview took place, there appeared in the <cite>Daily News</cite> -the famous “atrocity article” that set all England ablaze and started -the greatest orator of the day on his crusade against the “unspeakable -Turk.”</p> - -<p>The indirect effect on English policy of this crusade and the -atrocity meetings all over England that followed it, was seen in the -nuance already noticed, between the terms of the despatch of the -25th May and that of the 25th September, which was the prelude to -the Conference where it was still further accentuated.</p> - -<p>July was destined to bring an aggravation of trouble on the -Turkish Empire and anxiety on Turkish Ministers. Austria chose -this moment (1st July) to shut to Turkey the port of Klek, through -which the Turkish army in Herzegovina received its chief supplies. -It is not necessary to enter here into the question of international -right involved in this matter. This turned on the interpretation of -ancient treaties with the Venetian Republic, and on the boundaries -of the “enclaves” in Dalmatia, and these questions had, by mutual -consent, been left dormant for long years between the Austrian and -Ottoman Governments. Suffice it to say that a <em>modus vivendi</em> had -been arrived at between the two Governments in 1853 (“in the hope -that an amicable arrangement will intervene relative to the question -of the enclaves of Klek and Suttorina”), and had subsisted ever -since. For Austria, after leaving the question of right in abeyance -for twenty‐three years, to choose that particular moment when the -maximum of inconvenience would be thereby caused to the Ottoman -Government, was a high‐handed proceeding of the most unfriendly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span> -nature, and could only be justified on the principle of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">la force prime -le droit</i>. At any rate, it finally exploded the pretext of “her deep -and earnest anxiety” for the pacification of these provinces which she -was continually putting forward as the motives of her diplomatic -actions, as well as all pretence of friendly dispositions towards the -Porte. The energy displayed by the new Government at Constantinople -in sending reinforcements to the scene of action, and the success -attending these efforts, were perhaps the real motive of this unqualified -act, for in consequence of that energy, things were not going well -with the insurrection, and new factors would have to be imported to -keep it going.</p> - -<p>Accordingly, at the same time the port of supply for the Turkish -troops was closed, Montenegro and Servia declared war on the Porte -(1st July 1876). (As far as the first‐named principality was concerned -this formality was rather superfluous <em>ex post facto</em> formality.) Ever -since the “intimate relations which had existed for two years back” -between the Courts of Vienna and Cettinje, Montenegro had never -ceased to carry on war against the Ottoman troops. Indeed her -mountaineers, together with the Grenzers and Dalmatians, had been -the mainstay of the “rebellion.” Only as, nominally, peaceful -relations had never been interrupted, the Turkish Commanders were -debarred from following the rebels on Montenegrin soil, and Russia -had drawn a taboo round Montenegro, and forbidden, under penalty -of war, the invasion of that land, and Mr Jomine, the Russian diplomatic -agent at Cettinje, was, with his Austrian colleague, the confidential -adviser of the prince.</p> - -<p>As far back as January 1876, Sir H. Elliot had informed Lord -Derby of “the system employed by the Montenegrins in aid -of the Herzegovinian insurgents. All the men (in Montenegro), -capable of bearing arms, are considered to be soldiers, and are -made into battalions of 600 men. The commanders and majors -of these battalions, who are called commanders and pod‐commanders, -receive pay; the remaining officers and men are unpaid. -When an expedition is contemplated, each man takes with him -potatoes and bread, if he has any, for five days, and a reserve of -provisions from each village is carried by women or baggage horses. -The Austrian Committees, having provided surgeons and medicines, -hospitals and ambulances have been organised in some villages on -the frontier. The prince furnishes all those who join the insurgents -<cite>without authorisation, but he sends one‐fifth of his effective forces into -the Herzegovina. Not to overtire these poor people, His Highness -takes care to change them at the end of each expedition, or when -their provisions are exhausted. Reforms alone, it is stated, will -never put an end to the insurrection, and force is of no avail so -long as the insurgents and their Montenegrin friends have only to -cross the frontier to be in safety.</cite>”<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">35</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span></p> -<p>As for Servia, Consul‐General White had for months past warned -his Government of what was preparing, and of the wholesale influx of -Russians into the Servian army, nor had Prince Milan made any -disguise of the fact of the likelihood of his being drawn into the -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mêlée</i>, but a certain almost comic jealousy existed between the -rulers of these two little principalities, lest the one should steal a -march on the other, and acquire a better right to the title of the -“liberator of the Slav race.”</p> - -<p>They consequently agreed to declare war on Turkey together. -As Servia, confident in her new levies, was now determined to act, -Montenegro could not afford to be behindhand, however much it -might have suited her to continue the particular mode of safe -warfare that she had, for twelve months, been indulging in.</p> - -<p>In spite of the new levies, military matters did not progress to -Prince Milan’s satisfaction. The fact was that a new spirit had been -infused into Ottoman Councils by the new ministers, and large -reinforcements of regular troops under competent generals had been -hurried to the Servian frontiers and despatched into Bosnia. The -consequence was that victory did not attend the Servian arms, and, -after the loss of an important position near Deligrad on the 24th -August 1876, barely two months after the pompous declaration of -war, Prince Milan “with the approval of his ally, the Prince of -Montenegro,” requested the good offices of the Powers for a -suspension of hostilities. All Europe eagerly seconded this request, -and although a formal armistice was never concluded, a <em>de facto</em> -suspension of hostilities took place. It is unnecessary to detail the -negotiations that followed.</p> - -<p>The Porte very naturally desired that an agreement on the basis -of peace should precede or accompany an armistice, otherwise it -would lose all the advantages of its present military position. Servia -wanted an armistice without any basis of peace. When at last, in -consequence of the insistence of Europe, the Porte agreed to this, a -dispute arose about the duration of the armistice. The Porte proposed -six months to give ample time to negotiate a permanent -settlement, and England adhered to this view of the matter. Servia -would have none of it; one month or nothing. She was moving on -safe ground, for she knew well that Europe had taken the negotiations -out of her hand and would never allow a renewed attack upon her. -Russia strongly insisted on the shorter term, and when, in order to -solve the difficulty, England appealed to the honest broker at Berlin, -he proposed as a compromise an armistice of six weeks.</p> - -<p>These <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">pourparlers</i> occupied about a month, and when they seemed -to be on the point of being settled, as usual by the Porte yielding in -the matter, it was found that Prince Milan had changed his mind, -and would have no armistice at all.</p> - -<p>What had occurred in the interval to account for this change -of front?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span></p> - -<p>On the 24th September, Consul‐General White writes to Sir -Henry Elliot<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> “that the last six weeks have produced an important -change in the affairs of Servia. The Civil Government has ceased -to have a voice in public affairs; the presence of Russian officers, -some of them officers of the Imperial Guard, the courage and -enthusiasm with which they are animated, the growing influence of -the Slavonic Committees through their agents, have all given a -warlike tone to what is called public opinion here.... The Russians -present here say openly that it is their aim and object to prevent the -conclusions of peace.” And again, on 4th October 1876, he writes -to Lord Derby:<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> “It may be interesting for your Lordship to hear -that money appears abundant in the Servian Exchequer, and -although the Ministers deny that it is derived from Russian sources, -it is quite impossible to account in any other way for its origin.”</p> - -<p>But something more particular must have occurred to encourage -Prince Milan to order on the 26th September, the very next -day on which the suspension of hostilities terminated, a general -attack on the Turks in the Morava Valley. What was it? On the -28th September 1876, Mr Malet (afterwards Sir Edward Malet), -writing from Rome to Lord Derby,<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> states that Sig. Melegari, the -Minister for Foreign Affairs, in order to convince him “of the -imminence of the danger to the Ottoman Empire” read the following -paper to him, as coming from Livadia, adding that England alone -was able to avert the execution of the design by “compelling” the -Porte to acquiesce in His Lordship’s demands. The paper was dated -26th September, and ran as follows: “The Emperor has sent General -Soumarakoff to Vienna with instructions to propose a peace, should -Turkey attempt to evade the armistice, upon conditions that would -suit all the Powers, viz. Austrian military intervention in Bosnia, -Russian military intervention in Bulgaria, and the joint entry of all -the squadrons of the Levant into the Bosphorus. These steps appear -to us indispensable in order to bring the Porte to its senses, to -prevent war, and save the Christians from a general massacre.”<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">39</a></p> - -<p>This <em>grandis epistola a Capreis</em> which frightened Mr -Malet so much that he immediately telegraphed its substance to -Lord Derby, and which was, no doubt, intended to frighten Lord -Derby, had no chance at all of being accepted at Vienna, and if -the constant and continuous intercourse between the three Northern -“and allied Powers” was to any purpose at all, it is quite impossible -that the nature of the reception it should meet with there, should -have been ignored. It could therefore only have been intended as -a “spur” to the Foreign Office, and it succeeded admirably in its -intention.</p> - -<p>It is scarcely worth while to waste many words over the proposal -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">265</a></span>from Livadia. Austria feared nothing so much as a joint occupation -with Russia. It would have been a guarantee exacted from her -for her own eventual simultaneous retirement, which would have -upset all her plans. Nor was England yet brought up to concert -pitch. But the notice had served its purpose. England, a little -timorously, and with the best intentions towards Turkey, and with -the general approval and even applause of Europe,<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> had undertaken -the lead in proposing terms to Turkey as a basis of pacification. As -early as the 11th September Count Schouvaloff in an interview -described “(1) The <em>status quo</em>, speaking roughly, both as regards -Servia and Montenegro. (2) Administrative reforms in the nature -of local autonomy for Bosnia and the Herzegovina. (3) Guarantees of -some similar kinds (the exact details of which might be reserved for -later discussion) against the future maladministration of Bulgaria.”<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">41</a></p> - -<p>Ten days later, on the 21st September, Lord Derby, having in -the meantime secured the agreement of the Austrian Government<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> -to these proposals, these terms were forwarded to Sir H. Elliot for -communication to the Porte. The second condition relating to -Bosnia and Herzegovina was amplified by the important stipulation -“that the Porte should undertake, <em>in a Protocol to be signed at -Constantinople with the Representatives of the mediatory Powers</em>, to -grant, etc.”<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">43</a></p> - -<p>Sir H. Elliot, in obedience to positive instructions, went to the -utmost limit of friendly pressure<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> to induce the Porte to accept these -conditions. The Porte, on its side, showed the greatest possible -desire to meet the wishes of the English Ambassador.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> The term -“local autonomy,” and still more the form of a Protocol demanded, -were the two most serious obstacles to an understanding. So great -was Sir H. Elliot’s influence on the Turkish Minister, and so great -was their confidence in England’s loyalty, that an understanding was -almost arrived at when the news of General Soumarakoff’s Mission -reached the Porte. On the 4th October, the new Turkish Government -telegraphed to the Ottoman Ambassador in London an -indignant protest against the proposals of which that envoy was the -bearer, and concluded by saying: “If the Sublime Porte has, though -challenged (by Servia), not made use of her victory, she will never -forget that she is still an independent State, and that she owes it to -herself to choose an honourable death rather than the dismemberment -and partition of her States.”<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">46</a></p> - -<p>This incident did not facilitate Sir H. Elliot’s task. On the day -following the 5th October, Lord Derby instructs Sir H. Elliot to -inform the Porte that it is intended that the armistice should be -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span>followed by a Conference, and that if an armistice for not less than -a month is not granted, the Ambassador was to quit Constantinople -and leave Turkey to its fate.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">47</a></p> - -<p>On the 8th October, the Porte asks the very pertinent question -whether, in the event of the conditions being accepted, a Conference -would still be proposed.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> No answer seems ever to have been given -to this important question.</p> - -<p>The Turkish Ministers now submitted the question of the armistice -to a Grand Council, which acceded to it for five months.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> On the -13th October, in a long telegram to Musurus Pasha, the Porte makes -a last despairing attempt to stay the decision for a Conference, which -it says “will at least give rise to the danger of certain impulses on -which head we have the right to be anxious, and which in reality -would be of no use. The five months’ armistice would leave ample -time for the Powers to exchange explanations and observations without -any Conference. During this time, the work of internal reform would -go on, and Europe would have the opportunity of being edified as to -the serious and practical character of the promises of the Imperial -Government,” and concluded by saying, referring evidently to the -negotiations with Sir H. Elliot, “I hope His Lordship will agree with -us in preventing the question, <em>which was just beginning to look -brighter</em>, thanks to so many sacrifices and efforts, from being turned -into a path of new difficulties and perils.”<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">50</a></p> - -<p>If it had not been for the Soumarakoff Mission, and the scare it -created in the Foreign Office, it would have been an inexplicable -mystery why Lord Derby, abandoning negotiations carried on by -Sir H. Elliot, which “were just beginning to look brighter,” should -have hurriedly fathered this proposal of a Conference. If the -Soumarakoff Mission was only intended to secure this point, it was -most eminently successful. Anyway, from this time forth, Lord Derby -stuck grimly to a Conference. Without a Conference there was no -salvation. The question, however, of the duration of the armistice -was not yet settled, and as England, having accepted six months, -could not recant, General Ignatieff arrived from Livadia to settle it.</p> - -<p>But here an incident occurred of a too charmingly amusing -character to be passed over in silence. <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La note comique</i> is never -entirely absent from these negotiations. Lord Adolphus Loftus, -Her Britannic Majesty’s Ambassador at St Petersburg, received leave -in the middle of October to go to the Crimea, whither the Russian -Court had removed, and where Prince Gortchakoff, the Chancellor, -was slaying, in order to be nearer the official source of diplomatic -information. On Friday, the 27th, accordingly, he arrived at Yalta, -accompanied by Mr Egerton of his Embassy. On Sunday, the 29th, -he had an interview at Orianda with Prince Gortchakoff, “who received -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">267</a></span> -him very cordially, and after some friendly remarks, the -conversation turned to Constantinople.” After stating that the state -of affairs there was grave, the Chancellor expressed “a hope that the -question of the armistice was arranged, the Porte having, on the -advice of Sir H. Elliot, yielded to the considerations in favour of the -shorter term.” His Highness further stated “that General Ignatieff -had been instructed to be yielding and conciliatory on the subject of -the armistice.”</p> - -<p>Two days after this, <i>i.e.</i> on Tuesday, the 31st October, Lord A. -Loftus “met” Prince Gortchakoff, who, in answer to the question -whether there was any news from Constantinople, replied that there -was, but “that he preferred that the Emperor should communicate it.” -Lord A. Loftus’s audience with the Czar had been arranged for the -next day, 1st November, but was subsequently postponed till the 2nd. -Between the accidental meeting with the Chancellor and this -audience, Lord A. Loftus received the <cite>Journal de St Petersbourg</cite> of -the 31st October, in which he read that General Ignatieff had presented -that day an ultimatum to the Porte to conclude an armistice -with Servia, and had required an answer within forty‐eight hours. -So that the English Ambassador, having traversed the whole length -of Europe in a four days’ journey with a secretary of his Embassy -attached to him, in order to be near the fountain of official information, -would have received the news two days sooner if he had stayed at -home!</p> - -<p>We will let Lord A. Loftus describe his audience on the 2nd at -Livadia, himself: “I had an audience with the Emperor of Russia -to‐day at Livadia, when His Majesty was pleased to receive me with -his customary kindness and cordiality (<i>sic</i>). After some gracious -enquiries after my family, His Majesty at once opened on the Eastern -question. His Majesty stated that he had that morning received a -telegram from Constantinople announcing the probable acceptance -of the armistice, and he read to me another telegram reporting that -orders had been already sent by the Porte to their commanders to -suspend military operations. This, His Majesty observed, was very -satisfactory. On my observing on the <em>sudden change which had taken -place between the Sunday when I had seen the Chancellor and the -following day when the ultimatum was despatched</em>, His Majesty said -that this had been caused by the intelligence he had received of the -complete discomfiture of the Servian army, and his fear that it -might be followed by similar atrocities to those which had occurred -in Bulgaria....”<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">51</a></p> - -<p>It would indeed be a pity to spoil the uniqueness of this <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">tableau</i> -by any superfluous commentary, but a despatch from Sir H. Elliot -at Constantinople, dated on the same day as this audience -(2nd November), throws some further light on this already luminous -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">268</a></span>incident. “In the course of conversation this morning with General -Ignatieff, I remarked that I understood that he had returned from -Livadia with instructions to present his ultimatum. He answered -<em>that he had brought it with him</em> with a discretionary authority to -withhold it if he thought desirable. <em>This is a rather different version</em> -from that which he had previously given to my colleagues and myself, -when he told us on Tuesday (31st October) that he <em>had received the -ultimatum two days before</em>, and that he had taken on himself the -responsibility of withholding it, but had now imperative orders to -execute his instructions. It is impossible to doubt that he had kept -his Government fully informed of the progress of his negotiations -with the Porte, or that they were perfectly well aware that his own -proposals had been accepted with very trifling modifications, upon -which an understanding could very easily be arrived at. It is evident -enough that the sudden sending in of the ultimatum was decided -upon in the hope that by an immediate cessation of hostilities, and -the acceptance of an armistice, the fall of Alexinatz would be averted. -The capture of the Servian positions at Junis made it certain that -“the occupation of Alexinatz and Deligrad would soon follow, and -the only hope of saving the Servians and the Russian Auxiliary troops -from this mortification lay in the chance of stopping the Turks before -they had time to reap the fruits of their success.”<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">52</a></p> - -<p>But, independently of the object lesson in veracity that this -narrative inculcates, it gives the measure of the value attached by -the Emperor of Russia to the European concert, and the degree to -which it was likely to hamper his own liberty of action whenever he -thought proper to liberate himself from it. The <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">procédé</i> with regard -to the British Ambassador only concerns the British Government.</p> - -<p>The Porte had yielded to the ultimatum.</p> - -<p>In the meantime negotiations for assembling a Conference continued. -The Czar had expressed to the English Ambassador “a very -earnest wish that the Conference should meet with the <em>least possible -delay</em>, and that instructions should even be immediately sent by the -several Governments to enable the Ambassadors at Constantinople -to deliberate <em>at once</em> on the necessary preliminaries of peace.”<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> Prince -Gortchakoff, too, <em>expressed his anxious wish</em> that on the arrangement -of the armistice <em>no time should be lost</em> in organising a Conference.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">54</a></p> - -<p>But Austria was coy. The term “local autonomy” accompanied -by no matter what gloss, seriously perturbed her; and yet this was -the very point on which Russia insisted the most. In reporting his -conversation with Prince Gortchakoff at Orianda, Lord A. Loftus -said: “It is evident to me that Prince Gortchakoff does not wish to -make the question of the armistice the ground for a rupture with the -Porte, and that he <em>looks to the question of the ‘autonomy of the three -Provinces’ as being the important deciding point of peace or war</em>.”<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">55</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">269</a></span></p> - -<p>Until Count Andrassy received guarantees that no kind of <em>political</em> -autonomy was meant, he would have nothing to do with a Conference, -and it was only when, after a good deal of fencing, this guarantee was -at last accorded him, that he gave his consent to the proposal.</p> - -<p>Although there had been a serious proposal to exclude Turkey -from the Conference to be held in her own capital to decide on the -administration of her provinces, the cynical incongruity of the proposition -had procured its rejection, and now the Porte was asked -to adhere to it. Without any illusion, since Russia’s ultimatum, as to -whither the Conference would lead, the Porte, on the 18th November, -with the sanction of a Grand Council, gave her assent to a proposal, -the rejection of which would have meant immediate war.</p> - -<p>In the course of the six months that intervened between the 13th -of May (date of the Berlin Note) and the meeting of the Conference -in December, an apparent contradiction seems to manifest itself -between the “intimate alliance” of the three Northern Powers (which -for the purpose of these negotiations means between Austria and -Russia), and the frictions and disagreements between their respective -Governments. On no less than five points did this disagreement -manifest itself: (1) as to whether Turkey should be coerced into an -armistice, pure and simple, with Servia, or whether a basis of peace -should, at the same time as the armistice, be proposed;<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> (2) as to -inculcating prudence of conduct on Servia;<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> (3) as to the joint -occupation with Russia of the Turkish provinces;<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">58</a> (4) as to -the “autonomy” of the revolted provinces;<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> (5) on the question of the -Conference.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">60</a></p> - -<p>On the other hand, we have seen Count Beust calling at the -Foreign Office to assure Lord Derby that never was the alliance of -the three Northern Powers so “intimate”; we have the meeting of -Reichstadt, and General Soumarakoff delivering an autograph letter -from the Czar to the Emperor of Austria, and we have a very -mysterious communication from Lord A. Loftus on the 15th August -1876, in which he says: “In speaking of Austria, Prince Gortchakoff -again repeated to me that he had fully discussed the question of a -pacification with Count Andrassy, and <em>that they were entirely agreed -on all points and for all eventualities</em>. ‘I can state no more,’ said the -Chancellor, ‘but that much I can tell you, as I have done to your -Colleagues; and I can add that our Ambassadors at the other Courts -know no more than you do.’ This language,” continues Lord A. Loftus, -“though, perhaps, satisfactory ... is mysterious, and we can only -unravel the mystery by conjectures.”<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">61</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">270</a></span></p> - -<p>Perhaps the mystery, as Lord A. Loftus calls it, is not so -mysterious after all. A reference to what took place in another -diplomatic discussion in 1859 will help to unravel it without the aid -of much conjecture. In that year Mr Disraeli startled the House -of Commons by informing it, on the faith of information on which he -relied, that there was a secret treaty between Italy and France -for the cession to the latter Power of the provinces of Savoy and -Nice. Lord Palmerston denied the existence of any such treaty, -and twitted Mr Disraeli with having discovered a mare’s nest. -When Mr Disraeli’s information was proved to be substantially -correct, Lord Palmerston explained that there had been no treaty -but a mere <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">pacte de famille</i> agreed upon on the occasion of the -marriage of the Princess Clotilde to Prince Jerome Napoleon. The -mystery that puzzled Lord A. Loftus is easily unravelled. There -was undoubtedly a distinct and specific understanding between the -two Emperors; but none between their Governments; so that Lord -Derby could, on the 20th October, write to Sir A. Buchanan that -“The Austro‐Hungarian Ambassador called upon me to‐day, and -informed me, by order of his Government, that the reports which -have been recently, and are still, current as to the existence of a -secret understanding <em>between the Austrian and Russian Governments</em> -are absolutely unfounded.”<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">62</a> In countries and ages where the letter -of a declaration is considered more important than its spirit, such -hair‐splitting distinctions may pass current. At any rate, they serve -their purpose.</p></div> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">271</a></span></p> - -<h2>APPENDIX B<br /><br /> - -<small>THE INSURRECTION OF HERZEGOVINA AND BOSNIA, -AND THE BERLIN NOTE</small></h2> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><span class="smcap">On</span> the 2nd July 1875, Consul Holmes, writing to Lord Derby from -Bosna‐Serai, says:<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> “I have the honour to report to your Lordship -that there is disturbance in the Herzegovina. Early last winter some -164 of the inhabitants of the district of Nevesinje left their homes and -went into Montenegro. After remaining there some months, however, -they petitioned the Porte to be allowed to return to Nevesinje. The -Governor‐General advised the Porte to reply, that, as they had -chosen to leave their country for Montenegro, they might remain -there. The Government, however, decided to grant their request, -and allowed them to return. Shortly afterwards they appeared in -revolt, declared that they were oppressed, refusing to pay their taxes -or admit the police amongst them, and they have been endeavouring -by intimidation to cause their neighbours in the surrounding districts -to join them. The Mutesarif of Mostar invited them to come to that -place to state their grievances, which he assured them would be redressed, -but they refused, and the Governor‐General tells me that -they cut to pieces a man quite unconnected with them, who had gone -to Mostar to seek redress for some grievance, and threatened with -the same fate any within their reach who should do so in future. The -Governor‐General informs me that at present he has no intention of -sending troops against them, but will prevent their efforts to extend -their revolt by surrounding those districts with policemen, and he -will probably send some of the notables of Serajevo to endeavour to -bring them to reason.”</p> - -<p>In a subsequent despatch dated a week later, Consul Holmes adds -that “Haidar Bey and Petrarchi Effendi, two notables of Serajevo, -were sent to communicate with the rebels, but before they reached -Nevesinje they found that the rebels had forced and persuaded many -others to join them, and had attacked and captured a caravan of -twenty‐five horses on the road from Mostar to Nevesinje, belonging to -some merchants of Serajevo, laden with rice, sugar, and coffee, which -they carried off to the village of Odrichnia. At the same time, they -murdered and decapitated five Turkish travellers, named Salih, -Hassosunovich, Marich, Sarnich, Ali of Nevesinje, and another whose -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">272</a></span>name is not yet known, a native of Erassni. One of the insurgents, -named Tschoubate, at the head of some three hundred followers, -drove away forty Zaptiés placed in the defile of Stolatz, and, -separating into small bands, have, for the moment, interrupted the -various roads in the neighbourhood. One band is stationed out at -the bridge over the Krappa, and renders the road between Mostar -and Meteorich unsafe. The detached bands of insurgents are -endeavouring to force others to join them by burning the houses of -those who refuse to do so, and by other means of intimidation. The -Governor‐General has received telegrams from Mostar signed by the -two Commissioners and the Mutesarif and Commander of the troops -at Mostar, stating these facts; also that the headless bodies of the -Turks have been recovered and burnt. Under these circumstances, -the Commissioners hesitated to continue their journey; and the -authorities at Mostar state that great excitement prevails throughout -the Mussulman population, who are impatient to attack the insurgents -and avenge the savage murders of their co‐religionists, whose -decapitation has particularly roused their feelings, and requesting five -battalions to keep order.”<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">64</a></p> - -<p>The methods adopted by the insurgents were the same as those -adopted in Bulgaria, and wherever an organised attempt at insurrection -was made in the Ottoman provinces by agents <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">provocateurs</i> and -foreign bands with a view to provoke the Mussulmans to deeds of -retaliation which would be exploited by the Committees and excite -indignation in the world. It will be remembered that when Midhat -Pasha was Governor of the Danubian vilayet (p. 43), the band that -crossed into Bulgaria from Sistovo began by massacring five -Mussulman children between the ages of eight and twelve. When -the Consuls, sent on a peace message to the insurgents visited -Nevesinje, they “found all the Eastern part of the town towards the -plain and all the bazaar, burnt and in ruins. Dead bodies were lying -in various corners unburied; and we noticed the head of a boy in one -of the streets blackening in the sun. A little Turkish girl was -brought to us, wounded in the throat, and we were told that an -insurgent was on the point of cutting off her head when she was -snatched from him by one less bloodthirsty, and allowed to escape.”<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">65</a></p> - -<p>Another aim of the insurgents was to force an emigration <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en masse</i> -into Austrian territory by promises that they should be well fed and -cared for by the Austrian authorities until favourable conditions were -secured for them. Montenegro, too, was let loose on Turkey and -well supplied with the sinews of war. It was determined at Vienna -that no time should be lost in “putting their pin in the game,” -and in taking the lead in negotiations that must necessarily -precede an occupation. The principle of interference once admitted, -all the rest would follow in due course. On the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span>24th August 1875, Lord Derby writes to Sir H. Elliot that: “Her -Majesty’s Government have had under their consideration your -telegraphic despatch of the 20th inst., in which you report that a -proposal, <em>concerted at Vienna by the three Northern Powers</em>, had been -made to the Porte by their Ambassadors. Your Excellency states -that they propose that Consuls should be delegated by the Embassies -to proceed to the scene of the insurrection and inform the insurgents -that they must expect no support or countenance from their Governments. -They are also to advise the insurgents to desist from -hostilities, but to make known their complaints to a Commission.... -The proposal is favourably received by the Porte, and the -Grand Vizier (Mahmoud Nedim) had just been to beg you not to -stand aloof.... Her Majesty’s Government consent to this step -with reluctance, <cite>as they doubt the expediency of the intervention of -foreign consuls. Such an intervention is scarcely compatible with -the independent authority of the Porte over its own territory, offers an -inducement to an insurrection as a means of appealing to foreign -sympathy against Turkish rule, and may, not improbably, open the -way to further diplomatic interference in the internal affairs of the -Empire.</cite>”<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> Prophetic words on the part of Lord Derby. Of course -the consular farce came to nothing. The rebels would not even -meet the Consuls. Facts were more eloquent than words, and they -had their cues from the Committees. Now was the time, if the -Powers had been in earnest, to shut the Dalmatian frontier to the -rebels, as they had undertaken to do. We shall see how Austria -fulfilled this part of the bargain. Instead of occupying themselves -in the slightest degree with this part of the business, they immediately -set about concocting another diplomatic move.</p> - -<p>On 11th December 1875, the Austrian Ambassador, Count -Beust, called on Lord Derby, and said that “The Turkish Ministers -had hitherto directed their energies exclusively to the task of preventing -anything which could be construed into an interference of any -kind with the internal affairs of Turkey. This standpoint, however -respectable it may be, has the disadvantage the Austro‐Hungarian -Government considered, of prolonging a regrettable state of things, -and therefore of aggravating the danger. <em>Negotiations respecting -the affairs of the East are now being carried on between Vienna -and St Petersburg</em>, the result of which will be communicated as -soon as an agreement has been arrived at, to Her Majesty’s Government, -not in the light of an accomplished fact, but for their consideration, -and for them to state their own opinions on the -propositions agreed upon.”<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">67</a></p> - -<p>On the 3rd January 1876, Lord Derby received from Count Beust -a copy of the famous despatch, which goes by the name of the -Andrassy Memorandum, of the 30th December 1875, which, after -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">274</a></span>stating that the three Courts of Austria‐Hungary, Russia, and -Germany, after exchanging their views on this subject, “have united -for the purpose of employing in common their efforts for pacification, -and this object appeared too much in conformity with the general -wish for them to doubt that <em>the other Cabinets when invited to -associate themselves in the movement</em>, through their representatives -at Constantinople, would hasten to join their efforts to ours,” proceeded -to recommend to the Porte the following five points:—</p> - -<p class="indent3">(1) Full and entire religious liberty.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(2) Abolition of the system of farming the taxes.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(3) A law guaranteeing the produce of direct taxes being employed -in the interest of the provinces.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(4) The institution of a special commission composed of an equal -number of Christians and Mussulmans, to control the -execution of the reforms.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(5) The improvement of the position of the rural population.</p> - -<p>And in submitting these proposals to the English Minister, Count -Beust added that “they were not regarded by his Government in the -light of mere good advice. <em>They wanted a pledge</em> that the reforms -that they recommended should be carried into execution, failing -which, they would not undertake to use their influence with the -Christian population to advise them to lay down their arms.”<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">68</a> And in -another interview, the next day, he spoke again of an “explicit -engagement” from the Porte, adding that “there could be no doubt -that the postponement of the pacifying influences of the Powers <em>even -by single days</em> might in the present state of affairs be fraught -with incalculable danger.”<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">69</a> The Austrian Government, however, -repudiated any idea “of armed intervention, and stated that it -had no desire to constitute itself guardians of the peace beyond its -own frontiers,” and that if the Porte accepted, and the insurgents -did not submit, “then the Porte would be left to subdue them by -force of arms, and that they (the insurgents) would be prevented from -obtaining the support derived by them from exterior aid.”<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">70</a></p> - -<p>This was six months after the so‐called insurrection had broken -out, and had been all the time “obtaining continuous support from -exterior aid,” and three months after the Consular Commission, -which had been obtained from the Porte by a formal promise to shut -the frontier to the rebels if they refused the advice of the Consuls. -Lord Derby, after distinctly stating that he would be no party to any -pressure being brought to bear on the Porte to carry out these -reforms, and having ascertained that the Turkish Government -desired England’s adhesion to the Note, consented to support it at -Constantinople.</p> - -<p>In connection with this famous Memorandum, it is interesting to -note an interpolation that took place in the Hungarian Diet on -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">275</a></span>11th March with respect to it. In answer to Deputy Pollit, Mr Tisza, -the Minister President, stated “in the answer to the question as to -whether the Hungarian Government approves of the intervention, -<em>there is no question of intervention, but only of good advice</em>, which -had been given in concert with the European Powers, and which -had been accepted in the most friendly manner by the Porte.... -In answer to the question as to the action of Hungary if the -pacification was not effected, and if Servia intervened, <em>such an -eventuality was most improbable</em> ... but in that case the policy -of the Empire would be guided by the interests of Europe.... -With reference to the question of the refugees, the Empire had not -disregarded the interests of humanity ... as was shown by the -subvention amounting to nearly 1,000,000 florins which had been -already given to them.... The speaker concluded by expressing -a hope that the House would accept his explanation.” If they did, -they were easily satisfied, these Hungarian Deputies. Not a word -about the capital question of shutting the frontier to the rebels. -Servia, too, was arming to the teeth, and was to declare war on -Turkey three months later.</p> - -<p>We shall see the literal fulfilment of this prediction. Bosnia was -the first to follow suit with the Herzegovina. On the 8th February -1876, Sir H. Elliot writes to Lord Derby: “The Porte is much -disturbed by the unsatisfactory account received from the Governor‐General -of Bosnia, who has applied for fresh troops. <em>Bands supposed -to consist of old Grenzers are stated to have passed the Save from -Austria at four different points, but have been repulsed. The body -which invaded Bosnia is stated to have consisted of 400 or 500 men all -well‐armed.</em> Much excitement is said to prevail on both sides of the -Servian frontier, and apprehensions are entertained of an aggression -from that quarter. Reschid Pasha tells me that Count Zichy has -given him, on the part of Count Andrassy, the strongest assurance -... that measures shall be adopted to prevent the recurrence of such -acts, and has promised ... that those who have taken part in them -shall be disarmed and <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">internés</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">71</a></p> - -<p>It would be difficult to carry intentional bad faith further. All -this time, notes and memorandums were flying about the Chancelleries -of Europe to force the Porte to give guarantees for -suppressing an insurrection which was being organised and fed by -bands “all well‐armed” across a friendly frontier, its suppression -being thus rendered materially impossible. As well might one try -to extinguish a conflagration, over an unlimited area, that was being -continually fed by petroleum springs, the sources of which could not -be got at. Nor let it be supposed that to guard such a line of frontier -was impossible. The rebels had it all their own way. And so had the -Diplomatists of the “Allied Courts of Berlin, Vienna, and St Petersburg.” -Russian Committees were joining their efforts to Austrian.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">276</a></span></p> -<p>On the 14th February 1876, Sir H. Elliot writes to Lord Derby: -“The accounts of the encouragement given to the insurgents at -Ragusa greatly exceeds all that I was prepared for. The Russian -Consulate is the open resort of the insurgent chiefs; their correspondence -is sent to the Consul, who is a party to all their projects, -and associates himself intimately with them. He does not appear -to make any attempt to conceal the part he is playing, for on the -occasion of the death of the chief Maxima, in one of the late encounters, -the Russian flag at the Consulate was hoisted at half‐mast, -and M. Jomini himself joined the funeral procession.</p> - -<p>“Some of the wounded when asked why they continue the struggle -when the Porte is ready to grant all their demands, have answered -plainly that they are bound to go on as long as they are told by -Russia to do so. The assurances given at St Petersburg of the wish -of the Imperial Government that the insurgents would lay down their -arms, must naturally go for nothing as long as its official Representative, -with whom they are in communication, encourages them to -go on.”<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> Pretty plain speaking this! and Austria that continued -the “exequatur” to a foreign Consul, acting thus on its territory -towards a friendly Power. So gross and palpable was this assistance -given by Austria to the insurgents, whilst pretending all the time to -be so keenly anxious for its suppression, that Lord Derby thought it -necessary on the 10th March 1876, to give the following instructions -to Sir A. Buchanan, the English Ambassador at Vienna: “I have to -inform Your Excellency that it has come to the knowledge of Her -Majesty’s Government, through Her Majesty’s Ambassador at Constantinople, -that the Porte had received information that a severe -fight took place on the Dalmatian frontier on the 4th inst., and -that on the following day, the combat was renewed by a force -said to be <em>700 strong, who came from Austrian territory with -large supplies of ammunition, and that this having occurred so immediately -after the assurances of the Austro‐Hungarian Government -that their frontier would be officially guarded</em>, has caused great discouragement -to the Turkish Government, and it is feared that the -effect of it in Montenegro will be very mischievous, and I have therefore -to request Your Excellency to call the serious attention of the -Imperial Government to this matter.”<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">73</a> But these remonstrances, -which were evidently sincere and well‐meaning, had not the very -slightest effect at Vienna. The Hungarian Chancellor was always -ready to give any amount of assurances and promises to the credulous -Sir A. Buchanan. On the 3rd April 1876, Sir H. Elliot was -obliged to write again: “I learn that the Porte has received information -of the passage of considerable bands <em>said to be accompanied -by two pieces of artillery</em> from Dalmatia and Croatia, into the north‐western -district of Bosnia.”<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">74</a> And further, on the next day, 4th April, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">277</a></span> -he writes: “A telegram from the Governor‐General of Bosnia, -which has been read to me by Reschid Pasha, gives a very alarming -account of the state of things in that province. <em>Armed bands are -passing freely from the Austrian territory</em>, and there are symptoms -indicating a probable insurrection of the populations along the rivers -Save and Una. The Governor‐General states that he has been -unable to re‐establish the line of telegraph along the Save, <em>as the -workmen are continually fired at from the Austrian bank of the river, -and his remonstrances addressed to the Austrian authorities have been -unattended to</em>.”<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> The reason why Austria was not content to confine -her operations to Herzegovina, but had extended them to Bosnia, was -clear. The Porte was succeeding, in spite of all difficulties, in pacifying -the former, and as the Berlin note was being drawn up at Berlin -for the three “Allied Powers” and would be presented in a month, -such a precipitation would derange all their plans.</p> - -<p>The following despatch of Sir H. Elliot of 7th April 1876 clearly -indicates this state of things. “The enclosed report from Mr -Sandison of the account received at the Porte from Haidar Effendi -(the Turkish Commissioner) gives a very serious aspect to the state -of affairs in Bosnia. It is evident that the Austro‐Hungarian -Government <em>have failed lamentably in their engagement to guard -their own frontier, and by means of well‐armed bands coming from -their territory, a formidable insurrection has been excited in districts -which have hitherto remained quiet. Although the news received from -the Herzegovina is good, and gave hopes of a pacification</em>, it would be -too much to expect that the movement in Bosnia should not produce -its effect in the districts which have been so long in insurrection.”<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">76</a></p> - -<p>In the month of May we arrived at another stage of the business. -It is time that diplomacy should register another point of “terrain -acquis.” On the 4th May 1876 Lord Derby, writing to Sir A. -Buchanan, says: “The Austrian Ambassador called upon me this -afternoon and placed in my hands for perusal a despatch which he -had received from his Government. The purport of the despatch -was to state that there is <em>an entire agreement between the Governments -of Austria, Germany and Russia as to affairs in the East</em>, -and that any reports that may have been circulated to the contrary -are simple inventions.”<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">77</a></p> - -<p>The purport of making this communication could be no other than -a warning to all whom it may concern, that they could join or not join -the “European Concert,” as they thought proper. It would make no -difference to the European Concert. It was a notice certainly calculated -to open the eyes, even of the blind, to what was going on.</p> - -<p>As the fact of armed bands could not be disputed, it was obviously -the interest of Austria to endeavour to throw the blame on others, -Montenegro and Servia especially. We shall come to these little</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span></p> - -<p>States later, but <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">à propos</i> of shifting the blame on Servia, there is -a very significant despatch from Consul‐General White, dated -Belgrade, 28th April 1876. “The Prince (of Servia) takes no pains -to conceal that, more than ever, he considers a collision with the -Porte as within the range of possibilities; but he continues to -disclaim at the same time any intention to act as the aggressor. -He pointed out to me the other day that the portion of Bosnia which -is conterminous to Servia has been entirely free from armed bands -since last November, when the Papas Zarko was repulsed into Servia, -<em>whilst the insurgents who had within the last few weeks made their -appearance on the river Unna between Bihatch, Novi and Kostainitza, -were all in proximity to the Austrian frontier</em>, and he defied anyone to -show that Servia had been instrumental in fostering insurrection in -that department of Bosnia, though he added that such an accusation -had been made somewhere, evidently alluding to Austrian Authorities.”<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> -The explanation of these apparent mysteries was really simple enough. -Servia was reserving herself for Bulgaria, which was within the sphere -of her action, as she herself was within the orbit of Russia’s influence, -and she had no intention of playing Austria’s game for Austria’s sole -benefit.</p> - -<p>Unless strongly backed by Russia, Servia knew well enough that -Austria, posted in the conterminous province of Bosnia, would be a -most awkward neighbour, and render any hope of future independence -on her part purely illusory. Turkey’s yoke would be light indeed in -comparison to that of Austria, if she were surrounded on three sides -by the Kaiserlich. A great deal of the apparent contradiction, see‐sawing -and hesitation of this period is to be accounted for by these -conflicting inner currents, set in motion by two of the three allied -Governments, whose agreement Count Beust was instructed to inform -Lord Derby was “entire.” It was entire as regarded Turkey, there -was no doubt about that, but there was a very pretty little by‐play going -on besides, within the circle of the larger drama. No wonder this state -of things created a situation, as Consul Holmes pithily described it, -“in which everyone seems to profess precisely what he fails to -practise.”</p> - -<h3>BERLIN NOTE.</h3> - -<p>Whatever light friction there may have been between Russia and -Austria in the Spring of 1876, it seems to have been smoothed over, -probably by the intervention of the third disinterested partner in the -Alliance; for on Saturday, the 13th May 1876, Lord Odo Russell, the -British Ambassador at Berlin, received an invitation from Prince -Bismarck to call on him that day in order to meet Count Andrassy -and Prince Gortchakoff, together with the Ambassadors of France -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">279</a></span>and Italy; M. de Bülow and Baron Jomini were also present at the -interview. “After a few preliminary words from Prince Bismarck, -Prince Gortchakoff and Count Andrassy confirmed the cordial -understanding that exists between them, and expressed their sincere -hope and anxious desire that the Governments of England, France -and Italy, <em>who have given their moral support</em> to the attempted -pacification of the Herzegovinians, will equally agree to support the -further attempts they have now met to concert, in consequence of the -alarming state of affairs in Turkey. Baron Jomini was then invited -to read the enclosed document to us, and the proposal to which they -solicit the co‐operation of the Great Powers.... Prince Gortchakoff -observed that he and Count Andrassy would remain till -Monday (15th inst.) at Berlin, and that they hoped the Governments -of England, France and Italy would be able to express an opinion on -the telegraphic summary of their proposal, before they left.”<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">79</a></p> - -<p>It is no part of the purport of this book to comment on the -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">procédés</i> of the “three Allied Powers” vis‐à‐vis of the other so‐called -Great Powers, England, France and Italy. That is a matter of -their interior <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">ménage</i>. We are exclusively concerned with their -conduct, severally and collectively, towards Turkey. If it were -otherwise, one might have something to say concerning the strangeness -and singularity of the proceeding among Great Powers, -supposed to stand on a footing of equality, of three of their number -convoking the rest to hear a document of the very highest international -importance read to them for their assent to it, if possible -by telegraph, within two days! But let us proceed with the -narrative.</p> - -<p>The document referred to, which goes in history by the name of -the “Berlin Note,” was a very curious document. It started with -the declaration that “the alarming tidings which come from Turkey -are of a nature to <em>impel the three Cabinets to draw closer their -intimacy</em>. The three Imperial Courts have deemed themselves -called upon to concert among themselves measures for averting -the dangers of the situation, <em>with the concurrence</em> of the other great -Christian Powers.” After referring to the history of the question up -to the Andrassy Memorandum, by which the Powers acquire a -moral right and an obligation to insist on “pacification,” and -enumerating the causes that have prevented the success of that -action, and especially the agitation caused by the prolongation of -the strife in other parts of the Turkish Dominions, and laying stress -on the deplorable events at Salonica, it declares that it is most -essential to establish certain guarantees of a nature to insure beyond -doubt the loyal and full application of the measures agreed upon -between the Powers and the Porte.”</p> - -<p>As the first step in this direction, the three Imperial Courts -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span>propose to insist with the Porte on a suspension of arms for two -months, and to open negotiations between the Porte and the rebel -delegates <em>on the basis of the wishes that the latter have formulated</em>, -and which may be enumerated as follows:—</p> - -<p class="indent3">(1) That materials for the reconstruction of their houses should -be provided the refugees by the Turkish Government.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(2) The appointment of a mixed commission to superintend -reforms.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(3) The concentration of the Turkish troops on some points to -be agreed upon.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(4) Christians and Mussulmans to retain their arms.</p> - -<p class="indent3">(5) The Consuls or Delegates of the Powers to keep a watch -over the application of the reforms in general, and on -the steps relative to the repatriation in particular.</p> - -<p>And then the Note concludes: “If, however, the armistice were to -expire without the efforts of the Powers being successful in attaining -the end they have in view, the three Imperial Courts are of opinion -that it would become necessary to supplement their diplomatic action -by the sanction of an agreement with a view to such efficacious -measures as might appear to be demanded in the interest of general -peace, to check the evil and prevent its development.”</p> - -<p>It is not intended here to criticise at length these five heads, -but one interesting and significant point must be noted. The Note -says, in a passage <em>underlined</em> above, that these five heads were -framed “on the basis of the wishes formulated by the Bosnian and -Herzegovinian Delegates.” Who were these Delegates? On the -27th May, the <cite>Times</cite> quoted an article from the <cite>Nord</cite> of April 1876, -in which another Note was addressed by one Golub Babitch, in -the name of the Bosnian insurgent chiefs, confirming full powers on -one Gabriel Vasilitchki (a Russian subject who had made himself -very busy in these matters) to treat on their behalf for peace on the -basis of four points which were absolutely identical with four points -of the Berlin Note.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">80</a> Now, who was this Golub Babitch, who -describes himself in this Note as “voivode,” and who signs in the -name and on the behalf of the “chief Bosnian chiefs”? Mr Consul -Freeman, who was by no means prejudiced against the insurgents or -in favour of the Turks, and knew his <cite>monde</cite> well, describes him. -He was a “former brigand,” now the chief of one of the principal -bands, consisting of 3000 men, all well armed, that had invaded -Bosnia.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">81</a></p> - -<p>This, then, was the source of the inspiration of the five heads -of the famous Berlin Note. It might certainly be more justly -described in history as the “Golub Babitch Note.” The five heads, -however, seem to have been admirably adapted to secure the object -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">281</a></span>perhaps intended, viz., to perpetrate and aggravate the bloodshed -between the armed Mussulmans and the armed returning refugees, -and so by “bleeding Turkey to death” to justify the action of the -last and most important notice thrown in carelessly, and almost as -an afterthought, and at the end of the Berlin Note, but which was, -of course, the whole point of it, viz., that if the measures proposed -did not produce their effect (or, let us add, produced the exactly -opposite effect), “the three Imperial Courts would consider it -necessary to supplement their diplomatic action by the sanction of -an agreement,” etc., etc. If ever there was a case of the sting being -in the tail, it was in this “Berlin Note.”</p> - -<p>Lord Derby was not deceived either as to the intrinsic value, -or worthlessness, of the four points which he politely but mercilessly -dissected in an interview with Count Munster, the German -Ambassador in London, on the 15th of May 1876,<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> nor was he -intimidated by the “still closer intimacy of the three Imperial -Courts,” which the Note ostentatiously declared. France and -Italy thought fit to adhere to it. The rejection of it by England -made its rejection by Turkey doubly certain. It was certain in any -event. The courteous but unshakeable resolution of the English -Cabinet to have nothing to do with the Berlin Note, in spite of the -“still closer intimacy of the three Imperial Courts,” and the -adherence of the other two Cabinets, brought the whole proposal -down like a house of cards. But the allied quiver was not empty.</p> - -<p>A stage, however, was reached in the Berlin Note which it is -necessary to note carefully, as a new departure, involving a readjustment -of compasses all round, became henceforth necessary.</p> - -<p>We have seen the apparently unaccountable hurry that Austria -was in to get matters in Bosnia and Herzegovina diplomatically -settled to her satisfaction. The Consular intervention in August -1875, the Andrassy Note in December 1875, General Rodich’s -parley with the insurgents in April 1876, and the Berlin Memorandum -on 15th May 1876, were the different stages of this pragmatical -interference. The reason was clear. Austria was quite well aware, -through her Intelligence Departments, that Russia was making -superhuman, albeit unofficial, efforts to catch up the advance that -Austria had secured for her operations in the Turkish provinces, -and that every day made it less probable that the lead in the -negotiations would be left in her hands.</p> - -<p>We shall see that from this moment, <i>i.e.</i>, on the rejection of the -Berlin Memorandum, Austria’s precipitation no longer exists, and that -she takes ample time to readjust her compass to the altered condition -of things. The principal object of this Appendix being to describe the -conduct and follow the policy of Austria in these matters, it is -necessary to examine a little more closely the relations of Austria -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span>with Montenegro, end the part played by this principality in this -so‐called rebellion.</p> - -<p>It was generally taken for granted that Montenegro was completely -and exclusively under Russian influence and protection, that -it was a citadel and outpost of Russia in this part of the world, and -that its prince moved in obedience to orders from St Petersburg alone. -This belief, which assumed the character of an axiom in men’s minds, -served admirably the purpose of Austria in the general mystification -with which it suited her to surround her policy at this time.</p> - -<p>As the active and effective action of Montenegro in the insurrection -was a secret to none in Europe, and as Russia exclusively pulled -the strings which moved its prince, it was obvious that Russia was at -the bottom of the Herzegovinian insurrection which Austria was -doing all she could to assist the Porte in suppressing—<em>quod erat -demonstrandum</em>. Now, there can be no doubt that Russia had for a -very long time past preponderating influence in the Black Mountains, -and that during the whole period that Austria followed what we -have called her “normal policy” with respect to the Ottoman Empire, -the influence of Russia over Montenegro was exclusive of any other -followed in the nature of things; but Consul‐General White, at any -rate, knew better than to suppose that this meant that no steps had -been taken by Austria (and the nature of the steps is evident) to -acquire that influence over the prince that the “new policy” of -Austria rendered desirable and necessary. In a despatch of the -25th of February 1876, Consul‐General White, writing from Belgrade -to Sir H. Elliot, says: “I beg to inform Your Excellency that I have -been assured, from a source which I have hitherto found reliable, -that the chief reason that has prompted Prince Milan to assume a -bolder and quasi‐martial attitude is the growing suspicion in his -mind that a bait in the shape of an accession of territory was about -to be offered by Austria on behalf of the Porte to the Prince of -Montenegro. This opinion is strongly entertained here by persons -<em>who are supposed to be well acquainted with the nature of the -relations which have existed during the last two years between the -Court of Vienna and that Prince</em>.”<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">83</a></p> - -<p>Not only did money pour into the principality, and arms, -munitions and military science, as we shall presently see, were -lavishly provided to these interesting mountaineers, but when the -conditions of peace between Servia and Montenegro on one side, -and the Porte on the other, came to be discussed (in the month of -August 1876), Austria, who opposed the claim for any accession of -territory to Servia, advocated a considerable extension for -Montenegro. There can be slight doubt that this was one of the -conditions of the bargain arranged “during the last two years -between the Courts of Vienna and that Prince.” It is, of course, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span>a noteworthy coincidence that the two years mentioned at the -beginning of these intimate relations brings us exactly to the date -when Count Andrassy became Chancellor of the Austro‐Hungarian -Empire.</p> - -<p>Mr Monson, the English political agent at Ragusa—afterwards sent -on a special mission to Cettinje, and now H.B.M.’s Ambassador at Paris, -who will certainly not be accused of prejudice against the Prince of -Montenegro, by whom, on the contrary, he seems to have been quite -fascinated, be it said in passing—in writing to Lord Derby from Ragusa, -on the 14th June 1876, says: “The town of Ragusa, the capital of Dalmatia, -is daily visited by armed insurgents who, at Vienna, are represented -to be peaceful Dalmatians from the rural districts ... or -Montenegrins on their travels, whose costumes would be incomplete -without the traditional carbines and poniards.... During the period -in which the export of munitions of war was suspended, <em>the contraband -traffic was openly carried on at Ragusa and Meglina without -hindrance; cases of dynamite were passed across the frontier, to be -used for the destruction of the Turkish forts and block‐houses</em>; and -it is alleged that certain <em>military stores</em> have been furnished to the -insurgents at Grebgi by way of Ombla.... <em>The share taken by -Austrian subjects in the late battles of the Douga Pass is notorious; -it is now known that 179 Crevoscians were killed during the three -days’ fighting; but, as far as I am aware, no measures have been -taken to prevent a repetition of such violations of neutrality</em>.... -My own conviction is that had it not been for the money spent by -Russia and by Dalmatian Panslavic Committees upon certain -influential chiefs, <em>the insurrection would long since have collapsed</em>.... -If these considerations are correct, as I honestly believe them to be, -it is clear that, as far as the Herzegovina is concerned, a great step -in the suppression of the insurrection would be effected <em>if the -Austrian Government would dissolve the Panslavic Committees, -enforce a strict surveillance of the frontier, and would absolutely -forbid and put down the export of arms and ammunition to -Montenegro.</em>”<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">84</a></p> - -<p>The facts stated in this important despatch need no addition, and -would be only weakened by any commentary.</p> - -<p>Let us proceed with others. Consul Holmes, writing from Bosna -Serai, on the 15th June 1876, to Lord Derby, says: “On the 6th inst., -the authorities at Mostar announced to the Baron Rodich (Governor -of Dalmatia) the fact that 1800 cases of rifles and their cartridges -were being landed at Cattaro for the Montenegrins. On the 9th, -Baron Rodich thanked them for their information, and said he would -order an enquiry into the matter and punish any illegality. Of course, -the arms will all be at Cettinje before he commences....”<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">85</a></p> - -<p>This is what Consul Holmes, who had resided fifteen years in the -country, and who knew more of it than any foreigner alive (it was he -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">284</a></span>whom the English Government lent to Baron Calice at the Conference, -on account of his special knowledge of the country, and who received -the thanks of both Governments for his services), says: “To people -residing in these countries, and who know the real state of parties, -<em>and the true nature of the insurrection</em>, the idea of securing pacification -by concessions to the insurgents appears simply absurd. In the -first place, reforms and concessions cannot be executed until pacification -is obtained, and in the next, for reasons which I have frequently -explained to your Lordship, those who are in arms and who keep up -the insurrection, <em>care nothing about them; they have other objects and -other interests</em>.”<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">86</a></p> - -<p>Such was Austria, that was at peace with Turkey, entertaining -friendly relations with the Porte, and protesting in every tone of -diplomatic expressions to every Cabinet in Europe her earnest and -anxious desire for the pacification of the Turkish Provinces!</p></div> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">285</a></span></p> - -<h2>APPENDIX C<br /><br /> - -<small>BULGARIAN‐ATROCITIES</small></h2> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> Slav Committees that had been for thirteen years “working -up” the recalcitrant materials of rebellion in Bulgaria, were proceeding -leisurely in their work when Count Andrassy stole a march upon -them in the Herzegovina; but in spite of every effort on the part of -Austria to precipitate a diplomatic crisis before the Bulgarian plot -was ripe, the Slav Committees, whose venue was Bulgaria, caught -him up before his work was completed. The head Slav Committee -was at Moscow, and there were two central Committees at Kichenew -and Bucharest. They had been established for about thirteen years, -but although their activity had been intermittent, it was through their -influence that the Bulgarian Church had been separated from the -Greek Patriarchal, and that a Bulgarian School under Government -patronage had been established at Odessa to form young Bulgarians -into missionary propagandists of the Slav idea. When, however, the -Herzegovina insurrection broke out, and matters were fast ripening on -that side, a revival of energy at once manifested itself in the action -of these Committees with reference to Bulgaria. As General -Tchernagoff wrote in his paper, the <cite>Russki Mir</cite> (on 11th May 1876): -“I chose the route by way of Kischenew and the Danube, <em>along -the whole course of which</em>, commencing from the Russian frontier to -the Servian boundary, <em>Committees were formed towards the end of last -year</em> for organising the plans of the Bulgarians in their approaching -struggle for independence. Commencing from Bolgrad (a Bulgarian -colony that fell away from Russia and became incorporated with -Roumania by virtue of the Treaty of Paris), I everywhere heard the -same thing, which was to the effect that all had been done that was -possible by the people for the impending struggle.... The movements -of the insurgents are regulated by a fixed programme.”</p> - -<p>We have seen (p. 43) during Midhat Pasha’s Governorship of -Bulgaria, how a raid over the frontier, following the usual tactics of -exasperation, had endeavoured to excite a rising, which was promptly -suppressed by the energy of the Vali. In the beginning of 1874 -unrest began to show itself again in the districts of Trianova, Kezanlic, -and Zagra, but, warned by the effects of neglect in a recent instance, -the authorities had all the leaders of the movement arrested. Thereupon -General Ignatieff made such energetic representations to the -Porte, that orders arrived, not only for the release of the imprisoned,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">286</a></span> -malcontents, but for the dismissal of all functionaries concerned in -their arrest. The effect of this novel and original mode of dealing -with an insurrection was soon apparent in the effervescence and excitement -it caused among the Mussulman population throughout the -Province. They saw rebel bands organising without disguise, and -approaching their own hearths, the leaders of which were patronised -by foreign consuls and supported by foreign embassies, whereas -defensive measures on the part of their own natural leaders were -discountenanced and punished.</p> - -<p>It was in this frame of mind of the Mussulman population of the -Empire, that the troubles both at Salonica and in Bulgaria occurred. -In October 1875, a local rising took place in the village of Eski Zagra. -Mr Vice‐Consul Brophy writes to Sir H. Elliot:—“In October 1875 -everything was settled for a rising in Bulgaria, in eight or ten places -simultaneously. Something occurred which made it advisable that the -rising should be put off, and messengers were sent to all the centres, -but the “put off” for Eski Zagra arrived twenty‐four hours late, and -that town rose in the full conviction that it was being seconded by all -the force of the insurgents. In fact, the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">émeute</i>, revolt, rebellion, -revolution, or whatever it was, of May last (1876) was to have come -off in October 1875, but did not.”<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">87</a></p> - -<p>The Committees were not ready. But the unrest continued, and -when the Provincial Governors begged the Porte to send regular -troops into the district, General Ignatieff dissuaded Mahmoud -Nedim, the Grand Vizier, from doing so, on the ground that “the -presence of regular troops would have the effect of still further -increasing the excitement.”</p> - -<p>We will now allow Vice‐Consul Dupuis, writing on 7th August -1876, to give an account to Lord Derby of the origin of the outbreak: -“This was the condition of things when, on the 2nd of May, the insurrection -organised and planned by the Revolutionary Committees, -established during the last thirteen years in Bucharest and Moscow, -suddenly exploded at Avrat Alan. The plan of operation of the -revolutionists, assisted by the village priests and schoolmasters, was -to destroy the railways and bridges throughout the vilayet, to set on -fire Adrianople and Philippopolis, and to attack Tatar Bazardjik with -5000 men, and seize upon the Government stores there.” An -accident caused the premature explosion of the revolt. “A sergeant of -Zaptiés, who had gone to Avrat Alan, either to collect taxes or to -effect some arrests, was suddenly attacked by armed Bulgarians -(who thought their plans had been betrayed), and had to fly for his -life. Shortly after, troubles broke out at Otloukeuyi and Bellowa; -at the same time, the inhabitants of several Bulgarian villages, it -would appear, under the impression that the impending massacre -was at hand, left their homes and fled to Otloukeuyi and Avrat Alan.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">287</a></span></p> -<p>The alarm then appears to have become general. The Christians -were afraid that they would be massacred by the Mussulmans, while -the latter were afraid that they were going to be exterminated by the -Christians. The numerical strength of the insurgents was stated to -be 15,000. The Mutassarifat of Philippopolis was at that time a -Tatar Bazardjik. Troops were telegraphed for to the Governor‐General -of Adrianople, who, it is said, replied that <em>as he had -no military force at his disposal</em>, he thought the best plan -would be to raise irregulars. On the 4th May, a meeting of some -notables at Philippopolis was held, under the presidency of the -Mollah, when the recommendation of the Governor‐General, for -raising Nefer Ami (public soldiers) was approved of, and a decision -to that effect was signed and forwarded to Adrianople. Orders were -then immediately sent to different parts of the vilayet for enlisting -irregulars or Bashi‐bazouks.”<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> These Bashi‐bazouks attacked -Peroushtitza Batak and Klissoura and Otloukeuyi, and there is no -doubt that very great excesses were committed by them. But Mr -Dupuis goes on to say: “It is said, without any attempt at concealment, -that the Russian Vice‐Consul in Philippopolis is solely responsible for -the sad disasters which have befallen Peroushtitza. In many instances, -too, the villages were set on fire by the Bulgarians themselves in order -to compel their inhabitants to take up arms. The village of Singerli, -now a complete mass of ruins, was in the first instance set on fire by -a priest. This man, in order to force the people to rise against the -Government, rushed about the place, knife in hand, telling them that -their hour of deliverance had arrived, and that Russian soldiers were -at hand to aid them against the Turks. I am assured, on reliable -and independent authority, that the Bulgarian insurrection was carefully -and skilfully planned by men possessing knowledge and experience -in military tactics from foreign parts. Had their plans succeeded, -and if the Bulgarians had got the upper hand of the Turks, there is -little doubt the existence of Turkey in Europe would have been -endangered, and the Bulgarians would have committed far greater -excesses than are laid to the charge of the Mussulmans, from the -fact that the former had, from the commencement of the disturbance, -<em>killed every Turk they came across, regardless as to age or sex, and by -the practising upon them, in several instances, of unspeakable -atrocities</em>. Atrocities have, undoubtedly, been committed by the -Bulgarians as well as by the Turks. Thus at Carlowo, it was related -to me, on good authority, that a Turkish boy had both his arms -flayed to the elbows by the Bulgarians; while at Otloukeuyi, the -Bulgarians massacred eighty Mussulmans, and cut up a child into -pieces, and publicly offered the flesh for sale, and committed other -unspeakable atrocities on females.”<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">89</a></p> - -<p>As for the Russian Vice‐Consul at Philippopolis, Mr Gueroff, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">288</a></span>Vice‐Consul Dupuis says of him: “The news of the Russian Vice‐Consul -at Philippopolis having been insulted, though repeated, is not -generally confirmed. Some say, if he was not insulted, he is trying -his best to provoke it by his conduct.”<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">90</a></p> - -<p>Sir H. Elliot, on 11th August, writes to Lord Derby: “A letter -from Mr Baring, received yesterday, contains these words: ‘There is -not the slightest doubt that the Russian Consul at Philippopolis had -a leading part in creating the late insurrection.’”<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">91</a></p> - -<p>As to the menacing character of the insurrection, there is cumulative -evidence to that effect. On 13th May, Vice‐Consul Brophy, -writing to Sir H. Elliot, says: “I have the honour to express to your -Excellency my belief that the Bulgarian insurrectionary movement, -commenced in the Caza of Philippopolis, will not be confined to that -district. I have some reason for thinking that the plans of the insurgents -embrace six centres of revolt, most of them in the high -Balkan (Kodga Balkan, Stari Planina), in each of which localities -depôts of arms—rifles, revolvers, etc.—ammunition, and provisions -are hidden.”<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">92</a></p> - -<p>The cruelties practised by the insurgents on the Turks were also -beyond all doubt. They were, moreover, in strict conformity with the -practice and instructions of the insurgents in all similar risings. -On 12th May, Mr Dupuis informs Sir H. Elliot: “The burning -of Bellowa seems to have been attended with horrible cruelties -to the small Turkish guard in charge of the place, which, being overpowered, -was hacked to pieces by the Bulgarians. My informant -adds that, shortly after this occurrence, a party of about a hundred -and fifty well‐mounted and equipped insurgents, led by the priests, -presented itself in the village, declaring, with crucifixes in hand, that -that was the way to exterminate Islamism.”<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">93</a> Mr Sandison, the first -dragoman of the English Embassy, writing to Sir H. Elliot on 11th -July 1876, says, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">à propos</i> of these cruelties: “I may here quote the -testimony of the artist employed by the <cite>Illustrated London News</cite>, -who in his travels through Bulgaria came across the body of a Turk -who had been impaled and roasted by Bulgarians. Such acts could -not but lead to reprisals, and to the consequent destruction of many -thousand lives, as well as of a large number of villages, amongst -which must also be included a good many Mussulman ones.”<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">94</a> -Consul Reade reports from Rustchuk on 19th July (1876) that -“Some Bulgarian insurgents one day seized two Mussulman women, -whose breasts they cut off <em>and then put</em> them to death.”<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">95</a></p> - -<p>Vice‐Consul Calvert, writing from Philippopolis on 29th August -1876, says; “The Christian Commissioners, one of whom, Yovantcho -Effendi, is himself a Bulgarian, state themselves to be satisfied that -deeds of great atrocity on the part of the insurgents marked the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">289</a></span>commencement of the rising in May last, and that <em>cruelties were -designedly committed by the insurgents as being the means best calculated -to bring on a general revolution in Bulgaria</em>, by rendering the -situation of the Christians, however peaceably inclined, so intolerable -under the indiscriminate retaliation which the governing race was -sure to attempt, as to force them in self‐defence to rise. Among -other instances of this Blacque Bey mentioned to me that the -Christian inhabitants of a village near Tirnovo related to him, how, -at the beginning of the revolt, the insurgents had seized a wealthy -Turk of the locality, beloved by Christians and Moslems alike, for -his justice and benevolence, had buried him up to the waist in the -earth, and then stoned him to death.”<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">96</a></p> - -<p>With reference to the invariable mode of procedure of the leaders -of the insurrection for the very purpose of exciting reprisals, Sir H. -Elliot, in a communication to Lord Derby, says: “The inhabitants -of another village stated that at the beginning of the insurrection, -they were told by <em>the priests and the schoolmasters</em> that the Turks -were advancing, that they must leave this village or they would be -killed by the Turks, and that those who objected were driven out by -force. The Mussulmans who happened to be there were murdered; -their number was differently estimated at twelve and thirty‐two; the -village was then set on fire. The Mussulmans in the neighbourhood -seeing part of the village in flames, went there and pillaged and burnt -the remaining houses.”<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">97</a> The revolutionary agents from the Slav -Committees had, since the recrudescence of their activity in the -winter, been working zealously among the Bulgarians. On 4th May -Sir H. Elliot, in acquainting Lord Derby with the movement at -Otloukeuyi, says: “It was known that revolutionary agents were -working actively among the Bulgarians, and that arms and ammunition -have latterly been introduced in considerable quantities.”<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">98</a> They -knew, too, pretty well what they were about and when to strike, so -that reprisals could be most surely counted on. Consul Reade, from -Rustchuk, informs (9th May) Sir H. Elliot: “I have also just heard -of an event said to have occurred near Avrat Alan, which, if true, may -bring on serious complications. It is said that a Circassian village in -that vicinity has been burnt; if so, the Circassians, generally a lawless -set, are sure to take their revenge, and this may severely tax the -Government to put down, when once commenced.”<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">99</a> Prophetic -words indeed! The revolutionary agents of the Committees found -this work difficult in the face of the repressive measures taken. On -the 16th May 1876 Consul Reade reports from Rustchuk: “Many of -the revolutionary Bulgarians in Wallachia are said to be entering this -vilayet, and some have already been discovered and arrested.”<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">100</a> Here, -then, we have revolutionary agents coming from abroad and exciting the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">290</a></span>people already long worked upon by priests and schoolmasters brought -up in Russia, to rise in rebellion and to commit every species of atrocity -on the Mussulman population with the direct object of provoking them -to reprisals, which could be exploited against them all over Europe. -We have further the Consul of a friendly Power, one of the chief -leaders of the insurrection, and the “Ambassador of the same friendly -Power” at Constantinople, strongly counselling against the despatch -of regular troops to districts where the Governor‐General urges the -necessity of their presence, and when the Mussulman inhabitants, in -their defence and under the impulse of panic and exaggerated fear -of what was going to happen, without any regular force to protect -them, arm irregular bands from any quarter they can procure them -with, likely enough, not sufficient discrimination and examination as -to their character, scenes are, no doubt, enacted, and atrocities committed, -which every human being, be he Christian or Mahometan, -would in cold blood deprecate and deplore.</p> - -<p>As Sir H. Elliot says: “An insurrection or civil war is everywhere -accompanied by cruelties and abominable excesses, and this being -tenfold the case in Oriental countries where people are divided into -antagonistic creeds and races, the responsibility and sin of those who -incite a peaceful province to rise becomes doubly heavy, and they -now endeavour to throw them upon others.”<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">101</a> Nobody outside -Timbuctoo approves or condones cruelties, but the charge against -the Ottoman authorities really amounts to their arming and employing -irregular troops, Pomaks, Circassians, Gipsies, etc., over whom they -could exercise very imperfect control. But as Mehemet Rushdi Pasha -told the English Ambassador, “the emergency was so great as to render -it indispensable at once to stamp the movement out by any means -that were immediately available.”<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">102</a> Mehemet Rushdi himself, it will be -remembered, only came into office after those acts had been committed. -He was consequently in no way responsible, neither he nor Midhat, -either for their commission or for the events that led up to them.</p> - -<p>With reference to the <cite>Daily News</cite> article on Turkish atrocities, -which started the agitation against Turkey in England, Sir H. Elliot, -writing on the 25th July 1876, says: “I have reason to believe that -the credulity of the correspondent of the <cite>Daily News</cite>, whose letters -on the subject of the Bulgarian atrocities attracted so much attention -in England, has been imposed upon by two Bulgarian relatives of one -of the presumed ringleaders of the revolt, inhabiting Philippopolis. -One of these was for a time editor of a Bulgarian journal in Constantinople, -and it is evident that information derived from such a source -can only be regarded as untrustworthy.”<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">103</a></p> - -<p>As the very aim and purpose of the insurrection was to create -excitement and provoke hatred of the Turk in Europe, it is no wonder if -the most monstrous exaggerations passed current as peremptory truths.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">291</a></span></p> - -<p>Sir H. Elliot, writing on 6th July, says: “The excesses committed in -the suppression of the insurrection have unquestionably been very -great, as was inevitable from the nature of the force which the Porte -was, in the first emergency, obliged to employ, but it is equally certain -that the details which have been given, coming almost exclusively -from Russian and Bulgarian sources, are so <em>monstrously exaggerated</em> -as to deprive them of much claim to much attention. Cases of -revolting cruelty have been mentioned to me in such a circumstantial -manner as to make it almost impossible to doubt this truth, but which -proved, on investigation, to be entirely fictitious.... Turkish -ministers deny that the cruelties have been on a scale at all approaching -to what they are represented; they point out that the horrors -committed on Turkish women and children are passed over in silence, -and they plead that they had no alternative <em>but</em> to use the irregular -force at their disposal to put down an unprovoked insurrection -fomented from abroad, the authors of which are responsible for the -sufferings which have been entailed upon both Christians and -Mahometans.”<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">104</a></p> - -<p>Some of the fictions invented were quite picturesque and dramatic. -These fictions and legends were not confined to Bulgaria, and Canon -Liddon and a Rev. Mr MacColl carried off the palm for ingenious -credulity. On the 2nd October 1876, Sir H. Elliot telegraphs to -Her Majesty’s Consul at Bosnia Serai: “Canon Liddon and a friend, -who went to Servia by the Bosnian frontier, state that they saw -examples of revolting cruelties practised by Turkish officers of the -regular army, who have <em>impaled</em>, at all military stations along the -frontier, men and women. Report as to truth of these statements.” -On the 5th inst. the startled Consul sends the following reply: -“Everything known here would make statement in your telegram -of 2nd inst. perfectly incredible, <em>but</em> for the name of your Excellency’s -informant. I will write of this by next post.”<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> The statement of the -distinguished ecclesiastic created a great sensation. It turned out, -however, that he had obtained his information from passengers in a -steam vessel on the Save, and that they had not travelled along the -frontier at all, as Sir A. Buchanan, who first reported to Sir H. Elliot, -had been led to believe. “The whole story, therefore,” adds Sir A. -Buchanan, “probably resolves itself, as suggested by Mr Holmes, to -heads or even bodies having been exposed on poles, as I have myself -seen hanging in chains during the British Protectorate of Corfu.”<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> -Mr Holmes, in his report, after demonstrating the absurdity of the -story, politely adds: “Now, if Canon Liddon states that he saw what -he describes, of course I can say nothing to the contrary; but if he has -only been assured of these atrocities, it is most certain that he has been -grossly deceived, with a view to make use of his voice and influence -as a means of increasing and confirming public opinion in England, in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">292</a></span>the belief of the barbarous conduct attributed to the Turks, and in -hostility to them.”<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">107</a> These reverend gentlemen had evidently been the -victims of, as Mr Holmes further says, “a monstrous joke,” and he -proceeds to explain the matter. “After much reflection, however, the -matter is, I think, as clear as possible. Near most Bosnian farm‐houses -there are stakes, such as Mr MacColl describes, around which -the haricot beans ... are fixed up to dry with something above them -to keep off the birds.... At the time of Mr MacColl’s voyage down -the Save, it is probable that most of the beans had been garnered, but -a portion might have been left on one of the stakes which attracted his -attention. This, on being pointed out to some practical joker amongst -the officers of the steamboat, with its accidental likeness to a body, -together, perhaps, with the previous conversation of the travellers, -suggested the hoax, which, on seeing that it was seriously accepted, -was kept up till the end of the journey.”<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">108</a></p> - -<p>Another and most probable explanation of this astounding story -was that what Canon Liddon and his friend really saw, “was a -watchman who had mounted on his stake, probably to look at the -steamer descending the Save.”<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> Anybody may be mistaken, even -distinguished ecclesiastics; but what, in such quasi‐sacred persons was -scarcely to be expected, was the tenacity with which they stuck to -the impalement theory, after it was exploded in the minds of all -impartial persons. Even high dignitaries of the Church don’t like -being laughed at.</p></div> - -<hr /> - -<h2>FOOTNOTES:</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> “History of the Ottoman Empire,” vol. ii. p. 356.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> “La Motraye,” La Haye, 1727, vol. i. pp. 383, 462.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> See the “Relation du Baile Garzoni,” of 1586.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> See Gervinus’ “Insurrection et Régéneration de la Grèce,” vol. i. -p. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> Pozzo di Borgo to Count Nesselrode, November 1828.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> -<p class="center"><i>“The First Dragoman of the Russian Embassy to Mahmoud -Nedim.</i><a name="FNanchor_A_7" id="FNanchor_A_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_A_7" class="fnanchor">A</a> -</p> - -<p> -“<span class="smcap">My Dear Highness</span>,—I have communicated the observations of -your Highness to His Excellency the Ambassador, who has assured -us in his reply that he will use his influence to arrest the Herzegovinian -insurrection. No one desires more earnestly than ourselves the -success of Your Highness’ projects. -</p> -<p> -“Your Highness may give the necessary assurances to whom they -may concern.” (1873). -</p> -<p> -[Taken from a pamphlet called “Ussi Inkillab,” which was published -at the beginning of the reign of Abdul Hamid—an interesting -document in proving this fact.]</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_A_7" id="Footnote_A_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A_7"><span class="label">A</span></a> <cite>Nineteenth Century</cite>, January 1903.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> See Appendix.—“Bulgarian Atrocities.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> See Appendix—“Bulgarian Atrocities.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> See Appendix.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> <cite>Nineteenth Century</cite>, February 1888.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> Boat.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> <cite>Nineteenth Century</cite>, January 1903.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> “Blue Book,” <cite>Turkey</cite>, 2, No. 105.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> <cite>Nineteenth Century</cite>, February 1888, p. 279.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> Although a man of this description, unfit for Parliament, was -quite fitted to represent his Sovereign at one of the most important -Courts of Europe.—<span class="smcap">Author.</span></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> The Director‐General of official and private correspondence -between the Palace and the Sublime Porte.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> Blue Book, <cite>Turkey</cite>, 2, 1877, No. 152.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> <cite>Nineteenth Century</cite>, January 1903.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> Blue Book, <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 985.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> <cite>Times</cite>, 10th February 1877.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> Mr Blunt, H.B.M. Consul at Salonica, addressed the following -despatch to Lord Derby:— -</p> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Salonica</span>, <i>10th February 1877</i>.</p> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My Lord</span>,</p> - -<p class="center2"><span class="gesperrt">* * * * *</span></p> - -<p>“The leading men with whom I have conversed, and the people -in general here, manifest much surprise and some irritation at the -sudden dismissal of Midhat Pasha from the Grand Vizierate, in -whom they had full confidence that he would carry out reforms. -</p> -<p> -“The prevailing impression here is, especially among the Turks, -that the fall of this popular statesman has been prepared and effected -by the Sultan’s immediate <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">entourage</i>. -</p> -<p> -“In case there is any demonstration at Constantinople, in favour -of Midhat Pasha, the popular feeling at Salonica would, I think, -coincide with it.<a name="FNanchor_B_23" id="FNanchor_B_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_B_23" class="fnanchor">B</a>—I have, etc., -</p> - -<p class="right"><span class="smcap">“J. E. Blunt</span>.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_B_23" id="Footnote_B_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_B_23"><span class="label">B</span></a> Blue Book, <cite>Turkey</cite>, 15, 1877, No. 171.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> At the accession of Abdul Hamid, he was his favourite First -Secretary, and was thereupon appointed Grand Vizier.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> He had been Grand Vizier in the time of Abdul Aziz, and ruined -the Empire by his wretched and Russophil policy.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> “<i>Turkey. Constantinople, 11th May.</i>—The doubts I expressed in -a recent despatch, concerning the veracity of the chief witnesses in -the enquiry about the death of Abdul Aziz, are being confirmed, -and the Sultan now hesitates about bringing the affair before a -public tribunal. Several important personages, who cannot be -suspected of complicity, declare openly that the raising of the -question was the result of an intrigue, and at the Palace the opinion -is gaining ground that the matter will terminate with the degradation -and exile of the Sultan’s two brothers‐in‐law, and the temporary -imprisonment of their supposed accomplices, without any formal -trial. When the enquiry was first instituted, an old and devoted -friend of the dynasty reminded the Sultan of an unsavoury Turkish -saying, equivalent to our proverb about the wisdom of letting -sleeping dogs lie, and His Majesty has now reason to regret that -he did not follow his advice.”—<cite>Times</cite>, 12th May (p. 5, col. 3).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> “Midhat Pasha, on taking refuge at the French Consulate, sent -letters to all the other Consuls, requesting the protection of the -Powers. The Consuls accordingly held a meeting, and decided to -ask instructions from their respective Governments. The reason -alleged by Midhat is that he is a victim of personal animosity, and -that he is in danger of personal violence, but this ground of defence -has been anticipated by the Imperial decision that the whole affair -shall be submitted to the regular tribunal, the sittings of which will -be public. His Majesty is evidently anxious that the whole matter -should be thoroughly sifted, and for this purpose has appointed a -sub‐commission to interrogate the native and foreign doctors who -held the post‐mortem examination on the body of the late Sultan, as -it has been rumoured that the medical report made at the time, is not -quite in accordance with the testimony of certain witnesses recently -examined. This procedure seems to remove effectually the danger -of personal violence, which Midhat alleges as the reason for having -put himself under foreign protection.”—<cite>Times</cite>, 19th May (p. 5, -col. 4).</p> - -<p class="center"><cite>By Indo‐European Telegraph.</cite></p> - -<p>“<i>Constantinople, 18th May.</i>—On receiving instructions from his -Ambassador, the French Consul at Smyrna requested Midhat Pasha -to quit the Consulate, whereupon the latter proceeded to surrender -himself to the Turkish Military Governor. A judicial enquiry will -be commenced at Smyrna.”</p> - -<p class="tb">“<i>Turkey. Constantinople, 21st May.</i>—Letters from Smyrna give -some details concerning the arrest of Midhat Pasha. Between one -and two o’clock on Tuesday morning he was awoke by a bugle‐call. -He discovered that troops were advancing under the command -of Hilmi Pasha, accompanied by one of the Sultan’s aides‐de‐camp, -who had recently arrived from Constantinople. He at once suspected -the motive of the nocturnal visit, and as a small body of soldiers -were entering the courtyard, he made his escape by a door in the -wall of the harem garden, and reached safely the French Consulate. -At an early hour the Consul assembled his colleagues, and Midhat -Pasha declared to them that he placed himself under the protection -of the Powers. Then followed the interchange of despatches -with Constantinople and Paris, which I have described in a previous -telegram. Midhat Pasha declared that he had no wish to leave -the country, and was ready to proceed to Constantinople if he -could obtain the necessary guarantees that he would be fairly -tried, but Hilmi Pasha thought it prudent to take precautionary -measures against a second flight by preventing small boats from -approaching that part of the quay. Meanwhile, the French Consul -had received stringent orders to withdraw the temporary protection -which he had afforded, and accordingly, after having again called -his colleagues together, he formally surrendered the fugitive to -the Military. Next morning the Minister of Justice arrived in -a special steamer to make a judicial enquiry. Midhat Pasha -is being carefully guarded in a room in the barracks.”—<cite>Times</cite>, -23rd May 1881 (p. 7, col. 2).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> The Sheik‐ul‐Islam Haïroullah Effendi, and the two brothers‐in‐law -of Abdul Hamid—Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin and Damad -Nouri Pashas.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> Who had killed the Ministers in Midhat Pasha’s house in 1876.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> <cite>Times</cite>, 5th June 1882, page 8, col. 2.—“Constantinople, 3rd June. -According to a despatch from Djeddah, the Dragoman of the British -Consulate at that place has gone to Mecca, the bearer of a letter from -the British Government to the Grand Shereef, expressing the friendly -sentiments of England towards him, and asking for news of Midhat -Pasha. -</p> -<p> -“The Grand Shereef, in reply, is stated to have assured the Dragoman -that Midhat Pasha was in no danger of any kind. This step on -the part of England has produced considerable sensation among the -Arabs, who continue to attribute to the British Government designs of -gaining ground and influence in Arabia.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> Afterwards General of Division with title of Pasha, and transferred -from Adrianople to Yemen.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> About midnight European time.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> The following is a list of the officers and men who assassinated -Midhat, 29th Redjeb, 1301 of the Hegira, or 12th May 1883.</p> - -<table summary="murderers" border="0"><tr> -<td class="tdl" colspan="2">Captain</td><td class="tdl">Ibrahim</td><td class="tdl">Circassian.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl" colspan="2">Non‐Commissioned Officer</td><td class="tdl">Lieutenant Nouri</td><td class="tdl">Native of Coumla.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2">Soldiers</td><td class="tdl"> </td><td class="tdl"> </td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">1st</td><td class="tdl">Company of Foot</td><td class="tdl padr1">The Sergeant Ahmed</td><td class="tdl">Native of Adremid.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">1st</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Coundirédji Ismail</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Yozgad.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">2nd</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Ahmed</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Kutahia.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">2nd</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Mehemet</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Kutahia.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">2nd</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Rédjeb</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Kumuljina.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">4th</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Osman</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Kara Hissar.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">2nd</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Berber Ismail<a name="FNanchor_C_34" id="FNanchor_C_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_C_34" class="fnanchor">C</a></td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Adrianople.</td> -</tr></table> - -<p>The following persons were commissioned to deal with Mahmoud Pasha.</p> -<table summary="Mahmoud Pasha" border="0"><tr> -<td class="tdl" colspan="2">Non‐Commissioned Officer</td><td class="tdl">Lieutenant Memiche</td><td class="tdl">Native of Sparta.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl" colspan="2">Non‐Commissioned Officer</td><td class="tdl">Lieutenant Mehemet</td><td class="tdl">Eudemiche.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2">Soldiers</td><td class="tdl"> </td><td class="tdl"> </td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">2nd</td><td class="tdl">Company of Foot</td><td class="tdl">The Sergeant Hassan</td><td class="tdl">Native of Kutahia.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">2nd</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl padr1">The Sergeant Suleiman</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Kara Hissar.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">4th</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Corporal Mehemet</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Antalia.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">1st</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Osman Baltadji</td><td class="tdl padr1"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Kara Hissar. </td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">1st</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Ahmed</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Tchoroum.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">1st</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Ali (Roumelian)</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Samanli‐Kieuï.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">4th</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Berber Mustapha</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Dimétoka.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">4th</td><td class="tdc padr2">”</td><td class="tdl">Ali</td><td class="tdl"><span class="h">xxx</span>”<span class="h">xxxx</span>Zile.</td> -</tr></table></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_C_34" id="Footnote_C_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_C_34"><span class="label">C</span></a> These soldiers belong to the conscription of 1296 S.T. except the one who belongs to 1300 S.T.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 422.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1877.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, Nos. 529 and 530.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, Incl. No. 554.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 559.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 452.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">39</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Incl. No. 479.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">40</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 452.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">41</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 197.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">42</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, No. 325.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">43</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 324</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, No. 564.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Nos. 470 and 498.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 508.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 516.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 540.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, No. 584.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, No. 612.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 952.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 986.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 952.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 950.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 950.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, Nos. 166 and 239.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 23.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, No. 544.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, Nos. 459 and 517; and <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, Nos. 551 -and 898; and <cite>Turkey</cite>, 2, 1877, No. 27.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, Nos. 528, 541, 551, and 552.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, No. 52.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 718.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> Blue Book, <cite>Turkey</cite> 2, 1876, No. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> Blue Book, No. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 32.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 2, 1876, No. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 47.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 2, 1876, No. 70.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 71.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 63.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, No. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 11.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 44.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 121.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 128.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 130.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 195.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 221.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 248.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, Incl. No. 313. (Lord Odo Russell pronounces this -document authentic. 3rd July 1876, No. 363.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 185.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 259.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 51, Incl.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 479.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 491.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 491.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 674 Incl.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1877, No. 57 Incl.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 343, Incl.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, No. 24.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, Incl. 4 in 289.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 289, Incl.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">94</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 5, 1876, Incl. 1 in No. 18.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">95</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 5, 1876, Incl. 2 in No. 21.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">96</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, Incl. in No. 222.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">97</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 5, 1876, No. 22.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">98</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 252.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">99</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 273, Incl.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">100</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No. 315, Incl.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">101</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 1, 1877, No. 221.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">102</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3, 1876, No 513.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">103</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 5, 1876, No. 24.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">104</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, 3, 1876, No. 538.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">105</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1, 1877, No. 539.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">106</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 686.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">107</span></a> <cite>Turkey</cite>, Incl. in No. 687.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">108</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Incl. in No. 961.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">109</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 2, 1877, Incl. in No. 179.</p></div> - 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