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- font-size:smaller; - padding:0.5em; - margin-bottom:5em; - font-family:sans-serif, serif; } - </style> - </head> -<body> - - -<pre> - -Project Gutenberg's The Conspiracy of Gianluigi Fieschi,, by Emanuele Celesia - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: The Conspiracy of Gianluigi Fieschi, - or, Genoa in the sixteenth century. - -Author: Emanuele Celesia - -Translator: David H. Wheeler - -Release Date: December 9, 2015 [EBook #50656] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CONSPIRACY OF GIANLUIGI *** - - - - -Produced by Giovanni Fini, Shaun Pinder and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - -<div class="limit"> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<div class="transnote p4"> -<p class="pc large">TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:</p> -<p class="ptn">—Obvious print and punctuation errors were corrected.</p> -<p class="ptn">—The transcriber of this project created the book cover -image using the front cover of the original book. The image -is placed in the public domain.</p> -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i">[i]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p class="pc4 mid">THE CONSPIRACY</p> -<p class="pc2">OF</p> -<p class="pc1 elarge">GIANLUIGI FIESCHI.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-004.jpg" width="400" height="628" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="cap1">Painted by Luca Combiaso<span class="vh">—————————</span>Engraved by H. Adlard.</p> - <p class="pc font15">PORTRAIT OF FIESCHI AS S.<sup><span class="small">T</span></sup> GEORGE.</p> - <p class="cap2 reduct"><i>SEE PAGE <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</i></p> -</div></div> - -<p class="pc4 reduct">SAMPSON LOW, SON & MARSTON, MILTON HOUSE, LUDGATE HILL, 1867</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii">[ii]</a><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[iii]</a></span></p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - - -<h1 class="p4">THE CONSPIRACY -<span class="small">OF</span> -<span class="mid">GIANLUIGI FIESCHI</span>,</h1> - -<p class="pc2">OR,</p> - -<p class="pc1 elarge">GENOA IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.</p> - -<p class="pc4">BY</p> -<p class="pc large">EMANUELE CELESIA.</p> - -<p class="pc4">TRANSLATED FROM THE ITALIAN,</p> -<p class="pc">BY</p> -<p class="pc large">DAVID H. WHEELER.</p> - -<p class="pc4">LONDON:</p> -<p class="pc reduct">SAMPSON LOW, SON & MARSTON,</p> -<p class="pc reduct">MILTON HOUSE, 59, LUDGATE HILL.</p> -<p class="pc reduct">1866.</p> - -<hr class="d1" /> - -<p class="pc reduct">[<i>The Right of Translation is Reserved.</i>]</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[iv]</a><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">PREFACE.</h2> - -<hr class="d2" /> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">It</span> is perhaps matter for just surprise that English -literature has been so little enriched during the last -quarter of a century by archivic researches in Italy. -While these studies have greatly modified the views -of Italian historians, it may be safely said that, with -few exceptions, English history of Italy remains substantially -as it was in 1840. The conspiracy of -Gianluigi Fieschi, now presented to the English reading -public, is one of those works which strongly mark the -progress of historical research in the Italian Peninsula; -and though it treats of an episode, that episode is so -woven into the great events which surrounded it as to -give a vivid picture of the condition of Italy in the -sixteenth century. The work has therefore seemed to -me to have sufficient historical value to merit translation -into our language.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span></p> - -<p>I have been more influenced, however, by a desire to -make some of those who read only English acquainted -with an Italian author who seems to me entitled to a -larger public than his own people. There is no good -reason why a greater number of Italian writers should -not be favoured with an English dress; and it is -probably more the effect of accident than want of -merit in Italian writers that their works are much -more rare in our tongue than those of French and -German authors. The younger historical writers of -the time, to which class M. Celesia belongs, have -peculiar claims upon our attention, because they are the -first truly independent writers of the Peninsula, and -their works are the first fruits of liberal institutions and -a Free Press. It would be only a first homage to their -worth and sincere devotion to liberal principles to -translate their best works into our language rather than -absorb the substance of them into our own books. This -reasoning has induced me to turn aside for a little while -from the labour of preparing a history of Genoa to -render M. Celesia’s beautiful Italian into an English, -which I freely confess to be imperfect in comparison -with the original.</p> - -<p>The first impression of the general reader may be -that this book treats of events so distant in time, and -so different in moral scenery, from the political and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span> -social conditions in which we live as to afford little or -no instruction to us. No history, except that of one’s -own country, affords precise forms in which to mould -the present; and what are called historical parallels do -not really exist, since every series of political events -has peculiar elements which make close analogies with -any other series impossible. Those who quote events -in the history of other times and peoples as containing -precise instruction for present national action usually -deceive their auditors all the more completely from -being deceived themselves. It is only in the abundant -matter of general principles that history contains lessons -of political wisdom. In this sense the work before the -reader is not without valuable instruction. M. Celesia -has given us a view of the social and political condition -of the masses who have too often been excluded from -history because they had been excluded from power in -the state.</p> - -<p>We see, in fact, some painful scenes of that long -tragedy which ended in the disfranchisement of the -Italians, in the very period when most other European -nations were making the bases of their institutions -broader by enlarging the liberties of their peoples; and -we see clearly that two vast despotisms—one reposing -on a fiction of the continued life of the Roman Empire -and the other on a perversion of the principle of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span> -Christian Authority—conspiring now together, now -against each other, bewildered the intellect and destroyed -the political vitality of Italy, gradually reducing -her to a mere geographical expression. The people -struggled in vain, partly because they struggled blindly, -partly because a pernicious error placed them in -exceptional conditions by stripping them of a part of -their rights avowedly in the interest of humanity at -large. So far this struggle was peculiar in form; but -at bottom it was a struggle for popular rights, and its -disastrous close is here shown to have been due to no -fault of the people themselves. It is just here that less -than justice has been done to the Italians, and this -work well illustrates the stupendous falsehood which -slew them.</p> - -<p>Our interest in this error might be less if it were -dead; but it lives and embarasses the Italians of our -own day. We have just been gravely informed by a -French statesmen<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> that Rome does not belong to Italy, -but to the whole catholic world; and the statement is a -key not only to current Italian difficulties but also to the -failure of the nation to keep pace with the rest of -Europe in the sixteenth century. Then, more than -now, other nations conceived themselves to have a -mission to preserve institutions which Italy was disposed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[ix]</a></span> -to condemn and abolish. Then a larger number -of Italians than now were bewildered by the legal or -historical claim set up for a dead Empire and a -Christian Church founded upon force, and in their -bewilderment went over to their enemies. But below -all this, a brave people struck manful blows for their -salvation, and when they fell were suffocated with the -terrible doctrine that Italy does not belong to herself. -The statement of Count Persigny was and is, in its -political significance, when applied to Italian politics, -exactly like a declaration that London does not belong -to England or Paris to France.</p> - -<p>I do not forget that the falsehood has been acted -upon as a truth in Italy for some centuries; but -political piracy cannot win the moral approval of our -times on the plea that it has been practised for a long -period. The real effect of the doctrine, whatever be -its force from a history made by applying it, is to -condemn a whole people to a certain dependence on -other nations, to give France, Austria and Spain—or to -go back to the sixteenth century, France and the -Empire—rights or duties in Italy which must impair -the rights of the Italians. A creed which has this fatal -element may be pushed to its logical consequence—the -assassination of a nation. In the sixteenth century -this was done. It was cruel—too cruel to be described—when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[x]</a></span> -history accused the fallen of cowardice, incapacity -for liberty and superstitious devotion to Rome. -From such atrocious slanders, the Italians of the -sixteenth century deserve a vindication. M. Celesia -has felt this part of his office so warmly that his word -may seem those of an advocate rather than of an -historian to those who forget the wrongs done to his -people in the name of history. But he who fully -weighs the injustice against which our author protests -will rather wonder at the moderation and critical -calmness of the greater part of the book than complain -of the glow of honest indignation which lights up some -of his periods.</p> - -<p>The critical reader will regret that the work is not -fortified by more copious references. The truth is that -it is not the fashion in Italy to quote authorities, and -the citations given were prepared by the author for this -edition. I have added a few explanatory foot-notes; -but the reader is referred for fuller information regarding -events in earlier Genoese history to a forthcoming -work on that subject.</p> - -<p class="pr2">D. H. WHEELER.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Genoa</span>, <i>June, 1865</i>.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[xi]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CONTENTS.</h2> - -<hr class="d3" /> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c1">CHAPTER I.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">THE COUNTS OF LAVAGNA.</p> -<p class="ind3">The Valley of Entella and Lavagna—The Origin of the Counts of -Fieschi—Their Conflicts with the Commune of Genoa—The -Treaty of Peace between the Fieschi and Genoa—Civil Contentions—The -Riches and Power of the Counts Fieschi—Innocent -IV. and Hadrian V.—Cardinal Gianluigi Fieschi—The -Fieschi Bishops and Lords of Vercelli and Biella—Famous -Fieschi Warriors—Isabella, wife of Lucchino Visconti—St. -Catherine—The Arms of the Family—Liberality and munificence -of the Fieschi—Gianluigi II.—Sinibaldo, lord of thirty-three -walled castles.</p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c2">CHAPTER II.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">THE ITALIAN STATES IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.</p> -<p class="ind3">Leo X., and his false glories—Desperate condition of the Italian -states in the sixteenth century—Their aversion to the Austrian -power—The Sack of Rome—Wars and Plagues—Charles V. -and Francis I.—The Despotism of Christian powers causes -Italian peoples to desire the yoke of the Turks—The Papal -theocracy renews with the empire the compact of Charlemagne.</p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c3">CHAPTER III.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">ANDREA DORIA AND THE REPUBLIC OF GENOA.</p> -<p class="ind3">The Nobles and the People—Andrea Doria and his first enterprises—How -he abandoned France, and went over to the Emperor—Accusations -and opinions with regard to his motives—The laws -of the <i>Union</i> destroyed the popular, and created the aristocratic -Government—The objects of Doria in contrast with those of the -Genoese Government and the Italian Republics—The lieutenants -of Andrea and his naval forces—Popular movements arrested -by bloody vengeance.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[xii]</a></span></p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c4">CHAPTER IV.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">GIANLUIGI FIESCHI.</p> -<p class="ind3">Maria della Rovere and her children—The natural gifts of Gianluigi—Andrea -Doria prevents his marriage with the daughter -of Prince Centurione—Gianluigi’s first quarrels with Gianettino -Doria—Naval battle of Giralatte and capture of the corsair -Torghud Rais—Count Fieschi espouses Eleonora of the Princes -of Cybo—The hill of Carignano in the early part of the sixteenth -century—Sumptuousness of the Fieschi palace—Gianluigi, Pansa -and other distinguished men—Female writers—Eleonora Fieschi -and her rhymes.</p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c5">CHAPTER V.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">THE PLOTS OF FIESCHI.</p> -<p class="ind3">The political ideas of the sixteenth century—The advice of Donato -Gianotto to the Italians—Generous aims of Gianluigi Fieschi—His -reported plots with Cesare Fregoso disproved—The conspiracy -with Pietro Strozzi a fable—Fieschi has secret conferences -with Barnaba Adorno, lord of Silvano—Pier Luca Fieschi -and his part in the conspiracy of Gianluigi—The Count sends -Cagnino Gonzaga to treat with France—The purchase of the -Farnesian galleys—Francesco Burlamacchi.</p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c6">CHAPTER VI.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">PAUL THIRD.</p> -<p class="ind3">He aspires to grandeur for his family—His hostility to the emperor -and to Doria—He encourages Gianluigi in his designs against -the imperial rule in Genoa—Attempts of Cardinal Trivulzio to -induce Fieschi to give Genoa to France—France is induced by -the count to relinquish her hopes of obtaining Genoa—Verrina -and his spirited counsels—Vengeance of Gianluigi against -Giovanni Battista della Torre.</p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c7">CHAPTER VII.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">PREPARATIONS.</p> -<p class="ind3">Character of the Fieschi family—Gianluigi acquires the friendship -of the silk operatives and other plebeians—The Duke of Piacenza -selects the count to arbitrate his differences with the Pallavicini—Secret -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[xiii]</a></span>understandings between the count and the duke—Gianluigi -puts his castles in a condition for war—Gianettino -Doria, to pave the way to supreme power gives Captain Lercaro -an order to kill Fieschi—Industry of Verrina—The decisions -of history on the merits of Fieschi should be made in view of -the political doctrines of the sixteenth century.</p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c8">CHAPTER VIII.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">THE SUPPER IN VIALATA.</p> -<p class="ind3">Bloody propositions attributed to Verrina—The count repulses all -treacherous plans—New schemes—The conspirators introduced -into the city—Gianluigi pays his respects to Prince Doria—Gianettino -removes the suspicions of Giocante and Doria—The -supper of Gianluigi—The guests embrace the conspiracy—Eleonora -Cybo and her presentiments.</p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c9">CHAPTER IX.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">THE NIGHT OF THE SECOND OF JANUARY.</p> -<p class="ind3">Measures taken by the Count—Occupation of the gate of the Archi -and of San Tommaso—Death of Gianettino Doria—Fieschi did -not seek the death of prince Doria—Schemes of Paolo Lavagna—Taking -of the arsenal—Fall and death of Gianluigi—Flight of -Andrea Doria to Masone—The place where Gianluigi was -drowned—The several arsenals of Genoa—The death of Count -Fieschi deemed a misfortune by the Italians.</p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c10">CHAPTER X.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">COMPROMISES AND PUNISHMENTS.</p> -<p class="ind3">Gerolamo Fieschi continues the insurrection in his own name—Consultations -at the Ducal palace and fighting at San Siro—The -news of the death of Gianluigi discourages the insurgents—Paolo -Panza carries to Gerolamo the decree of pardon—Verrina -and others set sail for France—The African slaves -escape with Doria’s galley—Sack of Doria’s galleys—Return -of Andrea and his thirst for vengeance—Decree of condemnation—Scipione -Fieschi and his petitions to the Senate—Schemes -and intrigues of Doria to get possession of the Fieschi -estates—Destruction of the palace in Vialata—Traditions and -legends.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[xiv]</a></span></p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c11">CHAPTER XI.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">THE CASTLE OF MONTOBBIO.</p> -<p class="ind3">Count Gerolamo declines propositions of the government—Intrigue -of the imperial party and revolutionary tendencies of the -populace—The Republic is induced by Andrea Doria to assault -Montobbio—The count’s preparations for defence—Verrina and -Assereto assigned to the command of the works—Andrea -induces the government to decline negotiations with Fieschi—Agostino -Spinola closely invests the castle—Mutiny of the -mercenaries of the count—He offers to surrender the castle on -condition of security for the lives and property of the beseiged—Opposition -of Doria to this stipulation—The treason of his -mercenaries compels Fieschi to surrender—Doria, notwithstanding -the entreaties of the government, treats the defeated -Fieschi with great cruelty—Punishment of the Count of -Verrina and other accomplices—Raffaele Sacco and his letters—The -castle of Montobbio razed to the foundations.</p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c12">CHAPTER XII.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">PIER LUIGI FARNESE.</p> -<p class="ind3">The ferocity and excesses of Andrea Doria—The benefits which he -derived from the fall of the Fieschi—The Farnesi participated -in Genoese conspiracies—Schemes of Andrea Doria against the -duke of Piacenza—Landi is instigated by Andrea to kill the -duke—The assassination of Pierluigi—The assassins and the -brief of Paul III.</p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c13">CHAPTER XIII.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">THE NOBLES AND THE PLEBEIANS.</p> -<p class="ind3">Intrigues of Figuerroa and the nobility—The law of Garibetto—New -efforts of Spain to give Genoa the character of a Duchy—The -firmness of the senate and Andrea foils the scheme of -Don Filippo—The reception of the Spaniards by Doria and by -the people—Sad story of a daughter of the Calvi—Don -Bernardino Mendozza and his relations with Prince Doria—Baneful -influence of the Spanish occupation.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[xv]</a></span></p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c14">CHAPTER XIV.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">PRINCE GIULIO CYBO.</p> -<p class="ind3">The revolt of Naples—Andrea Doria subdues it—Plots of the exiles -against his life—Giulio Cybo seizes the feud of Massa and -Carrara—His schemes for revolutionizing the Republic—Conference -of the Genoese exiles in Venice—Capture of Cybo—Doria -labours to have the emperor condemn Giulio to death—Punishment -of Cybo and his accomplices—Letter of Paul -Spinola to the Genoese government—Scipione Fieschi and his -disputes with the Republic—Maria della Rovere—Eleonora -Fieschi; her second marriage and death.</p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c15">CHAPTER XV.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">SIENA, THE FIESCHI AND SAMPIERO.</p> -<p class="ind3">Ravages of the Barbary Corsairs—Bartolomeo Magiocco and the -Duke of Savoy—The conference of Chioggia—Siege of Siena—Doria -assassinates Ottobuono Fieschi—Sampiero di Bastelica -and his memorable fight with Spanish knights—Revolts in -Corsica—Vannina d’Ornano—The Fieschi faction unites with -Sampiero—Ferocity of Stefano Doria—Sampiero is betrayed—Pier -Luca Fieschi and his career.</p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c16">CHAPTER XVI.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">JACOPO BONFADIO.</p> -<p class="ind3">Bonfadio executed in prison and his body burned—Errors in regard -to the year of his death—The causes of his arrest and punishment—He -was not guilty of the vices ascribed to him—The -true cause of his ruin was his Annals—The pretence for his -condemnation was his Protestant opinions.</p> - -<p class="ind1"><a href="#c17">CHAPTER XVII.</a></p> -<p class="ind2">THE SPANISH DOMINION IN LIGURIA.</p> -<p class="ind3">The Fieschi at the court of France—Louis XIV. supports their -claims—Bad effects of the law of Garibetto—Severe laws -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[xvi]</a></span>against the Plebeians—Death of Andrea Doria—Estimate of -his public services—New commotions—Magnanimity of the -people—The old nobles make open war on the Republic—Treaty -of Casale in 1576—The Spanish power in Italy, particularly -in Liguria—Aragonese manners corrupt our people—New taxes -and customs—The nobility accepts the fashions, manners and -vices of the Spaniards—Change of the character of the Genoese -people—Last splendours of Italian genius.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvii" id="Page_xvii">[xvii]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">AUTHOR’S INTRODUCTION</h2> - -<hr class="d3" /> - -<p class="pn2 reduct">CATILINE AND FIESCHI COMPARED.—CATILINE’S AIMS OF A GENEROUS -CHARACTER.—FIESCHI SOUGHT TO FREE HIS COUNTRY FROM THE -SPANISH YOKE.—HISTORY UNJUST TO THE VANQUISHED.—SOURCES OF -THIS HISTORY.—MATERIALS FOR THE FUTURE HISTORIAN OF ITALY.</p> - -<p class="pn2"><span class="smcap">It</span> would be difficult to find in the history of the -sixteenth century a name more fiercely assailed than -that of Gianluigi Fieschi. From Bonfadio down to -the most recent historians, the Count of Lavagna has -received the same treatment at the hands of our writers -which the learned vulgar are accustomed to give to -Catiline. This levity of judgment is a new proof that -history is too high a pursuit for servile minds.</p> - -<p>The classic invectives of Cicero and the glittering -falsehoods of Sallust, both written with masterly -eloquence, and their echo taken up by inferior writers -have disfigured the manly form of Sergius, and his -cause, supported by the most generous and cultivated -Romans, has come down to us described as the base -plot of abandoned men.</p> - -<p>Catiline could not have been base. He was illustrious -by birth, well-known for his talents and powerful -on account of his numerous dependants and friends. -He stood on the last round of the ladder leading to the -consulship and was supported by knights and senators;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xviii" id="Page_xviii">[xviii]</a></span> -by Antonius Geta, Lentulus, Cethegus and even by -Cæsar who was no stranger to the conspiracy. Crassus -favoured him, though he afterwards turned informer -against the conspirators. Entire colonies and Municipalities -supported him. In upper Spain, Gneus Piso, -in Mauritania, Publius Sittius Nucerinus and the -legions were his partisans; in fine, he was the head of -all the reformers of Italy and Gaul.</p> - -<p>I do not excuse his violence, his disorderly life and -his vices; though we know of these only through his -enemies. But his aims were unquestionably high and -noble. Roman liberty was buried in his tomb and not -even the dagger of Junius Brutus could recall her to -life. I hold it incontestable that the movement, far -from being a plot of reckless men, was general and -spontaneous towards that freedom which Lucius Sylla -had extinguished in blood; a movement for which -there was crying urgency in Italy, where crowds of -slaves were supplanting the Latin races, and throughout -the dominions of the Republic. In vain have cunning -rhetoricians taught us to execrate the name of the great -Roman, the last of the Tribunes. He has left for -history a page written with his own blood which is -more lasting than all envy. It shows us one who fell -dead on the same ground where he steadfastly fought, -displaying in his last hour an heroism which is inconsistent -with the crimes coupled with his name.</p> - -<p>Cicero himself tells us that the friendship of Catiline -had such fascinations that he had barely escaped its -influence. It may be true that his pallid face, his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xix" id="Page_xix">[xix]</a></span> -fierce eyes and his nervous step, now quick, now slow, -terrified the publicans and patricians of Rome; but none -can believe that he butchered his own son, immolated -victims to the silver eagle of Marius, or handed round -in nocturnal conventicles a cup full of foaming blood. -Catiline was a bad man because he was vanquished; -but Salvator Rosa, the soldier and painter of Masaniello, -when he drew Catiline as a stern and magnanimous -man did not believe him a low plotter, and the great -captain of our century declared that he preferred the -part of the great Latin conspirator to that of the -versatile Tully.</p> - -<p>The character of the Count of Lavagna has been -depicted in similar colours by servile writers skilful in -inventing calumnies. Catiline and Fieschi had the -same ambition and a common aim. The former, in -his familiar letters to Lentulus which were published -in the Senate, declared that no venal ambition led him -to make war. He said that his estates were security -for his debts and that the liberality and wealth of -Orestilla and his daughter would provide for any -deficiency. He averred, he was impelled by wrongs -and slanders, that he made the cause of the unfortunate -his own, because he was defrauded of the fruit of his -labours, and, while he was falsely suspected, was forced -to see base men taking his place.</p> - -<p>The same is true of Fieschi, whose death, Gianettino -Doria had sworn. In Genoa, not less than in Rome, a -partisan contest between the nobles and the people had -lasted for centuries. Here, after the civil conflagrations,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xx" id="Page_xx">[xx]</a></span> -as after the scourgings of Rome by Marius and Sylla, -liberty gradually expired. In both Republics, the -people were bowed down by the insolence of the great. -They were deprived of all share in the government, and -corrupt ambition had unbounded sway. In Liguria, -Andrea Doria had completed the triumph of the party -of the nobles and imperialists and the ruin of popular -liberty. Though he forbore to assume a princely title, -he was a true king in authority, his nephew aspired to -regal honours, and every popular right was trampled -down by the Spanish power. According to Bonfadio -this subjection was too bitter for the great soul of the -Count Lavagna long to endure the humiliation. But -his enemies wrote, and by a thousand channels circulated, -the most incredible things as parts of his designs:—That -he attempted by base intrigues to ruin the Republic, -that he aimed to seduce it to servitude to his -family or to France, to exterminate the Doria family, -to lay bloody and felonious hands on the bank of St. -George, to put the city to fire and sack. The decrees -and official reports of the Republic do not warrant such -statements, and a theory more honourable to him is -justified by the gentleness of his character, by the -Guelph traditions of his house, by the fact that he -prevented the murder of Doria, in his palace, and by -the conspiracy itself, the fury of which was directed -against the ships of Doria, sparing those of the -Republic.</p> - -<p>It was necessary for Doria that black designs should -be attributed to Fieschi, otherwise his fearful vengeance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxi" id="Page_xxi">[xxi]</a></span> -would have been unjustifiable. The slander was profitable -also to the Spanish Cæsar, for it took away from -his path a powerful family opposed to the Aragonese -power in Italy. And as matter of fact, these idle tales, -written in Genoa and diffused in France and Spain, -were never believed among us. The greater part of -the patricians did not credit them for they were -Fieschi’s friends and would have saved him if the -overbearing spirit of Doria had not imposed his will -upon the senate. Such slanders found no credit with -the people, who placed their love upon that philanthropic -family and perpetuated its memory in national -songs.</p> - -<p>Catiline and Fieschi intended to awaken in their -native lands the love of expiring liberty, and in that -aim they had the support of many nobles and of the -people. The pride of Roman patricians could bend to -an alliance with the people, but they scorned to share -their rights with foreign slaves. The Count of Lavagna -grasped the hand of the people, but he refused the -alliance of France. This fact testifies for both to the -honesty of their designs; for to a traitor all paths are -good so they but lead to his end.</p> - -<p>Catiline, slandered by Cicero upon the rostrum, -fulminates in his turn against his detractor, and though -he quits Rome unattended, his exit is imposing and -momentous. Fieschi, bending to the necessities of his -time, found more quiet and secret paths to his end; -and when accused by the minister of Cæsar with -seeking to foment a revolution, he confronted Andrea<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxii" id="Page_xxii">[xxii]</a></span> -Doria with a frankness which eluded the Admiral’s -keen vigilance. From the blood of Catiline sprung -the dictatorship of Cæsar; from that of Fieschi, the -oligarchic government and the Spanish dominion in -Genoa.</p> - -<p>Doria, becoming the supporter and partisan of -Charles V. and Phillip II. prevented Genoa from -entering into the league of the Italian Republics -against the Spanish yoke. Genoa, united to the enemies -of Florence and Siena in the time of those memorable -sieges, allied with the enemies of Naples when that -people was rising for liberty, the friend of all the -enemies of Italy, dates from that period her unfortunate -decline. The movement of Fieschi, if he had accepted -the alliance of France, might have averted the catastrophe. -The French and Republican league might -have extirpated the Spanish power in the Peninsula, -and saved Italy from forging her own chains. It might -have spared Genoa her struggles with the Barbary -states, the revolt of the Corsicans, the decline of her -commerce with the East and the most disastrous of all -her civil tumults.</p> - -<p>The Genoese people struggled long against that fatal -alliance, cemented with their blood, which Fieschi -strove to break. They left no means untried to dissolve -it, using now supplication, now the sword and the -scaffold. And for more than two centuries, a half -subdued populace never grew weary of pouring its -indignant complaints into the ear of the nobility. I -have compared Catiline and Fieschi. The resemblance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxiii" id="Page_xxiii">[xxiii]</a></span> -has not escaped historians. But their works and discourses -have been reported, and judged by their enemies -and by the faction which they strove to displace from -power. The name of Count Fieschi waits to be rehabilitated -by time which cancels great wrongs, impartially -dispenses praise and blame, and gives each man that -place in the esteem of posterity which his works merit.</p> - -<p>From the earliest times our country was lacerated -by two hostile factions. There were annalists and -writers who recorded and magnified the exploits of -those belonging to their party and silently passed over -the praiseworthy actions of their political opponents. -Procopius and Iornandes represent the two creeds -which in their time were contending for the support of -the nation. Anastaius is the biographer of the Popes, -as Paul Diacono is of the Longobardic kings. In every -province there were Malaspini and Dino Compagni, -imperialists, fighting against the Guelph and Republican -spirit of the three Villani. From the union of these -hostile elements come forth the critical historian of the -nation—Macchiavelli. But when the Germanic irruption -cut the nerves of the Latin traditions, when -Charles V. and Andrea Doria reestablished the foreign -power in Italy, the Guelph spirit was silenced, the -Journal killed, the Chronicle and official falsehoods -so misrepresented events as to render history nearly -impossible. John Mark Burigozzo, a Lombard shopkeeper, -was the last annalist who recorded the sorrows -of the people. Then came classic, courtly and salaried -historians—history written by the victors. There is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxiv" id="Page_xxiv">[xxiv]</a></span> -need of great caution in reading the verdict of a history -written with the sword. “Woe to the vanquished” in -history as on the battle-field. Corrupt ages praise -successful crimes, and it is only by great effort that -after times emancipate themselves from these servile -adulations. There is a coward instinct in man which -prompts him to applaud force and despise the fallen. -The conscientious historian should enter his free protest -against such dishonourable acquiescence in forced -verdicts. It is time that history should be relieved -from the tyranny of eloquent but mendacious tongues, -and many powerful ones should be deposed from ill-gotten -thrones. It is time to ask of many who have -been called heroes what use they made of their swords -and how they served Italy, and to concede—the supreme -right of misfortune—a tardy tribute of regret to one -who fell victim to a high and generous purpose.</p> - -<p>What is the verdict recorded against Fieschi?</p> - -<p>Among the writers who were his contemporaries stand -foremost, Bonfadio, Campanaceo, Sigonio, Capelloni, -Foglietta, Mascardi and Casoni. I do not mention -foreigners, first among whom are Tuano and the -Cardinal de Retz. I omit, too, the modern writers, since -they have all followed with the assiduity of copyists the -earlier historians, making no effort to study the public -archives or even to criticise the text which they copied. -Nevertheless, it is important to give the reader some -account of the historians of that epoch; since the first -duty of one who attempts to describe past events is to -employ criticism in its widest sense, and so to separate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxv" id="Page_xxv">[xxv]</a></span> -the true from the false. Nor can this be done without -carefully weighing the credibility of authors who have -gone this way before us and taking account of the -passions which governed them when they wrote.</p> - -<p>The first historian of Fieschi was Bonfadio who was -employed by the senate to write the annals of the -Republic. He was a witness of the events which he -described and on the very night of the rising, he went -to the senate in company with Giovanni Battista -Grimaldi. Yet we can yield him little faith; since, -writing at the command of the government, he could not -do less than speak harshly of the government’s enemies. -He confesses that he had not in his hands the records -of the conspirators’ trial. He ignores many facts, and -never names the accomplices of Fieschi, scarcely suspecting -that there were any. Having a mania for classic -imitation, and borne away by the current of his times, -he depicts Gianluigi as a man thirsting for base -deeds and for blood; so, that if his immortal pages -served to render the memory of Fieschi odious at a -time when men had little concern for the honour of the -vanquished, they are certainly too careless and too -partial to satisfy the future. The unfortunate author, -who was truthful in all other matters and failed in this -only, because it treated of a plot against the powerful -Doria, reaped bitter fruits for his great bias against -Fieschi.</p> - -<p>Not less unjust was Giuseppe Mario Campanaceo, -who added to his history of the conspiracy a comparison -between it and that of Catiline. “Both,” he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxvi" id="Page_xxvi">[xxvi]</a></span> -says, “sprung from noble stock. Both were crushed -under the ruin they plotted for others. In the one, a -fierce look, a sanguinary countenance; in the other, a -singular beauty and a virginal candour. The Roman -was stained with bloody and licentious deeds; the -Genoese bore the fame of goodness of heart and grace -of manners. The Roman was verging towards age; -the Genoese was in the freshness of his youth, yet he -surpassed the conspirator of the Tiber as much in -deceitfulness as Catiline excelled him in warlike -exploits.”</p> - -<p>If on minor points the narration of this writer is -more accurate, it still bears the seal of the degraded -time in which it was written. Though the author -professes to have taken great pains to discover the -truth, having spent a long time in Genoa for that -purpose, it is very easy to see that he did not escape -the contagion of party feeling and of the malevolence -of the faction then dominant in Liguria. It is not -strange, therefore, that he finds a mean and avaricious -spirit in Gianluigi, while he describes Gianettino as an -illustrious victim, rather, as the most virtuous knight -of all Christendom.</p> - -<p>Carlo Sigonio, in his life of Andrea Doria, and, -among Genoese writers, Oberto Foglietto have treated -the matter with elegance of diction but with unblushing -plagiarism.</p> - -<p>The same may be said of Lorenzo Capelloni, who -described the conspiracy of Fieschi in a report to -Charles V. He was too devoted to Cæsar, and to Doria,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxvii" id="Page_xxvii">[xxvii]</a></span> -whose life he wrote, not to imitate the others whom -we have mentioned in treating the attempt of Fieschi -as a plot of like character with that of Cybo which he -also described.</p> - -<p>Agostino Mascardi, who was more of a rhetorician -than an historian, tells us nothing new. Casoni was -less devoted to the Spanish power and therefore more -humane towards Fieschi, but he adopted without -question the opinion professed by the party in power -who never opened the archives of the state for the -study of the historian.</p> - -<p>We therefore conclude that a prudent and impartial -criticism forbids us to give full faith to those who have -given to Count Fieschi a dishonourable place in history.</p> - -<p>In our opinion two qualifications are essential to the -historian:—That he be able to collect the most accurate -accounts of the facts, and that party spirit do not -cloud the serenity of his mind. The writers whom we -have mentioned lack these credentials. In fact, after -studying the annals of the sixteenth century, we are -satisfied that most of them were ignorant of the true -causes of events. Sometimes they knew only a part of -the facts; sometimes, acting under the influence of -personal or political jealousy, they betrayed the truth -by silence, by misrepresentation or by additions of -what would serve their own purposes or the wishes of -their masters.</p> - -<p>The reader must judge whether we have truly -balanced the account.</p> - -<p>We see, from what has been said, that it was impossible<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxviii" id="Page_xxviii">[xxviii]</a></span> -Fieschi should have had truthful historians in -the provinces ruled by Charles V. It was not to be -expected in Genoa, where the supreme authority of the -Dorias compelled even the least servile writers to the -most skilful management of conscience and speech.</p> - -<p>Neither in Tuscany, where the seeds of the Medicean -tyranny were already springing up; not in Lombardy, -which was the battle-ground of the two opposing -factions; not in the kingdom of Naples tossed like a -foot-ball from one master to another, but at the moment -in the grasp of Cæsar. Finally, not in Rome where the -Spanish government, in its war to the death upon the -spirit of civil and religious liberty, found a swift -accomplice in the Papal court which employed the zeal -and devotion of its inquisitors in consigning to the -flames both books and their authors. It is enough -that no writer in Italy was permitted to answer the -blind devotee of Rome, Baronius.</p> - -<p>A few noble spirits arose to tell the truth of the -Austro-Spanish power; such as Bandello, Ariosto, -Boccalini and Tassoni; nevertheless in the period -between Charles V. and the middle of the 17th century -no true light of history shone on the Peninsula.</p> - -<p>Learned and literary men lived in the courts, then -the only dispensers of fame, and writers were more -valued for their promptness in serving masters than -for their mental acquirements. Even the best writers -exhausted their ambition in the chase for courtly -favour. It is not true that the protection of princes -was useful to letters and arts; it only seduced them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxix" id="Page_xxix">[xxix]</a></span> -from the path of duty. Truth was banished from -books because it displeased our masters, and history -was sure to be smothered if it contained more than -panegyric. Spanish wordiness had corrupted liberal -studies and Italians were no longer honestly indignant -against the oppressors of their country. They descended -from employing their imaginations in intellectual -creations to pandering to the senses. Literary entertainments, -like falcons and buffoons, served for the -sport of courtiers, as an instrument of corruption -rather than a stimulant to generous pursuits. Intellect -being thus prostrated, Fieschi could find no historian -courageous enough to clear away the falsehoods that -blackened his fame and constrain his calumniators to -an honest confession. Cybo, Farnese, and whoever else, -following the footsteps of Fieschi, opposed at the price -of their lives Spanish influence, shared the historical -misfortune of the Count of Lavagna.</p> - -<p>It was necessary, then, to rewrite this history and -I resolved to attempt the task. There are subjects -(and the conspiracy of Fieschi is one of them) which -seen from a distance fill us with apprehension, but -when we approach and handle them, the alarm which -possessed us generally disappears. I approached my -subject with honest boldness and having studied it -intimately, I have dared to rebel against the common -opinion of the learned. If it were necessary to quote -all the authorities for a conviction so opposed to the -current of corrupted history the list would be too long. -I, therefore appeal to the cultivated who will, I hope,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxx" id="Page_xxx">[xxx]</a></span> -bear me witness that very little within the range of the -subject has escaped my notice. I ought, however, to -remark that the Archives of Madrid and Paris have -furnished me with foreign notices of the revolts of -Fieschi and his partisans, and that more perfect information -has been obtained from the Archives of -Genoa, Florence, Parma, Massa and Carrara, and from -some codexes and manuscripts which once belonged to -Cardinal Adriano Fieschi (the last of the Savignone -branch of the Fieschi family) whose heir, Count -Alessandro Negri di S. Front, kindly permitted me to -consult them at my pleasure. I render him my most -hearty thanks. I have drawn other materials from the -writings of the sacred college of Padua in favour of -the Republic and the pleadings of the famous jurists -who sustained the Fieschi party. Many other notices -have been taken from private libraries in Genoa, which -are at once so numerous and so difficult of access. -Some documents very favourable to the cause of Fieschi -were recently published by the erudite Bernardo Brea, -but the greater part of them were already familiar to -me; for the history which I now send to the press was -written several years ago—a proof of which is that -many extracts from it were then published in the -journals. It is hardly worth while to dwell upon the -reasons which kept me from publishing the work: The -times were not, and are not, propitious to historic -studies; yet I am forced in my own despite to bring -my manuscript to light, lest I be accused of treading -in the footsteps of a great author who has recently<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxxi" id="Page_xxxi">[xxxi]</a></span> -removed many a stain from the name of Fieschi and -lashed his detractors with the severest condemnation.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> - -<p>A modest cultivator of peaceful studies, I do not fear -that any will suspect me of aiming to destroy the -reverence due to a great name; or that I shall receive -the sentence pronounced by Richelieu, who, on reading -the conspiracy of Fieschi written by Cardinal de Retz -in his youth, prophesied that the author would develop -a turbulent and revolutionary spirit.</p> - -<p>My humble condition and the honesty of my intentions -render me safe from similar vacticinations. -Though in my opinions upon the conspiracy I depart -from the paths beaten by other writers, it is not -without adequate reasons. I feel that the religion -of truth, has had hitherto too few worshippers, that -reverence for the unfortunate great of Italy has been -long put under ban, and do not hesitate to say that if -what I shall dare to write was not unknown by others -it was most certainly concealed. What were the aims -of Fieschi? What of Andrea Doria? Whither tended -the uprising of the people? Who breathed life into the -cause of national independence? To these questions, -so far as I know, no one has yet made a sufficient -answer; and, indeed, how can one write of Fieschi and -Doria without investigating their personal motives, -prying into the secrets of their hearts? Our historians, -copying each other and compressing the tragedy of a -century into a few pages, have given us only the conspiracy -and the uprising, that is the least philosophic -moment. For us, history begins where the strife ends.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxxii" id="Page_xxxii">[xxxii]</a></span> -The designs which animate the combatants do not die -with them, and they expand into the most interesting -questions. Let the writer who does not feel the -greatness of his mission shun these questions, I prefer -that the reader shall not believe me a timorous friend -of truth.</p> - -<p>If once terror chained men’s souls, if great names -could not be discussed, to-day, delivered from the -febrile excitements of our predecessors, we may freely -praise and blame the men and deeds of three centuries -ago.</p> - -<p>Nor is this all. A general history of Italy remains -to be written, and the materials are scattered in the -archives of our communes. Italy will write it when -she shall have secured independence and a true national -unity. In the meantime, mindful of the saying of -Vico that, “we ought to seek for minute notices of -facts and their antecedents rather than general causes -and events, since by an accurate study of the facts themselves -it becomes easy to find the causes and to clear -up effects which often seem incredible to us,” I have -devoted my utmost strength to removing a portion of -that veil which covers the name of Fieschi, happy if I -am able in this effort to correct some erroneous opinions -and to prepare matter for the future historian of the -nation.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c1" id="c1">CHAPTER I.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">THE COUNTS OF LAVAGNA.</p> - -<p class="pcs">The Valley of Entella and Lavagna—The Origin of the Counts of -Fieschi—Their Conflicts with the Commune of Genoa—The -Treaty of Peace between the Fieschi and Genoa—Civil Contentions—The -Riches and Power of the Counts Fieschi—Innocent -IV. and Hadrian V.—Cardinal Gianluigi Fieschi—The -Fieschi Bishops and Lords of Vercelli and Biella—Famous -Fieschi Warriors—Isabella, wife of Lucchino Visconti—St. -Catherine—The Arms of the Family—Liberality and munificence -of the Fieschi—Gianluigi II.—Sinibaldo, lord of -thirty-three walled castles.</p> - - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">That</span> portion of Eastern Liguria, where, according to -Dante,</p> - -<p class="pp8 p1">“Fra Siestri e Chiavari</p> -<p class="pp4">S’adima la bella fiumana,”<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> - -<p class="pn1">retains in our day but little resemblance to the ancient -seat of the Counts of Lavagna. Instead of forts and -castles crowning every gentle elevation, the modern -tourist finds a church dedicated to St. Stephen, and his -eye wanders over hills, swelling above each other -towards the encircling mountains and covered with -olive gardens and orchards. The din of arms, the -clash of maces and shields, is no longer heard; but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span> -instead the ear is saluted with the songs of peaceful -burghers whose humble ambition finds content in -gathering the fruit of the vines, weaving their nets, -and drawing from their famous caves that slate which -covers all the roofs of Liguria.</p> - -<p>The banks of that stream which our ancestors called -Entella, and we moderns Lavagna (from the name of -the adjacent commune), have preserved, through the -changes of centuries, their wonderful charms. It rises -in the humble valley of Fontanabuona, is enriched by -numerous tributaries from vales on either hand, and -slips quietly into the sea after a course of only twenty-four -miles.</p> - -<p>Some tell us that in ages which have no authentic -history the ancient Libarna was here, and that the -name was afterwards corrupted into Lavagna; but our -modern geographers do not accept the opinion. It is -certain that Lavagna became the seat of a count of -that name, who, about the year one thousand of our -era, ruled over the contiguous districts of Sestri, -Zoagli, Rapallo, Varese, and a great part of Chiavari. -From this epoch, for many centuries, the history of the -whole region was absorbed in that of the great family -who ruled that portion of Liguria. The origin of these -Counts is lost in mediaeval darkness. Giustiniani, -Prierio, Panza, Sansovino, Betussi, and Ciaccone believe -that they came of the stock of the Dukes of Bourgogne -or of the Princes of Bavaria, and they affirm that the -counts were called <span class="smcap">Flisci</span>, because they watched over -the collection of the imperial taxes. On this point<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span> -nothing can be said with certainty. For our part, -remembering that from the time of Otto the Great -four powerful families ruled over all Liguria—that is -the Counts of Lavagna and Ventimiglia, and the -Marquises of Savona and Malaspina—we are led to -believe that the Fieschi, like the Estensi, Pallavicini, -Malaspina, and many other powerful houses, had a -Longobardic derivation. This belief is supported by -the fact that the Counts of Lavagna ruled with -Longobardic laws, and drew from that nation, -their Christian names as Oberto, Ariberto, Valperto, -Rubaldo, Sinibaldo, Tebaldo, and others of like -formation, which we find on every page of their -family records. The Longobards ruled almost a -century and a half in Liguria, and it is probable -that many families of that nation founded feuds and -took firm root with their estates and castles.</p> - -<p>It is certain that the first count of the name clearly -mentioned in history was a certain Tedisio, son of -Oberto, who ruled the county of Lavagna in 992, and -who had previously accompanied King Arduinus -through all his campaigns. From him descended, in the -right line, Rubaldo, Tedisio II., Rubaldo II., Alberto, -and Ruffino. In the will of Ruffino (1177) the name -Fieschi occurs for the first time.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Then followed -Ugone and Tedisio III., brother of Pope Innocent IV. -It is not our purpose to speak of their genealogy, but -we refer the curious reader to works on that subject.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Counts of Lavagna, at a very early period, -enlarged their jurisdiction by acquiring many surrounding -castles and feuds. The growth of their power was -so rapid that the Genoese people, in the earliest days -of the communal system (1008), found it necessary to -put a check on the increasing influence of this family. -The Genoese attempted to take possession of the castle -of Caloso, the first seat of the Fieschi, and then held -by Count San Salvatore. The Fieschi anticipated and -foiled the movement by pushing forward their conquests -so as to include in their dominions Nei, Panesi, Zerli, -and Roccamaggiore. This conflict gave rise to long -and indecisive struggles, which did not end until the -Genoese army, returning from the Romagna in 1133, -marched through Lavagna, dismantled its fortresses, -and, to secure the obedience of the Counts, fortified -Rivarolo, in the very heart of the country. The Counts -rallied from the effects of this staggering blow, and, -by dint of extraordinary address and courage, recovered -their estates and independence.</p> - -<p>When Frederick I. besieged Milan, the Fieschi went -to his camp to pay him homage, and the Emperor, by -royal decree, dated the 1st of September, 1158, invested -Count Rubaldo Fieschi with all the ancient lands and -rights of his family.</p> - -<p>This patent conferred upon the Counts the following -territories and privileges:</p> - -<p>The waters of Lavagna and the tolls (<i>pedaggio</i>) for -the highways along the sea-shore and the road through -the mountains; feudatory rights over the men who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span> -held allodial properties in the three plebeian hamlets -of Lavagna near the sea, Sestri, and Varese; and -finally the wood which has the following boundaries—from -the Croce di Lambe to Monte Tomar, thence to -the bridge of Varvo, lake Fercia and Selvasola, returning -to the point of departure at Croce di Lambe.</p> - -<p>The Fieschi were thus rendered independent of the -republic, and, about 1170, having made a secret treaty -with Obizzo Malaspina and the counts of Da Passano, -they invested Rapallo, and put Genoa to such straits -that she was forced to ask aid of the marquises of -Monferrato, Gavi, and Bosco. The soldiers of the allies -under the command of Enrico il Guercio, Marquis of -Savona, punished the contumacy and audacity of the -Fieschi.</p> - -<p>Finally, to compress much into few words, the -commune of Genoa, on the 25th of June, 1198, made -a treaty with the Counts of Lavagna. The latter -bound themselves to content their ambition with the -possession of Lavagna, Sestri, and Rivarolo, and the -commune conferred many honours and privileges on -the counts, especially reaffirming the rights conveyed -to the family by the Emperor. The Fieschi further -pledged themselves never more to draw sword against -the city of Genoa or her allies, the Bishop of Bobbio, -and the Lords of Gavi, and to become citizens of Genoa.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> -At the time of this treaty Count Martino was the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span> -sole head of the whole family, but after his death -they separated into many branches. The principal line -retained the name Fieschi; the others were called -Scorza, Ravaschieri, Della Torre, Casanova, Secchi, -Bianchi, Cogorno, and Pinelli.</p> - -<p>It is not our intention to speak further of the junior -branches. The treaty with Genoa marks the close of -the wars between the commune and the Fieschi, and -the beginning of our domestic divisions, which for -centuries weakened the republic, and compelled the -lover of repose to seek it in voluntary exile. Those -who adhered to the empire were called <i>Mascherati</i>, -and the opposite faction <i>Rampini</i>, headed by Fieschi. -It would be a long work and one outside of our -purpose to describe the various changes of fortune -through which the Counts of Lavagna passed, tossing -up and down in the fury of political strife; but it is -noteworthy that they always maintained the character -of defenders of popular liberty.</p> - -<p>When Galeazzo Sforza was in power, they lived at -Rome in exile, and their castles were occupied by -ducal garrisons; but after the death (1476) of this -tyrant, they rushed to arms, assailed the ducal palace -in Genoa, and forced Giovanni Pallavicini, governor -under Sforza, to take refuge in the fortress of Castelletto. -Having made themselves masters of the city, far from -assuming supreme powers, they immediately summoned -the great parliament of the citizens who elected eight -captains of liberty, six of whom were taken from the -people and two from the patricians. Giano Giorgio<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span> -and Matteo Fieschi were placed at the head of the -army; but to defend the city from the threatened -invasion a spirit of greater force and audacity was -needed. The eyes of the people fell upon Obietto -Fieschi, who was at Rome a prisoner of Sixtus IV., the -ally of Sforza. He eluded the Pope’s vigilance, put -himself at the head of his own vassals, and fought -long, until, defeated by the imperial forces under -Prospero Adorno, he was forced to take shelter in the -castles of his county. The fortresses of Pontremoli, -Varese, Torriglia, Savignone, and Montobbio were -one after the other wrested from him, and he himself -was captured and conducted to Milan, where, becoming -involved in a plot against the Duchess Bona, he was -detained in prison. His brother, Gianluigi, took his -place and kept alive the fire of liberty. He routed -Giovanni del Conte and Giovanni Pallavicini, in -Rapallo, with terrible slaughter. He afterwards -entered into negociations, and ceded Torriglia and -Roccatagliata to Prospero Adorno.</p> - -<p>But the Sforza government had so outraged the -Genoese that popular indignation ran high against it, -and Prospero Adorno resolved to free himself from his -unfortunate alliance, and, to strengthen his new -position, sought and obtained the aid of the counts -of Lavagna. The Lombard regency sent a splendidly -equipped army of more than sixteen thousand men, to -compel the rebels to return to their allegiance; but -Gianluigi Fieschi assaulted them in flank and rear with -such skill and courage that he put them to complete<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span> -rout. The enemy took refuge in Savignone and -Montobbio, but Fieschi refused to listen to terms of -accommodation, stormed those strongholds, recovered -his feuds, and retained the prisoners as a ransom for -Obietto.</p> - -<p>The Fieschi may have been restless partisans and -promoters of intestine strife, but they were never -tyrants. Their broad lands, from which they drew -large revenues and considerable armies, enabled them -to make war upon a republic already strong in arms, -and to snatch victory from the troops of foreign lords. -At this period they held in the duchies of Parma and -Piacenza the feuds of Calestano, Vigolone, Pontremoli, -Valdettaro, Terzogno, Albere, Tizzano, Balone, and a -number of smaller castles; in the territory of Lunigiana—Massa, -Carrara, Suvero, Calice, Vepulli, Madrignano, -Groppoli, Godano, Caranza, and Brugnato; in Valdibubera -they were masters of Varzi, Grimiasco, Torriglia, -Cantalupo, Pietra, and Savignone; in Piedmont—Vercelli, -Masserano, and Crevacore; in Lombardy—Voghera -(which Tortona sold to Percival Fieschi in -1303), and Castiglione di Lodi; in Umbria—Mugnano; -in the kingdom of Naples—San Valentino; in Liguria, -to say nothing of Lavagna, where they coined money -before 1294,<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> they possessed more than a hundred -boroughs.</p> - -<p>It should be added that most of these possessions -came into their power by conquest, purchase, or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span> -imperial gift before Innocent and Hadrian ascended to -the Pontifical throne. Nicolò Fieschi alone, to pass by -others of the family, bought seventy castles in Lunigiana -from the bishop of Luni and from the lords of Carpena -then very powerful. He ceded a great part of these -feuds to the Republic, when he took the leadership of -the Guelphs and formed alliance with Naples against -the Ubertines (1270). This was the origin of long and -bitter contests which finally ended in a treaty of peace -and the absolution of Genoa from the interdict hurled -against her by Pope Gregory at the instance of Cardinal -Fieschi, whose lands the Republic had seized. The -convention provided for the cession of a great part of -the Cardinal’s feuds to Genoa (1276). We believe there -is no other family which counts in its registers two -Popes, seventy-two Cardinals and three-hundred Archbishops, -Bishops and Patriarchs. Sinibaldo who assumed -the tiara in 1242 under the title of Innocent IV, was an -illustrious Pontiff. Frederick II, who had found in -him when cardinal a warm ally, proved the strength -of his hostility when he became Pope. The Emperor -shut up the Pope in the castle of Sutri in 1244 and the -Genoese sent twenty two galleys to raise the siege and -rescue the pontiff. Innocent accompanied his deliverers -to Genoa and from here travelled by the mountain -road of Varazze to the castle of Stella, of which Jacopo -Grillo (an accomplished troubadour) was lord, and -remained there for forty days. A fountain from which -he was wont to slake his thirst is still called <i>Fontana -Del Papa</i>. From Stella he journeyed by way of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span> -Acqui to Lyons, where he summoned a general council -and excommunicated Frederick, his son Corrado and -his followers and partisans the Duke of Bavaria and -Ezzelino.</p> - -<p>The Emperor to avenge this affront, captured and -destroyed the castles of the Fieschi in Liguria. The -Pope, to rebuild and secure a home wasted by many invasions, -formed the magnificent scheme of surrounding -Genoa with walls and converting it into a refuge for -the Guelph party. He selected for his own residence the -convent of S. Domenico,<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> which had been the church -of St. Egidius (having been donated to that patriarch -in 1220.) The Ghibellines, learning the Pope’s design, -raised a tumult and prevented the erection on that site -of the palace which afterwards adorned the summit of -Carignano.</p> - -<p>Ottobuono, son of Tedisio, followed Innocent in the -papal dignity and took the name of Hadrian V. As -legate of Urban IV, he had conducted with success -some difficult political negotiations. In the Council of -Lyons and in his embassies to Germany and Spain, the -superiority of his mind had given him a foremost place. -When he ascended the pontifical throne, he curbed the -insolence of Charles of Anjou who was abusing his -office as Senator of Rome. His reign was short, for as -Dante sings,</p> - -<p class="pp6 p1"> -“Un mese e poco piu provò Come pesa il gran manto”<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1">The great Poet condemns him to the circle of the -avaricious in Purgatory, perhaps on account of the vast -wealth which he amassed while cardinal, the rental of -which exceeded a hundred thousand gold marks.</p> - -<p>Luca Fieschi, Cardinal of S. Maria Invialata, was still -richer. He, like all the rest of his family, wielded the -sword as well as made pastoral addresses. The famous -Sciarra Colonna, captured by him at Anagni, had bitter -experience of his warlike spirit. This cardinal as legate -of Clement V in Italy, accompanied Henry VII in his -expedition to our Peninsula in 1311. It was through -his influence that Brescia and Piacenza were saved -from pillage as a punishment for their revolt. After -Henry’s coronation in Rome, the cardinal obtained by -a decree, issued at Pisa in 1313, the full confirmation -of all his ancient feudal rights. In his will, he ordered -that, whoever of his heirs should be patron of the -church of S. Adriano in Trigoso should build, on the -estates of Benedetta De Marini, a church of equal size -and beauty with that in Trigoso, and he bequeathed a -large amount of property to be spent in its construction. -This is the origin of that Gothic church in Vialata -whose sides are covered with alternate slabs of black -and white marbles. The word <i>Vialata</i> is not derived -from the violets which once blossomed over that height, -as some tell us, but from the cardinalate of that temple -which the vandals of our time have not yet entirely -disfigured. The friends of Luca Fieschi erected an -honourable monument to him, in the duomo of Genoa, -some remains of which are yet visible on a side door of -our cathedral.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span></p> - -<p>Giovanni Fieschi, bishop of Vercelli and Guelph -leader was also a military chieftain. In 1371, he -marched upon Genoa at the head of eight hundred -horse to avenge his family who as rebels had been dispossessed -of the castle of Roccatagliata by the Republic. -He waged a long war with the Visconti. They had -robbed him of Vercelli, but he reacquired this feud by -subsequent treaty. He obtained from the Pope the -temporal sovereignty of that city; and Boniface IX -and his successors invested him with Montecapelli, -Masserano and Crevacore. After his death, Vercelli -passed into the hands of his nephew Gianello, of good -fame both as a cardinal and warrior. It was by his -influence and that of Giacomo Fieschi, Archbishop of -Genoa, that the Republic undertook to rescue Urban -IX when he was besieged in Nocera di Puglia. Nor -were Guglielmo and Alberto Fieschi without military -celebrity. They conquered the kingdom of Naples for -their uncle Innocent IV. Not less warlike were Emanuele -and Giovanni Fieschi, who as bishops and lords -governed Biella in the middle of the fourteenth century. -Giovanni, however, had the misfortune to incur the -displeasure of his people, was driven from power, and -ended his days in prison, 1377. The civil life of -Genoa for many centuries was a succession of political -revolutions. The leading spirits were always the -Fieschi and Grimaldi, Guelphs, and the Spinola and -Doria, partisans of the Empire. Carlo Fieschi was -certainly a turbulent spirit and a promoter of discord. -In order to remove from power the opposite party, he -handed the Republic over to Robert of Naples, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span> -Francesco Fieschi attempted to give Genoa to his son-in-law -the marquis of Monferrato. Francesco had -fought as Guelph general against Opizzino Spinola -and the marquis of Monferrato had given him valuable -aid in the campaign which he successfully closed by -burning Busalla and desolating the Spinola estates.</p> - -<p>But Francesco exercised the rights acquired by conquest -with a moderation unusual in those times; and he -committed the government of the city to sixteen -citizens.</p> - -<p>For the rest, the Fieschi though sometimes turbulent -and dangerous to the peace of the city, never laid violent -hands on the liberties of the Republic. Their -struggles aimed to emancipate the city from the influence -and control of the imperial party, and they always -faithfully served those to whom they offered their -arms.</p> - -<p>It is fitting to enumerate among the heroes of this -noble line a Giacomo Fieschi whom St. Louis created -a grand marshal of France as a reward for many distinguished -services. Innocent IV. invested this Giacomo -with the kingdom of Naples and it is probable that -Charles V alluded to this fact when, writing to Sinibaldo -Fieschi, he declared him descended from the loins -of kings. Nor can we omit Giovanni Fieschi who, in -1337 governed the province of Milan and fell bravely in -battle; nor Danielo and Luca Fieschi who served as -Florentine generals. It was this Luca who in 1406 -conquered Pisa.</p> - -<p>The Fieschi race is not famous alone for its men; its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span> -women have been distinguished for purity of life and -force of character, a few, unfortunately, for vicious -practices. We pass by Alassina, wife of Moruello -Malaspina whom Dante, after having lived in her court, -praised for her virtues. We know little else of her -career. We pass Virginia, daughter of Ettore Fieschi -and wife of the Prince of Piombino, a wise and virtuous -matron; and also Jacopina who after the death of her -first husband, Nino Scoto, married Obizzo da Este.</p> - -<p>Alconata, or according to others Gianetta Fieschi, -daughter of Carlo and wife of Pietro de Rossi, lord -of Parma, was notorious for lascivious manners, -and a still more infamous celebrity attaches to -the name of Isabella Fieschi, wife of Lucchino -Visconti. The Milanese Chroniclers tell us that Fosca -(an epithet given to Isabella) obtained permission from -her husband to attend the naval tournament held in -Venice at the feast of the ascension in 1347. Magnificent -preparations were made in Lodi for the journey -of the duchess. She selected for her cortège the flower -of the Lombard knights and ladies. It is said that -every dame was accompanied by her admirer. Isabella -was received at Mantua with distinguished courtesy by -Ugolino Gonzaga whom she made happy by her embraces. -On her arrival in Venice she abandoned herself -to the arms of Doge Dandolo and the most elegant and -accomplished gentleman of that republican court. The -dames of her cortège, as usually happens, followed the -example and imitated the gallantries of their mistress.</p> - -<p>The fame of these amours reached Milan, where after<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span> -the return of the party, the dames one after another -confessed their errors. No husband was more deeply -wounded than Lucchino, and he resolved to avenge his -dishonour in the blood of Fosca. The unscrupulous -Genoese dame, on learning the intention of her outraged -lord, frustrated it by administering to him, according -to tradition, a slow poison. Isabella was the -most beautiful woman of her time; she had a numerous -family which she confessed on her death bed to have -been the fruit of her intrigues with Galeazzo, nephew -of Lucchino, who was a brave and accomplished knight.</p> - -<p>The daughter of Giacomo Fieschi and Francesca di -Negro made ample amends for the licentiousness of -these members of her family. We speak of that -Catherine whom the church has glorified as a saint. -She was beautiful in person, simple in her tastes and -pure in her life. From her earliest years she avowed -her desire to take the veil; but, constrained by her -parents, she married Giuliano Adorno, a man addicted -to every species and degree of vice. The virtues and -prayers of Catherine, whose pure spirit above all earthly -aims looked steadfastly towards heavenly things, were -powerful enough to draw him back to the paths of -virtue.</p> - -<p>She was a miracle of love and wisdom. She wrote -learned works, especially a treatise upon Purgatory, -which received the encomiums of Cardinal Bellarmino, -of the doctors of the Sorbonne and of the first philosophers -and critics of that period (1510.)</p> - -<p>Her relative and disciple, Tomasina Fieschi, imitated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span> -the devotional spirit of the sainted Catherine. Nor -was she less charming in person nor less gifted in -literary talents; but her manuscripts are unfortunately -lost and time has destroyed all but the sweet perfume -of her virtues.</p> - -<p>In the beginning of the thirteenth century, the -counts of Fieschi separated into two branches, that of -Savignone of which we do not purpose to write, and -that of Torriglia. Both however continued to call -themselves counts of Lavagna, in memory of their -origin.</p> - -<p>At this early period they were followers of the imperial -party and they received from Frederic, as his -feudatories, the armorial bearing of three azure bars on a -silver field. But when Frederic quarrelled with the Holy -See the Counts embraced the Papal side and became -leaders of the Guelph party. Then they placed the cat -(gatto) over their crests in honour of the Bavarian -family, head of the Guelph faction in Germany, -which probably gave us the name. Later, they wrote -under the cat “<i>sedens ago</i>” a symbol, says Federigo, of -that wisdom which produces by force of intellect rather -than of hand.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> The Torriglia branch used sometimes -to place a dragon upon their helmets; but the cat, as -more ancient, was the true armorial bearing of the -family.</p> - -<p>The Lords of Este and Monferrato, the Gonzaga, -Visconti Orsini, Sanseverini, Sanvitali, Caretto, Pallavicini<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span> -and Rossi took their spouses from the Fieschi -family, and received feuds, estates, and burghs as -dowries. The most illustrious families of Italy coveted -alliance with their blood. Even the counts of Savoy -intermarried with them and in this way acquired large -possessions in Piedemont. Innocent IV. married his -niece Beatrice to count Tomaso of Savoy, and gave -as dower the castles of Rivoli and Viana, together with -the valley of Sesia. In 1259 count Tomaso was -created by Innocent <i>gonfaloniere</i> of the church; and -Ottobuono Fieschi liberated from prison in Asti -Amedeo, Tomaso and Ludovico, sons of Tomaso.</p> - -<p>They were not less generous and distinguished at -home. About the year 1286, they erected a large -tower and a castle at the gate of Sant’Andrea. In -times equally remote, Opizzo Fieschi built for his residence -a marble palace on the piazza of the duomo, -enriching it with statutes, decorations, and precious -vessels. This palace served afterwards for the council -chamber of the Podesta, until Boccanegra took possession -of it. Innocent IV. was born there. They built -several other palaces in the city, which enjoyed full -immunity; neither the sheriff nor his officers could -cross their thresholds to serve writs or capture those -who had taken refuge within them. The greater part -of their palaces were destroyed in the rage of civil war. -The one which Carlo Fieschi fortified near the church -of S. Donato was ruined in 1393, and a year later that -of cardinal Giacomo Fieschi, one of the most sumptuous -in Italy, shared the same fate.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span></p> - -<p>They did not content themselves with adorning -Genoa with palaces. The convents of Servi, S. Leonardo, -and S. Francesco bear witness to their public -spirit, not to mention the many hospitals, churches, -and other public edifices with which they enriched the -Eastern Riviera. These public charities were at various -times rewarded with dignities and privileges, especially -by a decree that the first-born of the count of Lavagna -should sit in the council chamber above the elders and -next to the Doge. The office of doge, denied by law -to the nobles until 1528, the Fieschi, in the height of -their power, conferred upon their adherents, and in -peaceful times they were by this means masters of the -Republic. There is no instance in which a Fieschi, in -any revolution, attempted to grasp at supreme power, -or lay violent hands on popular liberty.</p> - -<p>Gianluigi II. was no exception to this rule. He -purchased from Corrado Doria the feud of Loano, and -was ambitious of becoming master of Pisa. When the -Pisans asked as a favour to be incorporated into the -Republic of Genoa, Gianluigi, as a means to his private -ambition, discouraged his fellow-citizens from accepting -the gift. The Genoese were so enraged at discovering -the motives and intrigues of Fieschi, that a year after -they excluded the nobles from office, took possession of -the Fieschi castles, and elected eight tribunes of the -people as heads of the government. Louis XII., instigated -by the nobility, punished this plebeian audacity -by restoring the Fieschi to their ancient dominions, -and assigning them the government of all Eastern<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span> -Liguria. At that time the king visited Genoa, and -lodged in the Fieschi palace in Carignano, where, perhaps -in the festal rejoicings, he encountered that -Tomasina Spinola, who, according to the chronicles of -the period, was so smitten with his personal charms, -that she died soon after of her unhappy love.</p> - -<p>The riches and power of Gianluigi gave him the title -of Great, and his virtues and varied abilities acquired -him such consideration that, when after the death of -his first wife, Bartolomea della Rovere, he wedded -Catherine, sister of the Marquis of Finale, the senate -paid homage to his distinguished merit by proclaiming -a safe conduct from Corvo to Monaco for all who should -attend the espousals. His son, Sinibaldo, did not, like -his father, cultivate the friendship of the French. His -brother was assassinated by the Fregosi, and to obtain -vengeance he used his influence to elevate the Adorni -to the place occupied by the Fregosi. When Ottaviano -Fregoso returned to power, Sinibaldo retired to his -estates, formed an alliance with the Adorni, and -marched upon Genoa in 1522. He fought bravely -against the French when Cesare Fregoso led them -against the city, but he was made prisoner, and only -obtained his liberty by the payment of a heavy ransom. -Afterwards he united with Andrea Doria to expel the -French from Genoa; he captured Savona by storm, and -gave powerful aid to Andrea in carrying the Republic -over to the Imperial cause. Having lost his brothers, -he came to be the sole head of his family, and inherited -all the vast possessions and wealth of his father.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span> -Charles V. confirmed his titles to his estates. He went -as the ambassador of the Republic, to assume the investiture -from the emperor of some castles, and spent -on the occasion a large sum which he would not permit -the Republic to repay.</p> - -<p>Sinibaldo united to his feuds Pontremoli, for which -he paid twelve thousand gold crowns<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> to Francesco -Sforza. His united possessions now embraced thirty-three -walled castles, besides innumerable estates and -villas on the sides of the Appennines, bounded by -Genoa and Sarzana on the sea, and by Tortona, Bobbio, -Parma and Piacenza, inland.</p> - -<p>He was also master of many other feuds separated -from his county. He drew such large revenues from -these lands that the Republic had no other citizen of -equal wealth, and he lived with a pomp and luxury till -then unknown in Italy. His munificent generosity -earned him the merited praise of Ariosto, who places -him at the fountain of Malagigi,—foremost among -those whose lances are wounding the fierce image of -avarice.</p> - -<p>He died in 1532, leaving Maria della Rovere a -widow. She was the niece of Julius II., and bore Sinibaldo -a numerous family. He was buried, wrapped in -silk cloth of gold, in the vault of his fathers, in our -cathedral, and Ugo Partenopeo pronounced his funeral -oration.</p> - -<p>The eldest son of Sinibaldo was that Gianluigi,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span> -whose career we are about to describe. But in order -to pronounce a just opinion of his actual character, we -believe it important to speak at some length of the -condition of Italy and the Republic of Genoa when he -appeared on the political stage. A great man is, in -our opinion, the expression of a social want; he embodies -and expresses the ideas of the times wherein he -is born, and therefore is a compendious symbol of the -people among whom he lives.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c2" id="c2">CHAPTER II.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">THE ITALIAN STATES IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.</p> - -<p class="pcs">Leo X., and his false glories—Desperate condition of the Italian -states in the sixteenth century—Their aversion to the Austrian -power—The Sack of Rome—Wars and Plagues—Charles V. -and Francis I.—The Despotism of Christian powers causes -Italian powers to desire the yoke of the Turks—The Papal -theocracy renews with the empire the compact of Charlemagne.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">The</span> age of Leo X., in painting whose meretricious -splendours, our historians have rivalled each other, was -one of the most unfortunate in the history of Italy. Let -others call the age of Valentine and Charles V. the age -of gold; Raphael, Titian, and Michael Angelo cannot -make us forget Leyva, Baglioni, and the barbarians who -overran Italy, bringing in plague, famine, and intestine -war. Swiss and French in Lombardy, French and -Spaniards in Naples, Swiss and Germans in Venetia -rendered every region desolate and every government -despotic. Julius II. spoke falsehood when he boasted -that he had expelled the Ultramontanes from Italian -soil; he merely drove out one foreigner by the help of -another, and the last invaders filled the people with -desperate longing for the old oppressors. After his -death the Papal dignity was conferred on Leo de’ -Medici, whose name has a false lustre in letters and -arts.</p> - -<p>It was a grave delusion or a sychophantic flattery to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span> -attribute to him the impulse that revived liberal studies. -The great intellects who flourished under his pontificate -had risen to fame before his time. He covered them -with wealth and honours out of no sympathy with their -pursuits, but to emasculate their independent spirits -and stifle the groans of the nation in whose bosom the -spirit of independence began to react under the hammer -of incessant misfortune.</p> - -<p>The manners of Leo were wholly corrupt and his -religion atheism. The Lutheran doctrines which spread -in his time owed their success to the trade in indulgences, -the profits of which he conferred before collection -upon his sister Magdalene Cybo, to repay her -family for the princely receptions they gave him in -Genoa.</p> - -<p>The scribblers called him The Great, because they -lived upon him, and were only idle ornaments of a -luxurious court. He entertained the Romans with -feasts and games, because he was a devotee of pleasure, -and, according to the saying of the people, wished to -enjoy the papacy. But the chases of Corneto and -Viterbo, the infamies of Malliana, the suppers of the -gods, and the fisheries of Bolsena were paid for with -money borrowed at forty per cent. The people of the -Romagna, bleeding under his insatiable collectors of -revenue, prayed for the Turkish yoke, as a relief from -that of the Popes. When it was his plain duty to -restore his wasted provinces by permanent peace, he -excited new wars, for whose conduct he had neither -money, energy, nor talents. History has been strangely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span> -generous with Leo. His intrigues, his wrongheaded -policy, the fictitious conspiracy of Florence,—for which -Macchiavello was beheaded, Braccioli and Capponi -killed, and many others imprisoned or banished,—still -await a pen sharp enough to cut away his borrowed -glories.</p> - -<p>At the death of Maximilian of Austria, the electors -conferred the empire on Charles V. of Spain, who was -already master of the Two Sicilies. The power of -Charles threatened the independence of Rome, and Leo -formed a league with France, in the audacious hope of -expelling the Spaniard from Italy. But he betrayed -his ally for a dukedom in the kingdom, conferred on -his bastard son Alexander de’ Medici. A war broke out, -and the Papal and Imperial troops, led by Prospero -Colonna and Marquis Pescara, had already occupied -Milan, when the sudden death of Leo cut short his enterprises. -His successor was the Flemish Van Trusen, -under the title of Hadrian VI. He had never set foot -in Italy, and was therefore called a barbarian. The -corrupt prelates despised a Pope, under whom absolution -cost only a ducat.</p> - -<p>Hadrian was unable to continue the war, the Papal -treasury having been drained by the prodigality of Leo. -Besides the Rovere, Baglioni and Malatesta had seized -the Papal dominions. The other states of Italy were -not more fortunate than the Papal. Venice had been -bleeding to death since the league of Cambray; Florence -was under the heel of Julius de’ Medici; the lords -of Mantua and Ferrara were in the grasp of a master;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span> -the Marquis of Monferrato and the Duke of Savoy were -protected by French garrisons; the kingdom of Naples -was barbarized and taxed to the verge of ruin by those -Spanish hordes who from the poverty of their clothing -were called the <i>Bisogni</i>.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Charles did not pay his -armies a sous, and they had scarcely routed the French -under Lautrec when they began a general pillage of -Italy. Though the Pope was Charles’ ally the pontificial -territory did not escape the common fate. The excesses -of Ultramontane lust and avarice bred a terrible pestilence -in Florence and in Rome; new wounds for Italy. -When the plague had reached its height, the pontiff in -an insane fright abolished the sanitary laws on the plea -that they were offensive to Heaven and heretical. -Thus the pestilence, encountering no obstacles, raged -with unchecked violence.</p> - -<p>We are told that in these straits, the Romans longing -to find a barrier to such a flood of woes, sacrificed a bull -with all the pagan ceremonies to the divinities of the -ancient Republic. To such a degree had the atheism -of the popes taken root among the people!</p> - -<p>Julius, of the Medici family, succeeded to Hadrian -VI.; but he did not bring peace to Italy. The French, -led by Bonnivet made a new attempt to recover Lombardy. -Prospero Colonna made them pay dearly for -the enterprise; but Francis I. invaded Italy in force, -and Milan, desolated by the plague, came into his power. -Who at that period cared for the independence of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span> -Italy? Venice, Venice alone. In the battle of Pavia, -Francis I. was beaten and captured. Venice seeing -the knife pointed at her own breast by Imperial -hands, proposed to Louisa of Savoy, mother of the -captive French king and regent of France, a general -league of the enemies of Spain, the mustering of armies -and the liberation of the illustrious prisoner. The Pope -opposed the scheme and bound himself closer to the -emperor whose satellites he paid largely for leaving -him in peace. The German leaders divided the money -and went on robbing the subjects of the Pope.</p> - -<p>In the meantime the treaty of Madrid (1526) released -Francis I. from prison and he made haste to violate the -stipulations extorted from him by force. He formed -an alliance for the liberation of Italy, with the Pope, -the Venitians and Francis Sforza. The French monarch -proclaimed himself the apostle of liberty for -oppressed people and awakened everywhere the spirit -of resistance to the Spanish power. A strange delusion -that the French monarch sought to enfranchise Italy -seized upon the most illustrious men of our Peninsula. -The Genoese were especially forward in urging the Pope -to abandon the Imperial alliance and join the French -league. Foremost among those who shared this delusion -was Giammateo Ghiberti of Genoa, chancellor of -Clement VII., a knight of stainless honour and a prelate -uncontaminated by the moral leprosy which raged in -the Roman court.</p> - -<p>The choicest spirit in literature and science supported -the generous hopes of Ghiberti. Among them was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span> -Pietro Bembo who had been secretary to Leo X., Ludovico -Canossa, the French ambassador in Venice, and -Jacopo Sodoleto, an extraordinary genius whom the -amorous overtures of the beautiful Imperia failed to -degrade. Sodoleto, a man deeply religious and patriotic -had urged Clement to make bold reforms in the bosom -of the church. He founded in Rome, with the cöperation -of Ghiberti, Bembo, Caraffa and many others, the -oratorio of divine love, and he openly professed his belief -in the doctrine of justification by faith, a dogma of the -evangelical churches.</p> - -<p>Around these leaders, the lovers of liberal studies and -of their country, began to form a party, which included -such men as Valeriano Pierio, Vida, Bini, Blasio, Negri, -Navagero and even Berni, who, when he saw that Pope -Clement neglected the advice of patriots and clung to -Spain, prophesied that the Pope and his shearers would -share the ruin of Italy. This awaking to liberty and -the increasing aversion of the Italians to the Imperial -power, stimulated the Spanish governors to harsher -measures. The desertion of their party by the duke of -Milan furnished the conquerors with a specious pretext -for desolating whole provinces and draining the blood -of the people by taxation and subsidies. This unfortunate -country saw at that moment a spectacle of unbridled -barbarity without parallel in history. The -Spanish soldiers were quartered in the houses of the -Milanese, and the citizen was treated not as a host but -as a prisoner. His feet were tied to a bed, or to a -beam; or he was thrown into a cellar, where he would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span> -be tormented into surrendering money or lands; or to -the gratification of a more vile cupidity. When the -unfortunate victim died of grief or, impelled by rage -and despair, drowned himself in a well or threw himself -from a window, the <i>Bisogni</i> immediately sought -another house in which to renew the same barbarities. -The Lombard provinces had not even the consolation -of human pity. The duke of Urbino, commanding the -armies of Venice and Rome, gave them no encouragement -to hope. Indeed, he lacked the means for open -war or even for skirmishing with the Spanish army. -Germany poured down new soldiers. Shall we say -soldiers? George Frandesperg marched at the head of -fifteen thousand robbers, and swore to put a halter -round the neck of the Pope and to pay his legions with -the pillage of Italian cities.</p> - -<p>Nor were foreigners the only tormentors of the -bleeding peninsula. In Rome the Orsini supported the -Pope the Colonna were partisans of Cæsar. Cardinal -Pompeo collected eight thousand peasants on the <i>Agro -Romano</i> and unleashed them against the Vatican. -They made a general pillage and their leader compelled -the <i>Sultan of Christianity</i>, as he styled the Pope, to -break the league he had formed with Venice and -France. Deeds were committed which history shrinks -from recording. The Ultramontanes, not content with -enslaving provinces, slaked their thirst in the blood of -the people. The inhumanity of the Germans, the -avarice of the Swiss—who even then made merchandise -of their fealty—the rapacity of the Aragonese and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span> -licentiousness of the Gauls reached and polluted everything -in Italy.</p> - -<p>It is true that there was this diversity in their -manners, that the Swiss and Germans, despising the -restraints of both law and religion, utterly despoiled -the vanquished and revelled in every species of brutality; -while the French divided the spoils with those -to whom they belonged and seduced, instead of violating, -the women. As for the Spaniards, words are inadequate -to describe the cruelty with which they -slaughtered and tore in pieces our conquered populations. -Macchiavello has finely contrasted the French -and the Spaniards of that time. “The Frenchman is -equally prodigal of his own property and that of his -neighbour and he robs with small concern whether he -is to eat the booty, destroy it or make riot of it with -the lawful owner. The spirit of the Spanish plunderer -is different; when he robs you do not hope to see a shred -of your own again.” Spanish despotism imprinted its -bloody hands on the face of every province. Witness -the pillage of Rome by the Constable of Bourbon—who -perished there, perhaps by the hand of Cellini—for -proof that the Goth Alaric and every other barbarian -leader were less ferocious than a christian army. The -Spanish hordes plundered all the wealth and precious -vessels which the devotion of christendom had amassed -in the churches of Rome during twelve centuries. The -Spanish catholics were worse vandals than the German -Lutherans. Whoever escaped the clutches of the one -was put to death by the other, or at best only saved<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span> -himself by paying heavy ransom. In Rome the most -venerable things were put to unseemly uses. Drunken -soldiers in sacred robes and mitres danced obscene -dances in the streets and public squares, and their -impious mockeries always ended in bloody saturnalia. -The corpses of murdered citizens strewed the streets; -and after nine months of this carnival of death, a fierce -pestilence broke out to complete the desolation.</p> - -<p>The emperor derived no advantage from imprisoning -the Pope, wasting his provinces and butchering his -people. A pressing want of money induced Charles to -restore Julius to his throne, as the same motive had led -him to liberate the French king. It seems incredible -that the master of Spain, the Netherlands, Sicily, the -Lombard provinces and Mexico should have drawn no -profit from his vast possessions. The Lutheran movement -in Germany, the threats of France, the distrust -of the king of England, the secret intrigues of the Pope -and the doubtful fidelity of some Italian princes, -whom Venice was inciting to revolt, may have conspired -to palsy his arms in the very moment of victory.</p> - -<p>A little before the sack of Rome, Odo di Foix, lord -of Lautrec and general of France avenged the defeat of -his sovereign at Pavia by capturing this city and subjecting -it to an eight day’s pillage. The edifices were -so ruined and the population so thinned that Leandro -Alberti writes;—“The sight of it excited compassion.” -It is melancholy satisfaction to write, that, of the crowds -of foreigners who poured into Italy to plunder and -ravage, very few returned to their native lands. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span> -Peninsula became their sepulchre—of the French particularly—who -to speak truth, seldom committed those -excesses which were common to the Spaniards and -Germans. It may be added, too, that it has always -been the misfortune of France to make useless conquests -in Italy. Her army which, after the destruction of -Melfi, advanced to the siege of Naples, counting more -than twenty-five thousand men, was so thinned by -pestilential fevers that two months afterwards it did -not contain four thousand men fit for duty. The -frightful plague did not spare Lautrec, and after the -treaty of Antwerp only a few skeletons were permitted -to set foot on the soil of France. The army which -deluged Rome with blood met with a more calamitous -fate. Shut up in Naples under the Prince of Orange, -governor of that city, it was attacked and mowed down -by a pestilence which was at once the consequence and -punishment of its insane license. Even Francis Bourbon, -count of San Polo, who, the <i>Bisogni</i> having left -nothing to plunder, put the villages and hamlets through -which he passed to fire and sword, was totally defeated -and made prisoner in Landriano (1529) by the ferocious -Antonio di Leyva, the scourge of Lombardy.</p> - -<p>The kings becoming weary, the people being drained -of their blood, the necessity of peace was strongly felt. -Charles V., who had no title to greatness, but the extent -of his dominions, who was crooked in design and -avaricious of spirit, hastened to form an incestuous -union with the Pope, and the fruit of their embraces -was the slavery of Florence. Cæsar bound himself to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span> -immolate the Republic to the vengeance of Clement -and put under Papal pay the hordes of assassins who -had already desolated the greater part of the Peninsula. -The bastard Alexander de’ Medici married a bastard -daughter of the emperor; whence the treaty of Cambray -by which France delivered Italy, bound hand and -foot to Charles Fifth, recovering Bourgogne and his -children for the shameful desertion. He ignominiously -lost in this treaty the honour which he preserved -stainless in his defeat and capture at Pavia. This king -had strange contradictions in his character. He promised, -with apparent sincerity, liberty to nations and -then abandoned them at caprice; he was hated by -people whom he overwhelmed with public burdens, -but loved by the learned whom he protected and -honoured. He offered his hand to the heretics of -Germany, and burned under a slow fire the heretics of -France. He invited the Turks into Italy and betrayed -the Venitians and Florentines; but he kept faith with -his bitter enemy, granting Charles V. safe conduct -through French territory.</p> - -<p>The pontiff being about to crown Charles in Bologna -with the Lombard and Imperial diadems, the latter -ordered the Italian princes, as his vassals, to pay him -homage on that occasion (1530). Alfonso d’Este, -Frederick Gonzaga, the dukes of Urbino and Savoy, -and the Marquis of Monferrato submitted to him; the -Republics of Genoa, Siena and Lucca counted themselves -happy in being permitted to retain their old -form of government, and Florence which under the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span> -influence of Nicolò Capponi had elected Christ for its -king, now vainly defended by the brave Ferruccio was -forced to humble herself to slavery. That portion of -North Italy which in modern language is called Piedmont -was involved in equal if not greater disasters. -On account of its situation between Austria and France, -it was overrun and desolated by barbarian invaders -from 1494 to 1559. “We do not believe,” say the -commissioners of Henry VIII. of England, “that it is -possible to find in all Christendom greater wretchedness -than reigns in this country. The best towns are either -in ruins or depopulated. There are few districts in -which food is to be found. The extensive plain, fifty -miles in length, which lies between Vercelli and Pavia, -once so fertile in cereals and wines, is reduced to a -desert. The fields are uncultivated; except three poor -women gathering a few grapes, we saw not the shadow -of a human creature. There, they neither sow nor -reap; the country sides are growing wild, and the uncultivated -vines are returning to their primitive state.”</p> - -<p>Charles III., the unfortunate, was ruling over these -desolated provinces and his subjects suffered every -species of indignity, outrage and despotism. To render -matters, if possible, a little worse, Gonzaga urged the -Emperor to reduce to a swamp all that wide plain -between the Alps and the Po to form a barrier to -French invasion of Lombardy.</p> - -<p>In fine, there was no city in all Italy which was not -conquered and oppressed by foreign armies. Of Genoa -I shall speak in its place. It is worth while to mention<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span> -Nice, where in 1538 Paul III. held the congress at which -a truce was concluded between Cæsar and Francis I. -Five years afterwards, Francis marched upon and -besieged it with the help of the Turks. This siege is -memorable in Italian history for the heroic spirit of -Segurana, but after the death at the sword’s point of -all her bravest defenders, the city was forced to surrender. -The citizens abandoned their homes, though -they had obtained a promise of immunity for their -property from pillage by the soldiery. The Turks kept -faith, while the French violated their pledges, thus -giving rise to a general desire among Italians to become -subject to the Turks, from a conviction that they could -no longer endure the weight of their misfortunes. -There were writers as Vives, who speaking of Italy, -(1529) sought to discourage this sentiment, telling the -Italians that the Turks would heap worse miseries -upon them. But it is incredible that Soliman could -have equalled the endless tortures inflicted by Francis -I. and Charles V. Segni says: “More than two -hundred thousand persons killed in war, more than a -hundred cities and important castles sacked and -destroyed, so many thousands of innocent men and -women destroyed by pestilence and famine that one -cannot number them, matrons debauched, maidens -ravished, abominable practices with children, an endless -catalogue of crimes against religion and nature committed -against each other by christians, all owe their -origin to the implacable enmity of two men, who were -born and have grown old in eternal hatred to each<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span> -other. They are not weary of shedding the blood of -their fellows; they continue to fight and will fight to -the end of their lives.”<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> He proceeds:—“Afflicted -peoples cannot do better than pray God to destroy or -subject them both to the sway of the grand Turk, so -that the world may come under the power of a single -monarch, who, though he be a barbarian and an enemy -to our laws, may give us a little repose wherein to rear -our children to a life, of poverty indeed, but free from -the burdens of our miserable existence.”</p> - -<p>The people of Germany, always restless under the -yoke of ancient Rome, were rising against the Papal -power, which had taken the place of the ancient empire. -At the voice of Luther laying bare the festering -diseases of the Roman court, the learned of Italy were -moved. The Pope comprehended that there was no -other means of extirpating the seeds of reform which -had already sprung up in Italy but to ally himself with -catholic Spain: she was in the zenith of her glory. -Such captains as Cortes and Pizzaro sailed away with -a galley and returned conquerors of a new world. Who -better than the compatriots of Torquemada could -suffocate in blood the free voices of the disciples of -Huss and Wicliffe? From that moment the compact of -Charlemagne was renewed between Charles V. and -the Roman theocracy, and through it the Spaniards -tightened their grasp on Milan, Naples, Palermo and -Cagliari, and established their ascendency over the -whole Peninsula.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span></p> - -<p>From Charles V. dates our humiliation and slavery. -From his time the Peninsula has had no proper history. -Its vicissitudes and calamities are only episodes of the -great drama enacted by the nations who have fought -against each other for our blood. The council of Trent -was not an act of national life. It grew out of the -philosophic spirit of reform and the scandals of the -Roman court, and was initiated by Germany and -France while England was separating herself from the -catholic church. This celebrated synod shows nothing -but the conflict between the church and the empire, -between the reformers and the courtiers of Rome -struggling to maintain their privileges, between the -Popes who fought to maintain their abuses and the -secular princes who secretly laboured to shake off the -priestly yoke. The Italian people had no part in it. -The religious discussions upon divine grace, predestination -and justification by faith did not reach us, who -were everywhere plotting to recover our independence -and freedom.</p> - -<p>In fact this is the century of popular conspiracies, -which were always strangled by degenerate nobles and -foreign armies. It is true that the most illustrious -Italians sided with the people and died for their -righteous cause; but these were vain struggles. From -the day that Lorenzino de’Medici, for whom the -Spanish power (which Duke Alexander was consolidating -in Italy) was too bitter, formed the design of -restoring the Republic and then, bought by promises of -lascivious embraces, stifled his own purpose, the spark<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span> -of liberty took fire and in every city the plebeians rose -against their foreign oppressors.</p> - -<p>Such, briefly, was the condition of Italy in the early -part of the sixteenth century, in which she lost that -preëminence and reputation under which she had -hitherto flourished. It is necessary to study this -period, because it was then that Europe initiated the -great work of her civil renovation, while in Italy there -was desperate strife between dying liberties and rising -tyrannies. Two hostile forces were wrestling together -and shaking men’s souls; the regal and foreign dominion -supported by the nobles, and the generous pride -of citizens making heroic sacrifices to remain a people. -Charles V. turned the trembling balance. Only in that -age could have risen the company of Jesus, who did -not, like the monks, constitute a democracy but an -absolute monarchy such as Cæsar was founding on the -ruins of our communes. The disciples of Loyola and -the nobles were the sole supporters of the Austro-Spanish -power, and they showed a common solicitude -to strengthen the principles of despotic government.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c3" id="c3">CHAPTER III.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">ANDREA DORIA AND THE REPUBLIC OF GENOA.</p> - -<p class="pcs">The Nobles and the People—Andrea Doria and his first enterprises—How -he abandoned France, and went over to the Emperor—Accusations -and opinions with regard to his motives—The laws -of the <i>Union</i> destroyed the popular, and created the aristocratic -Government—The objects of Doria in contrast with those of the -Genoese Government and the Italian Republics—The lieutenants -of Andrea and his naval forces—Popular movements arrested -by bloody vengeance.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">We</span> turn with painful recollections from the conditions -of Italy to that of the Genoese Republic. Our annals -offer us only vicissitudes of intestine divisions and -wars, in which, however, there were heroic achievements -that have rendered the Republic illustrious.</p> - -<p>The history of Liguria is full of the Doria name. -There is no modern family which can boast so many -examples of heroism as this house, and only the Scipios -among the ancients are entitled to equal fame. From -the earliest times they were partisans of the empire; -while the Fieschi, after Innocent IV. maintained the -cause of the people, drawing to that side the powerful -family of Grimaldi. The Doria and Spinola formed -alliance, and became the leaders of the Ghibellines. -From that moment a warm contest arose between these -great families, and it did not end until, in 1257, the -people elected Guglielmo Boccanegra captain and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span> -defender of their liberties. After his death, the hostile -nobles renewed their insane discords; but the people, -weary of these domestic wars and following the examples -of other Italian communes, drove out the nobles, -(1340) and created Simon Boccanegra first Doge. The -nobles were by law excluded from this highest office, -and even from the command of a galley;<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> and not a -few illustrious families passed into the ranks of the -people by their own election. It is well known that -before the reforms of Doria, the so-called nobles were -held in less honour than distinguished men of the -people, because their rank excluded them from the -Dogate and many other offices. The Doria and Spinola -came to power in a revolutionary period, and in violation -of law. This severe prohibition was afterwards -modified, but the office of Doge continued to be a -popular prerogative. The principal families of the -people were the Adorni and Fregosi, in whose hands -the supreme offices remained for several centuries, and -these names are conspicuous in our civil conflicts which -were so frequent and bitter that in one year the head -of the government was four times changed. In these -calamitous times—redeemed from disgrace by the three -manly figures of Columbus, Julius II., and Andrea -Doria,—the Genoese, whose misfortune has ever been -to despise servitude and to be incapable of preserving -liberty, were compelled to invoke the protection of -princes strong enough to curb the ambition of individual -citizens. But it was always stipulated that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span> -franchises of the city should not be impaired, nor its -laws changed; there was, in fact, no true transfer of -power. Whenever we were borne down by foreign -arms, it was the work of the nobility conspiring against -the people.</p> - -<p>Even in the time of Louis XII., when Italy was -yielding him a tardy and reluctant obedience, the -Genoese rose in rebellion, triumphed over the plots of -the nobles, threw down the government of the royal -vicar, drove out the army of Cleves, assembled in the -Church of St. Maria di Castello, and elected eight -tribunes of the people. The nobles were put to flight, -the hostile army routed, and supreme power returned -to the hands of the people.</p> - -<p>The Geonese showed themselves truly great. They -drew out of his workshop Paolo da Novi, a silk dyer, -and despite his modest refusals elected him Doge. Nor -did they err in electing the modest operative to the -highest office. “Paolo,” as Foglietta writes, “was a man -of honour and integrity, pure from every vice, and -proof against all the temptations of the great.” His -first and sole study was the glory and unity of the -Republic. He, in fact, reconquered some feuds for the -state, particularly Monaco, which the Grimaldi had -usurped.</p> - -<p>In the midst of Paolo’s generous designs, Louis XII., -to whom the Geonese nobility had opened the doors of -their country, descended upon him with a formidable -army. Genoa was converted into a field of battle; -every plebeian became a soldier, and the valour of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span> -citizens checked the impetuous advance of the French -battalions. But the patriots were overcome by numbers -and discipline; Paolo di Novi was betrayed and -butchered; the people were reduced to slavery. Rodolfo -di Lanoia, to whom Louis committed the government -of the city, was constrained to resign his office,—says -Foglietta—on account of the boundless avarice and -insolence of the nobles who struggled to advance their -private interests by ruining the public weal.</p> - -<p>As Boccanegra was the father of our popular liberty -so Doria was its executioner. He wrested the government -from the hands of the people, and committed it -to those of the nobles. He momentarily silenced, but -did not destroy, the rage of parties. By depressing -the populace, he cut the nerves of the Republic; he -gave us independence in name, but he destroyed the -franchises of the citizens. A great historian has justly -said, that the liberties given us by Andrea Doria are -ridiculous; the future will accept that as the final -decision of history.</p> - -<p>Andrea was a soldier from his youth. He learned -the rudiments of war from Domenico Doria, who was -of his blood and had distinguished himself in the court -of Innocent VIII. He served successfully under the -Pope, Ferdinando the old of Naples and his son Alfonso -II., and sustained the siege of Rocca Guglelma -against Gonsalvo di Cordova. Afterwards he fought -under Giovanni della Rovere, duke of Urbino, and -having been elected tutor of the duke’s son, Francesco -Maria, he saved him from the intrigues of Cæsar<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span> -Borgia, by taking him to Venice and entrusting him to -the protection of the Venitian senate.</p> - -<p>He allied himself with the party of the Fregosi, who -were friends of his house; and when Doge Ottaviano -besieged for twenty-two months the fortress of Cape -Faro, which was held for the French; he fought single-handed -with the brave Emanuel Cavallo, and was -slightly wounded in the contest.</p> - -<p>But his greatest glory was acquired in naval war. -His battles with the Moors and Turks gave him fame -and wealth, and after the battle of Pianosa (1519), in -which, with six vessels, he conquered thirteen of the -enemy’s; capturing several with the famous corsair -Gad Ali’ he became the terror of Saracen ships. When -the Fregosi were driven from power and their places -taken by the Adorni, Doria, disdaining to serve under -this family, sold his services to France, and took with -him six galleys belonging to the Republic, which he -never restored. The motive of this appropriation of -public property was his bitter animosity to Spain, -whose party the Adorni and the Republic had embraced. -This animosity was rendered more violent by -the sack of Genoa in 1522 by the Spanish army, a -pillage so horrible that when the authors of it, Pescara, -Colonna and Sforza, presented themselves to Pope -Hadrian humbly asking pardon, the pontiff indignantly -repulsed them, crying,—“I cannot, I ought not, I will -not forgive you.”</p> - -<p>Doria was so incensed that he condemned to chains<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span> -and the galleys, without hope of redemption, all -Spaniards who fell into his hands.</p> - -<p>In the year 1527, Pope Clement VIII. was allied -with his most Christian Majesty, with the Venitians -the Florentines and other governments against the -power of Charles. To further the objects of the alliance -Francis sent Lautrec into Italy at the head of forty -thousand men, and Andrea Doria besieged Genoa with -a large force. It is not within our scope to describe -how the Republic, through the influence of Cæsar -Fregosi and Doria, went over to the party of France. -Francis, to gratify the wishes of Andrea, entrusted the -government to Teodoro Trivulzio, Antoniotto Adorno, -having gracefully retired from the office of Doge.</p> - -<p>Doria having been created admiral of France, with a -salary of thirty-six thousand crowns, rose to great fame, -on account of his victories and those of his lieutenants. -Among these victories, that of Filippino Doria in the -gulf of Salerno, deserves a brief mention, both because -it was won by Italian arms, and because something -should be added to the accounts given by other authors. -Lautrec, while besieging Naples, desired to blockade -the port, so as to prevent the supply of provisions to -its defenders, and sent for the galleys of Doria, seven -of which were then in Leghorn, under the command of -Filippino Doria Count of Sassocorbario and Canosa -and Andrea’s cousin.</p> - -<p>Naples, surrounded on every side, would have been -unable to sustain the siege, and the viceroy, Hugo<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span> -Moncada, saw the necessity of breaking the enclosing -lines by some daring undertaking. He collected six -galleys called the <i>Capitana</i> and <i>Gobba</i>, (the property -of Fabrizio Giustiniano) one belonging to Sicames, -another which was the property of Don Bernardo -Vallamarino, the <i>Perpugnana</i> and <i>Calabrese</i>. To -these were added ten brigantines and some smaller -vessels. The viceroy embarked upon the ships twelve -hundred Spaniards clad in mail and commanded by the -flower of the officers and barons of the kingdom. -Finally, he himself joined the expedition and gave the -command of the artillery to Gerolamo da Trani and -that of the army to Fabrizio Giustiniano, called the -hunchback, a brave Genoese in the pay of Spain. The -latter, knowing the courage and skill of the Ligurian -mariners advised that the Spanish fleet should avoid a -close engagement with Doria; but a contrary opinion -prevailed.</p> - -<p>Count Filippino was in the waters of Salerno when -the report reached him that the imperial fleet had left -Naples.</p> - -<p>He asked Lautrec to reinforce him with only two -hundred infantry. Of the eight vessels under his command, -that is, the <i>Capitana</i>, <i>Pellegrina</i>, <i>Donzella</i>, -<i>Sirena</i>, <i>Fortuna</i>, <i>Mora</i>, <i>Padrona</i> and <i>Signora</i>, he sent -the three last under the command of Nicolò Lomellino -out to sea as if they wished to escape, with orders, -however, to turn about, and, driving down before the -wind, attack the enemy in the rear. Filippino with -the remaining five vessels awaited the assault of Moncada,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span> -who, trusting to the strength of his fleet and the -bravery of his captains, confidently looked for a signal -victory. The galley of the viceroy closed with the -Capitana, the flag-ship of Doria, who, firing his basilisk, -small cannon and falconets, raked the Spanish vessel -from prow to poop with such fatal accuracy that forty -armed men were killed, among whom were the bravest -barons of the kingdom, Leo Tassino, a nobleman of -Ferrara, Luigi Cosmano a famous musician, Don Pietro -di Cardona and many others. The batteries of Moncada -replied but did little damage to the Genoese. The -<i>Gobba</i>, the galley of Sicames and that of Don Bernardo -were more fortunate. They closed with the <i>Pellegrina</i> -and the <i>Donzella</i> and the Spanish soldiers boarded -without difficulty. The <i>Perpugnana</i> and the <i>Calabrese</i> -cannonaded the <i>Sirena</i> until she was forced to -surrender. Doria had now lost three galleys, the -<i>Capitana</i> and the <i>Fortuna</i> were in imminent danger -of being boarded, not being able to sustain the attacks -of six galleys and fifteen smaller vessels whose grappling -irons were seizing them on every side. Everything -looked propitious for Moncada and victory seemed -secure to him, when the three galleys which Doria -had sent to sea turned their prows and bore down -swiftly before the wind. At close quarters, they poured -in a terrible fire which dismasted the Spanish vessels -and strewed their decks with the dead. The viceroy -himself while standing upon the quarter deck of his -vessel with his sword in one hand, and <i>rotella</i> in the -other, animating his crews, was wounded in his right<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span> -arm by an arquebus, his left thigh was broken by a -falconet and he fell among his men mowed down under -the fire-balls and showers of stones poured in by the -Genoese. Having captured the flag-ship of the viceroy, -Lomellino assailed the <i>Gobba</i>. Here more than a -hundred arquebusiers were killed, Cæsar Fieramosca -lost his life and Giustiniano was wounded and lost his -galley. Filippino Doria now released from their chains -the convicts and the Turkish slaves with a promise of -liberty and sent them to recover the <i>Donzella</i>, which -they soon accomplished. They attacked the <i>Pellegrina</i> -and the <i>Sirena</i> with such fury that the <i>Perpugnana</i> and -<i>Calabrese</i>, seeing further defence useless, turned their -prows and sailed away seaward. The brigantines were -reduced to helpless wrecks and the remainder of the -Spanish vessels found it impossible to continue the -conflict. The marquis of Vasto and Ascanio Fieramosca, -after having displayed a most admirable -courage, seeing their galleys reduced to a sinking -condition, Gerolamo da Trani killed, their captains -wounded, their soldiers shattered and pounded by stones -and half consumed by fire, gracefully surrendered to -Nicolò Lomellino who was already at close quarters -with the <i>Mora</i>. Sicames and Don Bernardo Vallamarino, -fighting to the last, were killed and their ships -sunk. All the lancers were killed, but their leader -Corradino escaped with the galley <i>Perpugnana</i>. -The killed amounted to more than a thousand and -the prisoners were much more numerous. Among the -latter, the ancient chronicles enumerate the marquis<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span> -Vasto, Ascanio Fieramosca, the Prince of Salerno, the -marquis Santa Croce, Fabrizio Giustiniano, and other -illustrious barons and famous warriors.</p> - -<p>This action was fought on the 28th of April, 1528. -It was not long after this signal victory so fatal to the -imperial power and counted so honourable to the name -of Doria—though it was fought by his lieutenant -Filippino—that Andrea changed sides and enlisted under -the very power he had conquered.</p> - -<p>History has not yet given a satisfactory account of -the motives which led Doria, hitherto a violent enemy -of Cæsar, to desert the standard of France and offer his -sword to Spain. It was a desertion fruitful of numberless -misfortunes as we shall show in the progress of -this work. It is certain that this change contributed -more largely than anything else to alter the fortunes -of Italy, and to reduce her to slavery under the empire. -It induced both peoples and princes to submit to the -Spanish power, Luigi Alamanni, seduced by the influence -of Andrea, adopted that policy, though he was -one of the warmest friends of liberty, and he attempted -to persuade the Florentines to ally themselves with -Cæsar. The unfortunate patriot suffered for his -delusion. The people hearing the rumour that he -advocated such opinions compelled him to seek personal -safety in exile from Florence.</p> - -<p>Returning to the question, we mention first the -reasons put forward by the historians for the justification -of Doria. They tell us that France had not paid -him according to her promises; that Frances I. took<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span> -away from him the prince of Orange whom Doria had -captured, thus defrauding the Admiral of the twenty -thousand ducats of ransom; that the king sought to -get possession of the marquises Vasto and Colonna -with a like motive; that this monarch granted favours -in prejudice of Genoese rights to rebellious Savona; -and that a rumour ran of the king’s having given this -city in feud to Montmorency.</p> - -<p>However, Doria was blamed (according to the testimony -of Varchi,) by the greater part of the Italians, -and many accused him of desertion and treason. They -said that his conduct was not dictated by his resentment -at the liberty of Savona, or the slavery of Genoa, -which he himself enslaved, but rather by his boundless -appetite for wealth and honours. Some affirm that -Giovanni Battista Lasagna, whom Doria had sent to -Paris to treat for the recovery of Savona, informed him -that the king’s council had determined to deprive him, -not only of his prisoners, but also of his own life, and -that this information led him to enlist under Cæsar. -Others, on the contrary, say that the king of France -having heard that Doria intended to abandon his service, -sent to him Pierfrancesco di Noceto, Count of -Pontremoli and his esquire, to dissuade him from that -design and to promise payment of the ransom of -Orange and other prisoners as well as the Admiral’s -personal salary. It is difficult to arrive at the truth -when testimony is so conflicting. One fact only is -unquestioned: that before the last day of the month of -June, the period at which his contract with France<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span> -would expire, he mounted his galley and repaired to -Lerici.</p> - -<p>At Lerici, Filippino, having abandoned the blockade -of Naples, joined him, and by the good offices of the -marquis Vasto he opened negociations with Cæsar and -entered into the service of Spain, sending back to -Francis the decorations of the order of St. Michael -with which that monarch had honoured him. This -desertion to the imperial party gave to Charles V. (as -Segni has sensibly said) the victory in the Italian strife.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> - -<p>While these events were passing, there were secret -and public consultations in Genoa, for the purpose of -quieting the political factions, uniting the citizens and -organizing the civil government on a better basis. The -chief honours of this undertaking belong to Ottaviano -Fregoso, who in 1520 was engaged in these efforts, -acting with Raphael Ponzoni. For the time these praiseworthy -designs were unsuccessful, because Federico -Fregoso, archbishop of Salerno and brother of the Doge, -opposed the project with all his ingenuity and power,<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> -going so far as to drive out from the Cathedral of San -Lorenzo those citizens who had assembled to promote -concord. The difficult task was resumed in 1528, and, -amidst the horrors of a pestilence which was mowing -down the population, a union was effected without the -coöperation of Doria, though it is now clearly proved -that even France counselled the measure. On the 12th -of December, Doria, contrary to the general wish of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span> -the citizens, including his own relations who were open -partisans of France, presented himself before Genoa, -landed his mariners and without bloodshed liberated -the city from the control of the small French garrison.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p> - -<p>It is painful to see this brave Admiral selling his -sword now to the Pope, now to Naples, now to France, -and finally to Spain! It is painful to see him becoming -the ally of foreign oppressors who sought to -subdue our peoples and engulf Italy. History must -pronounce him more fortunate than great. In truth, -most of his undertakings were singularly successful; -but his attempts to capture the famous corsair Chisr, -better known under the name of Barbarossa, who was -governing Algiers for Selim with the title of <i>Begherbeg</i>, -were not crowned with success. Indeed, a rumour ran -that between these two lords of the main there was a -secret contract that they should never meet in pitched -battles. It is certain that Doria conducted his war -upon his rival with much coldness and rather as a -neutral than as an enemy. He permitted the pirate to -escape at Prevesa (1539), when he had the power to -destroy his fleet.</p> - -<p>This failure of Doria left the fierce corsair to spread -the terror of his name for many years along the Italian -coasts, particularly in the kingdom of Naples, where -he had already carried desolation and ruin, devoting to -fire and pillage Noceto, Sperlunga and Fondi. He had -been attracted thither by the beauty of Giulia Gonzaga, -who narrowly escaped his hands by fleeing in her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span> -night dress, accompanied only by a single page. The -poor page suffered most, for she caused him to be -stabbed because he had that night either seen or dared -too much.</p> - -<p>Doria is also accused of having used every means to -excite the Turks against Venice; and this Republic, -through his plotting, was assailed in her Greek possessions. -Doria, by refusing to unite his forces to those -of the Pope and the Venitians, incurred the responsibility -for the capture of seven thousand Christians at -the siege of Corfu, the pillage of the Ionian Islands -and of Dalmatia. Having become a blind devotee of -Spain, whose rule in the Peninsula he wished to -strengthen, he refused to fight at Prevesa, because the -Venitians had declined to receive his <i>Bisogni</i> on board -their galleys; or, which amounts to the same thing, in -order to let a flood of Turks overwhelm Venice and -render her submissive to the yoke of Spain. All parties -accused him of having promoted the ruin of Christians -by the very means to which they looked for salvation.</p> - -<p>As to the history of his policy in Genoa, if it were -our office to write the life of Andrea, there is much -that deserves to be rendered more clear. It was not -a sagacious policy to subject the Republic to Spain at -a time when the seeds of civil concord were springing -up. It was more foolish to permit a foreign ruler to -carry on her government, and despite the entreaties of -his relatives to permit Savona to be torn from the body -of the Republic.</p> - -<p>Nor should it be forgotten that soon after this, he, to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span> -promote his own ends, wished to make Genoa a partner -in his alienation from France, though his family -favoured the <i>union</i> promoted by the amiable Trivulzio -and the King of France. Truth requires us, also, to -assert that he did not enter the service of Spain with -the praiseworthy object of recovering Savona for Genoa. -He drove out the French from Genoa in September, -1528, but Savona had been from the first of July reconciled -and restored to the Republic, a fact which is -proved by a decree of Francis I. soon to be printed.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> -When Guicciardini wrote that, “among the motives -attributed to Doria for his change of masters, it was -believed that the most probable and the principal one -was, not offended pride for having been too highly -esteemed or any other personal discontent, but the -desire to advance his own greatness under the name of -national liberty,” we think the verdict creditable to the -first of our Italian historians.</p> - -<p>But these accusations cannot deprive Doria of the -merit of having refrained from assuming the absolute -sovereignty of his country; though we know that the -love of liberty in his fellow citizens must have been, -sooner or later, fatal to such an ambition. In such an -open assault upon popular liberty, he would have found -enemies in his own house, as he did, in fact, when he -enlisted in the service of Spain. This is proved by the -documents which Molini<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> found in the French Archives,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span> -and is a conspicuous proof of the profound antipathy -of Liguria to Spain. Doria, knowing well the liberal -tendencies of his fellow citizens, contrived to get -princely authority and power without assuming the -name.</p> - -<p>The laws of the <i>union</i> shaped by him changed the -face of the Republic. His chief reform consisted in -removing the middle classes from the public offices by -adding new families to the nobility. The gentlemen -resented the elevation of plebeians to their side; the -lower classes complained; for though the law left them -free to ascribe themselves to the nobility, it was soon -seen that this law was a new deception. The constitution -of Doria was fashioned with aristocratic aims, and -if it established equality, it was only among the nobles. -The people had neither guaranty nor representation. -Leo writes that however wisely the instrument was -framed, it failed to establish the rights of the plebeians. -This class had no more share in the state than the -peasantry of the Riviera, and remained, with its precarious -and humble title of citizenship, subject to the -nobility.</p> - -<p>The law which changed a family into a collection of -persons, or <i>Albergo</i>, was more than unjust, it was -iniquitous. Those who entered these <i>Alberghi</i> were -forced to renounce their own names, however honourable -they might be, to extinguish their own memory -and that of their ancestors, in order to assume the name -of the congregation; so that for example, a Biagio -Asereto would be compelled to take the name of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span> -Vivaldi for no other reason than that the latter name -was borne by more persons. Many truly illustrious -and most honourable houses preferred to remain in the -number of the people; and it is related that of two -brothers Castelli; one made himself a noble under the -title of Grimaldi, while the other remained a man of the -people under his christian name Giustiniano.</p> - -<p>It can no longer be denied that the laws of 1528 -destroyed the government by the people and created -that by the nobility. The book of gold was opened -every year to eight plebeians of the city and of the -Riviera; but this was not enough to silence the just -complaints of that portion of the people, who until -these reforms had always taken part in public affairs. -In 1531, to satisfy the common grievance, forty-seven -families, who before had been left forgotten among the -lower class, were enrolled among the nobles; the expedient -did not at all tend to remove the defects of the -constitution. These admissions into the class who held -power were controlled by the caprices of a single person -or at best only a few. Every year eight senators were -appointed to select the eight families for promotion, -and in practice each senator selected one from his -friends among the people. The gravest abuses grew -out of this, and the book of gold was often opened to -the most vulgar and degraded plebeians.</p> - -<p>Neither moral nor intellectual qualifications, nor -even distinguished services rendered to the country, -could break down the barrier to the patriciate; but -the inscribing of a name often served for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span> -dowers of Senator’s daughters—nay, it was even -sold.</p> - -<p>The new nobles, in order to increase their numbers -and to retain the friendship of the people, inscribed -their relatives and friends, however despicable might -be their social condition. There was even a greater -abuse. The chancellors, who kept the book of gold, -inscribed names at their pleasure. In 1560 the names -of three families were ordered to be erased, having been -entered without authority.</p> - -<p>These abuses were never fully abolished until the -reforms of 1576 which entirely excluded the people -from the public offices.</p> - -<p>We have seen that the reforms of Doria, practically -placed the government in the hands of the nobles. -The newly inscribed were few in number; and things -were so arranged that the old patricians always had -the control in the administration. This created a new -element of discord in the hatred which sprung up between -the old and the new nobles. A profound -rancour diffused its virus through the body politic, and -clanships grew strong and fought hard against each -other. Nothing was wanting but names; and names -are sometimes a great power, by which to designate the -opposing factions. The names were found, and the old -nobles were called the <i>Portico of San Luca</i>, and the -new, <i>Portico of San Pietro</i>. Both epithets were derived -from the places where the hostile factions were -accustomed to assemble.</p> - -<p>The new men, finding that they could not triumph<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span> -by weight of numbers in the public councils, resolved -to attempt secret ways to their end. They managed -so well that in 1545 they secured the election to the -Dogate of Giovanni Battista de Fornari.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> The faction -of San Luca raised a great outcry of indignation, but -in vain. De Fornari, a new noble, stepped over their -heads into the highest office. They remembered the -humiliation, and afterwards avenged themselves upon -the new Doge.</p> - -<p>From what we have said it will be seen that the -laws of Andrea, far from restoring the Republic, sowed -new seeds of discontent between the nobles, so concordant -in their discord, and the people over whom -they ruled.</p> - -<p>Doria, Admiral of Cæsar, conqueror by the arms of -his lieutenants in so many battles, and owner of more -than twenty galleys, concentrated all power in the -hands of the old nobility, whom he made blindly devoted -to his interests. It is no marvel that he directed -at pleasure the ship of the Republic. Without the -name, he possessed the supremacy and honours of a -prince. Men called him the Father of his country and -the Restorer of liberty. What we have said shows the -nature of the liberties which he gave the State, and they -will be further illustrated in the progress of this history. -He loved his country; but he spent all his long -life in establishing a stable despotism in the room of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span> -tumultuous liberty. He loved his country; but obeying -the orders which he received weekly from Cæsar, -he enslaved that country to Spain. On the contrary, -the Republic had always better consulted her interests -by standing in a neutral attitude between contending -princes.</p> - -<p>Ottaviano Sauli gave eminent proof of such political -wisdom when the Republic sent him as its envoy to -the Duke of Milan, and he brought back and enforced -by his advice the counsel of that prince, to keep neutral -and resist the influence of Cæsar in Genoa. The -government preferred this policy, and in its letters to -the English king, to Venice and to Florence, openly -avowed that its chief care was to live in freedom; -that it knew the advantages of neutrality, and would -not bow to the will of others; that its single aim was -to strengthen and maintain its integrity and its policy -of supporting the independence of the other Italian -Republics.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> - -<p>These were generous words, and they were supported -by deeds. But Doria willed the supremacy of Spain, -and he triumphed. Then Genoa, in the siege of Florence, -favoured the enemies of Italy; even threw a lance -at Siena; extinguished in blood the revolt of Naples, -and, with the arm of Doria, strangled everywhere the -voice of national liberty.</p> - -<p>From that moment the robust vigour of the Republic -began to decrease, and the shadows of old age -fell on her. The lifeless forms of the court of Spain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span> -took the place of our civil strifes and our heroic achievements -abroad.</p> - -<p>Doria, though naturally disposed to temperate and -modest habits of life, gradually developed the pomp and -state of a prince. He lived in Fassolo, in the houses -once given to Pietro Fregoso for his brave deeds in -Cyprus (1373). Doria called from every part of Italy -the most famous architects to embellish this palace. -The sculptures of Montorsoli and of Giovanni and -Silvio Corsini da Fiesole, the paintings of Pierin del -Vaga, Pordenone, Gerolamo da Trevigi, Giulio Romano -and Beccafumi rendered this residence famous throughout -Italy. Here he was surrounded by his own soldiers, -and received, writes Mascardi,<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> not as a simple -citizen, but as a proud grandee. The same author -ascribes to this luxury of life the origin of the conspiracy -of Fieschi; and he approves ostracism by republics -of citizens who affect the manners of princes.</p> - -<p>These mimicries of royalty gave general dissatisfaction; -but the selection of Gianettino di Tommaso as -his adopted son and his successor in the dignity of -Admiral, was even more unpopular.</p> - -<p>We find notices of this young man which represent -him to have once, on account of the slender means of -his father, kept a shop for the sale of oil. Afterwards -he entered the service of Bernardo Invrea, a silk-weaver, -and remained with him until, being pursued -by the sheriff for some offence, he found it necessary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span> -to seek safety on board the galleys of Andrea, to whom -he was allied by blood.</p> - -<p>Taking up from necessity the profession of arms, -Gianettino soon acquired a considerable name for warlike -feats marked by enterprise and audacity. He -possessed an intrepidity rather singular than rare. He -soon became haughty and despotic putting on airs fitter -for a Castilian than a Genoese, and decorating himself -with a coat of arms as though supreme authority were -already in his hands. The prince, instead of correcting -these excesses, permitted the arrogant youth to lord it -over the plebeians and to indulge his wild caprices at -pleasure.</p> - -<p>Count Filippino Doria, as we have seen, contributed -to the fame of Doria. He was of humble fortune until -the Duke of Urbino, as a mark of gratitude for having -perilled his life to succour the duke in a single combat, -conferred upon him an estate of the Urbino family. -Some other members of Doria’s house, who had been -schooled under him, gave good proof of their skill and -acquired riches and honours which reflected lustre on -their master. Such were Francesco Doria di Giovanni; -Antonio Doria, marquis of Santo Stefano, Aveto and -Ginnosa, and one of the principal generals at the victory -of San Quintino; Giovanni Battista Doria, son of -Antonio and heir of his valour; Giorgio Doria, and -Domenico Doria who having abandoned the cloister -was called the <i>Converso</i>.</p> - -<p>To these we should add, Andrea Doria d’Alaone; -the brothers Cristoforo and Erasmo Opizio, who as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span> -lieutenants of Andrea went in 1534 to the aid of Messina; -Giorgio di Melchiorre; Imperiale di Bartolomeo, -lord of Dolceaqua; Lamba di Alaone; Lazzaro di Andrea; -and Scipione di Antonio, all in repute as brave -Admirals; and they sailed so many ships and gained so -many victories that it seemed as if this family claimed -exclusive dominion of the seas.</p> - -<p>When Andrea prepared for any enterprise he commanded, -in addition to the <i>triremes</i> of the empire, not -less than twenty <i>taride</i> or large galleys of his own, -manned by his own officers and crews and paid by the -emperor at the rate of five hundred broad ducats of -gold per month for each vessel. He took with him, -also, the ships of the Republic, and those of his relations -and of other citizens who chartered their <i>panfili</i>, or -vessels of sixty oars, to the emperor of Spain. At the -assault of Prevesa the prince commanded, not to speak -of square-sailed galleons and caracks, twenty-two triremes -whose names we find set down in the chronicles -of that period.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Antonio Doria, who was only less -illustrious in naval warfare than Andrea—though, as -Badaero wrote in his report to the Venitian senate, he -was so fond of traffic that, when his ships passed from -one port to another, they carried so much merchandise -that they looked like merchantmen—had six vessels in -his division. There were many other Genoese ships in -this expedition. Two belonged to Onorato Grimaldi, -lord of Monaco; two were the property of the Cicala, -and one each of Centurione, Preve, the Gentile and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span> -Francesco Costa, not to speak of many others. The -Fieschi also sent a vessel, and the Republic furnished -twelve.</p> - -<p>In fact there was no distinguished family which did -not arm a ship, but not one of these houses could rival -Doria, not even the Cicala who always kept not less -than six galleys in commission. It is worth while to -remind the Italians, who are so prone to forget the -glory of their ancestors, that Andrea was the first to -use armoured ships in battle. In his assault on Tunis, -he had in his fleet a galleon called Sant’Anna, to which -he was principally indebted for the victory which -restored Muley-Hassan to his throne. This ship was -the first ever clad with slabs of lead fastened by pivots -of bronze. She was built at Nice in 1530, and was -equipped by the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem. -She was manned by three hundred warriors and carried -many guns. The solidity of her armour rendered her -invulnerable to the enemy’s fire. There were a large -chapel and sumptuous saloons under her decks, and -what seems more strange, ovens so well arranged that -they furnished her crew with fresh bread daily.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> - -<p>The Republic having broken with France, was prostrated -under the power of Spain and Doria. The -citizens were profoundly indignant at this double servitude. -They were prohibited by law, under the severest -penalties, from proposing or advocating any change in -the new constitution of the Republic; so that many,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span> -before the attempt of Fieschi, ardently wished to throw -off the yoke and place the country once more under -the protection of France. In 1534, Granara and Corsanico -went to Marseilles followed by many of the -people with the intention of preparing a revolution. -The enterprise became known by Doria, and Granara -lost his head. Corsanico was captured by Doria, -and, without the least form of condemnation, hurled -into the sea.</p> - -<p>A few months later, Tomaso Sauli who had attempted -a similar conspiracy with Cardinal di Agramonte, in -Bologna, was condemned and quartered. The exiles -excelled all others in their devotion to liberty; and in -1536, led by Cæsar Fregoso and Cagnino Gonzaga, -with ten thousand foot and eight hundred horse, they -marched to attack Genoa. This is not the place to -relate how after a few skirmishes they broke up their -camp; it is only to our purpose to add that hundreds -of citizens who were suspected of complicity with the -exiles lost their heads, while their houses were levelled -with the earth.</p> - -<p>Not only in Genoa, but throughout Liguria these -conspiracies abounded; especially in Chiavari, where -the revolt of Fregoso, of which Stradiotto was the -leader, had its origin. Blood whenever it was shed, far -from quenching the thirst for liberty, begot new advocates -for the old supremacy of the people. Soon after, -that is in 1539, a pious priest named Valerio Zuccarello, -beloved by the people, was accused of revolutionary -sympathies and leanings to France. He was subjected<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span> -to an inquisition and lost his head on the scaffold. -The nobility struggled to maintain its power; the -people to regain the inheritance of which they had been -defrauded. The Republic was passing through such -pains as these when Gianluigi Fieschi listened to her -complaints and resolved to avenge them.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c4" id="c4">CHAPTER IV.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">GIANLUIGI FIESCHI.</p> - -<p class="pcs">Maria della Rovere and her children.—The natural gifts of Gianluigi.—Andrea -Doria prevents his marriage with the daughter -of Prince Centurione.—Gianluigi’s first quarrels with Gianettino -Doria.—Naval battle of Giralatte and capture of the corsair -Torghud Rais—Count Fieschi espouses Eleonora of the Princes -of Cybo—The hill of Carignano in the early part of the sixteenth -century—Sumptousness of the Fieschi palace—Gianluigi, Pansa -and other distinguished men—Female writers—Eleonora Fieschi -and her rhymes.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">Maria</span> Grasso della Rovere, the spirited niece of Julius -II. after the death of Sinibaldo removed from the city -to her castles, first to those in Pontremoli and Valditaro -where she gave birth to Scipione, and then to Montobbio -where she established her residence. In those days our -matrons, when their husbands were fighting abroad or -when they became widows, took active charge of their -estates and, laying aside all elegant recreations, employed -their zeal in promoting their family fortunes. From -this came the masculine counsels and splendid examples -which illustrated their history. Of such was -Maria della Rovere, daughter of the Duke of Urbino.</p> - -<p>Emancipated from the luxury and pomp of her -Genoese life, she applied herself, like a good farmer’s -wife, to restore the fortunes of her house and to pay -the large debts of Sinibaldo, especially the twelve<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span> -thousand ducats of gold due to Sforza for the feud of -Pontremoli. Her chief care, however, was the education -of her children. The eldest of them, Gianluigi, -was ten years of age at the death of his father. The -others were Gerolamo, Ottobuono, Camilla (who became -the wife of Nicolò Doria, illegitimate son of -Cardinal Gerolamo), Angela, Caterina, and Scipione, -born after his father’s death. There was in addition a -Cornelio, who though illegitimate (his mother was a -certain Clementina of Torriglia), was much beloved on -account of his spirited character. Some report that -Sinibaldo had other illegitimate children, and number -among them a Giulio and a Claudia, the latter of whom -married into the family of the Ravaschieri.</p> - -<p>The children were instructed by Paolo Panza, a man -of many literary acquirements, who trained them in -liberal studies.</p> - -<p>The ardent spirit of Gianluigi imbibed less from the -gentle instructions of Panza than from the masculine -promptings of Maria della Rovere, who, in the fashion -of Spartan mothers, exhorted him not to forget the -paths by which his ancestors reached fame, contending -as Guelphs for the rights of the people. Influenced by -such counsels, he grew up into youth, and acquired -strength both of body and mind in rough exercises of -arms and in the chase. He was so skilful in these arts -and in swimming, that the most robust of his rivals -could not excel him. His mother taught him to hate -the rule of strangers; and he must very early have -become an enemy to the Dorias, whom he saw grasping -the destinies of the Republic.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span></p> - -<p>When he was eighteen years of age he took charge -of his patrimony, which the prudence of his mother -and the address of his guardian, Paolo Pansa, had so -much improved that it is said to have yielded two -hundred thousand crowns of rent. On the fourth of -June, 1535, Charles V. confirmed his title to the domains -of his ancestors, and continued in him the titles -of Vicar-general in Italy, Prince of the empire, Count -of the sacred palace, and imperial councillor. Perhaps -it was on that occasion that he also received from -Cæsar the two thousand gold crowns mentioned by -some writers.</p> - -<p>On coming to the city from Montobbio, he was honoured -with festive receptions by all the nobility; his -manners and his gentle courtesy acquired him the love -of the best among the people. Bonfadio<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> describes -him as beautiful of countenance, skilful in the use of -arms and the management of horses, remarkable for -the beauty and strength of his body, manly in speech, -grateful, obliging and winning to others: in fine his -sweetness of character and vivacity of temper completes -the picture of an Alcibiades, formed for captivating all -hearts. In fact he was called an Alcibiades, and perhaps -he was one, the vices included; it is certain that -in patriotism he deserved the name. It is said that -when, mounted upon a bay saddle-horse, caparisoned -with orange-coloured velvet trappings laced in vermillion, -and poitrel of silver, he rode through the narrow -and crowded streets of Genoa followed by his valets<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span> -and equerries, the people gathered from every side to -do him honour, and he repaid them all with a salute -full of winning courtesy. He dressed with the luxury -which had come down to him from his illustrious -ancestry. A picture, which many believe to be that of -Gianluigi, represents him in a black velvet morning -gown having the sleeves slashed, as was the fashion of -the time; there is a collar about his neck with cannon -shaped points, and a chain from which hangs a -medallion bearing the motto <i>Gatto</i>. His head is -covered with a cap, also of black velvet, surmounted -on the left side by a white plume. The limbs are -comely and chaste, the air brave and courteous, the hair -of a mulberry tint, the hands white with fingers long -and clean as those of a virgin, the eyes black and -brilliant. Leandro Alberti describes him as a prudent, -brave and eloquent young man. Porzio<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> writes that -he served not without honour in the wars of Lombardy -under the standards of the marquis Vasto. But -though fond of glory and successful in arms, he scorned -to seek fame in other enterprises while the times -forbade him to use his sword for national liberty.</p> - -<p>Endowed with such gifts, there was no illustrious -family which did not seek his hand for a daughter. -Among the beautiful damsels who in every part of Italy -were ambitious of the title of Countess of Lavagna, he -fixed his eyes upon Ginetta, daughter of Prince Adamo -Centurione. In every maidenly grace she was unrivalled. -The prince and his wife Oriettina, who loved<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span> -Gianluigi, were delighted to expouse Gianetta to the -most virtuous knight in Genoa. However, difficulties -arose which overthrew the project; and as the misfortunes -of Fieschi begin from this disappointment, we -deem it of importance to touch upon some circumstances -which were unknown to, or have been ignored -by historians.</p> - -<p>The Prince Centurione was a firm supporter of the -Austro-Spanish rule, and was united to the Dorias. He -had fought, as a volunteer and at his own expense, in -the wars of Charles in Germany; and his vast wealth -procured him favours from the principal monarchs. -When the emperor passed through Genoa, his minister -asked Doria to lend the royal visitor two hundred -thousand crowns, for his enterprise against Algiers. -The Genoese responded that he would immediately -supply his sovereign with all the money he might need. -He presented the money to the emperor and with it a -receipt for its payment. The emperor, not wishing to -be outdone in generosity, tore the receipt in pieces. -Prince Adorno also lent two hundred thousand crowns -of gold at one time to Duke Cosimo. He paid eight -hundred thousand pieces for the marquisate of Steppa -and Pedrera, in Spain, and a large sum to marquis -Antonio Malaspina for the estates of Monte di Vai, -Bibola and Laula. He bought other castles in the -Langhe; and the Venitian ambassadors reported that -his rents amounted to a million of ducats.</p> - -<p>Memoirs worthy of credit relate that Centurione one -day informed Andrea that he had contracted Gianetta<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span> -in marriage to the first gentleman in Genoa, and named -Fieschi; to which Doria answered that no gentleman -in Genoa could rank higher than Gianettino, his -successor in the admiralty and heir of all his possessions, -adding that Centurione ought to renounce Fieschi and -give the hand of his daughter to the prince’s nephew. -Centurione did not at first consent to break his faith; -but the solicitations of Andrea, with whom he did not -wish to be at enmity, at length triumphed over his -scruples and he espoused Gianetta to Gianettino giving -her a dower of seventy thousand gold crowns of the -sun.</p> - -<p>This violation of plighted faith deeply wounded -Gianetta who had set her affections on Gianluigi; and -the Princess Oriettina took it so much to heart that -she fell sick, and finding herself near death, as a last -proof of her devotion to the Fieschi family had that -life of St. Catherine written which is still preserved in -manuscript in the library of the Genoese studio. This -broken contract of marriage was the first spark of that -great fire which blazed up between Fieschi and Doria.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p> - -<p>The count was gifted with great powers of dissimulation -and he did not permit Doria to perceive that he -felt the insult. He carried an open face and silently -matured his vengeance. He contracted greater familiarity -with the new nobles, the old being devoted -partisans of Andrea.</p> - -<p>The haughty arrogance of Gianettino added new -fuel to the fire. This youth forgetful of the humble<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span> -place from which he had risen, adopted an insolence of -tone and a luxury of life which gave general offence. -The natural insolence of his character had been greatly -increased by a military life and the habit of command.</p> - -<p>The control of twenty galleys, the succession as -admiral and the proofs of personal courage which he -had given raised him above the mass of the citizens;<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> -but instead of knightly courtesy he had a scornful and -imperious look, and he never entered the city without -being attended by a cortège of officers and armed men. -He affected in a free land the sumptuous customs of -princes.</p> - -<p>The people, whom he thrust aside, hated him; the -nobles caressed him as a means of getting privileges -and honours, but they secretly despised him because -he, not content to be their equal, regarded them as -subjects. The plebeians murmured; “why such -arrogant assumption in a land whose laws forbid -despotism! He who refuses to treat you as an equal -wishes to make you his slave.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> See how bravely he -drives it towards princely powers?”</p> - -<p>Thus the people abhorred Gianettino as its future -tyrant, and longed for a favourable moment to strike -down the Spanish power and restore the rule of the -citizens. The old prince either encouraged or regarded -without displeasure, the insolent habits of his heir -which were bringing odium upon his house. Gianettino -became unboundedly arrogant after his victory over<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span> -the Corsair Dragut, or Torghud Rais, once governor of -Montesche. The annals of Liguria give us but few particulars -of this fight, and some modern writers believe -that no such battle was ever fought. We have found -in old chronicles the materials for correcting the errors -and supplying the defects of those who have written -upon the subject. This will not lead us beyond the -range of our subject; since the honours showered upon -Gianettino for this victory stimulated Gianluigi to -illustrate his own name by deeds not less worthy of -fame, while the pride of the young Admiral grew so -high that he insolently treated the count as his -inferior.</p> - -<p>In the spring of 1539, Prince Doria was with the -army in Sicily, and Torghud took advantage of his -absence to make a piratical cruise in the Ligurian sea. -Andrea, as soon as he received notice of the movement, -sent his nephew to oppose the Corsair. The latter had -already began his depredations along the coast, and -had desolated Capraia, carrying off seven hundred -prisoners and a large Genoese galleon. Gianettino, -having a fleet of twenty galleys and a frigate commanded -by a certain Fra Marco, acted upon his -knowledge of the Corsair’s habit of beating up against -the wind, and pursued him by the use of his oars. At the -same time he sent his lieutenant, Giorgio Doria, with -six galleys and the frigate to the bay of Giralatte where -he believed the pirate to have run for shelter. His -calculations proved to be accurate. Torghud, believing -these galleys to be the principal fleet of the Genoese,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span> -left two vessels to guard his booty, and sailed to attack -Giorgio Doria with nine ships, two of which he had -captured from the Venitians at Prevesa.</p> - -<p>Hearing the sound of the engagement, Gianettino, -who was not far distant, sailed into the waters of -Giralatte and joined his lieutenant. The Corsair seeing -himself outnumbered, retired from the contest and -endeavoured to escape; but Gianettino pursued him so -closely that he soon saw flight to be impossible and -resolved to sell his life as dearly as possible.</p> - -<p>He raised his oars to the sound of trumpet and -tymbal, according to Barbary customs and accepted the -battle. The numbers and weight of vessels were equal, -and both parties had equal enthusiasm, courage and -obstinacy. But a cannon ball from a Genoese galley -opened the side of the corsair’s flag-ship, and a tempest -of fire battered the rest into shapeless wrecks. Some -of the pirates flung themselves desperately into the -waves, and others turned the prows of their shattered -vessels and attempted a new retreat. Among the latter -was the terrible pirate Mami Rais de’ Monasteri, in -Africa who had once before been a prisoner of Antonio -Doria and had been liberated on payment of a ransom. -Giorgio pursued him now without success; but with -this exception the whole fleet was captured including -the two vessels left by Torghud to guard his booty. -These last were captured by Count Anguillara who -was fighting under Doria’s flag.</p> - -<p>The losses of Doria were small, but that of the -enemy was terrible, since every one of them who swam<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span> -to shore was mercilessly put to the sword by the -Sicilians. Torghud was made prisoner and the chronicles -say that “after having been well flogged he was -put in chains.” He offered without avail fifteen thousand -ducats for his ransom.</p> - -<p>On the 22nd of June 1539, at vespers, Gianettino -entered the port of Genoa with the galleys captured -from the corsair. The citizens flocked in crowds to -welcome the victors and two thousand christians who -had been delivered from captivity, and to see the -humbled lord of the main.</p> - -<p>Torghud managed with such tact that he obtained -admission to the presence of the Princess Peretta, and -addressed her in proud and threatening terms of reproach -for the harsh treatment which he had suffered; -but he soon adopted a humbler tone and begged to be -sent to Messina, where Andrea Doria still remained -with his army. This favour he obtained, and he renewed -to Andrea his offer of a heavy ransom, but still -without success. A few years after, his countrymen, -who valued him highly as a commander, offered new -terms, and this time Andrea yielded to the temptation. -The commission had not a sufficient sum to pay the -ransom, and borrowed it in Genoa from the noble -family Sopranis, giving as security the island of Tabarca. -Thus Torghud, conquered by Genoese arms and ransomed -by Genoese gold, recovered his liberty and -renewed his piracies on the seas to the detriment of -all Christendom.</p> - -<p>It is needless to say that the success of Gianettino<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span> -aroused a spirit of emulation in Count Lavagna. But -he saw that the Dorias, accusing him to Cæsar of revolutionary -opinions, had shut him out from honours -and official position; and, not wishing to employ his -talents in strengthening the Spanish power in Italy, -he sought repose for his active spirit in domestic enjoyments.</p> - -<p>He married Eleonora, of the family of Prince Cybo, -though his mother at first strongly opposed the alliance, -preferring for her son a more wealthy and illustrious -bride. By this marriage Fieschi came into a certain -relationship to Catherine de’ Medici, wife of Henry II.,—Catherine -Cybo, duchess of Camerino and aunt of -Eleonora, being of the blood of the Medici, and therefore -of the queen of France.</p> - -<p>The marriage contract was prepared on the 15th of -September, 1542 in Milan by Galeazzo Visconti and -Gerolamo Bertobio, notaries, in the presence of -Francesco Guiducci and Giuseppe Girlandoni, representative -of Cardinal Innocent Cybo (the same to whom -Philip Strozzi bequeathed his blood to be made into a -pudding) and of Lorenzo and Ricciarda Cybo, on the -one side, and Paolo Pansa the attorney of Count -Fieschi on the other. The dower amounted to hardly -nine thousand gold crowns of the sun and two thousand -more for the wedding outfit. The Strozzi papers -contain an act under date of January 18th 1543 written -by Bernardo Usodimare-Granello, scribe of the archepiscopal -court of Genoa, by which Count Gianluigi -acknowledges that Rev. Ambrogio Calvi, attorney and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span> -agent of Cybo, had paid four thousand gold crowns of -the sun and deposited five thousand more with the -brothers Giuliano and Agostino Salvaghi who had -become securities for the dowry. The act further -acknowledged the payment of one thousand crowns for -jewellery and ornaments and provides that the other -should be furnished by Cybo in silver, gold and gems. -In the same act, Count Fieschi pledged as security for -the dowry the castle of Cariseto and its appurtenances, -which he had obtained by purchase, and he promised -to obtain the consent of Cæsar to the transfer of the -estate within one year from the date of the instrument.</p> - -<p>The preparations for the wedding and the festivities -connected with the espousals were on a splendid scale. -The flower of the Genoese nobility came to congratulate -the spouses at their residence in Vialata.</p> - -<p>Two powerful families possessed the magnificent hill -of Carignano, the Fieschi, and the Sauli. Each family -had there a splendid palace. During the minority of -Gianluigi, silence had reigned in his, while that of the -Sauli had been greatly enlarged and embellished.</p> - -<p>The Sauli were new nobles belonging to the popular -party, like the Fieschi, Farnari, Promontori and Giustiniani; -yet few of the nobility, old or new, equalled -them in wealth and gentility of blood. Marcantonio -Sauli, a grave priest, whose life Soprani wrote, had -splendidly adorned his palace, and there the Genoese -ladies were wont to meet for pleasure, and the elders -of the city to debate on the affairs of the Republic.</p> - -<p>At the marriage of Gianluigi, his palace resumed its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span> -ancient gaiety, and the Sauli, surpassed by the Fieschi -in magnificence, were filled with envy; and this was -the first cause of those differences and rivalries which -separated these distinguished families.</p> - -<p>Louis XII., who had been the guest of the count’s -grandfather, speaking of the sumptuousness of the -palace in Vialata, said that it surpassed that of his own. -And the palace of Fieschi was in fact a kingly residence. -The annalists tell us that the hill of Carignano,<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> -on which it stood, was adorned with fifty villas, houses -and gardens. The principal of these were the palace -of Madonna Marisla, the mother of Cardinal Sauli, -those of Nicolò, Giovanni Battista and Giuliano Sauli, -and the houses of Pietro Negrone and Rolando Ferrari.</p> - -<p>From the summit of this hill you have a commanding -view of the city, and of the port crowded with a -forest of masts; the villas of Albaro are spread out -before you; gardens and palaces cover the slopes of -gentle declivities, or are scattered along the sides of -the mountains which, swelling skyward, make at once -a rampart and a diadem for Genoa. Valleys and slopes -of marvellous beauty attract the eye towards the shore -line, fringed with orange gardens, of Nervi and Recco, -until Portofino, with its wave-washed rocks, closes on -that side the charming basin of the gulf; while westward -lie the bewitching shores of Voltri, Albissola and -Savona, closed in the long prospective by Cape Noli -standing boldly in the face of the sea; and throughout -the wide horizon the waving surface is white with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span> -cities, castles and villages, which are garlanded round -with orchards and olive groves, reflecting their verdure -in the crystal mirror of the Mediterranean.</p> - -<p>In the centre of this smiling scene, roofed with a sky -yet more bewitching than the landscape, rose the palace -of Count Fieschi, faced with alternate slabs of white -and black marble, crowned with two grand towers, and -decorated with emblems and statues on its front and -sides.</p> - -<p>In the <i>Fogliazzi Notarili</i>, which are preserved in -the city library, there is an instrument dated March -30th, 1468 executed by Luca and Matteo Fieschi, sons -of Daniel and Ginevrina Fieschi, from which we learn -that in front of the palace there lay an open lawn -extending towards the sea, that the villas and orchards -of the estate covered the whole space as far as San -Giacomo. On the east, west and south the grounds -were bounded by public streets, and on the north lay -the farms of Francesco del Monte and of the heir of -Oberto Della Rovere. Subsequently to the date of this -instrument, Bartolomeo Fieschi added villas and fields -to this estate; but on the southern side it suffered -some detriment from the opening of stone quarries by -the government for which the Doge Battista Fregoso -paid damages in 1479.</p> - -<p>We also learn, from the records of <i>Bailia della -Moneta</i> in the bank of St. George, that sixty citizens -having, on the 21st of March, 1484 engaged, to extend -the mole of the harbour twenty-five or thirty goe (a goe -was ten palms or nine feet) the Doge and the elders<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span> -authorized the rectors of the commune to quarry stone -on private property, and for this purpose some lands -were ceded by the same Bartolomeo Fieschi, thus -decreasing the extent of his estate southward, though -it did not reach the sea before this cession.</p> - -<p>Behind the palace, lay a botanical garden which -Sinibaldo had enriched with rare species of plants and -beautified with little lakes and fountains making it, -according to Spotorno, among the first of its kind in -Italy.</p> - -<p>Sinibaldo employed excellent architects and builders, -whose names have not come down to us, to decorate -and enrich his home, some time before Paul III., on his -return from Nice, lodged here as Fieschi’s guest. The -wrath of man, rather than the hand of time, has so -completely destroyed these monuments that not even -the ruins remain for our admiration. The reader will -therefore receive with favour the results of our researches -into the true position and boundaries of the -Fieschi palace and gardens, which in their time were -famed for their outward magnificence and for the -sculptures, carved work and pictures within the palace. -Of these works of art all but one have perished from -the memory of man. This was a painting in the -vestibule which treated the fable of the giants hurling -thunderbolts at Jupiter and some enterprises of the -Fieschi family. We think it just to inform our readers -of its origin and character.</p> - -<p>The wealthy citizens of Genoa were accustomed, -like those of every part of Italy, to adorn their mansions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span> -with paintings allusive to the exploits of themselves -or their families. For example, history has preserved -the memory of an allegory given to Gerolamo Adorno -by Paolo Giovio, which was sketched in colours by -Titian, and wrought into a rich embroidery by Agnolo -di Madonna, a Venitian embroiderer. Giovio, in his -brief dialogue, speaks of three emblems which were -painted in many places in the Fieschi palace. The -bishop of Nocera writes that Sinibaldo and Ottobuono, -with whom he was on familiar terms, asked him to -execute an allegorical picture, representing the vengeance -they had taken for the death of their brother, -Count Gerolamo, whom the Fregosi had cruelly murdered. -This revenge had removed from among the -living the instruments of the deed, Zaccaria Fregoso, -Signors Fregosino, Lodovico and Guido Fregosi. With -this bloody reprisal the Fieschi satisfied their anger, -saying that no Fregoso lived to boast that he had -spilled the blood of a Fieschi.</p> - -<p>Giovio represented this tragic vengeance by an elephant -attacked by a dragon. The latter attempts to -wind himself about the legs of his antagonist, so as to -pierce his bowels and insert his deadly poison. But -the elephant, knowing by instinct the danger to which -he is exposed, turns himself round and round until he -places a rock or a tree between himself and his enemy. -Then he beats the dragon to death. This allegory was -interesting, from the fine contrast of the two animals, -and the Spanish motto, <i>No vos allabareis</i>—by which -Fieschi would say to the Fregosi, “You cannot -boast of your crime against our blood.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span></p> - -<p>Sinibaldo had another allegory executed in the palace -of Vialata. He and Ottobuono were forming an -alliance with the Adorni and many of their partisans -urged them to protract the negotiations, since the army -of the king of France was near at hand and Ottaviano -Fregoso, supported by his party, had a very firm hold on -the government and would be able to make a spirited -defence if assailed at that moment.</p> - -<p>To this the Fieschi replied that they well knew the -time for action, and on this incident they asked Giovio -to execute an allegory. The artist remembering what -Pliny says of the halcyons who await the spring solstice -to make their nests and lay their eggs when the waves -are tranquil, painted a calm sea and a serene sky with -a nest extending from the prow to the poop of a vessel -with the heads of the halcyons raised over the prow -and a motto in French—<i>nous savons bien le temps</i>—meaning -to say we well know when to make war on -our adversaries; and the chronicler adds, they thus -foreshadowed their triumph over their rivals.</p> - -<p>The Fieschi palace had other allegorical paintings -treating various subjects. Some of them described -tender love passages in the lives of the Fieschi. In -one was told the story of a gentlewoman loved by Sinibaldo. -It would seem that she grew jealous and reproached -him with want of fidelity, because he mingled -much in the company of other dames. Sinibaldo, in -order to excuse and justify himself with his mistress, -demanded of Giovio an appropriate representation in -allegory. The artist represented a mariner’s compass -lying on a chart with the needle fixed; overhead a blue<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span> -sky spangled with golden stars, and underneath the -motto, <i>aspicit unam</i>. The sense of this allegory being -that, though the heaven is full of beautiful stars, the -needle points to one alone, that is, the North star. The -offended dame was cured of her jealousy. The allegory -was much praised, says Giovio, by many persons, -including Fieschi’s secretary, Paolo Panza. We have -already said that the elect of the city came to congratulate -Gianluigi on his return to Carignano, and -that the luxury displayed by him on the occasion of -his marriage surpassed all bounds. Some conception -of this luxury may be formed when we remember that -Genoa was at that time the richest city in Italy, and -that its wealth found expression in a prodigality of -money so excessive, that Partenopeo in an assembly, -at the time Giovanni Battista Sauli entered upon the -magistracy, prayed the government to impose restrictions -on the waste of the national wealth. In fact, -on the 16th of December, 1500, the elders issued a -proclamation forbidding wives to spend on their personal -attire more than a third part of their dowers, -and ordained other sumptuary prohibitions.</p> - -<p>The flower of the Genoese youth frequented the -Fieschi palace, not merely for amusement and pastime, -but they cultivated there letters and polite studies. -Liguria had at that period some erudite scholars, who -employed themselves in teaching youth the sciences -and eloquence. The Fieschi did not rank last in these -pursuits; and it had become a family tradition for the -sons to cultivate letters, and acquire the doctorate in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span> -law. Gianluigi was versed in every branch of learning, -and, though it has been written that he never had -other books in his hands than the life of Nero and the -conspiracy of Catiline, it is certain that he studied the -Latin and Italian masters, especially Tacitus and -Machiavelli.</p> - -<p>Paolo Panza, who wrote the lives of the pontiffs of -the Fieschi family, and graceful Latin and Italian -verses of such merit that Ariosto compared them to -those of Trissino and Molza, lived in the house of -Gianluigi, and aided him in his literary pursuits. -Through his instructions the young count acquired a -love for learning, and was led to open his doors to the -most cultivated men of his time. And these were -more numerous than might be expected in a city -immersed in commerce and maritime enterprises. -Braccelli and Antonio Gallo had acquired repute as -historians: Giacobo de’ Fornari, as a Greek scholar: -Geronimo Palmaro, Bartolomeo Guistiniano, Nicolò -da Brignali and Bartolomeo were men of great learning, -and Grimaldi Rosso, who reached the dogate in -1535, was equally master of medicine, mathematics, -and philosophy.</p> - -<p>These noble examples were followed by Nicolò Senarega -Gentile, a renowned lawyer, Marcantonio Sauli, -and P. Ilarione, who wrote learnedly on the subject of -exchanges. We omit Ansaldo Ceba, who was both a -warrior and a poet, because he lived somewhat later; -but we must mention Emanuele Grimaldi, whose -pleasing rhymes were published in 1549; Captain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span> -Alessandro Spinola, whose literary merits were eclipsed -by his fame in the field, and particularly that obtained -at Golletta, where he was the first to mount the hostile -ramparts. Among our warrior poets we should not -pass by the brave Cesare Fregoso, though he had been -killed a few years earlier by the Spaniards. He wrote -Latin songs which were highly praised, but have -unfortunately been lost. He was a man truly great -in everything. Matteo Bandello, who took shelter in -his palace, and received from him both protection and -honour, bears testimony which is alike honourable to -both protector and protected. But it would be beyond -our province to enumerate all the learned men of that -period.</p> - -<p>Perhaps the reader will be pleased to know something -of the famous women who surrounded the -countess Eleonora. She was herself, instructed in -letters, as well as in all those accomplishments which -became a lady of her time.</p> - -<p>Among her friends were Arcangela di Negra, and also -the venerable Battista Vernazza, daughter of the great -Ettore, from whose pen we have treatises, songs and -epistles.</p> - -<p>Among the latter her answer to Doctor Tomaso dal -Moro, who had endeavoured to win her to the -doctrines of Luther, then being secretly diffused -through Liguria, is singularly charming. Bandello -mentions with praise an Antonia Scarampi,<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> and we -may add Peretta Scarpa-Negrone, whom her contemporaries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span> -commend for her skill in poetry, calling her a -new Corinna. Livia Spinola has left us good rhymes; -Maddalena Pallavicini, wife of the marquis of Ceva, -wrote verses which are not without merit, and Placida -Pallavicini won the encomiums of Paolo Foglietta. -The first rank in the Pallavicini sisterhood is due to -Argentina, who became the wife of Guido Rangone, -and whose literary accomplishments were the theme of -the wisest men of that period.</p> - -<p>Gerolamo Ruscelli da Viterbo, a literary man of high -repute among his contemporaries, tells us that the -greater part of the Genoese gentlewomen cultivated -belles-lettres; and in an epistle which he published in -1552, he enumerates among the most rare women of -Italy twenty-three of Genoa and six of Savona. He -mentions among the first of Genoese ladies, Pellegrina, -Lercari, “a virgin not less virtuous than beautiful,” -and Nicoletta Centurione-Grimaldi, on whom he -lavishes every sort of praise. Among those of Savona -he speaks of Leonora Falletti, countess of Melazzo, as -one whose happy compositions had stimulated the -ambition of many learned men. Among the poetesses -of Liguria, are also to be numbered Benedetta Spinola, -daughter of Alfonso marquis of Garessio, and wife of -Giovanni Battista, prince of the blood of Savoy and -lord of Racconigi; Claudia della Rovere, countess of -Vinovo in Piedmont; and Caterina Gastodenghi, who -enjoyed the praises of Dolce, Parabasco, and many -others.</p> - -<p>The gentle consort of Count Fieschi held the central<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span> -place in this circle of cultivated gentlewomen; but -unfortunately the rhymes of Eleonora, which gave her -so much credit with her contemporaries, are no longer -in existence. The few specimens of her talent which -remain to us give ample proof of her genius. They -were published in Turin in 1573, with the verses of -Faustino Tasso, a Venitian, and of three other poetesses, -of whom one belonged to her husband’s house, that is, -Ortensia Lomellina de’ Fieschi. The others were Nicoletta -Celsa and Laura Gabrielli degli Alciati, -Eleonora was not inferior to her aunt Caterina, duchess -of Camerino, who knew Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, -and who found comfort when Paul III. deprived her -husband of his possessions, in the friendship of wise -men and in philosophical studies.</p> - -<p>But the genial studies, the love and charms of his -wife, did not enervate the manly spirit of the count. -At every step his mother’s voice reproached him for -attempting no daring enterprises. From the towers of -his palace he saw Genoa lying at his feet and seeming -to call him to deliver her. He looked out upon the -sea and saw it whitened with the sails of Gianettino, -his rival and the expected despot of his native land. A -sense of magnanimous indignation warmed his bosom. -The son of Sinibaldo, the heir of such an illustrious -house, could not endure the sight of his country sitting -under the shadow of a foreign power, if not enslaved, -certainly not free.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c5" id="c5">CHAPTER V.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">THE PLOTS OF FIESCHI.</p> - -<p class="pcs">The political ideas of the sixteenth century—The advice of Donato -Gianotto to the Italians—Generous aims of Gianluigi Fieschi—His -reported plots with Cesare Fregoso disproved—The conspiracy -with Pietro Strozzi a fable—Fieschi has secret conferences -with Barnaba Adorno, lord of Silvano—Pier Luca Fieschi -and his part in the conspiracy of Gianluigi—The Count sends -Cagnino Gonzaga to treat with France—The purchase of the -Farnesian galleys—Francesco Burlamacchi.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">According</span> to our belief, a single idea directed the -movements of the Peninsula in the first part of the -sixteenth century—the thought common to all the -people of emancipating the country from that foreign -power which was corrupting the national character, -literature, and art. Classic and courtly history has -found in these stormy years only local and isolated -conspiracies; few writers, we might almost say none, -have heard, in these risings of peoples crushed under -the ambitions of the great, the mighty groan of a -dying nation not yet resigned to her terrible fate.</p> - -<p>The national Guelph tradition refused to yield place -to the new imperial system which was slowly destroying -the old charters of the communes. There were -generous throbs which showed that the old body politic, -though sore wounded, still contained the breath of -life; every city of Italy on the verge of the grave<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span> -rose up with the last strength of an expiring man, -protested with blood, and died.</p> - -<p>Palermo protested in her hero Giovanni Squarcialupo -whose death consecrated her cause; she renewed her -life in the patriotism of the Abbattelli, who could not -turn back her destiny. Naples was lit up with insurrection. -Milan, always foremost in magnanimous -enterprises, raised her head, when Morone incited the -marquis of Pescara against the emperor, and that -nobleman first promised to lead the revolution and -then betrayed it to the tyrant. Perugia in vain set -up the banner of the Republic; Florence fought, Siena -renewed the memory of Saguntum, and Lucca burned -audacious fires of civil and religious liberty. There -was scarcely a city or village which did not recall its -Latin traditions, and combat the monarchical power -which was descending like a tempest on the whole -nation.</p> - -<p>The blood which was poured out like water did not -profit our cause. Some died in battle, some lost their -heads on the block, and others preferred banishment -to being witnesses of the national degradation. Hospitable -Venice, who alone was clean from the Spanish -leprosy, opened her doors to the fugitive patriots, and -they, having broken their swords, continued to protest -with their pens. Italian statesmen had good reason -to struggle against the growing importance of the -house of Hapsburgh, whose only enemy was France -then barely escaped out of her contests with feudalism -and with the English.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span></p> - -<p>Donato Gianotti, the successor of Machiavelli, as -secretary of the Florentine Republic, wrote a wonderful -address to Paul III., in which he urged that Genoa -should be redeemed from the hands of the Dorias and -Spaniards, and the republic and principalities bound -in alliance with France, as necessary measures for the -defence of national liberty. The object of this discourse, -so rich in political wisdom, was to warn the -Italians of the danger of neglecting their own interests.</p> - -<p>“They cannot,” he says, “secure their safety except -by making preparations to take up arms against that -power <i>which can only secure itself in its possessions -by enslaving all Italy</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> Gianotti urged the importance -of tempting the confederates of the emperor, and, -if possible, enlisting them in the national cause, and -adds: “The State of Genoa under the authority of -Andrea Doria, ought to be reconciled to the King of -France; and I do not believe the Genoese would be -disinclined to it, for their sympathies are for France, -and they know the advantages to a Republic of independence -and the free use of their political power. -It was useful to the Genoese, at the moment, to follow -the influence of Doria and, ceasing to be French, to -become imperialists, as a step towards liberty; but at -present it would not be less useful to them to unite, -without altering the form of their state, with the other -governments of the Peninsula.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span></p> - -<p>Gianotti expressed the hope that the Pope’s authority -might induce Doria to risk his fortunes with those -of Italy, and he thinks there could not be obstacles on -the part of the French monarch, because political prudence -would counsel him to ally himself with Genoa, -without seeking to govern her as a subject province: -“rather,” he adds, “the French king should refuse to -govern Genoa, as such power would involve most embarrassments -for himself. The French king should -make allies of the Genoese, solely in order to detach -them from his enemies.” He makes a similar suggestion -to all the Italian states, especially Siena and Florence, -“who for common interests ought to make common -cause.” He argues that such a policy would free these -states from that dependence on the empire, which some -believed necessary to their existence, and would give -them the repute of being able to live without leaning -on foreign support. He advocates the policy which -adjusts itself to the conveniences and changes of the -times, and enforces this reasoning by the conduct and -aims of the Emperor which left the Italians no hope -but in war. He advises that arms and munitions both -of offence and defence be acquired with as much haste -as possible; that friendship be cultivated with foreign -powers. “<i>Peace</i>,” he concludes, “<i>may be more fatal -than war</i>, for the former must in the end subject us to -despotism, while war may fortify our present liberties -and restore those of which we have been defrauded.”<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> - -<p>This apparent digression upon the discourse of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span> -Florentine statesman is very much to our purpose, and -that his counsels were warmly welcomed by the Count -Lavagna is manifest, for his scheme is moulded upon -Gianotti’s plan. The Florentine laid down three rules -of policy,—That our provinces, especially Genoa, break -with the Emperor; that they form alliance with -France—not to put themselves in her power, but to -keep her from becoming their enemy,—and that, without -seeking material aid from France, all the Republics -should make vigorous preparation for war against the -empire.</p> - -<p>On these principles Fieschi constructed his too-much -calumniated plot. Those who have written about it, -without studying the character of the times, rather as -romancers than historians, have transmitted us a fable -that he sought the supreme control of the Republic; -but he sought no other end than to bring back the -government to its ancient principles. Revolution in -Genoa never aimed at enslaving the people. In those -centuries we had foreign generals and ministers among -us, but never absolute rulers; and if these ministers -attempted tyranny, they paid for their audacity with -their blood, like Opizzino d’Alzate, or were expelled, -like Trivulzio and others.</p> - -<p>Gianluigi was not so short-sighted as not to know -the temper of the Genoese, or to forget the lesson of -then recent examples. He sought not to usurp the -government and become the oppressor of the people, -but to confer on his native land the blessings of its -ancient order.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span></p> - -<p>Though writers in the pay of Spain accused him of -corrupt ambition, lust of gold and thirst for blood, it -is time to render him the tardy justice of saying that -no document can be quoted which proves that he -cherished such infamous projects—projects alien to his -gentle and humane character, to the traditions of his -family, and to the spirit of the Guelph party then supported -by the most sound and cultivated intellects of -Italy.</p> - -<p>Sismondi alone, of all historians, seems to us to have -comprehended the real object of Fieschi. “Andrea -Doria,” he writes, “had restored the name of Republic -to his country, but not liberty nor independence. He -called to the government a strict aristocracy, of whom -Gianettino was the master. He bound the fate of his -country to that of Austria, by bonds which humiliated -the best part of the Genoese. Fieschi planned his conspiracy -in order to deliver the country from the yoke -of Spain and the Dorias.”<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p> - -<p>The events we proceed to describe set the seal of -truth upon the words of this illustrious historian.</p> - -<p>Some tell us that Gianluigi plotted, so early as 1537, -with Cesare Fregoso, to place the Republic in the -hands of the French king; for which, Bonfadio adds,<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> -he would have lost his head, if Andrea Doria had not -saved him from the rigours of the law. This report -was set on foot by the marquis Vasto, governor of -Milan, who, after the assassination of Cesare Fregoso<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span> -and Antonio Rancone, the messengers of King Francis -to Soliman, endeavoured to justify his treachery by -declaring, among other things, that he had found in -commentaries of Fregoso, (which he never had in his -hands) proofs that Fieschi took part in that plot. But -these pretended conspiracies with the King of France -are now destroyed by very authoritative testimony. -If Bonfadio had remembered that, in 1537, Fieschi -was still a lad, he would have hesitated to adopt that -slander. It is known, too, that personal enmity existed -between the families Fregoso and Fieschi of so -bitter a character as to forbid all possibility of common -political views and intimate secret negotiations. The -memory of the day, when Doge Giano Fregoso and his -brother Fregosino, encountering Gerolamo Fieschi, -killed him with many blows, was not effaced; nor was -it forgotten that the Fieschi retired to their castles to -plan their revenge, collected three thousand soldiers -and besieged the city from the valley of Bisagno, -where the Fregosi were entrenched. A battle was -fought, in which the Doge was defeated. The Fieschi -entered the city as victors, killed Zaccaria Fregoso, -dragged his corpse through the populous streets, and -elevated Antoniotto Adorno to the office of Doge. -From that day a mortal hatred had divided the two -families. This fact alone renders the story of a plot -with Fregoso highly improbable.</p> - -<p>Bonfadio also accuses Fieschi of having attempted -to betray the city to Pietro Strozzi, which, he says, -would have been done, if Bernardino di Mendozza had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span> -not arrived with a strong body of <i>Bisogni</i>, in good -time to overthrow the conspiracy. Some add that the -count sent one Sacco, to Strozzi to instigate him to -attack Genoa and to act as a guide. The circumstance -deserves investigation.</p> - -<p>In August, 1544, when the emperor had marched -into France, Pietro Strozzi collected an army at Mirandola, -with the design of attacking the territories of -Milan in concert with Enghein. Aided by Pierluigi -Farnese, he had already crossed the Po, and entered -the province of Piacenza, where he lay encamped on -the slopes of the Ligurian mountains, when, being -assailed by Ridolfo Baglione and imperial troops sent -from Naples, he was forced to fall back to Serravalle, -on the banks of the Scrivia. Here he was overtaken -by the prince of Salerno, and forced to accept battle. -The fight was at first favourable to Strozzi, but in the -end he suffered defeat. There were few killed, because -the Italians recognized their brotherhood on the field -of battle, threw down their arms and embraced each -other. Strozzi took shelter with the remnant of his -army in the territory of the Republic. The Fieschi, -fearing the rage of a conquered Strozzi, and perhaps -an assault upon Montobbio, fled into the city, and -remained there until Strozzi evacuated his camp in the -Apennines. This shows how completely Bonfadio -was in error.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p> - -<p>Though, however, the count of Lavagna (then lord -of thirty-three castles) had no secret correspondence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span> -with Fregoso nor Strozzi, he certainly had political -relations with other persons; and this is what remains -after eliminating the falsehoods spread abroad by -Spain.</p> - -<p>Having formed the purpose of deposing the old -nobility and restoring the popular government, Fieschi -saw that his best policy was to follow the fortunes of -the Adorni, whose party his ancestors, and especially -his father, had zealously supported. The views of -Gianluigi found an echo in the breast of Barnaba -Adorno, count of Silvano, of whom we must briefly -speak.</p> - -<p>Silvano is situated in the Val d’Orba in Monferrato, -two miles beyond the Giovi. On the east and west -lie the villages of St. Cristoforo, then a feud of the -Dorias, of Montaldeo—honored as the birth-place, at -a later period, of cardinal Mazzarino—and Mornese, a -feud of the Serras; on the south lay Cremolino, possessed -by the Dorias; and on the north the castles of -Carpineto, and Montaldo, and the city of Alessandria. -Nearer and almost contiguous to Silvano stood the -castles of Lerma, Tagliolo, Ovada, Rocca Grimaldi, -Capriata, and Castelletto Val d’Orba, also feuds of -Barnaba Adorno.</p> - -<p>Silvano was fortified by two large and strong towers, -and was the usual residence of Adorno, who had -strong friends and political allies in all the castles and -villages around him. He devoted his early years to -arms, and, rising to the rank of colonel under Cæsar, -he acquired distinction in Provence and in the kingdom<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span> -of Naples. In the latter he obtained the feud of -Caprarica. Weary of the tumults of war, he retired -to his home and married Maddalena, daughter of the -Doge Antoniotto Adorno. In beauty, this woman was -excelled by few persons of her time.</p> - -<p>The quiet of Adorno was disturbed by serious quarrels, -especially by one with count Paolo Pico of Mirandola, -who attacked his lands and put Castelletto to -fire and sword. This strife, so bloody in the civil war -which it inflamed, was not less spirited before the -tribunals of the empire; but it is not our province to -enlarge on its many vicissitudes.</p> - -<p>Adorno cherished the design of cultivating the -popular party, and so raising the declining fortunes of -his house, and he soon began to attempt plots against -the new order in Genoa.</p> - -<p>In this purpose he turned to the count of Lavagna, -through the mediation of a Fra Badaracco, and, after -many debates, it was resolved to unite their forces for -the overthrow of the Dorias. Barnaba was to be -elevated to the Dogate, and the count to govern the -eastern Riviera as his father had done before him. -They further agreed to place the Republic under the -protection of France, without prejudice, however, to -its liberties, and solely to secure it from the vengeance -of Cæsar. Fra Badaracco, in order to find partisans, held -conversations with some gentlemen whom he supposed -to be dissatisfied with the government of the Dorias. -But these persons exposed the matter in the senate: -the friar was arrested, and some letters of Barnaba<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span> -Adorno were found on his person. After having been -tortured, Bardaracco was decapitated, having confessed -that, besides Adorno, Gianluigi Fieschi and Pietra -Paolo Lasagna were concerned in the conspiracy. The -senators, not being able to obtain proofs of their guilt, -decided not to prosecute the conspirators.</p> - -<p>Having thus failed in his first effort, the count -sought new paths to his end. He saw that it was -necessary to have an understanding with the king of -France, as a means of restraining the army which the -emperor had in the territories of Milan, and to secure -the capture of the fleet of Doria, which was the chief -prop of the imperial power. It was plain that these -naval and military forces would easily quell any insurrection, -unless the troops of France in Piedmont were -directed to hold the army of Cæsar in check. Gianluigi -was induced to enter into an understanding with -France by one of his relatives by blood, of whom we -ought briefly to speak, because his name has been -almost forgotten in our domestic histories.</p> - -<p>A branch of the Fieschi family, expelled from Genoa -in 1339, had taken up its residence in Piedmont and -acquired there both possessions and honours. A -certain Giovanni Fieschi—made bishop of Vercelli by -Clement VI., in 1348—gave a share of the temporal -government of his diocese to his brother Nicolò, and -conferred upon him some lands and castles.</p> - -<p>We find in the archives of the court at Turin that -the Fieschi ruled in Masserano until 1381, and that -Nicolò, Giovanni, and Antonio formed an alliance with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span> -count Verde. Some few years later, or in 1394, Lodovico -Fieschi, also bishop of Vercelli and cardinal, -petitioned Boniface IX. for the repayment of a large -sum of money spent by him in maintaining the rights -of his church, and he obtained permission to alienate -from the jurisdiction of the church the castles of -Masserano and Moncrivello, and to confer the feud -upon his brother Antonio. This investiture was confirmed -by subsequent popes, especially by Julius II.; -and Alexander VI. added, in 1498, the feuds of Curino, -Brusnengo, Flecchia, and Riva, assigning them to the -brothers Innocenzo and Pier Luca.</p> - -<p>The first of these had a son named Lodovico, and -this Lodovico a daughter named Beatrice, whose hand -her father gave to Filiberto Ferrero, a citizen of Biella, -adopting him as a son.</p> - -<p>The Fieschi possessions in this way passed into the -family of Ferrero; and he, having obtained for his son -Besso the hand of Camilla, niece of Paul III., secured -the investiture of Masserano, then created a Marquisate. -Whoever is desirous of learning how these feuds came -into the possession of the Ferreri to the exclusion of -the male line, and particularly of Gregory and Pier -Luca Fieschi, may consult <i>Curzio Giuniore</i>.</p> - -<p>This Pier Luca II., lord of Crevacuore, where he had -an excellent mint, of whose coinage some specimens -are preserved to us, constantly revolved revolutionary -projects, as a means of recovering his lost dominions, -and urged Count Gianluigi to proclaim himself a -partisan of France. It is certain that by the advice<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span> -of Pier Luca, Gianluigi bought the Farnesian galleys, -of which we shall presently speak.</p> - -<p>The count received Pier Luca at his house in Vialata -with every mark of affection, and lent a willing ear to -his suggestions; but fearing that France would wish -to reduce Genoa to the condition of a French province, -he resolved to ascertain the views of the ministers of -that power, and to obtain pledges for the security of -popular liberty.</p> - -<p>He entrusted this negotiation to Gian Francesco, -(called Gagnino) Gonzaga of the family of the dukes -of Sabbione, a brave soldier, hostile to the empire. -With his uncle Frederick he had fought against Cæsar -at Parma, and later as a colonel of the Florentines in -the celebrated siege of Florence. Being an open partisan -of the French, he was banished from his native -land.</p> - -<p>Gonzaga presented himself before the French council -of state, and reminded the ministers of the many -services which the Fieschi family had rendered to the -French crown; he showed clearly that the only means -of driving the Spaniards from Lombardy, was to -destroy the communication with their other Italian -states: and the first step to this end would be to -remove from power in Genoa the faction of the Dorias. -Fieschi, he added, could accomplish this more easily -than any other person, and he would attempt the -enterprise if France would encourage his efforts, and -promise not to lay violent hands on the Republic.</p> - -<p>Doria had many enemies in Paris. Though the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span> -Chancellor Du Prat was dead and the constable Montmorency -was fallen, yet the animosities awakened by -Doria in that court were not buried. Delfino still -remembered that Doria had taken Genoa from the -dominion of France and he meditated vengeance.</p> - -<p>The count of San Polo had not forgotten that -Andrea caused his defeat and captivity at the battle of -Landriano, by informing the Spaniards of the difficulties -he was encountering in his retreat. Cardinal Tournon -was unable to pardon Doria for throwing many -obstacles in his way when he went to Rome to attend -the conclave assembled to elect a successor to Clement -VIII. Admiral Annebaut hoped to command the army -to be sent for the conquest of Lombardy as soon as the -revolution should break out in Genoa.</p> - -<p>Thus all the ministers, actuated at once by personal -and political motives, favoured the plans of Fieschi. -Gonzaga was welcomed with delight and obtained a -solemn promise that the crown of France would -renounce all pretensions to the government of Genoa. -He was also empowered to make use of the French -troops in Piedmont in garrison at Turin, Moncalieri, -Savigliano and Pinerolo; and to select in the port of -Toulon such ships as might be adapted to serve the -purposes of Fieschi.</p> - -<p>This negotiation, securing the coöperation of France -without compromising the independence of the -country, is highly creditable to Gianluigi and shows -the keenness of his political vision which forecast all -the dangers and complications of foreign assistance.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span> -Perhaps he listened too hopefully to these promises of -foreign succour; but if French diplomatists then deceived -him, he afterwards showed that he lacked neither -courage nor will to undertake his revolution without -their coöperation.</p> - -<p>France was at that time prodigal of flattery to Italy. -She drew from us her luxury, her arts and the embellishments -of her life; perhaps also her vices which she -repaid to us with usury. She had apparently no -schemes for the overthrow of the Italians, and sincerely, -though not disinterestedly, sought our emancipation -from the Spanish power. We are indebted to her for -restraining Cæsar from destroying among us even the -name of liberty; and this explains why our Republics, -our people and our first intellects were so friendly to -France. Whatever secret designs she may have -cherished, she promoted popular franchises in Italy. -She encouraged agriculture and commerce, and in war -for the most part abstained from pillage and carnage, -so that the people butchered by the Spaniards cried out, -“Would that the French were here to liberate us from -these miscreants!”</p> - -<p>Some tell us that the Count, besides the aid promised, -received an annual sum from France and that he was -also salaried by Cæsar. But we have never found any -credible testimony for such statements, and the authors -seem to have spun them out of their own fancies or -received them upon the faith of partisan writers. They -should be consigned to that mass of idle rumours or -malevolent slanders which we have set aside. Of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span> -similar cloth is the fable of the journey of Ottobuono, -brother of Gianluigi, to Paris, and also to Rome to ask -justice for a grave injury inflicted upon him by -Gianettino.</p> - -<p>In the mean while, Gianluigi lost no opportunity of -making partisans. The times were propitious. The -Duke of Piacenza, wishing to restrain the license of the -nobles published a proclamation requiring them to -reside in the city. This command offended not a few -who were feudatories, but not subjects, of the duke. -Among these were the Borromeo of Milan, who -possessed Guardasone in the province of Parma, and -the Fieschi who held Calestano. Gianluigi sent a -message to the duke asking that the order might be -revoked in his favour. His request was granted, and -he went in person, ostensibly to thank the duke and -render him homage as his feudatory, but in reality to -treat for the purchase of the Farnesian galleys, a -measure recommended by Pier Luca as necessary to -the contemplated revolution.</p> - -<p>To conceal his true intent he wrote to the Senate, on -the 28th of September, 1545, that he was in Piacenza -to pay homage to the duke, and that he found nuncios -coming there from all the Italian provinces. He therefore -advised that the Republic should also send a representative. -The Senate followed his advice, and -charged him with the honourable office.</p> - -<p>Although the galleys of which we have spoken had -already been asked for by Pietro Strozzi, by Prince -Adamo Centurione, and by Cardinal Sauli, for a nephew<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span> -who had already paid a part of the price, yet the duke, -knowing the use Gianluigi intended to make of them, -gave him the preference. The purchase was effected -on the 23rd of November, 1545. The galleys were -named the <i>Capitana</i>, <i>Vittoria</i>, <i>Santa Caterina</i> and -<i>Padrona</i>, and had on board, in addition to arms and -equipments, three hundred persons condemned for life, -one hundred and eighty-five for various terms of years, -and one hundred and eighty Turkish and other slaves.</p> - -<p>The price amounted to thirty-four thousand gold -crowns, to be paid in several instalments; one third -on delivery of the vessels, another on Lady day, 1546, -and the last one year later. The deferred payments -were secured upon the feud of Calestano, with the -consent of Gianluigi’s brother Gerolamo, who was -lord of that property.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> The contracting parties were, -on one side, Paolo Pietro Guidi, president of the ducal -chamber, and Giovanni Battista Liberati, the duke’s -treasurer; and the Count of Lavagna on the other. -We must not omit, among the conditions of the sale, -that three of the galleys were to remain for two years -longer in the service of the Apostolic See, Count -Fieschi receiving the Papal bonds held by Orazio Farnese.</p> - -<p>The low price of the galleys is explained by this -condition, in virtue of which they were bound to remain -in the port of Civita Vecchia, and the count was -obliged to provide for the maintenance and pay of the -officers and crews without deriving any advantage from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span> -the ownership. Gianluigi assigned the command to -Giulio Pojano, who had also commanded them under -Orazio Farnese when the emperor undertook the war -of Algiers.</p> - -<p>We are not able to decide with certainty whether, -after this purchase, the count went to Rome, as some -affirm. We find however that Duke Pierluigi, having -proclaimed a tournament in Piacenza to take place on -the 21st of February, 1546, and requested that the -ladies of his feudatories should also attend, the countess -Eleanora, as well as many others, complied with the -invitation and was presented by her husband to the -duke, who now treated Gianluigi as his equal.</p> - -<p>Duke Farnese announced another tournament for -the autumn of the same year, to celebrate the marriage -of Faustina Sforza with Muzio Visconti Sforza, marquis -of Caravaggio. At this festival the flower of the -Italian nobility was gathered together; and in the -tournament of the 20th of October, 1546, Nicolò Pusterla -and Count Fieschi obtained the highest honours.</p> - -<p>It is not known what means the duke intended to -employ for carrying out the contemplated revolution. -Perhaps both Fieschi and Farnese were yet undecided. -It is not impossible (we have strong testimony for the -theory) that they waited, with the hope of enlisting on -their side one who had even more audacity and -strength than themselves, and who would have brought -no mean forces into the alliance.</p> - -<p>One of those reformers who makes centuries glorious -was maturing a scheme of greater scope than that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span> -of Fieschi. Francesco Burlamacchi, born of a noble -house in Lucca, had conceived the lofty design of revolutionizing, -under popular auspices, the Tuscan cities -oppressed by Cosimo; allying them to the still surviving -republics of Lucca and Siena; embracing in the new -nation Perugia, which since 1540 had maintained itself -under popular government against the Papacy; taking -away from the Apostolic See the temporal power, and -restoring the church to the consecrated poverty of the -Gospel.</p> - -<p>He confided in the popular discontent at domestic -and foreign tyranny, and not less in the reformed doctrines -which were advocated by the most distinguished -Italians, especially by those of Lucca. He proposed -his scheme to his friends and sought partisans among -the Florentine exiles, the faction of the Strozzi, and -even among the German Lutherans who had at their -head Phillip Landgrave of Hesse, and Frederick, duke -of Saxony. Impatient of delay, he went in person to -Venice, then the asylum of the Tuscan and Genoese -exiles, and solicited their coöperation. He made an -arrangement with Leone Strozzi, prior of Capua, by -which the latter agreed to support the enterprize; but -Strozzi thought it wiser to procrastinate until the result -of the Germanic war should be known.</p> - -<p>Burlamacchi, having been created commissary of -ordnance at Montagna, resolved to undertake his daring -enterprize without waiting longer for foreign aid. He -intended to rouse the people to arms, march rapidly -upon Pisa—whose fortress, commanded by Vincenzo<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span> -del Poggio, would be opened to him without bloodshed—to -capture Florence, and thence spread the generous -fire of liberty over the Peninsula.</p> - -<p>The revolution was planned with great prudence and -all contingencies were amply provided for. Unfortunately, -however, he was obliged in the exercise of -his office as Confaloniere of justice to issue a proclamation -against one Andrea Pezzini who was cognisant of -the conspiracy. This person in order to gratify his -malice, revealed the whole scheme to Duke Cosimo. -The government of Luca, mortally terrified by the Pope -and the emperor, arrested Burlamacchi, in August -1546, and obtained from him by torture a confession -of his revolutionary designs. Luca consigned him to -the imperial ministers by whom he was beheaded in -Milan.</p> - -<p>Some confused and scattered papers which we have -seen imply that there were messages and interviews -between Gianluigi and Burlamacchi, and this corresponds -with that which Adriani has written of the -Lucchese revolutionist, viz: that he had formed friendship -and made allies in every part of Europe. It is -then very probable that he sounded Count Fieschi, -whose enmity to the Spaniards was well known, as -one whose great wealth and numerous dependents -would greatly reinforce the revolution. Fieschi was -often at his castle in Pontremoli and it would have been -easy for the two to hold secret interviews without -awakening the least suspicion. It is possible that -Fieschi though satisfied of the good faith of France,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span> -believed that nothing could be attempted in Italy -without her active coöperation or, being a Guelph, -disdained to embark in a scheme for the overthrow of -the temporal power of the Papacy.</p> - -<p>These first plots of Fieschi confute the charge, disproved -by other and more direct evidence, made by sacred -college of Padua, that he conspired against the government -of the Dorias with the sole object of destroying -Gianettino who was paying court to the countess of -Lavagna.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c6" id="c6">CHAPTER VI.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">PAUL THIRD.</p> - -<p class="pcs">He aspires to grandeur for his family—His hostility to the emperor -and to Doria—He encourages Gianluigi in his designs against -the imperial rule in Genoa—Attempts of Cardinal Trivulzio to -induce Fieschi to give Genoa to France—France is induced by -the count to relinquish her hopes of obtaining Genoa—Verrina -and his spirited counsels—Vengeance of Gianluigi against -Giovanni Battista della Torre.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">Alexander Farnese</span> was elevated to the Papal throne -under the title of Paul III., not so much for his personal -talents as by the influence of his sister Clara whom he -rewarded, as tradition reports, by giving her poison.</p> - -<p>The old Alexander VI., having by accident made her -acquaintance, was inflamed by her charms with an -ardent passion, and found means to open his heart to -her. The cunning Farnese at once saw the delirium of -the gray-headed pontiff and did not yield to his solicitations -until he had promised her brother a cardinal’s -hat. When the time for making the nomination -approached, the Pope was disposed to fulfil his pledge; -but he found a spirited resistance in Cæsar Borgia, who -having never kept faith with any one was very -unwilling that the holy father should abide by his -promises. The name of Abbott Farnese was cancelled -from the list and another inserted in its place. On the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span> -eve of the ordination of the Cardinals, Clara, suspecting -what had happened, passed a night with the pontiff -and when he, drunken with lust and wine, fell into a -profound slumber, she searched his papers and ascertained -the truth of her suspicions.</p> - -<p>Being an adept in copying and reckless of consequences, -she rewrote the list, counterfeiting the Pope’s -handwriting, and placed the name of her brother first -on the roll. On the morrow, she put on all her -seducing charms and detained her paramour in his bed -until messengers came to inform him that the concistory -was assembled and only waited his presence. Clara -had foreseen that, if he were called in haste, he would -have no time to look over his papers. In fact, he -entered the concistory and gave the list to the secretaries -without looking it over. His surprise was great -when the name of Farnese was read out; but he preferred -silence to the exposure of his senile debaucheries.</p> - -<p>It is not our purpose to go over the long career of -Farnese. While yet a youth he had been imprisoned -in Sant Angelo for counterfeiting a brief, and Alexander -VI. would have beheaded him if he had not contrived -to escape from prison. We shall not repeat the errors -of his contemporary historians, that he united the -black act to his astronomical learning, and that he thus, -through intercourse with demons, learned many secrets -and became skilled in political intrigues. It is enough -to say that, on arriving at the pontifical throne, he devoted -all his efforts to the aggrandizement of his family; -and, not content with obtaining the duchy of Camerino<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span> -for his bastard son Pierluigi, intrigued to elevate him -to the government of Parma and Piacenza, and even -raised his eyes to that of Milan.</p> - -<p>It was not then a reproach, says Segni,<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> that a Pope -had illegitimate children and sought by every means -to confer upon them wealth and dignities; on the contrary, -the Pontiff who aspired to temporal grandeur -was in repute as a man of prudence and sagacity. -Paul III. intrigued for a long time with the emperor -to acquire the duchy of Milan for Pierluigi, though he -well knew that Charles, in occupying Lombardy, had -protested that he did not wish to hold it for his own -advantage but for that of Italy. In these intentions -he was confirmed by the influence of the Venitians, -the marquis Vasto and the king of France. The -Spanish monarch had already disappointed the ambition -of the duke of Orleans, who aspired to the duchy, -and he also refused it to Pierluigi. But the Pope, -after long intrigues to overcome the scruples of the -cardinals, gave his son the investiture of Parma and -Piacenza, making them tributary to the church in the -sum of nine thousand ducats.</p> - -<p>This act created enmity between the Farnesi and the -emperor, though Paul III. had furnished the latter with -men and money for his war against the Duke of -Saxony, sending twelve thousand horse under the command -of Ottavio Farnese and Alessandro Vitelli. But -the increasing greatness of Charles, throwing into the -shade the prerogatives and power of the Papal See, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span> -disappointed hope of a principality and the league of -the emperor with England the enemy of the Papacy, -rendered Paul a bitter foe of Spain and awakened in -him the ambition to crush the imperial power.</p> - -<p>Andrea Doria hated the Farnese not less cordially -than Charles. He had opposed the advancement of -this family for ten years, and had frustrated a proposed -league between the Papal See and the empire. He had -influenced Charles to refuse the duchy of Milan to -Pierluigi, and subsequently to deny Ottavio, son of -Pierluigi, the government of Tuscany according to a -promise the emperor had made when Ottavio married -his illegitimate daughter Margaret, of Austria. Doria -urged against the last scheme that if the Farnese were -made masters of Tuscany they would become powerful -enough to lay hands on the Lombard provinces.</p> - -<p>There were still other motives for Andrea’s jealousy -of the power of the Farnese family. A member of the -Doria house named Imperiale being reduced to extreme -poverty had obtained an appointment in the army of -Andrea. He distinguished himself in many actions -and rose to the highest honours and wealth. But -having satisfied his military ambition he became a -priest, in which character he was first abbott of San -Fruttuoso and afterwards, through the influence of -Andrea, bishop of Sagona in Corsica. Wishing, -however, to advance his worldly interests he retired -into Apulia where he acquired many estates, and was -elevated by Andrea to the government of Melfi, in -which he largely increased his wealth.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span></p> - -<p>Before his death, remembering the kindness of Doria, -he bequeathed to him all his possessions. The Papal -nuncio seized upon and sequestrated the estates of the -bishop, claiming that they belonged by right to the -church. Andrea protested against this insult before -the Papal court, but Rome, being at once a party to -the cause and the judge of it, decided in its own favour -and issued a decree despoiling the admiral of all his -rights in the property of his relative. Paul III. fearing -the vengeance of the admiral of the empire, deputed -his nephew Alexander Farnese to offer, as a compensation -for the outrage, the power of nominating a successor -to the bishop. Doria disdained to render a vassal’s -homage to a Farnese and ordered Gianettino to assail -and capture the Papal galleys in the port of Genoa. -This capture inflamed the wrath of the pontiff, and as -an act of reprisal he arrested some Genoese who were -in Rome, threatening to confiscate their goods unless -his ships were immediately released. The Senate laid -the matter before Andrea, who answered that Gianettino -had captured the Papal vessels solely because he was -stronger at sea than his adversary. Afterwards, in -order to avoid complicating the Republic with his -private quarrel, he released the galleys of the pontiff, -after having satisfied the Farnese that he did not lack -the power but the will to revenge himself.</p> - -<p>The Pope was induced by Charles V. to restore to -Andrea his defrauded rights; but the Farnese was -deeply chagrined and, not being able to strike openly -at the emperor’s favourite, sought secret ways of venting -his displeasure.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span></p> - -<p>Private ambition, personal mortification and political -views united to stimulate the pontiff to humble the -emperor, expel the Spaniards and crush the Dorias. -As it was obviously vain to oppose Cæsar so long as -Genoa, governed by the constitution of Doria, was -under the Spanish influence, he naturally fell in with -projects which contemplated a revolution in the -Republic.</p> - -<p>It is certain, says a modern writer, that Paul was -skilled in mingling modern passions with the administration -of his venerable office. He stood between the -old world and the new, and he possessed the spirit of -both; and if the election of Clement had not deprived -him of the pontificate for ten years (as he often lamented) -perhaps the fortunes of Italy, which were not yet -desperate, might have been saved by his industry or, -at least, would not have suffered total shipwreck.</p> - -<p>At that period several Fieschi families were in a -flourishing state, among them that of Ettore, of the -Savignone line, who had espoused Maria di Gian-Ambrogio -Fieschi. From this marriage were born, -Francesco, Giacomo, Nicolò, Paride, Gian-Ambrogio, -Urbano and Innocenzio. Ettore having given some of -his property in Rome to Giacomo and Nicolò, who as -priests were stationed in that city, at the death of the -first the father found it necessary to make a journey -thither.</p> - -<p>Having presented himself to the Pope he was graciously -received and obtained the bishopric of Savona -for his second son.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span></p> - -<p>In their conferences the Pontiff spoke of the past -grandeur of the Fieschi family, of the hospitality he -had received in the palace in Vialata in the time of -Sinibaldo, and expressed surprise that none of the sons -of Sinibaldo, whom he knew to be young men of spirit -and ambition, had sought honours in the Papal court,—honours -which could not be denied to the scions of -a noble house, which counted two successors of St. -Peter and four hundred mitred heads in its ancestry. -He also begged Ettore to inform Fieschi that he entertained -the most flattering opinion of their merits, -and should be happy to give full proof of his esteem.</p> - -<p>On his return to Genoa, Ettore informed Gianluigi -of the sentiments of Paul III. and of his nephew the -cardinal towards the family, and the count resolved -personally to render thanks to the Pontiff. He visited -Rome, though dissuaded by Panza, in May, 1546 (as -Bonfadio tells us). Some maintain that he went there -at other periods, but we find no authentic evidence to -support the assertion.</p> - -<p>Paul received Gianluigi in the kindest manner, and -took pains to show him honour. During their conversations -he spoke much of the ancestors of the count -as having been the first citizens of Genoa. He lamented -that the Dorias had overshadowed the family of -Fieschi. Andrea, he said, by his political tact and by -refraining from assuming in name the power which he -possessed in reality, had rendered his vast influence -less obnoxious to his countrymen, but that Gianettino -would not imitate this temperate policy nor long delay<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span> -to place his yoke on the Genoese. Count Fieschi, he -added, would be the first one humbled, as being the -most dangerous enemy to the empire. He intimated -that if Gianluigi had the spirit to oppose the Doria -ambition, the support of the Holy See would not be -wanting in the hour of trial.</p> - -<p>He gave a more positive proof of his willingness to -act by proposing that the count should immediately -take command of the three galleys included in the -Farnese purchase, which still remained in the service -of the papal government, in order, said he (and he -smiled cunningly), that they may not again be captured -by Doria. This conversation, so familiar and hopeful, -greatly encouraged Gianluigi and induced him to put -his designs into immediate execution.</p> - -<p>An event occurred during this visit to Rome which -nearly overthrew all these revolutionary schemes. Cardinal -Agostino Trivulzio, who, as protector of France, -lost no occasion for promoting the policy of that nation, -established relations of intimacy with Gianluigi, -and undertook to demonstrate that the difficulties of -his enterprise were such as to render it necessary to -concede to France the government of Genoa. France, -he said, would place the count at the head of the local -administration, and would give him the command of -six galleys, equipped on a war footing and maintained -at the expense of the crown, of which he could make -such use as seemed best. France would also station a -heavy body of troops at Montobbio, to prevent the -advance of the Austro-Spanish troops, and make<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span> -Fieschi captain of a cavalry force with the annual pay -of ten thousand crowns.</p> - -<p>These new propositions came through Prince Giano -Caracciolo, governor-general of Piedmont, and had his -seal to their authenticity. They entirely destroyed the -previous arrangements made by Gagnino Gonzaga, and -contemplated the subjection of the Republic to a foreign -power. They did not please Gianluigi, who desired -to enlarge the liberties of his country, not to change -the masters of the Republic.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, he asked time for consideration, and -without making further steps in his design he returned -to Genoa. Pondering over the difficulties of his undertaking -and the new claims of France, he would -probably have relinquished the enterprise, if Gianettino, -who, in the tone of one who held the dominion of the -waves, complained of the purchase of the Farnese -galleys, had not used such bitter and imperious threats -as to inflame anew the resentment of the count. The -success and malevolence of Gianettino, to whom as to -the rising sun all eyes were turned, fortified Gianluigi -in his determination to overthrow the expectant tyrant -of Genoa.</p> - -<p>Fieschi having delayed to respond to Trivulzio, the -latter, fearing that the new propositions would discourage -the count, sent to him knight Nicolò Foderato -of Savona, a relative of Fieschi, to tell him that Francis -I. would abide by the agreement made with Gonzaga, -adding that he had only to recommend vigilance and -prudence in guiding his ship safe into port.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span></p> - -<p>Gianluigi was delighted beyond measure at this -favourable turn of affairs. He subscribed the stipulations -at once and sent back the messenger with warm -thanks for the generosity of the French monarch. -Francis really desired above everything to recover his -lost dominion over Liguria, but he was persuaded to -defer that ambition to a more favourable combination -of circumstances.</p> - -<p>Fieschi now exposed his plans (in this point all the -historians agree and are confirmed by the manuscripts -we have seen) to three of his most devoted friends, -Raffaele Sacco, Vincenzo Calcagno and Giovanni Battista -Verrina. He submitted to them the question -whether he should attempt a revolution relying solely on -his own forces, or undertake it in alliance with France.</p> - -<p>Sacco was born of not obscure lineage in Savona, -being descended from a knight of Malta and entitled -to the annual gift of a paschal lamb. We find that a -branch of the Sacco family living in Genoa had been -united to the family of Venti, and not long after, in -1363, to that of the Franchi. Sacco was auditor and -judge in the feuds of the count and knew intimately -the feelings of his master. He advised that the French -arms be accepted—an opinion partly explained by his -being of Savona. Your forces, said he, are too weak -to oppose those of Doria and the emperor; and though -it may be easy to capture the city by a <i>coup de main</i>, -it will be impossible to hold it unless you are promptly -reënforced by a good body of troops.</p> - -<p>Vincenzo Calcagno was beloved by Gianluigi for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span> -long and faithful services. After the warmest protestations -of his fidelity and obedience as a vassal, he -spoke at length of the evils of civil war and foreign intervention -which must follow from an attempt to change -the government. He enlarged on the difficulties of the -enterprise. Doria had twenty galleys. The sea coast -and nobility were his. Foreign rule was hateful to the -Genoese, but above all that of France. Francis occupied -by home politics, embarrassed in Lombardy and -in Naples, would not bestow a thought on Genoa if he -did not hope to acquire his lost power over her. The -nobility are in power and hate revolution, and even the -plebeians would oppose a new order of things unless -proposed by a noble. The people are unwilling to -obey men without high rank, accustomed not to yield -even to the nobles without desperate necessity,—and, -stimulated by recent events, they would demand full -control of the government. But granted that the revolution -may succeed, no sooner would the new state -be created than the crests of Adorni and Fregoso -would be seen in the foreground.</p> - -<p>These powerful families, still beloved by the people, -would never consent to submit the government to the -control of a species of prince—a thing they have for -centuries resisted with their blood—so that the efforts -of the count will not enhance his personal grandeur, -but only promote the interests of rival families; the -name of Fieschi will become a reproach, distrusted -by the nobles, despised by the people and hated by -Cæsar.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span></p> - -<p>Calcagno would have gone on to dissuade the count -from the whole scheme if the impetuous Verrina had -not interrupted him with impatience and anger.</p> - -<p>The family of Verrina was originally of Voltri, and -came into the city in 1475. Stefano Verrina had enrolled -himself as a noble attached to the company or -<i>Albergo</i> of the Franchi. John Baptist Verrina di -Vincenzo, a most honourable citizen, was then living in -Carignano, though born near the church of San Siro, -not far from the count, and was managing his affairs. -Party spirit and private animosities rendered him a -violent enemy of the old nobles; and he could not -digest it that those who had long been excluded from -public offices should, through the reforms of Doria, -be invested with the entire control of affairs. He had -once been rich, but his excessive generosity had wasted -his wealth, and he was now supporting the declining -fortunes of his family upon the liberality of Fieschi. -His intellect was of a high order, his courage that of a -hero; his spirit was high and venturous, ever intent -on the loftiest designs. He had assumed for a motto—<i>The -world belongs to him who will take it</i>.</p> - -<p>Verrina demonstrated with great force and eloquence -that too much had already been done to leave any pretext -for abandoning the enterprise—that retreat was -more dangerous than the battle.</p> - -<p>Revolutionary schemes ought to be executed as soon -as formed. The plans of Fieschi had reached such a -stage that the only thing left was to bring them to -completion, to dare everything, to risk life itself in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span> -struggle. He argued that the enterprise was not difficult; -the Doria ships were idle and their crews scattered -along the coasts, the garrison of the city was -reduced to only two hundred and fifty infantry, many -of whom were vassals of the count. The people -wanted a change of government; the Senate was -sleeping in imaginary security. It was folly to procrastinate -the hour for delivering the country from the -ambition of Gianettino, when everything was smiling -upon their hopes and nothing but their own hesitation -foreboded danger.</p> - -<p>He said that it was useless to ask the aid of the -French, who had been humiliated by the captivity of -their king and were getting the worse in their struggle -with Charles V., master of all Germany. The very -example of Doria proved the nature of French sympathy -for Italy. Doria had learned too well that -Francis desired to reduce the importance of Genoa by -removing Savona from her jurisdiction, and making the -latter the capital of Liguria. The count, said he, has -the means of full success. Raise the cry of popular -liberty, and thousands of swords will be uplifted for -the cause. Let Gianluigi dare to proclaim liberty to -these oppressed multitudes. Let him dare to announce -himself as their liberator. When Cæsar fell, Pompey -was not declared a rebel, but the saviour of Rome. -Let our master imitate the high example now, when -every wind is propitious; France friendly, Rome and -Piacenza ready for alliance with us, and the people -prompt for action.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span></p> - -<p>The arguments of Verrina overcame the doubts of -the count, and he resolved to proceed with the general -plan then worked out. He instructed Foderato to -communicate to Trivulzio his desire that the original -compact with Gonzaga be observed in every particular. -In the meantime he came into closer relations with -Paul III., by means of the Pontiff’s nephew the cardinal; -and to complete all his preparations he resolved -to go to Piacenza and confer with the duke.</p> - -<p>It is of importance to observe that Fieschi, following -the counsels of Verrina, declined the proffer of French -troops and galleys. Some paint this friend of the -count as a species of demon. They tell us that he -wished to murder the nobility and appropriate their -goods, because he was overwhelmed with debts, and to -raise the count to the office of Doge, or rather to make -him the tyrant of Genoa. In truth, we find these -fables in all the historians, even in the least passionate -and partisan, who seem to have taken no pains to sift -testimony, but to have accepted the Spanish slanders -without question.</p> - -<p>In a city like Genoa, but recently deprived of the -popular liberty which she had enjoyed for centuries, -the idea of destroying free institutions could not have -entered the brain of a sane politician. Neither Verrina -nor the count were so short-sighted as to believe that -an enterprise which the emperor, with the support of -all the nobles, had found impossible could be easily -executed by them. The ancient story is repeated in -our times. The victors have written the history of the -vanquished with the sword.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span></p> - -<p>This seems to us the place to describe an atrocious -deed, which shows, on the one hand, the great affection -of the count for the members of his family; and, -on the other, how deeply he felt injuries and how -terribly he avenged them. The tragedy of which we -now speak still lives in tradition on the spot where it -was enacted. We have drawn the history of it from -old documents, which agree in general with the account -written by Bandello, who received it from the lips of -Catando d’Arimini, an intimate friend of Gianluigi.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> - -<p>We have already stated that Sinibaldo had, besides -his legitimate children, a son named Cornelio and a -daughter named Claudia. This daughter was beautiful -and attractive in person and manners. While yet very -young she was married to Simone Ravaschiero di -Manfredi. He was a rich and influential citizen of -Chiavari and desired a family alliance with the Fieschi, -in order to secure their assistance against count Agostino -Lando, with whom he was contesting the jurisdiction -of a castle in the duchy of Piacenza. The -marriage was celebrated with the splendour to which -the Fieschi were habituated, and Claudia took up her -residence in Chiavari, acquiring through the purity of -her life and the charms of her conversation the admiration -of all who knew her. Giovanni Battista Della -Torre, one of the most high-born and wealthy citizens -of the district, paid her such assiduous court that she -soon perceived the object of his attentions. She -defended herself with dexterity and disappointed the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span> -hopes of her admirer. The young man, beside himself -with his foolish passion and consuming with -amorous fires, studied to find some means of obtaining -by stratagem that which had been denied to his love.</p> - -<p>He chose the occasion of her husband’s absence in -Genoa to adjust his accounts with Gianluigi, and, by -bribing a servant, penetrated into the chamber of -Claudia and concealed himself under her bed.</p> - -<p>The lady was accustomed, when her husband was -absent, to require her maid before she retired to rest to -examine all the corners and hiding-places of her apartments; -and on that evening, as if presaging the -danger which was near, ordered the servant to make -careful search whether any one was there concealed. -The maid looked under the bed, and, seeing a man -hidden there, uttered a loud cry, at which Claudia -leaped from her couch and ran into her father-in-law’s -room. The old man roused his servants, armed them -and went to take vengeance on the violater of his -domestic dominions. But Della Torre, finding his -plot had failed, leaped from a window of considerable -height, and, falling, received severe bruises and -wounds. Nor would he have escaped, if some neighbours -who heard the noise of his fall had not come to -his relief and saved him from the fury of Manfredi, -by bearing him away to the house of one of them.</p> - -<p>On the following morning Manfredi sent swift messengers -to inform his son and Gianluigi of what had -happened. The count was terribly enraged, but he -concealed his anger and waited to know the nature of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span> -Della Torre’s wounds and what hope there might be -of his recovery. Learning that, though disfigured for -life, he would recover from the effects of the fall, he -called to him his brother Cornelio and his cousin -Simone and said to them: “You know, Cornelio, the -outrage which Della Torre has committed against our -sister Claudia, and I believe that if you have the -spirit which belongs to your blood you will arrange -with Simone to take such vengeance as the case requires. -I have prepared two galleys, manned by twenty well-armed -and brave men each. Set sail. Three hours -before dawn you will be in Chiavari. There, without -any delay, you will assail the house of Della Torre, and -if you tear him into a thousand pieces you will give -him that reward which his crime merits. Having -accomplished your purpose, take refuge in my castles -which are near there and of which I give you the -countersigns. Afterwards leave me to provide for -everything. Unless you discharge this duty, you, -Cornelio, will never come into my presence lest I kill -you with my own hands; and you, Simone, will be no -longer kinsman nor friend of mine.”</p> - -<p>The two promised to execute his commands, and -setting sail, they arrived at Chiavari at the hour -appointed. Having landed, three of them went to the -gates of the town and asked the guardian to admit -them. Once within, the three threw out the drawbridge, -and the others, who were concealed close at -hand, thus marched in, threatening the guardians with -death if they raised an alarm.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span></p> - -<p>They made straight for their enemy’s house, broke -down the door, rushed into the apartment where Della -Torre was sleeping and tore him in pieces.</p> - -<p>Having accomplished their vengeance, they retired -to the castle of Roccatagliata, where the government -did not dare to molest them.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c7" id="c7">CHAPTER VII.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">PREPARATIONS.</p> - -<p class="pcs">Character of the Fieschi family—Gianluigi acquires the friendship -of the silk operatives and other plebeians—The Duke of Piacenza -selects the count to arbitrate his differences with the Pallavicini—Secret -understandings between the count and the duke—Gianluigi -puts his castles in a condition for war—Gianettino -Doria, to pave the way to supreme power, gives Captain Lercaro -an order to kill Fieschi—Industry of Verrina—The decisions -of history on the merits of Fieschi should be made in view of -the political doctrines of the sixteenth century.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">In</span> monarchical states great families usually derive their -importance from the head of the nation, who overshadows -them all; but in cities ruled by the people, -every house has its peculiar position and character. -In Genoa, families had features and qualities which had -characterized them and given them a distinct history -for centuries. The Adorni and Fregosi always loved -authority; the Durazzi were distinguished for munificence; -the Serra for legal learning; the Pinelli for -indomitable energy; the Lomellini for liberality; the -Doria and Spinola for military genius. The Fieschi -had always maintained and guarded, though with a -partisan spirit, the popular franchises.</p> - -<p>We find in the annals of this illustrious race a -Nicolò and a Percivale, who, as imperial vicars, granted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span> -liberty to the Florentines and Luchesi. We find in -the long history of their political power in Genoa that -the Fieschi never struggled for supreme position as did -the Adorni, Fregosi, Spinola, and Doria. Carlo Fieschi, -as the chief of the Guelphs, was, in 1318, placed at -the head of the government, with Gasparo Grimaldi -for colleague, but he never attempted any legislative -or constitutional charges for the sake of remaining in -office. Bonfadio himself, though their enemy, declares -that, though the Fieschi surpassed in power all other -families, they never laid hands on popular rights.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> -They were in Genoa what the Capponi were in Florence.</p> - -<p>This reputation of the counts of Lavagna rendered -it easy for Gianluigi to obtain followers. To cover his -true designs, he made no change in his manners or life, -carried an open and jovial countenance, and studied -more than ever to promote domestic tranquility. His -palace was open to all; he was generous with his friends, -affable and courteous to every one. He courted the -rich with flattery and blandishments, the poor with -gifts. His table, spread with regal profusion, was free; -and he seemed to have no other cares besides races, the -chase and the dance.</p> - -<p>He cultivated friendship with the old nobles, but had -greater intimacy with the new. The Dorias did not -complain of the count’s relations with the new nobility; -for, though his house was old and illustrious, its traditions -were Guelph, and the new patricians and the -leading popular families belonged to that party. In his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span> -intercourse with these persons, on whom he relied for -assistance, he spoke sneeringly of the reforms of 1528, -which had advanced the Portico of San Luca to the -highest power, created deep-rooted antipathies, and -weakened the Republic. Sometimes he showed a profound -passion, and his broken and threatening tone -conveyed a meaning beyond the import of his words.</p> - -<p>Having won the favour of the rich and distinguished -popular families, he cultivated the love of the plebeians. -In this, his pleasant and familiar manner secured him -great success. He treated them as his equals, and, the -true Alcibiades of his time, he adapted himself to -their personal characteristics and prejudices. Chronicles -tell us that he watched from his towers to see if the -chimneys of the poorer classes smoked regularly at the -hour for preparing food, and sent provisions whenever -this token of a meal was missed on any roof. Such -wise generosity acquired him the affection of the people. -The foreign wars and the stagnation of trade had impoverished -a great part of the citizens, especially the -spinners and the silk operatives, then called Tuscans, -of whom there were fifteen thousand in Genoa.</p> - -<p>The history of the manufacture of silk, through -which so many Italian families acquired wealth and -rank, has not yet been adequately treated. The history -of trades and crafts in the Peninsula would be a useful -work, and would show that even in the midst of the -fiercest contests of faction, commerce was always held -in merited honour and was regulated by few and simple -restrictions;—that merchants and artisans had their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span> -art-unions or corporations with their own laws, arms -and masters, that the trades were thus united in associations -as a means of perfecting their products and as -a security against fraud. The historian of our manufactures -would tell us that in Genoa, before 1432, the -trade of silk-weaving had its <i>capitudini</i>, or officers, -consisting of two consuls and six councillors, who inspected -the quality of the fabrics, provided for their -sale, took charge of the profits and decided upon the -complaints of the operatives. The government issued -many proclamations and made numerous laws to promote -the woollen trade; among which those of Doge -Pietro Fregoso are remarkable. He forbade the operatives, -who lived in the quarter still called <i>Borgo del -Lanieri</i>, to leave the walls of the city, or carry elsewhere -their tools and skill, under penalty of confiscation -of goods and other pains. Some illustrious men were -enrolled and matriculated in the art of silk, among them -Doge Paolo da Novi; and Gianettino Doria himself, -when his father Tomaso fell into poverty, spent his -youth among the silk-weavers of our city. The silk -operatives venerated the <i>Volto Santo</i> of San Cipriano, -a circumstance which explains the extraordinary number -of these images which are to be found in Genoa -and along the eastern Riviera.</p> - -<p>Not less prosperous than the silk manufactures were -the corders and beaters of wool, also united into associations. -They gave a great impulse to traffic and -navigation. The beginnings of our civilization were -born of industrial arts. The marines artisans, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span> -tradesmen formed the only army of the Republic -when it made war on feudatories and compelled them -to swear allegiance to the commune. These brave -plebeians—to-day operatives, to-morrow soldiers, not -more masters of the shuttle and the oar than of the -sword, tempestuous in character but fervent in faith—created -in Genoa fruitful industries and immense social -power; and though in the fury of faction they sometimes -shed blood in the streets of Genoa, they atoned -it by giving her, through formidable fleets, the dominion -of the seas.</p> - -<p>Guglielmo Embriaco, the hero of the first crusade, -is the representative of this Genoese thrift and courage. -Our armies were nothing more than associations. Such -companies subdued the Euxine. The Giustiniani captured -Scio, Samos, and other islands, and divided their -gains <i>pro rata</i> per man in proportion to the expense -which each had borne; the Cattaneo at Phocis, the -Gattilusio at Mytilene, and the Zaccaria in Negroponte. -Elis and Achaia adopted the same rule. It rarely -happened that one who was not inscribed in a trade -and to the commune obtained any position as a master-workman. -The very nobleman who was a Ghibeline -outside the walls became a Guelph when he established -his residence in the city; and though from his castles -in the passes of the Apennines he might have once -plotted to invade us, he had no sooner recorded himself -as a citizen than he counted it an honour to guide -our fleets and overthrow our enemies. There was at one -time a law which forbade the nobles to command even<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span> -a ship; and many great nobles enrolled themselves -with the people to open the path to naval and military -authority.</p> - -<p>The mark of these Guelph institutions on the -people of Genoa was deep and enduring. The Genoese -of our day are living proof of their lasting influence. -Labour and banking produced immense wealth. The -Genoese became the bankers of Europe. In the year -1200 they drew the first bill of exchange.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> It was -drawn on Palermo. They diffused the Arabic system -of notation. In 1148 they created, for the conquest -of Tortosa, the first public debts which they afterwards -consolidated, appropriating the city and port customs -to pay the interest. They founded the Bank of St. -George, on whose model those of England and Holland -were constructed, and they planted colonies everywhere. -Along the inhospitable coasts of the Caspian and Aral, -in Turchestan and Thibet, the pilgrim was safe in -person and property who declared, “I am a Genoese.”</p> - -<p>We return from this digression to the thread of our -narrative. The long wars had lessened the gains of -our trades-people; even the silk operatives were by -the want of markets reduced to extremities. In that -year, too, food was dear throughout Italy; and the -merchants who held grain kept it back from sale in -order to raise the price. Gianluigi, wishing to provide -for the pressing wants of so many operatives, called to -him Sebastiano Granara, consul of the weavers, obtained<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span> -a list of the most distressed families, and sent them -sums of money with a request to keep secret the name -of the donor, and to inform him whenever they were -again in urgent need.</p> - -<p>He frequently requested the artisans and mechanics -who were natives of his lands (they were more than -two hundred) to come to him in Vialata, where he -opened to them his granaries, and otherwise succoured -them. By such acts of generosity he acquired the -favour of the people, who were ready, as a proverb has -it, “to carry water for him in their ears,” and to defend -his person at their own peril.</p> - -<p>Having by such practices obtained the sympathy of -the new nobles and the humble classes who lived by -their daily labour, the count began to provide the -arms and soldiers which he should need, and, with -great tact, availed himself in the exigency of the -discords among the neighbouring governments.</p> - -<p>Pierluigi Farnese, after having obtained from Paul -III. the investiture of Parma and Piacenza, soon found -that he had not sufficient forces to maintain his power -in these provinces. Gerolamo Pallavicini, marquis of -Cortemaggiore, and others of that family to whom the -duke had prohibited the trade in salt, raised an armed -rebellion. The Rossi, Sanseverino, Pusterla of Milan, -and other feudatories, were supporting the insurrection. -It was also encouraged by Giovanni del Verme, lord of -the Romagna, a personal enemy of the duke, and by -Beatrice Trivulzio, who being incensed against Paul -III. for conceding the port of the Po in Piacenza to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span> -Michelangelo Bonaroti, excavated a new harbour, and -deprived the divine architect of his reward.</p> - -<p>The duke collected an army, and, as soon as he felt -able to contest the field, demanded from some of his -enemies the restitution of his dominions in their possession, -claiming that these lands and feuds had been -ceded to them by his predecessors to the prejudice of -the ducal rights. The Pallavicini, who were particularly -included in this demand, made such preparations -as were possible to secure their own rights and repel -all the duke’s attempts at aggression.</p> - -<p>The estates of the Pallavicini and Fieschi were -separated only by a little stream; and the count seeing -a war cloud on the horizon, so near to his own fields, -visited his feuds in the summer of 1546, under pretence -of watching over his property. He spent some time -at Lavagna, Montobbio, and Pontremoli. Here he -collected his dependents, formed them into companies, -and held musters and reviews. He would have gone -farther, if the emperor, fearing that the Pallavicini -dispute with Pierluigi would excite a general Italian -war, and so distract his attention from his campaign -against the Smacalda league in Germany, had not sent -peremptory orders to Don Ferrante Gonzaga, who had -succeeded to Marquis Vasto in the government of -Milan, to pacify the quarrel, threatening the whole -weight of the imperial displeasure against any who -should refuse his mediation.</p> - -<p>The duke was induced to lay down his arms by the -shrewd Pontiff, who did not wish an open rupture<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span> -with Cæsar, and Count Fieschi was chosen by Farnese -as arbiter of the rival claims. These two—Farnese -and Fieschi—had been on intimate terms some years -before, at the time when the former came to Genoa, -(1542), in company with Annibal Caro and Appollonio -Filareto, his secretaries, to pay homage to the emperor -and to ask a congress in the name of the Pope—the -congress which took place in Busseto.</p> - -<p>Fieschi, mindful of old ties, conducted the negociation -with so much dexterity that he obtained from -Pallavicini more than the duke had dared to hope. -A friendly and familiar correspondence always continued -between them, as several letters we have had in -our hands prove. Among them there is one of the -3rd of February, 1546—now preserved among the -Farnesian papers in Parma—in which the count recommends -to the duke a master-workman, Giacomo -Merello, “a maker of cannon of rare skill in his profession,” -who had a law-suit with another master -workman in Parma. In these letters the count acknowledges -that he has received many favours from -the duke.</p> - -<p>In their many interviews in Piacenza, Farnese, who -knew what had been said and done at Rome, spoke -freely of his hatred towards Cæsar, who had openly -favoured the Pallavicini, and who was a constant enemy -of the advancement of the Farnese family. He avowed -that he was ready to throw himself into any undertaking -which should promise him revenge. The count -in his turn, enlarged on the enmity between himself<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span> -and the Dorias, the oppressors of his country, on the -plots of Gianettino, already known to him, and finally -asked the assistance and support of the duke in his -contemplated insurrection. It is needless to say that -the duke gave liberal promises of aid in a work which -would take away the influence of the Dorias, his hereditary -enemies, and doubtless add something to his -personal importance and wealth.</p> - -<p>Meantime Gianluigi, who could ill tolerate delay, -enlisted in his service a large number of men, then -just discharged from the ducal army, and distributed -them among his most remote castles. Having returned -to the city, he kept Farnese advised, by frequent messengers -and letters of all his movements and successes. -Some of these letters are now passing through the -press. In one of these, dated the 17th of April, he -complains to the duke that Gianettino had given him -an order from Cæsar to send his fourth galley to cruise -for pirates; he speaks of plots woven for him by the -young admiral, and asks the advice of Farnese.</p> - -<p>The Duke advised that his plans be hurried forward, -and mentioned, as a special inducement, that Renèe, -of France, duchess of Ferrara, had again offered French -aid through Pierluigi. But it is certain that the -count made no more use of this offer than he had -made of others like it.</p> - -<p>We find in ancient chronicles a statement which -would be greatly to the credit of both Farnese and -Fieschi. They had, according to these writers, laid -the foundations of a league common to all the Italian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span> -princes, the object of which was to remove from the -Peninsula every vestige of foreign power; but historical -fidelity compels us to say that we have found no -document which clearly proves the fact. In July, the -count went to Montobbio, drilled his vassals in military -exercises, and put his castles in such a state of defence -as to be able to resist a long siege. He then went -through, one after another, his principal feuds. It is -worth our while to touch in passing upon the condition -of some of them at the time of which we write.</p> - -<p>Passing along the Eastern Riviera from Genoa, the -count would first enter into Recco. It was then a -large borough with three hundred and seventy-four -fires, and he had built in it a superb palace called the -Astrego. He drew from this feud select mariners, to -man his galleys. He visited Roccatagliata and Cariseto, -castles of considerable strength. He added to their -defences and supplied them with provisions. We find -that he spent some time at the castle of Varzi, on the -slope of Penice, formerly one of the principal fortresses -of the Malaspini, near Bobbio. He remained longer -still in Lavagna. This region, though not then so -prosperous as it was before Frederick II., reduced it to -a desert, (1245) and levelled the fourteen castles which -the counts had built there, was yet a feud of considerable -importance, on account of its slate quarries.</p> - -<p>The Lavagna property included, to say truth, only -a little group of a hundred and thirty-six houses, but -the surrounding country was adorned with many -burghs, as Centurion, San Salvatore, the earliest seat<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span> -of the Fieschi family, Cogorno and Brecanecca, forming -in all five hundred and seventeen fires and six -churches. Besides the valley of Lavagna was full of -little estates and burghs, such as Torre, Vignale, -Villa Fronte, Aveglio, Cortemiglio, Rimaglio, Pregio, -Bausalo and Oneto. Lavagna was the heart of the -Fieschi dominion. From this point it was easy to -lay hands on the Lombard provinces or to draw thence -men and arms. In those days the burgh of Sestri, -close by, was one of the most busy points of transit, -and was the best station from which to send goods into -Lombardy. Merchandise was transported from Sestri -to Castiglione, and ten miles only remained to Varese, -also the property of the Fieschi. It counted two -hundred fires, and was prosperous with the trade of -Lombardy. Then, crossing the Apennines, twelve -miles of travel brought the merchant to Val di Taro, a -burgh of one hundred and fifty houses, which overlooked -forty-two villages, subject to Count Fieschi.</p> - -<p>Having examined his resources and put his castles -in a state of defence, constructing strong outer walls, -for those which seemed to him to be weak, under pretence -of “fortifying himself against the Duke of Piacenza, -who was too fond of his neighbour’s property,” -he passed over to Pontremoli.</p> - -<p>Leandro Alberti, who visited this noble and luxurious -castle about that period, says that it stood near the -mouth of the Magra, and at the foot of the Apennines. -It was fortified by three fortresses, and numbered eight -hundred houses, while its jurisdiction embraced forty-eight<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span> -contiguous burghs, not to mention the valleys of -Volpedo, Rosano, Zeiri, and the hamlets along the -banks of the Crania, which counted one thousand and -eight hundred fires. Giustiniani says that the lord of -Pontremoli could easily put under arms two thousand -men.</p> - -<p>Gianluigi spent some time here, having conferences -with Count Galeotto Mirandola, the Pusterla and Cybo, -the marquises of Valdimagra, the Bentivoglio, the -Strozzi and others, who were restless under the imperial -yoke; and in these negociations he was ably -seconded by Catando d’Arimini and by Giulio Pojano, -to whom he had assigned the command of his galleys.</p> - -<p>The count did not return into the city until the -end of autumn. Pierluigi Farnese, to remove all -suspicions of the plot, wrote many letters to the -Genoese government, and took great care to show his -anxiety to render every service or favour in his power. -The object of these letters, which may be said to contain -little political wisdom, was much more grave and -serious than their tone implied. The golden style of -Caro, who dictated them, gives them a certain charm; -but their highest value lies in showing how skilfully -Pierluigi and Fieschi planned and worked to elevate -their friends to office under the Doria government, to -get the control of public affairs out of the hands of -Andrea, and so pave the way to the success of their -great insurrection.</p> - -<p>One fact is very important. The doctors of the -law and the magistrates of the <i>Ruota</i> always possessed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span> -large powers in the Republic, and the practical operations -of the government depended almost entirely on -their counsels. When Fieschi had made such military -preparation as seemed sufficient for a revolution, he -naturally sought to get the lawyers on his side, as the -only class who could organize and maintain the new -government. By the aid of the Duke of Piacenza, he -contrived to place in the principal offices of the <i>Ruota</i>, -and even in the vicarate of the city, men who shared -his own political views, and were distinguished for -political sagacity and administrative ability. On the -25th of May, 1486, duke Pierluigi wrote to the Doge -and Governors that M. Hettore Lusiardo, a gentleman -and doctor of Piacenza and a person of great -learning, desired to obtain an appointment in the -<i>Ruota</i> of the Republic. And he adds, “I am greatly -pleased to see my vassals honoured according to their -merits, and I cheerfully use my influence to advance -them to such positions as they desire. On this occasion -I hope your highnesses may lend a favourable ear -to my intercession on behalf of Messer Hettore, since -in employing this person you will at once gratify me -and secure the services of a man worthy of your esteem, -as he will show when put to the proof.”</p> - -<p>In another letter of December 17th, he renewed the -same request: “Writing on another occasion, I have -asked your favour for Messer Hettore Lusiardo, one of -my Piacentine gentlemen and doctors, and a person of -rare personal qualities, who desires a place in the -<i>Ruota</i> of your city. Wishing much that he may<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span> -obtain his request, I repeat my recommendations in -the strongest possible terms; and if you can give him -such a place as he desires, you will not only serve a -person worthy of your confidence and the favour he -asks, but also do me a great pleasure.”</p> - -<p>In another letter of the 24th of November, we -read: “M. Bernardo Alberghetti da Rimini, at whose -request I write, is a doctor in law of much learning, -long practice, and strict integrity—qualities which I -know him to possess, both from the reports of others -and from my personal experience, having employed -him for many months. He would still be in my service -but that I have no employment of moment for -him, and he deserves something better than a subordinate -position. He wishes to enter into the <i>Ruota</i> of -your most noble city as a means of advancement, and -hopes that my recommendation may have some value -with your Excellencies. I esteem him to be, as I have -said, a person of most excellent qualifications, and I -doubt not I shall have well served your interests in -sending him to you, and I therefore the more boldly -pray you for love of me to give him your approval.”</p> - -<p>In the same year the official term of the vicar of -the city expired, and the office was of such importance -that the conspirators exerted themselves to fill it with -a person entirely devoted to their interests. On the -13th of September, Farnese wrote: “When Count -Fieschi was last in Piacenza, I warmly recommended -to him Mr. Camillo Villa, a Piacentine doctor in law, -and urged him to ask from your Excellencies in my<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span> -name the office of vicar in your city for this person. -Though I am certain that the count would not fail in -doing me this service, and believe that I may rely -much upon your courtesy to me, and though I have -recently by letter renewed my request to the count, yet -I deem it not discourteous, as the time for filling this -post draws near, to recommend Mr. Camillo directly -to your excellencies. Should you grant my request, -you will both secure to your city an officer who will -always serve you well and do me a personal kindness.”</p> - -<p>It is hardly necessary to say that Farnese obtained -from the Senate all these appointments. Secret as -were these intrigues, they did not escape the acute -eyes of Panza, who inferred that the count was engaged -in some conspiracy. He therefore took opportunities -for watching his movements and his manners; and -finding that the count withdrew from his former familiarity -with his old tutor, he was led by his affection to -admonish him of the dangers before him. But Gianluigi -broke off his reproofs with ill-concealed impatience -and answered him with the words of Cato: “If I -believed that the shirt I wear knew the secrets of my -heart, I would tear it off and give it to the flames.” -Then checking his impetuous speech, he added that he -would do nothing that should not be worthy of his -own fame and that of his ancestry.</p> - -<p>Panza was not the only person to suspect the count -of some conspiracy against the power of Cæsar. John -Vega, ambassador of Spain at Rome, conceived doubts -of his fidelity, and set Ferrante Gonzaga to watch his -movements.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span></p> - -<p>Gonzaga sent to Prince Andrea his secretary, Maone, -with the letters of Vega and other documents which -referred to a conspiracy, believed to be forming by -Gianluigi.</p> - -<p>Andrea rejected the tale as the work of some malignant -slanderers, and replied that he knew Fieschi was -not a man to conspire against the empire.</p> - -<p>Though the purchase of the pontifical galleys was -a sharp thorn in the side of Gianettino, who aspired to -an exclusive dominion of the seas, yet it was not an -act sufficiently singular to awaken the suspicions of -the Dorias.</p> - -<p>The most wealthy families were accustomed to arm -galleys; and the Sauli had negociated for the purchase -of these same triremes, intending to use them in their -maritime enterprises.</p> - -<p>The behaviour of Fieschi contributed still more to -remove from the minds of Gianettino and the prince -every shadow of suspicion. He frequently visited -Andrea and congratulated him that, though more than -eighty years of age, he enjoyed vigorous health; and -he was so affectionate and obsequious to Gianettino -that the young admiral tried to obtain for him a suitable -rank in the imperial army. It should not be forgotten, -however, that one motive of Gianettino was, to -remove Fieschi from Genoa, as the only one likely to -make an effective opposition in his personal ambition. -It is certain that from the time Vega declared Gianluigi -to be engaged in machinations against the empire, -Gianettino conspired to remove from his path the only<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span> -person who could be an obstacle to his own advancement. -He only awaited Andrea’s death to put off the -slight mask which he had hitherto worn; and in expectation -of that event he had entrusted to Captain -Lercaro the business of assassinating the count. This -was proved by letters of Gianettino which fell into the -hands of Fieschi, and were by him shown to many -persons; though the writers in the interest of the -empire asserted that these documents had been forged -by Gianluigi.</p> - -<p>About this time a messenger in the confidence of -Cæsar brought word to the count that Andrea’s solicitations -on behalf of his nephew were about to be -successful, and that Gianettino would soon be invested -with absolute power, on the same conditions as those -by which Casimo II. had ten years before been raised -to the government of Florence. This report, whether -true or false, was circulated among the friends of the -count, and doubly inflamed their resentment. They -resolved, in their indignation, not to procrastinate -longer the deliverance of the Republic, and to strike -down with one blow the ambitious youth who was -conspiring for supreme power.</p> - -<p>The count’s first step was to recall from Civita-Vecchia -the fourth galley under the command of Giacobbe -Conte, on pretence of arming it as a privateer, -and sending it to cruise against the Barbary commerce -in the east. He had two other ships ready to sail in -neighbouring ports. With these vessels he was able -without exciting suspicion, to bring into the city the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span> -troops concealed in his castles. He placed some of -them on board his triremes; others were concealed in -his own house and those of his fellow-conspirators.</p> - -<p>Verrina was the soul of every movement. He knew -all the arts of ingratiating himself with the plebeians, -and winning their sympathies to the cause of his -master. He began to allude in guarded phrases to the -necessity of a revolution in the interest of popular -government; and at the same time contrived to have -many vassals of the count enrolled in the permanent -militia of the Republic. Many artisans and mechanics -to whom he gave presents, promised him the service of -their arms to rescue by force a castle of the count -from some Florentine merchants, who, he said, had -seized it for debts. He was a man capable of inventing -traps and lures for all sorts of birds, and he enrolled -no one, whom he believed fitted for the work of the -conspiracy, until he had sounded the note best -adapted to charm his recruit.</p> - -<p>Calcagno, though he had dissuaded the count from -drawing the sword, was so overcome by his love for his -young master, that he was the most ardent worker in -the conspiracy. He was assigned the office of providing -arms and provisions for the troops gradually being -collected and introduced into the city. Sacco was -appointed to maintain order and discipline among these -soldiers. Ottobuono, brother of Gianluigi, was sent to -the court of France to secure the sympathy of the -French monarch for the cause of the approaching revolution.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Republic was at this moment without a Doge, -Giovanni Battista di Fornari having retired from the -magistracy. The galleys were idle and without crews, -because the season was unpropitious for navigation. -There were few of the permanent militia in the city, -and these for the most part were devoted to Gianluigi. -Giulio Cybo and other marquises of Valdimagra, had a -considerable force ready to break into the city at the -first opportune moment. The plebeians were ripe for -revolution; the Dorias and nobility without the least -suspicion. All things seemed propitious.</p> - -<p>Such was the condition of Genoa on the eve of the -conspiracy. “Strange,” says Cardinal de Retz, “ten -thousand persons in Italy were awaiting the outbreak -of the insurrection, and there was not one to betray -the plot.”<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> - -<p>We ought not, in my judgment, to decide upon the -merits of this conspiracy according to the views of our -own time, in which political movements are discussed -on principles of justice, but rather to give the conspirators -the benefit of the opinions and politics of their own -age. The doctrines of Macchiavelli, on which Gianluigi -had formed his principles, aim at the immediate -interests of states and derive principles from facts. -The theory of Guicciardini is the same. Whoever -undertakes to philosophise on the political ideas of the -sixteenth century will find that State policy never professed -any higher creed than utility, and that those -who were ambitious of repute as statesmen were not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span> -bound by a public moral sentiment to show the justice -of their methods for obtaining desirable ends. Whoever -had introduced on the scenes of state craft abstract -maxims of morality would have been hissed off as a -fool. The creed ran thus:—“Do you wish to free your -country? Caress the tyrant and then kill him. Your -dagger is sharper than the eyes of his satellites. -Audacity and courage are everything. He who falters -for an instant is undone. Every means is just which -leads to success.”</p> - -<p>Gianluigi held these maxims and he could not lay -them aside without freeing himself from the age in -which he lived. It was natural, therefore, that with -his noble intention of destroying the empire of the -Dorias he should use every instrument which seemed -adapted to his purpose. His heart was bursting with -suppressed rage; but his serene look and urbane -manners proclaimed him a peaceable and loyal citizen. -His nerves were strung with the spirit of revenge, but -his frank countenance, affable speech and good humour -were those of a mild-mannered and unruffled gentleman. -Once only he broke out against his rival with -fierce invectives; but ever after he feigned content -and put to sleep his adversary’s vigilance while meditating -his blow. He knew no other paths to his -end than those pointed out by the state craft of his -time. Why should he awaken suspicion in the Dorias -when all his interests said, “Deceive them”? It -is folly to arm an enemy who is delivering himself -unarmed into your power. Such, we have said, was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span> -the political morality of the speculative minds of that -day.</p> - -<p>In other respects Fieschi was counted virtuous and -honourable and uncorrupted in the bosom of a corrupt -society; so that it is very doubtful whether he had a -natural son named Paolo Emilio who was afterwards -a captain in the pay of France, of which fact we find -mention in some memoirs. Fame said of him that he -had never punished, even in the slightest manner, any -person in his service or vassalage.</p> - -<p>He deceived the Dorias and betrayed them against -faith; but only for a political object. The high design -of overthrowing one who had attempted his assassination -and of liberating his country ought, if it cannot absolve -him, to moderate the condemnation of posterity. -Brutus, too, was a deceiver and he is reputed great.</p> - -<p>Whatever be the ideas of those who read in the -nineteenth century, it is clear that the statesmen of -the sixteenth heartily approved of Fieschi’s work. He -was what these times made him. A stranger to the -spirit of the classic revolutions of the earlier part of -his century, to the ascetic revolts of Savonarola, to the -paralytic ardours of Soderini, he drank in with his -Guelph principles the dissimulation of Rome. An -Italian and a disciple of Macchiavelli, he wished to -liberate his country without the aid of foreign arms.</p> - -<p>A more favourable time could not have been desired. -The outbreak of the conspiracy would terrify Charles -who was deep in the German wars; Fieschi would be -able to form close alliances with France, England,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span> -Denmark and Turkey; he would stir the languid pulses -of the Italians and unite together Rome, Venice, -Genoa, Parma and Ferrara; Lucca and Siena, yet free, -were ready to join the Italian confederacy; Naples and -Milan would raise their heads.</p> - -<p>Three centuries more of abject servitude were reserved -for Italy.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c8" id="c8">CHAPTER VIII.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">THE SUPPER IN VIALATA.</p> - -<p class="pcs">Bloody propositions attributed to Verrina—The count repulses all -treacherous plans—New schemes—The conspirators introduced -into the city—Gianluigi pays his respects to Prince Doria—Gianettino -removes the suspicions of Giocante and Doria—The -supper of Gianluigi—The guests embrace the conspiracy—Eleonora -Cybo and her presentiments.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">Everything</span> being now in readiness, the count called -together a few of his most trusted partisans to consult -upon the time and plan of their uprising.</p> - -<p>About this time were celebrated the espousals of -Giulio Cybo, prince of Massa and Carrara and brother -of Eleonora Fieschi, with Peretta, the sister of Gianettino. -Verrina proposed that Gianluigi should give -a splendid banquet to the young couple which the -Dorias would be obliged to attend; and, that in the -midst of the festivities, assassins concealed for the -purpose should fall upon and butcher them. We find -that Verrina sent a messenger to Milan to make purchases -for the banquet and that with these purchases -he introduced into the palace some chests filled with -ammunition, swords, arquebuses, pikes and halberds.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> -However, the count refused his assent to the proposition -as a violation of the laws of hospitality.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span></p> - -<p>If we may believe Sigonio, Verrina formed another -not less inhuman project. An ecclesiastic of an -illustrious family was about to celebrate his first mass -in the church of St. Ambrogio, and the Dorias, Adamo -Centurione, his son Marco, Figuerroa and other old -nobles were expected to be present. Verrina proposed -to follow the example of the Pazzi in Florence and of -Olgiato in Milan and to assassinate them while kneeling -at the altar; then to rouse the city, take possession of -the senatorial palace, crown Fieschi with the diadem -of the Doges and put to the edge of the sword all who -offered resistance. But this atrocious design against -the liberties of the republic is denied by all the historians -of the period. Even the writers most partial to -the Dorias tell us that Gianluigi rejected the temptation -to assassinate Gianettino under the shadow of the -crucifix, though he was convinced that he could find -no better opportunity of crushing his rival at a single -blow.</p> - -<p>The count abhorred bloodshed. In fact but little was -spilled in all the fierce civil commotions of Genoa. -These revolutions resemble wars of adventurers which -have no other aim than to capture the enemy. There -was no fighting to the death; he who refused to yield -the field or broke the lines of his enemy was proclaimed -conqueror without more ado. He who got possession -of the government palace seldom punished his adversaries -beyond confiscation of goods and banishment. -Our laws and our history are full of examples. Gianluigi -contemplated such a revolution and could not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span> -bring himself to approve schemes of corruption and -slaughter.</p> - -<p>Other propositions were then made. Among these -the most prominent was that of awaiting the period -for electing a new Doge, that is the fourth of the -following January. The entire nobility would then be -assembled in the government palace, and a single blow -would sever the knot. The plan seemed every way -feasible and Gianluigi was disposed to follow it; but -it was abandoned because it was found Gianettino -would be absent and escape the vengeance of Fieschi. -It was at length resolved to make a bolder attempt on -Christmas Eve, 1547 (old style.)</p> - -<p>Orders were therefore issued on this plan to the -corporals in the city and to conspirators in other places, -particularly to Gianluca Fieschi, Giulio Cybo and the -marquis of Valdimagra. A number of armed men -were introduced into the city under cover of the festivities -of that day on which the burghers are wont to -flock into the city from every direction. Much artifice -was employed in bringing in the troops. They entered -in small bodies and by different gates, some even by -subterranean passages which conducted to the palace of -the count. Some wore the habit of mountaineers, -others had various disguises. A number were loaded -with chains under pretence that they were criminals -condemned to serve on the galleys of the count. Some -were lodged in the houses of the conspirators, but the -greater part in the palace in Vialata and neighbouring -houses. Still, the main body of the soldiers was not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span> -brought within the walls, but distributed over mount -Fasce and contiguous heights, ready to enter the gates -so soon as a smoke should rise from the hill of Carignano. -Such was the good order and discretion of the -conspirators that the Senate had not the faintest -suspicion.</p> - -<p>Early in the day count Fieschi, mounted upon a -spirited jennet, rode through the populous streets. He -had never appeared so jovial and composed, his strong -will governing his impetuous nature.</p> - -<p>We find in some letters of Sacco,<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> of which we shall -speak in another place, that a personage whose -name is concealed held a conference that day with -the count in the palace of Vialata. This person discoursed -of the popular dislike for the Doria government, -and concluded by saying that the count had -only to wish it to become master of Genoa. It is -easy to see, that the count brusquely repulsed the -insinuation. Sacco believed that this man had been -sent by Gianettino to pry into the plans and purposes -of Fieschi; but it is now certain that the Dorias were -living in entire ignorance of the tempest gathering over -their heads. The unknown personage must have been -one of the spies whom Figuerroa kept on the trail of -all the opponents of the Spanish power in Italy.</p> - -<p>Near the close of the day the count visited several -families. He went to the Doria palace, where, finding -in the vestibule the children of Gianettino with their -father, he caressed and kissed them with much tenderness.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span> -After some conversation he drew Gianettino -aside and begged him to make no opposition to the -departure of some of his vessels which were that night -to sail for the Levant. He added that if the vessels -should discharge some fire-arms in the port, he hoped -the admiral would give himself no concern. He also -requested Gianettino to interpose his good offices with -prince Doria in case the prince should oppose the -count’s plan of privateering. This plan was in fact a -violation of the treaty between the emperor and the -Turks, because the galleys of Fieschi would have sailed -from a port over which Doria was, as the admiral of -Cæsar, master and guardian. Gianettino, not from -any love he bore the count, as a modern writer remarks, -but because the favour was of trivial importance, promised -to use his influence with the prince if it should -become necessary, and gave to his captains the order -requested by Fieschi.</p> - -<p>Afterwards, Gianluigi went to the apartment of -Andrea who was lying in bed suffering from pains and -a fever. It happened that the prince was at that -moment in conversation with Gomez Suarez Figuerroa, -who, having received repeated messages from Gonzaga -respecting the conspiracies of Fieschi, had come to -speak of the soldiers taken by the count from the duke -of Piacenza and other facts wearing an ambitious -appearance. But so soon as Andrea saw the count on -his threshold, at the sight of the ingenuous and -courteous youth whom he loved almost as a son, he -bent his head to the ear of the minister and whispered,—“Tell<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span> -me yourself if it be possible that a base spirit -can be concealed under that angelic countenance.”<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p> - -<p>After a brief conversation the count retired, mounted -his superb jennet and rode gracefully along the streets. -Figuerroa exhausted all his arts to remove the delusion -of Doria but without success.</p> - -<p>Shortly after, Andrea was on the verge of making -the discovery by other means, but in this case, by -combinations of chance, Gianettino was the person to -dissipate his apprehensions. Giocante, of the Casa -Bianca family, who had once been in the service -of the Venitians, had command of the permanent -militia.</p> - -<p>He had distinguished himself in many actions and -especially when fighting with Doria at the head of a -large body of Ligurians in favour of France against the -Bourbons, he raised the siege of Marseilles. Colonel -Giocante had received on this very day several messages -informing him that many soldiers of various detachments -had left their quarters and taken refuge in the -house of Fieschi. Doria being in fact, though not -nominally, the head of the republic, Giocante informed -him and Adamo Centurione of what had occurred. -As soon as he had read the letter, Andrea called -Gianettino and ordered him to provide for the emergency; -but Gianettino related the conversation he had -just held with the count and reasoned that the momentary -desertion of a few soldiers, who were probably -vassals of the Fieschi and wished to celebrate the day<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span> -in Vialata, was of no importance. He concluded by -saying that Giocante attached consequence to frivolous -matters, and so entirely removed the suspicions of the -prince.</p> - -<p>The restless Verrina was not idle. At nightfall he -collected, in the house of Tomaso Assereto, more than -thirty gentlemen whose families had but recently been -inscribed in the book of gold. Fieschi, after leaving -Doria went directly to this place and invited these new -noblemen to sup with him that night in Carignano. -Arriving there many were surprised to find, in place -of festive preparations, the halls filled with arms and -armed men, strange faces and the din of warlike preparation. -They looked round for the count, but he -had gone to confer with Verrina and to learn whether -he had visited all the stations and the mustering places -of the conspirators, whether the Senate entertained any -suspicions or his near neighbours the Sauli had obtained -any information of the conspiracy. Verrina assured -him that all was prepared and that none of their adversaries -suspected their preparations for revolution, and -the count joined his guests.</p> - -<p>These gentlemen, alarmed at finding the palace a -camp rather than a festive hall, gathered about him to -learn the cause of these extraordinary sights and -sounds. Then the count changing his careless look -into one of stern purpose and striking the naked table -with his fist, broke out,—“The time so longed for by -us, young friends, has at last arrived. Our native land -is to-night in our hands to be liberated from the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span> -tyranny of the few and restored to a popular government. -This is my banquet, these are the festivals to -which I have invited you. You will never be invited -to a more honourable feast. With the approbation of -Cæsar, (and if you wish I will show you the proofs -and letters.) Gianettino Doria grown to excessive -power and riches has long aspired to tyranny in Genoa. -But finding me an obstacle to his designs, because I -am not less devoted to the public good and the liberties -of the nation than were my ancestors, he employs himself -day and night in conspiring against my life. He -has often vainly tried poison; now he trusts to the -secret dagger. Who of you does not swell with indignation -at the insolence of the old nobility, who both -in their private life and in the public offices deprive -you of honour and hold you in derision? I tell you -that more bitter and shameful things are reserved for -us. If we suffer so much to-day, what shall we have -when the patricians, with Gianettino at their head, -shall have drawn to themselves all public authority -and reduced us to vassalage? You will become a -plebeian herd! Let us then grapple like heroes with -evils which overhang me, yourselves and the country. -It is my design to kill the ambitious tyrant and Doria -himself, to capture their galleys, to occupy the government -palace and by destroying a few powerful enemies -to restore popular liberty.</p> - -<p>“Even though the result of this enterprise were -doubtful, I have such confidence in your courage and -patriotism, that I believe you would not leave me to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span> -encounter the danger alone. But the city is now in -our power. Three hundred of my bravest men are -with me, the greater part of the soldiers who guard the -government palace are my partisans. The keepers of -the gates are for us and await a preconcerted signal. -A galley rides at anchor in the port armed with a body -of men unsurpassed for equipment, strength and -courage. One thousand and five hundred artisans are -in arms to follow me. Two thousand men from my -castles are at the gates. As many more from Piacenza -will follow them. We have no enemy before us. The -night is serene and everything is propitious. You will -not be companions in the battle but spectators of a -victory. Give your love to your country; raise your -courage, your confidence. The glory and honour of -this undertaking are not only yours to share but yours -to dispense.”</p> - -<p>We have preferred to translate from the Latin of -Bonfadio<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> this speech of the count rather than to -compose one in the style of rhetoricians. Bonfadio, -who was a witness of that revolt, thus clearly displays -the object of Fieschi to overthrow Gianettino who -aimed to master the republic and to build again the -popular government. Still, we are not able to agree -with Bonfadio that the count intended to assassinate -Andrea; because what we have written tends to prove -the contrary, and still more because the murder of the -old and decrepit prince would have provoked universal -condemnation, and finally because the means of escape<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span> -were left open to him. It was doubtless for the interests -of Bonfadio to receive this fable and incorporate it -in his history, to justify Doria’s sanguinary vengeance.</p> - -<p>The words of Gianluigi powerfully moved his guests. -They enthusiastically offered to share the perils of the -enterprise. Two, Giovanni Battista Cattaneo-Bava and -Giovanni Battista Giustiniano, alone refused to take -arms; not because they dissented from the views of -Fieschi, but because they trembled at the sight of -muskets and sabres. Some of their companions drew -their daggers and wished to assassinate the cowards on -the spot; but Gianluigi interposed and contented -himself with confining them under guard to prevent -their revealing the conspiracy. This is a new proof of -the count’s unwillingness to shed blood.</p> - -<p>Fieschi then placed, one by one, under the eyes of his -companions the letters of Pierluigi, of cardinal Farnese -and of others, which clearly showed that Gianettino -aspired to royal state and, as if already mounted to a -throne, was planning the death of the count. A cry -of indignation burst from the whole company and all -swore to liberate the country and the count from the -plots of the common enemy.</p> - -<p>Fieschi then visited his wife whom he found immersed -in the most profound sorrow. The military -preparation, the clang of arms and the crowd filling -the palace had too clearly revealed to her that a bloody -enterprise was on foot. He tried to console her, told -her for the first time the long history of his conspiracy -and assured her that no danger lay before him. But<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span> -Eleonora strove to change his audacious purpose. She -kissed him, she hung upon his neck and exhausted her -affectionate acts to bend his resolute will. Pansa -entered at that moment and he, too, tried to divert -him from the undertaking; but with no better success -than the countess Eleonora. Fieschi embraced his -beloved spouse whose tears moved his heart to profound -pity; but his preparations were made, and if he had -wished it there was no place for retreat. When the -stern voice of Verrina called him from her arms, the -tears disappeared in an instant from his eye-lashes; -the husband vanished and only the conspirator remained. -Eleonora fell lifeless into the arms of Pansa.</p> - -<p>The count returned to the hall, ordered a frugal -meal and then distributed the arquebuses, pikes, spears, -swords and coats of mail. There was a story that at -that moment the soot of the chimney caught fire and -that the cries of the countess filled the heart of the -count with painful forebodings. There were other -fables; that a flock of birds rising from the garden -below flew off to the left, that during the day his horse -stumbled and nearly threw him from his saddle, that a -dog bayed long and mournfully, that setting his foot -carelessly on the threshold of his palace as he went out -he nearly fell down. They tell us that Calcagno, who -was at his side at this moment, said to him that -according to the ancients sinister presages usually foretold -success, and then the count recovered his spirits -and drawing his sword said:—“Let us go,” leading -the way to the street.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span></p> - -<p>Thus far we have in these fables only the mania for -classic imitation which bewildered the historians of -Gianluigi, and led them to underrate his courage. -Now come the calumnies. We are told that the count -ordered that whosoever moved from the ranks or -hesitated should be run through; that being asked on -the way by a noble, who wished to save some friend, -whether all the nobility were to be butchered, he -answered that all should be slain beginning from his -own nearest relatives. It is clear that these romancers -destroyed all confidence in their veracity by such -exaggeration.</p> - -<p>To disprove their partial statements it is only necessary -to say that Gianluigi himself had prevented the -assassination of the two nobles who had refused to follow -him. He forbade an attack on the palace of -Prince Doria, and would not even consent that Sebastiano -Lercaro should be killed, though he knew that -this person had accepted the commission of Gianettino -to assassinate himself.</p> - -<p>Having drawn up his ranks and exhorted the men -to prefer a glorious death to preserving their lives by -cowardice, he sent off one hundred and fifty infantry -to occupy the Borgo de’ Lanieiri, and marched down -the descent of San Leonardo followed by the gentlemen -and by the select part of his troops. The hour was -about midnight.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c9" id="c9">CHAPTER IX.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">THE NIGHT OF THE SECOND OF JANUARY.</p> - -<p class="pcs">Measures taken by the Count—Occupation of the gate of the Archi -and of San Tommaso—Death of Gianettino Doria—Fieschi did -not seek the death of prince Doria—Schemes of Paolo Lavagna—Taking -of the arsenal—Fall and death of Gianluigi—Flight of -Andrea Doria to Masone—The place where Gianluigi was -drowned—The several arsenals of Genoa—The death of Count -Fieschi deemed a misfortune by the Italians.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">Halting</span> for a moment at the foot of the hill, near -the ancient houses of the Frangipani, the count sent -his brother Cornelio to capture and hold the gate of -the Archi in order to secure a way of retreat to his -castles in case the enterprise should fail. He directed -his brothers Ottobuono and Gerolamo, who had just -returned from the court of France, to hold themselves -and their men in readiness to attack the gate of San -Tommaso at a preconcerted signal. The capture of -that strong place being an affair of moment, Calcagno -was ordered to support the attacking party with the -main body of the troops. These were the movements -in the city. As for the harbour, Verrina had orders to -work his galley outside of the Mandraccio and up to -the gates of the arsenal, thus laying siege to the ships -of Doria. Then Tommaso Assereto, who, as an officer -under Andrea, had the countersigns, was to enter the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span> -arsenal, by fraud or force, on the land side. The great -stress of the enterprise lay in taking these ships of -Doria, because they constituted the emperor’s naval -force and were able to command the Mediterranean. -Therefore, to make sure work at this point, the count -sent orders to Scipione Borgognino, one of his vassals -and a brave soldier, to embark the flower of the troops -upon some floats which had been prepared and to storm -the arsenal on the sea side, and having gained the -inside to open the gates unless Assereto had already -forced them.</p> - -<p>The count reserved to himself no particular command, -but was at liberty to fly to the point of greatest -need. He entered the city through the gates of St. -Andrea, passed down the streets of Prione and San -Donato, gained the piazza of Salvaghi and advancing -to the bridge of Cattanei, now destroyed, waited near -Marinella until Verrina should inform him with a -discharge from a bombard that the attack on the arsenal -was began.</p> - -<p>He intended, having occupied the arsenal and mounted -crews on the galleys of Doria, to unite the various -corps distributed through the city and move to the -assault of the Doge’s palace, the taking of which would -crown the enterprise with complete success. He employed -a subtle artifice to secure the death of Gianettino. -It was reasonably apprehended that the young -admiral, awakened by the din which would necessarily -be made in the harbour and arsenal, would take refuge -in a galley which always rode at anchor under the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span> -prince’s palace. To exclude this mode of flight, a large -number of floats heavily laden were placed, some days -before, in front of this ship so as to render it impossible -to move her. Finally, it was agreed and ordered that -the cry used to arouse the plebeians and win their -stout arms to the cause of Fieschi should be:—“<i>The -people and liberty</i>.”</p> - -<p>This was the general plan of insurrection. At first -every movement was successful. Cornelio occupied -the gate of the Archi with but little bloodshed; but -the fortress of San Tommaso proved a serious obstacle -to the conspirators. Captain Sebastiano Lercaro and -his brother were in command there. Both had the -reputation of being valiant soldiers, and they were -thoroughly devoted to the Dorias to whom they owed -their rank in the permanent militia. As soon as they -saw a large body of men moving against them and -heard the air ring with the name of Fieschi, they prepared -for a vigorous defence.</p> - -<p>Captain Lercaro, who, according to rumour, had -accepted a commission to assassinate Fieschi, knew -well that his own life and that of his masters’ depended -upon a successful resistance, and he exerted himself -with such spirit and prowess that he several times -repulsed the assailants with serious loss. But Gerolamo -and Ottobuono returned to the assault with undiminished -courage, and Calcagno came to their succour with -reinforcements. The conflict now became too unequal. -Many of the soldiers of the government were killed -and wounded, others threw down their arms, while<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span> -some turned their swords against those of their companions -who still faced the enemy.</p> - -<p>Lercaro, seeing himself well-nigh abandoned and his -brother stretched at his feet by a blow from a halberd, -surrendered to the Fieschi. Manfredo Centurione, -Vincenzo Promontorio, Vaccari and some other officers -and soldiers followed his example.</p> - -<p>The palace of Prince Andrea stood within a stone’s -throw of the gate of San Tommaso which the Fieschi -had now occupied. Gianettino, awakened by the din -of arms and fearing that there was a mutiny on his -galleys, determined to go immediately to the arsenal. -His consort in vain urged him with tears not to set -foot outside the palace, as though she too had sad -presage of her destiny. In vain Andrea united his -prayers to those of his wife. “This, said the prince, is -not a mutiny or quarrel among our crews. It is the -roar of battle.” A relentless destiny drew the young -admiral on to his fate. Still believing that it was -some disturbance among his own crews, he set forth -for San Tommaso to obtain troops to quell the disorder. -He had only a page as an escort. The flicker of his -own lamp revealed him to his enemies, and rejoicing -at their good fortune they permitted him to approach -and fall into their net. Arriving at the walls, he -demanded in his usual imperious tone that the door be -opened. At that moment, pierced by many pikes, he -fell in a pool of his own blood. It is now known that -the first and fatal blow was dealt by Agostino Bigelotti -da Barga, a soldier of the government.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span></p> - -<p>Gerolamo Fieschi now began to fortify his position. -Gianettino, the expected tyrant of Genoa, being dead, -it was no longer desirable to assail the Doria palace. -The decrepit Andrea was not obnoxious to their rage. -He was in error or spoke falsely who wrote that Fieschi -desired the death of Prince Doria that he might -plunder the splendid carvings, sculptures and furniture -of the Doria palace. The government itself by the -mouth of the lawyers of Padua, affirmed that Fieschi -did not wish to assault that house or to vent his wrath -against the prince, towards whom he felt no personal -grudge. This is the most splendid testimony that -Gianluigi did not aspire to power but to liberate the -Republic. And if those who undertook to transmit to -posterity the memory of these events had studied the -official documents, they could not have distorted -history by such grave errors. It is noteworthy, too, -that the name of France was not uttered on that fatal -night.</p> - -<p>Count Gerolamo left his brother Ottobuono to guard -the gates and marched through the principal streets to -arouse the people for the national cause. The word -liberty, rung in the ears of people but yesterday despoiled -of rights which they had enjoyed for centuries, -produced a marvellous effect in the deep midnight -silence. New crowds crying, “<i>Gatto and liberty</i>” -gathered around the Fieschi standard. The very -women who, when the first uproar called their husbands -and brothers into the streets, clung to them with tears, -when they heard the name of Fieschi hushed their sobs<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span> -and uttered cries of joy. Such was the power of that -name. The night was now dark; the confusion and -the terror became indescribable. The shouts of the -populace and the blare of the trumpets filled the old -nobles with mortal dismay, and closing their massive -doors they did not venture to set foot in the streets.</p> - -<p>Suarez Figuerroa, the minister of Cæsar, who had -foreseen the conspiracy, though he had not believed -the outbreak so near, was seized with a mortal fright, -and wandered half insane through the streets in search -of a way of escape from the city. Paolo Lasagna -encountered him and dissipated his personal fears by -assuring him that however the conflict might end, the -character which the minister of Cæsar bore would -perfectly protect him from harm, and conducted him -to the ducal palace. Lasagna, though he was not -opposed, being a new noble, to the movement on foot, -yet being a follower of the Adorni party, he thought -the occasion propitious for the restoration of his friends -to power. Therefore collecting some of his political -sympathisers, he conferred with them, and they decided -to wait until the balance should incline in favour of -one or other of the contending parties. If the attempt -of the Fieschi should be crushed, they would do nothing. -But if it should triumph, then they would unite with -the Spinola party and rouse the city with the cry of -Barnaba Adorno. For the present, they would watch -the course of the storm and see whom it destroyed.</p> - -<p>As we have said, the Ducal office was at that time -vacant, and Nicolò Franco was administering the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span> -government. Besides Lasagna and Figuerroa, there -were collected about him in the palace Cardinal -Gerolamo Doria and Prince Adamo Centurione who -had taken refuge there at the first sounds of revolution. -On receiving intelligence of the assault on the gate of -San Tommaso, they sent to reinforce it Bonifacio -Lomellini, Cristoforo Pallavicini and Antonio Calvi -with fifty men of the Ducal guard. The reinforcement -had hardly reached the street Fossatello when it was -surrounded and badly handled. The survivors with -difficulty gained the Centurione palace and took shelter -there. Francesco Grimaldi, Domenico Doria and some -other nobles had taken refuge in this palace. They -reproached the fugitive soldiers with their cowardice -and offered to lead them against the enemy. Though -but few in number they advanced boldly against the -revolutionists at San Tommaso; but Calcagno made a -vigorous sortie and routed them, killing some and -capturing others.</p> - -<p>The count’s enterprise was moving with full sails. -Tommaso Assereto, who was appointed to carry the -arsenal by a <i>coup de main</i>, arrived at the door and -giving the countersign was about to enter without -bloodshed, when his enthusiastic men sprang from -under cover to enter with him and the garrison rushing -to arms repulsed them with serious loss. The first -attempt having failed, they went to the count who was -awaiting the result of the attack in the street of Maruffi -near the piazza San Pancrazio. He was fretting -wrathfully because his ears had not yet been saluted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span> -by the bombard as arranged with Verrina. At the -news of the repulse, he broke into imprecations upon -their cowardice, and ordered Scipione Borgognino to -embark at once on the floats and attack the arsenal by -sea, while he in person led the attack by land. To -assail a strong fortress with boats is a very perilous -undertaking and it would not have been attempted -but for the fierce ardour of Borgognino who, though -not seconded by the galley of Verrina, determined to -risk the assault.</p> - -<p>Unfortunately the galley of Verrina was stationed -in that part of the port which is called the Mandraccio, -and when he attempted to work her towards the -arsenal, she struck full on a sand bank under water, -and held so firmly that their utmost efforts could -not get her afloat. This was the cause of Verrina’s -unexpected delay. At length, however, by superhuman -exertion and enthusiasm they succeeded in lifting her -off the bar and, with three other frigates, which had -that same night arrived in port (as we read in the -report of the Republic to Ceva Doria) moved forward -to the assistance of Borgognino. The latter had overcome -every resistance and driven the defenders from -every defensible part of the works, and the count, -hearing the roar of the battle within, assailed the gates -at the moment Borgognino, beating down all opposition, -rushed into the arsenal and ran to open it to his -leader.</p> - -<p>A more complete success could not have been hoped -for by the conspirators. Of all their attacks that of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span> -Assereto only had failed, and that chiefly because the -disaster of the galley had prevented a simultaneous -assault by sea and land.</p> - -<p>The night was dismal; the sea stormy; the cries of -the Doria slaves, the clanking of their chains and the -disorder of the assailants rendered the arsenal a scene -of indescribable confusion. The count, seeing the -necessity of preventing revolt among the galley slaves -who were breaking their chains, with his natural -audacity threw himself on board the galley in which -the greatest disorder reigned, manned it with his own -men and gave the command of it to some of his most -trusted followers. Order was soon restored and he -resolved to go into the city. He attempted to pass -from the <i>Capitana</i> to the <i>Padrona</i> which was moored -by the side of the former. But the shock of a float -suddenly striking against them drove the vessels apart -and the frail and imperfectly fastened bridge which -connected them fell, carrying him with it down into -the sea. With him fell the hopes of the revolutionists. -Though the count was an able swimmer, he could not -save himself on account of being encumbered with -arms, and in the darkness and confusion no aid was -rendered him.</p> - -<p>This is the history of his death according to the -writers of the time, with the addition that the count -and Gianettino perished in the same moment. But as -the water in the arsenal was not deep and the count’s -strength and skill as a swimmer must have enabled -him to save himself in spite of his armour, we are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span> -inclined to adopt the opinion of Campanaceo that he -struck his temples against the bridge in falling and -either fell senseless into the waves, or was so weakened -by the blow as to be unable to make any exertion. In -fact, when the corpse was taken from the water the -head was found to have suffered a severe contusion.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, Prince Doria seeing that Gianettino did -not return and hearing the cries and tumult among -the galleys, despatched messenger after messenger to -learn the occasion of the unwonted uproar. Captain -Luigi Giulia at length brought him word that the -Fieschi were in arms and the city ringing with their -name. The old admiral fumed with vexation that his -decrepitude forbade him to mingle in the fray. He -was induced by the tears of Princess Peretta and the -entreaties of his servants to send his wife into the -adjacent convent of the <i>Canonici Regolari di San -Teodoro</i> and the widow of Gianettino with her children -into the monastery of Gesu and Maria. Then mounting -on horseback, escorted by Giulia, Count Filippino and -four servants, he rode to Sestri whence he went upon -a small oared bark to Voltri, and thence sent information -of the revolution to the duke of Florence and -Gonzaga in Milan, who were the only zealous partisans -of the imperial cause in Italy. He was then placed in -a palanquin and carried to the castle of Masone, a feud -of Adamo Centurione, fifteen miles distant from Genoa -in the heights of the mountains. In this painful -journey, he read upon the faces of his attendants the -fate of Gianettino and wept bitter tears, over it, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span> -his grief was partly soothed by the hope of immolating -the whole Fieschi family to his terrible vengeance.</p> - -<p>The first part of this conspiracy thus ended in a -great misfortune; but it saved the Republic by Gianettino’s -death. There can be no doubt that, had he -survived he would have gratified his own lust of -dominion and fulfilled the wishes of Cæsar, who desired -to divide Italy into principalities subject to himself -and founded on the ruins of the republics averse to -his empire.</p> - -<p>The body of Gianettino was buried in the subterranean -chapel of San Matteo which is now adorned with -the monument of Andrea, a beautiful work of Montorsoli.</p> - -<p>A brief episode will be permitted us here on the -place in the harbour where Gianluigi was drowned. -It is necessary to confute the error of those who tell -us it occurred in the station of Mandraccio. The -mistake arose from the confusion of various arsenals -whose true position has been lost in the great changes -wrought by time. The first arsenal of which we shall -speak was nothing more than a small basin near the -piazza Molo, protected in 1276 by a strip of land -covered with heavy stones and palissades. Then -galleys were built there. At an earlier period ships -were constructed along the Borgo di Pre, then outside -the walls, particularly in front of the commandery of -St. John and near the basin of St. Limbania.</p> - -<p>It is difficult to comprehend how the Genoese, without -any tolerable dockyards, were able in so short a -time to put to sea the memorable fleets which sailed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span> -for Palestine, and the two sent against Pisa in 1120 -and 1126. The first Pisan expedition numbered eighty -galleys, four large ships, thirty-five gatti, twenty-eight -calabi and other small craft manned by twenty-two -thousand combatants; and the second counted eighty -triremes and forty-three boats. We have credible -testimony that the Genoese equipped, in seven years, -six hundred and twenty-seven triremes; and in 1295, -in less than a month, they put to sea two hundred -galleys and other ships of which one hundred and five -were entirely new, and embarked on them thirty-five -thousand warriors, eight thousand of whom were -dressed in silk and purple. The founder of the arsenal -of which we speak was a certain Oliverio a cistercense -monk of the Badia of St. Andrea in Sestri. He constructed -two roads on that strip of land, of which we -have made mention, leading down to the gate of the -Molo, where there was already a bridge of large stones -on which rose a light-house for the convenience of -mariners. In the same year, Marin Boccanegra raised -a high wall around the Borgo di Molo which was then -outside of the piazza of that name. This wall ran -from the church of Our Lady of Grace along the shore -to the tower of the light-house, then, turning, it passed -behind San Marco and in front of Bordigotto famous -in popular legends for its fountain of blood and here -Boccanegra excavated the little port which was called -Mandraccio. Here was moored the galley of Fieschi, -and the shallowness of the water rendered it difficult -to work her out into the harbour. We find in fact<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span> -that though the excavations of Boccanegra are described -as very deep, yet that there was not sufficient water in -any part of the Mandraccio to float heavy galleys. -Some years after the attempt of Fieschi, that is in -1575, that part of the port which lies between the -Ponte Cattanei and the little mole of Mandraccio then -called the <i>Goletta</i> was dried under the direction of the -Sicilian engineer Anastasio, and the rocks lying at the -bottom of it were broken up and excavated for the -distance of twenty palms.</p> - -<p>To enlarge this arsenal and protect it from the fury -of the waves, Boccanegra commanded, in 1283 the -colossal structure of the Molo extending it one hundred -and fifteen cubits into the sea. On the opposite side -of the arsenal, rose the Ponte Cattanei, called by the -name of the family who built it, and there was a -passage by an easy stair to the Ponte di Mercanzia -which led to the Portofranco and the Custom House. -The latter occupied the ground floor of the bank of St. -George, a palace which was adorned in 1262 with some -marbles taken from the palace of the Venitians in -Constantinople. To the right of the bank stood, and -still stands, the Ponte Reale and next it those of -Spinola, Legna and Calvi. In the vicinity of this last, -the third arsenal was begun in the period of which -we write, and behind it a fourth was afterwards -constructed.</p> - -<p>The third arsenal, situated between the church of S. -Fede and S. Antonio, was built in 1282 and ten -thousand marks of the booty taken in Pisa in 1215<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span> -were appropriated for its construction. It was afterwards -doubled in size and half of it was appropriated -to the wine trade and the collection of duties on the -same. The other part was used as a station for galleys.</p> - -<p>Gianluigi on the night of the 2nd of January, passed -from the street of Maruffi by way of Sottoripa to that -part of the arsenal which was used for the trade in -wine, and the gate of that part was opened by his men. -From this gate he passed into the back part of the -arsenal, where the Doria galleys lay, and there he was -drowned and buried in the muddy bottom of the dock. -He could not have met his fate in the fourth arsenal, -which is the one existing in our day, because it was -then unoccupied. Though begun in 1457 the works -had fallen into ruin from the want of skill in the -builders, and, they were not reconstructed until 1596.</p> - -<p>The news of Fieschi’s death was received by the -liberal spirits of Italy as a national misfortune. Matteo -Bandello a month after the event wrote:—“He was -a young man of great heart and excellent speech; his -literary studies and the instructions of the learned and -virtuous Paolo Panza had given him a maturity of -judgment wonderful for his years. There is no -learned man of Italy or France who had not commended -him for his rare virtues, his intellectual gifts -and the greatness of soul which led him though so -young to combine everything with admirable prudence -for freeing his country from the Spanish yoke.”<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> - -<p>Nor ought we to omit that opinion which, according -to the same author, was expressed by Catando<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span> -d’Arimini who lived on intimate terms with the count. -Catando said:—“In a conference held at Montebrano -by the Fregosi, you, my masters, justly commended -Gian Aloise Fieschi, for he truly deserved your praise. -But I think that the most of you honoured his memory -with your good opinion on the basis of the current -estimate of his great virtues and singular mental -accomplishments. But if you had known him as -familiarly as I, the day would be too short to express -your admiration. If I wished to recount to you all -his merits, it would be easy to begin but impossible to -finish my discourse. I shall omit then his birth which -opened for him the paths to honour, his boyhood which -impressed all the Genoese with boundless expectation -of his future, the prematurely ripened intelligence -which he used in winning the love of the people and -the good will of the nobility, so that the people adored -him and the nobles admired and esteemed him. I -forbear to enlarge on the repute which he had among -the peasants of the Eastern Riviera and in the mountains -towards Parma and Piacenza; on the fact that his -vassals never complained of the slightest injustice, and -that he was so liberal when they were in want that -they adored him as a Providence, and that his neighbours -had the highest respect for his wisdom. I pass -by his affection for his brothers whom he wished to be -honoured as himself, that he loved and aided his friends -with fraternal warmth and avenged injuries with a -prompt hand.” The orator concluded by saying that -the most distinguished proof of Fieschi’s greatness was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span> -that he attempted great enterprises. We shall not -dwell on the people’s grief over the death of Gianluigi. -It kept alive his memory in national songs and mariner’s -hymns, which are so full of patriotic fervour that -they deserve to be collected and preserved. To justify -this opinion, we give two stanzas of a popular song -preserved in a codex of Beriana the subject of which is -the death of the count, the sorrow felt by the Genoese -at his loss and their high estimate of his merits.</p> - -<p class="pp6 p1">E se l’alto e magnanimo desìre</p> -<p class="pp4">La fallace fortuna fece vano,<br /> -Non vi si può imputar, non si può dire<br /> -Che v’abbi offeso alcun valore umano;<br /> -Che per voler nel mondo voi ferire<br /> -Non era in terra così ardita mano:<br /> -Ma un elemento solo ebbe per sorte<br /> -Di farsene sepolcro e darvi morte.</p> - -<p class="pp6 p1">A gran pianto e dolor restiamo noi</p> -<p class="pp4">Che seguitiam vostre vestigie in terra:<br /> -Perchè rimasti siamo senza voi<br /> -Che padre erate agli nomini di guerra,<br /> -Come se senza i chiari raggi suoi<br /> -Lasciasse il sole in tenebre la terra;<br /> -Chi sarà senza voi mai piu giocondo?<br /> -Spento il vostro valor fu oscuro il mondo.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c10" id="c10">CHAPTER X.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">COMPROMISES AND PUNISHMENTS.</p> - -<p class="pcs">Gerolamo Fieschi continues the insurrection in his own name.—Consultations -at the Ducal palace and fighting at San Siro.—The -news of the death of Gianluigi discourages the insurgents.—Paolo -Panza carries to Gerolamo the decree of pardon.—Verrina -and others set sail for France.—The African slaves -escape with Doria’s galley.—Sack of Doria’s galleys.—Return -of Andrea and his thirst for vengeance.—Decree of condemnation.—Scipione -Fieschi and his petitions to the Senate.—Schemes -and intrigues of Doria to get possession of the Fieschi -estates.—Destruction of the palace in Vialata.—Traditions -and legends.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">When</span> Verrina had secured possession of the arsenal he -landed and marched to meet the count; but, learning -that Gianluigi had entered the palace on the opposite -side, he halted his men and awaited the orders of his -master. He could find no trace of the count from the -moment he had gone on board the Capitana, and after -some delay he went to that vessel and finding her -bridge broken began to suspect what had happened. -His courage did not fail him. He immediately ordered -the waters to be searched all around the galley, and -having satisfied himself of the fate of his master would -not allow the body to be taken up lest the sight of it -should discourage his men. He left the arsenal in the -charge of Tommaso Assereto and marched into the -city, sending the diver who had found the body to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span> -report their great calamity to Gerolamo Fieschi. At -the same time he requested an interview with Gerolamo -in order to devise means to conduct their enterprise -without the inspiration of its master spirit.</p> - -<p>Gerolamo Fieschi, though full of audacity had not a -hundreth part of his brother’s talents. Seeing that the -death of Gianluigi had invested him with the headship -of the family, he relied on the fidelity of his -vassals and fellow-conspirators, and resolved to prosecute -the revolution in his own name. But, overburdened -by grief and weighty thoughts, he suffered Verrina’s -messenger to depart without any adequate answer. -This neglect lost him the powerful support of Verrina’s -genius and threw the weight of the undertaking upon -himself, a youth with no training or talent for so great -an enterprise. He gathered about him a select body -of militia and marched towards the Ducal palace, -hoping to crown the conspiracy by a single blow.</p> - -<p>As we have said some Senators were assembled in -this palace; and among them was the historian -Bonfadio in company with Giovanni Battista Grimaldi.</p> - -<p>A consultation was held after the news of the failure -at San Tommaso, and it was determined to cease -offering armed resistance to the conspirators and to -endeavour to restore peace by friendly negotiations. -Some persons offered to be the bearers of a peaceful -message to the count; these were Gerolamo Fieschi -and Benedetto Fiesco-Canevari, both of the Savignone -branch of the family; but leaving the Ducal palace -they did not again return thither.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span></p> - -<p>Cardinal Gerolamo Doria and senators G. B. Lercaro -and Bernardo Interiano-Castagna were then commissioned -to carry to the count a request in the name -of the Republic to desist from his violent proceedings -and make known the object of his movement. But -the commissioners having walked a short distance outside -of the chancel, seeing arms and crowds of people, -were terrified and turned back. At the moment, the -guard of the palace, not seeing the senators, fired on -the crowd wounding some persons and killing Francesco -Rizzo an honoured citizen. The senators regained the -hall, and a new deputation was appointed consisting -of Agostino Lomellini, Giovanni Imperiale-Baliano, -Ansaldo Giustiniani and Ambrogio Spinola, citizens of -the highest rank and reputation. This deputation -went in search of the count; but near the church of -San Siro, they found the streets thronged with insurgents, -and a combat occurred between the guard -acting as escort for the senators and the people. It -was a confused nocturnal battle and the soldiers were -repulsed and fell back with the deputation.</p> - -<p>In that midnight skirmish, Lomellini, after barely -escaping death, was taken prisoner and conducted to -San Tommaso; but he had the good fortune to make -his escape during the same night. The brave Giustiniani -alone refused to yield or fly and demanded -permission to pass on, as a peace messenger, to the -quarters of Count Fieschi. He was led to the presence -of Gerolamo and inquired for the Count of Lavagna. -Gerolamo brusquely informed him that there was no<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span> -longer any Count Fieschi but himself, and added that -until the Ducal palace was delivered to his forces it -would be a waste of words to make propositions. He -would talk of peace after the surrender of the government -into the hands of his partisans. With these -words, Giustiniani was dismissed and the troops ordered -to collect in the piazza of San Lorenzo and in front of -the adjacent palace.</p> - -<p>Giustiniani, justly inferred from Gerolamo’s incautious -speech that the rumour of the death of Gianluigi -had good foundation, and that the conspiracy, having -lost its able leader, would be easily crushed under the -management of a young man without reputation or -the support of popular affection. He returned to the -palace in haste, informed the senator that Gianluigi -was dead, and encouraged them to a spirited resistance.</p> - -<p>The government recovered its confidence, sent -heralds to proclaim with the sound of the trumpet the -death of Gianluigi and ordered the nobles to arm their -servants and dependents. These last orders were -unnecessary. So soon as the trumpeters announced -the fate of the great leader, the multitudes of plebeians -were seized with terror, the lines of the troops thinned -rapidly and the squares and streets began to be -deserted.</p> - -<p>The artisans and mechanics, particularly, who were -not attached to Gerolamo by the memory of kindness -or by the affection of vassals had no longer a cause to -maintain and they retired in despair to their homes. -It was almost day break. The best and most liberty-loving<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span> -citizens felt that the enterprise had fallen into -the waves with Gianluigi, and fearing to be seen in -arms when the day dawned and thus to expose themselves -to the vengeance of the patricians, made haste -to abandon the field of victory. Many others who had -stood ready to throw themselves into the ranks of the -victors now sought the security of their own houses. -All seemed to accept the unhappy fate of Fieschi as -the judgment of God against the revolution. Uncertainty, -panic and fright filled all breasts. The -vassals of the count stood fast from loyalty to their -lord, and the soldiers who had deserted the standards -of the Republic were firm from desperation. A few -others heroic by nature, among them the strong armed -and stout hearted Gerolamo d’Urbino, did not tremble -or hesitate but resolved to meet every danger with -steadfast courage.</p> - -<p>The government learned all these things by means -of messengers and spies who circulated among the -insurgents, and it was proposed to attack the forces -yet remaining under the standard of Gerolamo. However, -the more prudent part—taking account of the -limited number of their troops, the uncertainty of their -fidelity, the ferocity of the conspirators in whom -desperation would increase animosity and courage and -that much blood must be shed in such a contest—thought -it more wise to pursue a policy of compromise -and conciliation.</p> - -<p>It happened that just then Paolo Panza appeared -before the senate to protest his entire innocence of any<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span> -part in the conspiracy which had been planned and -executed under his very eyes, and the fathers knowing -his temperate and conciliatory spirit appointed him -with Nicolò Doria as a commission to ask peace.</p> - -<p>Panza was authorized to offer pardon to Gerolamo -and all the other conspirators and insurgents on condition -of their retiring from the city. The count was -at first irresolute. He had not pushed his attack at -once upon the palace and was now falling back and -fortifying himself at the gate of the Archi. The -authority of his preceptor finally prevailed over his -ambition and animosity, and he promised to withdraw -his men from the city. The act of pardon was written -and subscribed by Ambrogio Senarega chancellor of -the senate and ran as follow:—</p> - -<p>“The illustrious Signoria and magnificent procurators -of the most serene Republic of Genoa, considering -that when sudden tumults occur in Republics -nothing more conduces to the preservation of the state -and the weal of the citizens than to destroy quickly -both the causes and the means of such disorders, which -grow more violent by being protracted; and Count Gio. -Ludovico Fieschi having during the past night, when -no one suspected his design, taken possession of two -of the city gates as means for carrying on an insurrection -against our authority; and this movement having -created a tumult in our midst and many citizens having -taken up arms in favour of the count to the great -detriment of public order; and an attack having been -made during this night upon the galleys of Prince<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span> -Doria and most of the said galleys having been seized -and disarmed and Signor Gianettino their captain -killed; for these and many other persuasive and conclusive -reasons believing it their duty to omit no means -for restoring tranquility, and that the best way of -making peace is to obtain possession of the gates without -further bloodshed and to remove the insurgents -outside the walls of the city; and being informed that -these ends may be gained by granting a general pardon: -Therefore in virtue of these our letters of grace, pardon -and remission, granted under due form of ballot, the -illustrious Signoria and magnificent procurators, supported -by the will of a great part of the citizens who -have come to this palace in the confusion of the night -in order to aid in preserving the Republic, do herewith -pardon free and absolve the said count Gerolamo -Fieschi and all his brothers, together with every other -citizen or inhabitant of this city or its jurisdiction and -every foreigner of whatever rank quality or condition, -for any and every crime, offence or license which they -have committed in the rebellion raised this night by -the said count, in taking the city gates, attacking the -galleys and whatever else they have said or done with or -without arms to give aid and comfort to this said plot, -conspiracy or insurrection. And we declare that in -whatever manner they may have been concerned in -this conspiracy and whatever crimes, including high -treason, they may have committed, none of them, either -collectively or singly, shall be liable to question or trial, -to confiscation of goods or personal harm. We intend<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span> -that this pardon shall be universal and embrace every -offence whatever, committed in executing the designs of -the said Count Fieschi and we grant herewith the most -complete pardon, remission and absolution.”</p> - -<p>Count Gerolamo, trusting to the good faith of the -Republic, spent a brief hour in Carignano and then set -out with his followers for Montobbio, not wishing to -depart from Italy lest the Dorias should assail his -feuds. Ottobuono, Cornelio, Verrina, Sacco, Calcagno -and other leaders of the conspiracy took a more prudent -course and set sail on their galley for France. Mindful -that a government rarely or never pardons treason, they -removed themselves from its reach and took with them -the prisoners they had captured at San Tommaso. -When they arrived off the mouth of the Varo -they set the captives at liberty; among them were -Sebastiano Lercaro, Manfredi Centurione and Vincenzo -Vaccari. By releasing these prisoners they deprived -themselves of a guarranty which might have saved -their lives at a later period. These conspirators were -not the only persons who sailed from the port that -morning.</p> - -<p>The convicts and Turkish captives on board the -Doria galleys had broken their chains and they resolved -to avail themselves of the universal confusion to make -their escape. The ships of Prince Doria, Antonio Doria -and some other private persons were lying dismantled -in the harbour. In the fury of the tumult the galleys -of Andrea were plundered by the plebeians and by the -slaves, and the latter collected with their booty on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span> -board the Capitana which had escaped the fury of the -sack. There was a good reason for this exception.</p> - -<p>This galley, formerly called the Temperanza, had -been a Venitian vessel and the men of Barbary had -captured her and four other triremes in 1539, near -Corfu in the waters of Paxo, taking prisoner at the -same time the Commandant Francesco Gritti.</p> - -<p>Dragut Rais was so pleased with the sailing qualities -and rich equipment of the Capitana that he made her -his flag-ship. Gianettino Doria captured her in the -engagement in which the corsair himself fell into our -hands. On the night of the second of January the -African prisoners to the number of three hundred or -more threw themselves on board this galley, as a piece -of their own property, and sailed out to sea. Though -two galleons of Bernardino Mendozza, which were -anchored in another part of the harbour and so escaped -the pillage, were sent in chase at early dawn, the -fugitives made good their flight and after a long voyage -arrived safely in Algiers.</p> - -<p>The Doria fleet suffered grave damages in that night -pillage, the furniture and rigging being reduced to a -mass of ruins. These disorders originated with the -liberated slaves, and the bad example was followed by -the convicts who afterwards carried confusion and -alarm into the city. Many of the lowest class of the -people penetrated into the foundries and shipyards of -Doria, and what they could not carry away they threw -into the sea. During the following days, the convicts -were hunted out in every quarter of the city and taken<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span> -back to their oars, and some of the equipments of the -ships were recovered by the zealous efforts of Adamo -Centurione whose pecuniary interests were united to -those of Doria.</p> - -<p>It is worth while to observe that the storm of this -conspiracy broke over the ships of Andrea. The -government issued a proclamation that whoever should -have taken or should find anything belonging to the -galleys of the prince, as arquebuses, pikes, halberds, -visors, helmets, corselets, axes or any other arms or tool -belonging to these vessels, should within three days -consign them to the justices in the Riviera, or to the -agents of Doria in Genoa, or deposit them in the -churches of San Vito and Annunziata.</p> - -<p>Our historians have neglected to describe one of the -galleys of Doria which was a wonderful specimen of -Genoese naval architecture. She was built by Doria -in 1539 for the personal use of Charles V. in his -expedition to Tunis, and surpassed all other galleys -by fifteen palms in length and four palms in breadth<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>. -She bore three standards of crimson damask, each -twenty-three palms in length and beautifully embroidered -in gold. The one in the midst had in the -centre a star with golden rays and appropriate inscriptions; -that at the stern bore the figure of an angel and -the one on the prow a shield, a helmet and a sword. -Besides, there were three flags at the poop also of -damask and thirty palms in length, and another banner -of white damask was embroidered with chalices, pontifical -keys and red crosses, with fitting inscriptions.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span> -There were two flags of red damask bearing the imperial -columns and the device—<i>plus ultra</i>—invented -by the Milanese Marliano, physician to Charles V. and -an excellent mathematician. The vessel also had -twenty-four other flags of yellow damask and appropriate -devices. The saloon was adorned with beautiful -arabesques in blue and gold, and the sides were -tapestried with cloth of gold and silver, hung so as to -represent pavillioned domes. The castle on the poop -was covered with exquisite carvings and there were two -carpets for the deck, one of scarlet cloth for daily use -and another, for state occasions, of crimson velvet and -brocade of gold. The crew wore satin jackets. The -gun carriages, rigging and other furniture were all in -the most perfect style and finish of the naval art of -that period. The slaves and convicts ruined all these -splendid equipments and furniture.</p> - -<p>After this pillage, prisoners of war and other slaves -were treated with greater severity. For, though up to -this period the young men served at the oar, yet many -of the Mamalukes, as the Barbary prisoners were called -in Genoa, had some privileges from the government -and their servitude was not of a strict and painful -character. Some of them had the permission to engage -in minute traffic within the city and had their markets -in the piazza of the arsenal and the Piano of St. -Andrea. There they shaved and trimmed the beards of -the citizens, and none could equal them in this art. -They traded in coffee, sugar, brandy, pipes, tobacco -and game. They practised small frauds in their trade<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span> -and some of them grew rich, while many were able to -buy themselves out of bondage. These privileges were -now taken away from them, and were not restored -until many years after. In this way the rigours of -slavery were increased among us, though the system -was restricted to the “infidels” who were either bought -in Egypt or captured in war. It is true that a law of -the Republic forbade the buying and selling of slaves -in the land of the Sultan; but this provision was -evaded by shipping the captives to Caffa where the -Grand Turk sent agents for the traffic. Our statutes -by enacting grave penalties against slave-stealers, held -slaves to be the absolute property of their masters; -and in 1588 it was ruled that in a case of shipwreck -the loss should be distributed <i>pro rata</i> counting all -sorts of merchandise “including male and female -slaves, horses and other animals.”</p> - -<p>The government hastened to inform the emperor -and Ferrante Gonzaga of the insurrection. The latter -sent Cavalier Cicogna on a mission to the senate and -he himself at the head of a strong force advanced to -Voghera to watch the movements of the Fieschi at -Montobbio. All the Italian princes friendly to the -empire congratulated the Republic on its escape from -the conspiracy. Cardinal Cibo, who sent as his -messenger Ercole de Bucchi, the Duke of Florence, by -his legate Jacopo de’ Medici, and the ten conservators -of liberty of Siena, by M. Nicodemo, offered their -services and assistance to the government in case of -need.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span></p> - -<p>We find also a letter of Giulio Cybo, Marquis of -Massa, in which he declares that he has collected troops -at Borghetto to march to the assistance of the -Republic; but it became known afterwards that these -troops had been massed to aid the Fieschi insurrection. -They did not pertain alone to the Marquis of Massa, -but also to Gasparo di Fosnuovo and other feudatories. -We shall presently speak of the congratulations -sent by the Pope and Pierluigi Farnese.</p> - -<p>The government pledged itself to universal amnesty; -we shall now see how it kept faith. Encouraged by -the departure of the Fieschi, the senate despatched -Benedetto Centurione and Domenico Doria to escort -Andrea back to the city and to condole with him for -the loss of Gianettino. This last was a piece of -hypocrisy, for they secretly rejoiced over their deliverance -from the rising tyrant. Andrea returned on the -sixth of January and was received with regal pomp. -We learn from old documents that the wrathful old -man cloaked his vengeance under the mantle of patriotic -zeal, and, assembling the fathers on the very day -of his return, told them in well-rounded phrases -that the amnesty, having been granted under the -pressure of necessity and without the free choice of the -senate, ought not to be observed. It was, he said, of -bad example and precedent to treat with rebels; in a -free country the voice of pity and affection ought to -be unheeded and the rigour of the law steadfastly -administered. It was needful, to save the Republic -from the perils which still impended, to make terrible<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span> -examples. The senate should make haste to prove to -Cæsar its zeal by punishing the outrages perpetrated -against ships under his flag; those only deserved -pardon whose participation in the conspiracy had been -forced or the effect of momentary passion. The Fieschi -as enemies of the emperor and rebels against the -Republic ought to be condemned to death and their -goods confiscated. In no other way could the senate -meet the wishes of Cæsar and prove their zeal for the -public safety.</p> - -<p>Those who did not agree with these sentiments of -vengeance rather than justice did not dare to lift their -voices against the will of Doria. The senate referred -the question to a commission of jurists, who rather -than incur the enmity of Doria, devoted themselves to -find a justification for breach of faith and a decree of -blood. They reported:—“The act of pardon is not -binding because it was conceded in a rebellion with the -sword at the throat of the nation; and because it was -not granted in a regular session of the senate but by a -number of them casually met and having no power under -the laws to make decrees and issue amnesties.” They -further declared that Doria as the representative of Cæsar -could proceed against the rebels, because neither he -nor his master had given any promise of pardon. -This opinion was chiefly invented by Bernardo Ottobuono -who exhausted much subtle argument to -procure the condemnation of the Fieschi. His dialectic -and legal skill was at that time in great repute among -the partisans of Spain; now history stirs his forgotten<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span> -pleadings, only to put a note of infamy before his -name. The senate, having heard the complacent -judgment of its legal advisers, took up the filthy burden -and hastened to be rid of it by condemning the Fieschi. -It is a new proof that Prince Doria possessed an -absolute power over the Republic. But this solicitude -for vengeance has crowned his name with an eternal -reproach.</p> - -<p>The act of pardon was revoked; the Fieschi and the -soldiers who had deserted the standards of the senate, -particularly Gerolamo d’Urbino, were declared guilty -of high treason. The decree of condemnation bore the -date of the 12th of February. We report it in full -because, though rather an act of wrath than of justice, -it serves to acquit Gianluigi of many crimes of which -he was afterwards accused.</p> - -<p>“The illustrious Doge and magnificent Governors -and Procurators of the most serene Republic of Genoa.</p> - -<p>“Every state is governed by two things which are -divine principles, reward and punishment, the first -encouraging the good to honest living and love of -country and the second withholding the bad from -treason and insurrection. If the reward of well-doing -be taken away the motives for patriotism cease to exist -and if criminals are not punished the ill-disposed -are encouraged to continuance in disobedience when -new occasions are presented them. Iterated crimes -are the most dangerous, since they always increase in -magnitude and peril, and small beginnings of treason -threaten the safety of Republics.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span></p> - -<p>“On the night before the third of January in this present -year, Gianluigi Fieschi having secretly assembled -armed men and concealed them in his house, corrupted -and enticed some soldiers in the pay of the Republic, -and with his brothers Gerolamo, Ottobuono and Cornelio -and other partners in his guilt, issued forth -armed, assailed and killed many of the guards, seized -the gates of the city and cruelly assassinated Gianettino, -lieutenant of Prince Doria, Captain General of -the emperor on the seas; then, uttering seditious cries, -they incited the people to take up arms against the -Republic, and induced some of them to break into the -arsenal where lay the unprotected galleys of the said -Prince Doria, the defender of Christianity, and to -pillage the said vessels and liberate their slaves and -convicts.</p> - -<p>“Not content with these crimes, the conspirators -turned their arms against the commissioners of the -senate, and demanded that this Ducal palace should -be surrendered into their hands, threatening death to -such as should resist their will. Having been admonished -to lay down their arms and cease to disturb -the public peace, they refused to obey until they -obtained grace and pardon for themselves and their -accomplices, which condition the senate accepted, -believing it the most speedy remedy for the disorders -of the afflicted city, and the best means of saving -public liberty. The said conspirators then departed -from the city, not because of the pardon given by the -senate, but because Gianluigi Fieschi had perished in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span> -the sea, many of their followers had deserted them and -the troops of the Republic had recovered one of the -gates of the city.</p> - -<p>“These facts show the heinousness of the crime -attempted against the state and what weighty evils -were devised to its hurt, and furthermore that the -Republic is still in peril from the consequences of the -pardon extorted by force and without foundation in -justice, equity or religion. The authors of these acts -of treason must not escape the reward of their crimes.</p> - -<p>“Therefore, we the illustrious Doge and magnificent -governors of the most serene Republic of Genoa, having -taken our vote in due form of law, do declare and -condemn as traitors, rebels and enemies of the state, -the late Gianluigi Fieschi and his brothers Gerolamo, -Ottobuono and Cornelio, and we banish them perpetually -from the dominions of Genoa and confiscate -all their property for the use of the state. We further -order that the Fieschi palace in Vialata be razed to the -ground and we give authority to the rectors of the -city to destroy also all other houses belonging to the -Fieschi family, if they shall deem it of public utility.</p> - -<p>“We further declare and condemn as public enemies -and traitors with the same penalties Raffaello Sacco of -Savona, doctor in law and auditor of the said Gianluigi -Fieschi, Vincenzo Calcagno, servant of Fieschi, -and Giacobo Conte, son of the late physician of that -name (who was an Hebrew) and captain of a galley of -the said Gianluigi. We decree also that the houses of -the said persons be reduced to ruins.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span></p> - -<p>“We further declare and condemn as rebels and -enemies of the Republic Giovanni Battista De Franchi—Verrina, -Scipione dal Carretto of Savona, Domenico -Bacigalupo, Gerolamo Garaventa and Desiderio Cambialanza; -and we confiscate their goods and authorize -the illustrious rectors to destroy their houses if they -shall believe such destruction for the good of the -Republic.</p> - -<p>“We also confiscate the goods of Battista son of the -late Pantaleo Imperiale-Baliano, Geronimo, son of the -late Vincenzo Usudimare, of Gerolamo De Magiolo son -of Martino, of Fiesco Botto and Lazzaro De Caprile, and -we banish each of them for fifty years. These persons -are ordered to depart forthwith from the city and the -territories of the Republic and to remain abroad under -peril of death.</p> - -<p>“We also declare rebels and banish the undernamed -persons for the periods following their names, varying -according to the degree of their guilt: Francesco -Pinello of Gavi for eight years; Francesco Curlo, -Bernardo Celesia, Tommaso de Assereto called <i>Verze</i>, -Gerolamo Marrigliano, called <i>Garaventino</i> and Gerolamo -Fregoso, son of the late Antonio, for fifty years -each; Battista Giustiniano son of the late Baldassaro, -Paolo Geronimo Fieschi, Francesco Badaracchi and -Pantaleo Badaracchi called Tallone—brothers and -butchers in Suziglia, for ten years each; Gerolamo del -Fiesco son of the late Gio. Giorgio for ten years; -Francesco Marrigliano, son of the late Biaggio, barber -in Bisagno, and Andrea di Savignone for five years<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span> -each; Nicolò of Valdetaro, Giovanni Battista Retiliaro -and Benedetto Botto for ten years each. All the said -persons will be required to leave the territories of the -Republic within fifteen days and to remain beyond the -frontiers for the periods assigned them severally under -peril of death.</p> - -<p>“Whereas the laws of the Republic forbid citizens to -hold commerce with banished persons under heavy -penalties, to prevent any from incurring these penalties -through ignorance, we ordain that no citizen whatever -shall hold any intercourse or have any correspondence -by messengers or by letters with the said rebels and -exiles, particularly that no one shall go or send any -message to Montobbio under the penalties contained -in the laws. And let every citizen be wary of his -conduct, for they who shall be guilty will be severely -punished.”</p> - -<p>Many have written that Scipione Fieschi was also -involved in the condemnation of his brothers; but the -documents above given prove the contrary. This -youth was hardly eighteen years of age and was -pursuing legal studies in Bologna according to the -custom of Genoese noblemen. We find in the list of -the doctors in law of 1390 the names of Doria, Spinola, -Salvago, Imperiali, Dinegro, Grilli and Montaldi, and, -as we have shown, the Fieschi were conspicuous in legal -learning. From a very early period they had studied -law in Bologna. The registers of illustrious pupils -from 1260 to 1300 contains the names of several -Fieschi who attended the lectures of the distinguished<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span> -jurists of that school, chief of whom was Jacopo d’ -Albenga. About 1348, Emanuel Fieschi, in order to -facilitate the studies of his family in that city, founded -there a perpetual college, and endowed it with a -liberal income. His nephew Papiniano added largely -to the endowment.</p> - -<p>When Scipione heard of the events of Genoa, he -removed to Valdetaro, and from this feud of his family -wrote to the senate, on the 17th of January, as -follows:—</p> - -<p>“When I heard of the insurrection in my native -city I was more dead than alive; and if the shedding -of my blood or giving my life could repair the misfortune, -your excellencies may be sure I would not -shrink from the sacrifice. I have an intense sorrow of -heart that one of my house should have attempted -revolution, and especially a revolt against the authority -of that prince who has always protected and benefited -our family and to whom I hope always to be a good -servant. Being most innocent in this conspiracy, I -pray your excellencies to receive and hold me as a -good son of the Republic. Such I am and hope always -to remain, ever willing to expose my life to any peril -for the public good. I pray you not to abandon me -as a member of my brother’s family, to have compassion -on my misfortune and not to permit that the fault of -another shall prejudice me or bring me evil. With a -heart disturbed and pained by these events beyond -my power to describe, I kiss your hands and recommend -myself to your clemency.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span></p> - -<p>We shall hereafter see how the senate was affected -by his pathetic appeal, and how it accepted him as -a son.</p> - -<p>Doria, indefatigable in the pursuit of revenge, -instituted search for the corpse of Gianluigi. Few -believed he was dead, and Doria feared that he had -escaped into France and was preparing to let loose a -new tempest upon the government.</p> - -<p>After four days of search, the corpse was found by -a diver named Pallino. Doria wished to vent his -wrath and awe the people by suspending the body -before the gates of the arsenal; but he did not dare to -run the risk of a new popular outbreak. The body -was therefore returned to its grave in the waves. Two -months after Doria caused it to be fished up again, -weighted with a mass of stones, carried out and -launched into the deep sea.</p> - -<p>The vacancy in the office of Doge, created by the -resignation of Giovanni Battista di Fornari, was filled -by the election of Bendetto Gentile. Fearing that the -confederates of Fieschi might renew their insurrection -and that it might break out in the very hall of the -senate, the new Doge forbade the wearing of arms in -the Ducal palace. At the same time he sent Ceva -Doria as a legate to Cæsar in Germany (the brothers -Luca and Giovanni Battista Grimaldi were already at -that court for other business) to inform the emperor -fully of the perils from which Genoa had escaped and -to assure him of her constant devotion. Ceva Doria -had secret instructions to ask the consent of Cæsar to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span> -the absorption of the Fieschi estates by the Republic. -The request particularly regarded Varese, Roccatagliata -and Montobbio, in the last of which Count Gerolamo -was fortified. Ceva Doria was instructed to manage -the matter with much dexterity. He was to represent -that Varese and Roccatagliata belonged by ancient -rights to the Republic and that Montobbio was a cause -of incessant irritation and frequent danger to the city; -that the Republic would be gratified if the emperor -should wish to honour and reward his faithful servant -Figueroa with some feud; that they had already -occupied Roccatagliata, Varese and Calice and that -Ferrante Gonzaga had protested, but that Domenico -Doria, the commissioner of the Republic, had satisfied -the imperial governor that the occupation was necessary -to protect these feuds from the Lords of Lando. Ceva -Doria was also instructed to devise a plan for securing -the imperial approval to the confiscation of the castles -of Torriglia and San Stefano.</p> - -<p>When Prince Doria learned of these negotiations -with the emperor, not wishing that the rich estates of -his enemy should go into other hands than his own he -sent Francesco Grimaldi to the emperor to oppose the -wishes of the senate and to obtain the best of the -Fieschi feuds for himself. He did in the end obtain -the greater part of this property, as we shall hereafter -show. Antonio Doria also prayed the Spanish monarch -to permit him to occupy Santo Stefano, he having -bought the Malaspina claims upon the feud. Antonio -at the same time besought the senate to preserve strict<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span> -secrecy in this negotiation lest the prince should be -offended on hearing of the intrigue. Ceva Doria complained -strongly of this disagreement between the -envoy of the Republic and that of Andrea; particularly -that Grimaldi preserved a surly and reserved manner -and refused to communicate anything of importance to -his colleague.</p> - -<p>The emperor sent Don Rodrigo Mendozza to the -senate to report his satisfaction at the escape of the -Republic from such grave perils. He also sent letters -to Andrea containing solemn assurances that he would -repair the losses sustained by the prince. At the same -time he ordered Don Ferrante Gonzaga to proceed to -the punishment of the Fieschi without a moment’s -delay. The crime for which the imperial governor was -required to proceed against them was that, being -vassals of the empire, they had assailed the emperor’s -galleys and admirals. Gonzaga wrote to the senate -and to Doria on the subject, but his proceedings did -not have any result because Andrea and the senate had -already decreed the utter extermination of the Fieschi. -Cæsar did not, however, content himself with this, and, -on the 27th of October, 1547, he proclaimed the Fieschi -as rebels and divested them of all their feuds, which -he gave to Andrea to be held for the children of -Gianettino. The cession included Montobbio, Varese, -Roccatagliata, Valdetaro, Pontremoli and Santo Stefano. -This first decree did not take full effect, because the -Republic had some of the castles in its power, especially -Pontremoli where the inhabitants had anticipated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span> -Gonzaga and surrendered to Gasparo Di Fornari who -occupied it for the Republic.</p> - -<p>Doria was not content with obtaining the greater -part of the Fieschi feuds. He insisted upon the -destruction of the sumptuous palace in Vialata and it -was razed to the foundations. The work of demolition -was conducted with such angry haste that a great part -of the walls fell into the gardens of Ambrogio Gazella -and the Republic paid for the removal of the rubbish. -A slab of infamy was affixed to a wall near the ruins -bearing a decree that nothing should ever be built -upon the ground where a citizen had conspired against -his country. The inscription no longer exists. The -tables now in Vialata refer to rights of private property. -Merciful time has cancelled the records of infamy -against Gianluigi, though he has preserved them -against the names of Vacchero, Raggio, Della Torre -and Balbi.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> The stone (as we find in a decree of -1715) was torn down, not by order of the Doge but -by unknown hands, about 1712, perhaps by some of -Gianluigi’s relatives.</p> - -<p>Ancient tradition tells us that the marbles of the -Fieschi palace were employed to embellish that of the -Spinola which was erected on the ruins of the tower -of the Luccoli. It is that edifice faced with alternate -black and white marbles which stands on the piazza -Fontane Morose. We know not whether the tradition<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span> -be true, but it is certain that the statues in the palace -of Spinola pertain to the family of its owners. The -stones and marbles of Vialata were bought at auction -by one Antonio Roderio and were scattered. The -sculptures and other ornaments of the magnificent -fountain which adorned the garden shared the same -fate. They were the work of Giovanni Maria di Pasalo -who, not having been entirely paid for his work by -Fieschi, received some compensation from the Republic. -The government took possession of the furniture and -precious vessels which the palace contained not excepting -the silver service which according to a memoir of -Count Gianluigi Mario to the king of France (preserved -in Beriana) was valued at one hundred thousand -crowns.</p> - -<p>Nothing remains of the splendid residence of the -counts but a narrow subterranean passage whose -architecture is of the fifteenth century. The walls -are brick and it is covered with slate. Time and damp -have nearly destroyed it. A branch of it once extended -to the sea where the battery of Cava was afterwards -erected, but not a vestige of this part now remains. -The principal passage led to the valley of Bisagno, outside -the gate of the Archi, and served for a means of -retreat from the city in times of revolution. It is -probable that this passage furnished Gianluigi with the -means of introducing into the city, a few days before -the insurrection, the armed men from his castles.</p> - -<p>The imperial party were not content with the ruins -of the Fieschi palace, but wished to destroy all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span> -monuments of the family’s greatness. Two houses -fronting the cathedral were appropriated for the debts -of Fieschi and thus escaped ruin. The very churches -were not spared. The arms surmounted by a cardinal’s -hat which Lorenzo Fieschi had placed in Santo Stefano -in 1499 when Donato Benci, a Florentine sculptor and -architect, executed some works in that church, were -now removed. Throughout the Eastern Riviera, the -Doria faction glutted their vengeance upon the dwellings -and castles of the Fieschi. In Chiavari they -publicly tore down and threw into the sea an inscription -which attributed the foundation of the church -of St. Giovanni to Bardone Fieschi.</p> - -<p>Nor were the Dorias alone in hastening the destruction -of the Fieschi palace. The Sauli whose quarrel -with the Fieschi we have mentioned, had seen with -envious eyes the erection of a palace in their neighbourhood -which outshone the splendour of their own, and -they were ambitious of being sole masters of the hill of -Carignano. There were other stimulants to vengeance. -Popular legends tell us (and we count legends more -valuable than the breath which scatters them) that the -Sauli family attended divine service in the church of -the Fieschi in Vialata. One day Bendinelli Sauli, in a -friendly manner asked the Fieschi to delay the service -a little in order that his people might be present. The -Fieschi responded:—“If you wish to hear mass at -your pleasure, build a church of your own.” Sauli -remembered the discourteous speech and, in 1481, -bequeathed two hundred and fifty shares in the bank of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span> -St. George to be left at interest for sixty years and then -expended in erecting a magnificent church and two -hospitals in Carignano.</p> - -<p>The descendants of Bendinello, stimulated by old -and new antipathies, were gratified witnesses of the -destruction of the mansion of their rivals, and near it -they erected the church which commemorated the -bequest of their ancestor. As soon as the palace of -the Fieschi was destroyed, Galeazzo Alessi was called -to Genoa and in 1552 he commenced the church of -Carignano. The superb basilica cost the Sauli a -hundred thousand gold crowns. It would be a perfect -monument to their wealth and public spirit, if the front -were not disfigured by some statues of inferior workmanship. -They embellished their vengeance by a -beautiful christian charity which survives the antipathies -out of which it grew. Stefano Sauli, a descendant -of Bendinello, bequeathed another large legacy to -construct the massive bridge which conducts to the -church and unites the two hills.</p> - -<p>But public and private wrath did not fully attain -their end. A beautiful picture of Gianluigi and -portraits of Verrina and Sacco escaped the vandalism -of their enemies. In the dark and narrow chapel of -the cathedral near the tomb of the Fieschi family, there -is a picture painted by Luca Cambiaso representing -the protectors of Genoa, St. John the Baptist, St. -Lawrence and St. George. In the face of the last saint -you have the features of Gianluigi, and tradition tell -us that the others are Sacco and Verrina.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span></p> - -<p>It did not occur to Andrea Doria, when he was -destroying every trace of his rival, that the love of -friends would entrust the image of the dead to the holy -guardianship of the altar.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c11" id="c11">CHAPTER XI.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">THE CASTLE OF MONTOBBIO.</p> - -<p class="pcs">Count Gerolamo declines propositions of the governments—Intrigues -of the imperial party and revolutionary tendencies of the -populace—The Republic is induced by Andrea Doria to assault -Montobbio—The count’s preparations for defence—Verrina and -Assereto assigned to the command of the works—Andrea -induces the government to decline negotiations with Fieschi—Agostino -Spinola closely invests the castle—Mutiny of the -mercenaries of the count—He offers to surrender the castle on -condition of security for the lives and property of the beseiged—Opposition -of Doria to this stipulation—The treason of his -mercenaries compels Fieschi to surrender—Doria, notwithstanding -the entreaties of the government, treats the defeated -Fieschi with great cruelty—Punishment of the Count of -Verrina and other accomplices—Raffaele Sacco and his letters—The -castle of Montobbio razed to the foundations.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">The</span> castle of Montobbio was a beautiful and strong -fortification, situated ten miles from Genoa, occupying -the brow of a mountain, and looking down on a deep -valley closed round with spurs of the Apennines. The -Beriana papers assert that it once belonged to an Obizzo -di Montobbio who sold it, in 1232, to Ansaldo Di -Mari. We find no record of the transfer to the -Fieschi family. The torrent of Scrivia on the south, -and the wooded heights encircling it on every side, -render the position naturally impregnable. The rough -crests afford no convenient positions for placing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span> -batteries so as to enfilade the redoubts or batter the -walls. In fact, it often held large armies in check.</p> - -<p>Gianluigi had greatly increased its power of resistance -by employing in his works the science of -fortifications which was just then invented. The use -of bastions with angles dates from that period. -Giuliano da San Gallo employed them in the fortress -of Pisa and Andrea Bergauni at Nice. The count -repaired the curtains and the walls, increasing the -width to fifteen feet, sloped their sides and constructed -new bastions. Portions of the walls which had been -damaged by time were repaired, and new videttes and -towers were erected on the flanks. The residence of -the Count was situated on a mass of wall which commanded -the whole rock and was protected against both -internal and external assault.</p> - -<p>The senate saw at once that the obstinacy of the -count rendered their task a very difficult one; and as -the place was deemed impregnable to assault they set -about plans for obtaining it by other means. They -first sent Paolo Pansa to Montobbio to offer Gerolamo -fifty thousand gold crowns of the sun to surrender the -castle; but Fieschi, naturally distrustful of men who -had already violated their solemn pledges of amnesty, -refused to negotiate, replying to Pansa that he held -Montobbio in the name of the king of France and -would defend it to the last extremity.</p> - -<p>The news of the Fieschi movement had alarmed all -the friends of the Spanish power. They anticipated -that the rebellion would aid France to diffuse general<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span> -discontent in Italy, and their fears were strengthened -by the connection of the conspiracy with French -intrigues and movements. When therefore Fieschi -declared that he would hold Montobbio for France, his -enemies did not for a moment doubt that the French -king would accept a castle so conveniently placed for -kindling revolutionary fires in Genoa. There was -therefore a general concert of action among the adherents -of the empire to crush out the spark which -otherwise might wrap all Italy in flames. Cosimo -collected his forces in Pisa and put them under the -command of Vitelli. He also ordered the immediate -return of Stefano Colonna from Rome, put him at the -head of the Ducal cavalry, and prepared to risk his -own person in the imperial cause. Gonzaga sent a -large force to the frontiers of Bobbio under the command -of Ludovico Vistarino. Even the cardinal of -Trento sent to Gonzaga to enquire on what point he -should precipitate six thousand men whom he had -collected to aid in crushing the Fieschi. Cæsar ordered -Andrea to invest Montobbio without a moment’s delay, -offering to furnish the men and money for the siege -and empowered the admiral to cede Montobbio, Cariseto -and Varese to the Republic.</p> - -<p>The French were not the only enemies before whom -Spain trembled. The adherents of Fieschi in Genoa, -threatened a new outbreak. A rumour ran that -Gianluigi was not dead, but had gone to Provence to -collect men and arms, and the fable found such support -in the popular affection for him that it required a long<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span> -time to dissipate the delusion. The plebeians were -expecting him to come to their deliverance and were -on the alert to second his first assault on the common -enemy. Indeed, one night a cry was raised for the -Adorni (the name was synonymous with popular liberty) -and the people rushed to arms to the great fright of -the Dorias. The prince knew the popular faith in -Gianluigi and had lacked the courage to gibbet his -body, according to the custom with traitors, lest it -should raise a popular tempest. Bonfadio, though the -instrument of the Doria faction, admits this to have -been Doria’s motive for refraining from putting this -seal of treason on his enemy. The same historian tells -us that there was a constant peril of a new rising, and -that to prevent it the city guards were increased and -eight citizens appointed to suggest to the senate the -most effectual means of quieting the people and such -additional laws as would meet the exigencies of the -occasion.</p> - -<p>Andrea, stimulated by the messages of the emperor -and by his desire to avenge the blood of Gianettino -through the extermination of the Fieschi, made incessant -appeals to the government for the Storming of -Montobbio. The senate yielded to these solicitations -and also empowered Andrea (this we learn from many -documents) to undertake the operation at his own -charge and in the name of the emperor. Agostino -Spinola was ordered to mass his troops and closely -invest the castle. This soldier and scholar had -followed the imperial fortunes since 1536 when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span> -Barnaba Visconti, Bagone and Fregoso attempted to -revolutionize Genoa. After the expulsion of the -French, he held a considerable corps of infantry against -Novi where Origa Gambaro, widow of Pietro Fregosi, -a woman of intrepid character, maintained the war -with the aid of French troops. The valour of Spinola -overcame all obstacles. He opposed courage to -courage, treachery to treachery; and having allied -himself with the Cavanna faction in Novi, he defeated -and destroyed the French army and their leader -Belforte, and thus restored Novi and Ovada to the -Republic.</p> - -<p>In the beginning of April 1547, he collected a considerable -body of men and began to make approaches -to the castle of Montobbio. To prevent the introduction -of troops and supplies into the fortress he ordered -Lamba Doria, Bernardo Lomellini and Gabriele -Moneglia to seize the passes of the Apennines and -keep close guard on the frontier. Gonzaga rendered -valuable aid in these operations. He sent captain -Oriola with a company of Spanish infantry to Torriglia -with orders to assist the Genoese generals in divising -means to approach Montobbio.</p> - -<p>Though the roads were rocky and broken, Spinola -brought up many guns by the way of the Gioghi and -along the Scrivia, which is formed by the confluence -of the Laccio and Pantemina under the heights of -Montobbio. Flippo Doria, who had already acquired -distinction in naval warfare, was assigned to the -command of the artillery. Andrea required that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span> -Francesco and Domenico Doria should have command -of a body of two thousand infantry. The commissaries -of the Republic were Cristoforo Grimaldo Rosso, and -Leonardo Cattaneo, with Domenico De Franchi, and -Domenico Doria for substitutes.</p> - -<p>Count Gerolamo did not lose courage at the sight of -these formidable preparations to assail his stronghold, -but applied himself diligently to increasing his means -of resistance. He fortified the approaches, repaired -the curtains, videttes and battlements, and added new -bastions and other works of defence. He had already -collected a large body of mercenaries and to cover -Montobbio had garrisoned Cariseto and Varese. He -asked vainly for the assistance of the French troops in -Mirandola, and then turned his attention to negotiations -with Pierluigi Farnese. This duke pretended loyalty -to the empire, but he secretly furnished men and -supplies, permitted his vassals in the mountains to -enlist under the standards of Fieschi and instigated the -people of Valnura and Trebbia to obstruct the passes -in front of the imperial troops.</p> - -<p>Gerolamo, knowing the worth of Verrina’s advice -and courage and the intrepidity of Assereto and the -band of heroes who had taken refuge in Marseilles, -sent many messengers to urge them to share with him -the peril and glory of the siege. These refugees had -sent Ottobuono and Cornelio Fieschi to the court of -France to plead their cause, and the king had received -them with marks of favour and promised to restore -their fallen fortunes. The assurances were reiterated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span> -frequently, but the French monarch took no steps to -prove his sincerity. Verrina and Assereto grew weary -of the tedious delay and accepted the invitation of -Gerolamo without awaiting the return of the Fieschi, -preferring the risk of battle to begging for aid which -was always promised but never given. They crossed -Piedmont and found means to enter Montobbio. -Gerolamo received them with joy and committed the -defence to their hands. Later, Ottobuono came to -Mirandola and Verrina and Vicenzo Varese went there -to aid him in urging the French commander to assist -in the defence of the castle. They solicited in vain. -This refusal of France to succour Gerolamo is a new -proof that Gianluigi had not agreed to deliver Genoa -into the hands of the French monarch. Francis was -prodigal of promises, but he left the Fieschi to encounter -the forces of the empire alone.</p> - -<p>Spinola planted batteries on a height now called -<i>Costa Rotta</i> near Granara, a village to the west of the -castle; but though he bombarded the citadel for forty -days he was not able to gain one inch of ground, while -the fire of the fortress mowed down the flower of his -troops and daily explosions of his own guns added to -the loss of life. Besides, the inclemency of the season -and incessant rains prevented the formation of lines of -circumvallation. The besieged were greatly encouraged, -and the soldiers of the Republic proportionately demoralized, -by these circumstances. On the tenth of -May the podestà of Recco was ordered to send to -Montobbio as a reinforcement to the besiegers all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span> -men of that commune between the ages of seventeen -and sixty years.</p> - -<p>On the contrary, Paolo Moneglia and Manfredo -Centurione had obtained possession of Varese, with -little loss of life, through the treachery of its commandant, -Giulio Landi, who surrendered it hoping to -obtain the investiture of the feud. But this success -by no means compensated for the losses under the -walls of Montobbio. The castle of Cariseto opposed a -vigorous resistance to the troops of the Republic. -The people of that feud destroyed the roads, constructed -fortifications and closed up the passes which led to the -place. Boniforte Garofolo succeeded at length in -forcing a path across the rugged summits of the -surrounding hills and stormed the out-lying defences. -The attack began at dawn of the 14th of April. The -besieged flocked to the parapets, loop-holes and barbicans, -and with their musquetry and cannon held the -assailants at bay. The battle lasted the entire day. -On the morrow, the Genoese artillery shattered a large -tower which fell burying a considerable part of the -defenders under its ruins. This misfortune discouraged -the rest and they offered to make a conditional surrender -of the place. Garofolo demanded a surrender -at discretion, and the garrison insisted upon security -for their lives and property. Gian Francesco Niselli, -a friend of Fieschi and Pierluigi Farnese, was by -accident in the place at the time of the assault, and he, -seeing the hopelessness of the defence, sent messengers -to Count Paolo Scotti requesting him to obtain the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span> -permission of Farnese for the retreat of the garrison -into the territory of Piacenza. The duke readily consented, -and the peasants and soldiers effected their -retreat in the following night. They lit up fires on -the side of the place which the enemy held and retired -over broken and difficult foot-paths through the -mountains.</p> - -<p>The duke had been deeply affected at the death of -Gianluigi; but to avoid a rupture with the empire he -had sent Ottavio Bajardi to Ferrante Gonzaga, offering -his troops and even his own person to the imperial -cause. But he at the same time contrived to have the -Pope secure him immunity from imperial demands. -He sent Agostino Landi, count of Compiano, to congratulate -Doria on his escape from the perils which -had overhung his house and sent back to him a great -number of fugitive slaves, belonging to the Doria -galleys, who had taken refuge in the mountains of -Piacenza. He afterwards sent Salvatore Pocino to the -emperor to deny charges of complicity with Gianluigi. -The emperor knew all the facts and received the envoy -with great coldness; but the duke’s son who was in -the imperial service pleaded more successfully for his -father.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, the large imperial army, which had been -massed in Varese to support the siege of Montobbio, -kept the duke in constant apprehension that it might -be destined to punish him for his treachery. These -fears were strengthened by the fact that Gonzaga had -added to Vistarino and Oriola five other captains,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span> -Sebastiano Picenardi, Lodovico da Borgo, Pier Francesco -Trecco, Osio Casale and Gianfrancesco Ali, with -considerable bodies of troops and strict orders to levy -new recruits in Monticello and Castelvetro, feuds of -the duke. To provide for the danger, Farnese, who -had Cornelio Fieschi under his protection, reorganized -the army of twelve thousand infantry which he had -collected in January at Cortemaggiore, sent commissaries -to forbid enrolment of imperial troops in his -feuds, fortified the castles in his jurisdiction, placed six -hundred infantry at Borgo, a greater number at Bardi -and ordered Francesco Clerici commanding at Compiano -to be on the alert and in constant readiness for battle. -Shortly after he instructed his commissioner in Venice -to ask the consent of that Republic to his drawing eight -thousand arquebuses from Brescia. He was allowed -to draw only five thousand. These operations led to -reciprocal suspicions, rancours and threats between -Farnese and the imperial captains, and Gonzaga, to -prevent an open outbreak, recalled Vistarino from -Bobbio.</p> - -<p>This measure relieved Farnese from his present peril -and he resolved to take advantage of the siege of -Montobbio to get possession, in advance of the imperial -troops, of some feuds of the Fieschi. He seized -Calestano, and then sent Gianantonio Torti with a -strong force to occupy Valditaro. As the Fieschi had -some imperial vassals in these feuds, Farnese informed -Gonzaga that he wished to hold them for the interests -and rights of the empire. He did not wait for an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span> -answer, but hurried his troops into the feuds. His -designs upon Valditaro were thwarted by Scipione and -Cornelio Fieschi, who threw themselves into it with -about one thousand of their vassals and shut the gates -in the faces of the Ducal forces. He called Scipione -to himself in Piacenza and persuaded him that the -forces of his family were too weak to contend with the -empire. Scipione consented that the duke should -occupy the castle in the interest of his family. He -returned to his vassals and persuaded them to enlist -in the service of Farnese, who sent his agent, doctor -Giovanni Landemaria, to take possession in his name. -The acts of the notary Bartolomeo Bosoni clearly prove -these facts.</p> - -<p>Gonzaga was enraged at this stratagem of Farnese; -and in fact the occupation was of short duration. On -the death of Farnese, Valditaro was created a principate -by the emperor and passed to Agostino Landi whose -ancestors had once held it. The inhabitants always -retained their love for the Fieschi house, and remembered -long the mild government of their old -masters. They several times conspired to restore -Scipione who was born among them. In 1552, Gonzaga, -incensed at these movements, instigated Landi -to dismantle the forts and towers lest they should -afford a place of refuge for the Fieschi.</p> - -<p>More than ten thousand balls had been thrown at -Montobbio; but the Fieschi, safe in their defences, -laughed at the rage of the assailants and their own fire -often seriously damaged the enemy. The people of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span> -surrounding country scarcely concealed their sympathy -for the besieged and furnished the castle with meat -and provisions of every kind. The commissioners of -the Republic complained of this and said that the -inhabitants of Bargagli, Stroppa and other villages -never brought even an egg to the camp of the Genoese, -while they gave liberal supplies to the enemy. Spinola, -despairing of success in the siege, united with the -commissaries in urging the government to attempt a -new negotiation.</p> - -<p>At this time Doria learned of the death of king -Francis, and this event removed all apprehension that -the French would relieve Montobbio and attack the -Spanish power in Italy. The recent victory of the -emperor over Frederick of Saxony at Elbe stimulated -Andrea to a more enthusiastic support of the imperial -cause and to make a vigorous opposition to the proposals -of accommodation which the senate assembled -to discuss. He declaimed wrathfully against the -shameful cowardice of making terms with traitors and -declared that the Fieschi could hope nothing from -France, because the new king Henry II. could not, if -he wished it, devote any attention in the first month of -his reign to the petty concerns of Montobbio and its -handful of defenders. Though the majority of the -senate favoured a treaty with Gerolamo, the powerful -will of Doria prevailed and new troops were sent to -Spinola. The prince sent to the duke of Florence for -bombardiers, munitions and other military material of -which there was a scarcity in the army of Genoa. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span> -duke furnished these and a considerable force of -infantry under Paolo da Castello; Ferrante Gonzaga -sent two companies of four hundred arquebusiers, -Filippo Doria was ordered by Andrea to make new -surveys of the heights around Montobbio and to -endeavour to place his artillery in better positions, -and this general moved his guns to the less elevated -height called Olmeto in our time and renewed the -attack.</p> - -<p>This bombardment produced no better results than -the first one and the siege must have failed had not -fortune opened a new and easier road to victory. A -general order forbade any person not in the army to -approach within two miles of the bastions under penalty -of death. One day a soldier of the garrison dressed as -a mountaineer was arrested in the act of examining -the works of the besiegers, and on his person were -found letters of Gerolamo to his brother Ottobuono. -In these letters the count declared that he could not -continue the defence for more than three months as his -military supplies were insufficient for a longer period, -and he urged Ottobuono to secure the immediate aid -of France. Spinola was greatly encouraged by this -discovery of the weakness of his adversary. He -detained the soldier for some days and then, having -seduced him by splendid promises, sent him back to -Montobbio with a false letter of Ottobuono, in which -the writer informed the count of the death of king -Francis and declared that the only hope of the besieged -was in an accommodation with the senate.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span></p> - -<p>This intelligence greatly dispirited the garrison, in -whom the want of supplies and the obstinate courage -of the besiegers were beginning to produce apprehension. -But desperation lent them new strength and they made -several bold sorties which seriously damaged the enemy. -To the want of supplies, a new and more dangerous -evil was soon added. The mercenaries collected by -Fieschi in the neighbouring feuds, being poorly fed and -receiving no pay, began to murmur and finally refused -to expose themselves to further peril. The count found -that his own life was threatened by these rebellious -soldiers, and in letters written on the 20th of March -to Gian Maria Manara in Valditaro he asked ten faithful -men to serve as a guard of his own person. Manara -was a physician by profession and had so much influence -with the Fieschi that they had left him to -govern at pleasure the whole valley of the Taro. He -furnished the men and obtained other reënforcements -from captain Mengo da Montedoglio who commanded -in Valditaro for Farnese. Gerolamo also sent a -messenger to Cardinal Farnese to ask asylum in the -church of that prelate in case he should be reduced to -extremities. In this he was successful, and the cardinal -also wrote to the Duke of Piacenza to give Gerolamo -all possible aid.</p> - -<p>During the first days of May the siege was prosecuted -with increased vigour. The artillery of Filippo -Doria poured a storm of shot into the castle, the walls -fell down in large pieces and the outer curtains were -ruined. There were many indications that the resistance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span> -could not long continue. Still, the subordinates -of Gerolamo restored during the night the -damage caused by the Ligurian and Florentine guns -during the day and there was no sign of discouragement -in the intrepid leaders. But the mercenaries -continued to murmur and to refuse obedience to the -commanders, complaining of their privations and -demanding their wages. The count saw that it was -necessary to surrender. Gerolamo Garaventa and -Tommaso Assereto went to the camp of Spinola and -offered to yield the place but on terms which the -victors would not accept.</p> - -<p>The Genoese general resolved to make a final assault -upon the work. He sent trumpeters to proclaim that -all who wished to save their lives must come within -his lines; all who resisted the assault would be put to -the sword. But though they had been many days in -great privation, only two of the soldiers of Fieschi -obeyed the summons. The assault was begun with -great fury and, added to the discontent of the mercenaries, -convinced Fieschi that he must surrender at -once. He offered Spinola the castle on condition that -the lives and goods of the defenders should be -respected.</p> - -<p>The senate met in Genoa to consider this proposition -and the debate shows that the Fieschi had many -sympathizers in the senate and that Andrea Doria was -the real master of the Republic. After two days of -discussion the senate resolved to accept the offers of -Fieschi.The count, who knew how little value the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span>pledges of the government really possessed, asked to -be secured against the vengeance of Andrea Doria. -The senate promised to secure the assent of Andrea to -the negotiation and applied to him for the purpose. -But the prince, who knew that Gerolamo was now in -his power, refused his coöperation and the senate had -not the courage to maintain their position.</p> - -<p>The garrison at Montobbio were greatly distressed -by this attitude of Doria. All means of obtaining -provisions were cut off, and they must soon be reduced -by starvation. Still, they held a bold front to the -enemy and resolved to die fighting rather than -surrender at discretion. But the mercenaries broke -into open rebellion and the more desperate, after -demanding their pay on the instant, seized a tower -which had hitherto defied all the enemy’s guns and -surrendered it to the soldiers of the Republic. The -count and his faithful soldiers were obliged to take -shelter in a wing of the fortress. The treason of the -adventurers (which is spoken of not only in inedited -documents but also by Adriani) took away all hope -from the defenders. They resolved to imitate the -garrison of Cariseto and retire by night over the rugged -and almost inaccessible heights in their rear. But -Vicenzo Calcagno reminded them that the count, who -was corpulent of body, would not be able to make so -fatiguing a march over wild mountain paths and that -the troops of Doria held all the passes behind them. -Assereto and some others resolved to risk the journey -and set out; but after a fatiguing march over toilsome<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[220]</a></span> -foot-paths they were surrounded and forced to surrender. -The count who still hoped that the Republic -would make good its promises yielded the castle to -Spinola, who entered it with flying banners on the -morning of the 11th of June.</p> - -<p>Spinola, as a faithful servant of Andrea, ordered his -Corsicans as soon as he had taken possession of the -works to execute Calcagno, Manara and some other -partisans of the count suspected of having participated -in the murder of Gianettino. Domenico Doria, il Converso, -also made some executions. The rest, including -the mercenaries, were held as prisoners of war. But -these last only were permitted to depart on parole. -Count Gerolamo, Verrina and Assereto were reserved -for public execution in the city and were treated with -great inhumanity.</p> - -<p>At the news of the surrender of Montobbio, the -senate again assembled. Most of the senators held -that one of the first families of Italy, bound by relationship -to the most illustrious houses, ought not to -be plunged into deeper calamity. They plead with -Doria. The Fieschi had been sufficiently punished by -the confiscation of their property, the destruction of -their houses and the death of Gianluigi. Why vent -unchristian rage on the heads of Gerolamo and his -brothers? They were unfortunate young men to whom -the plots of their brother had been unknown. Gianluigi -had suddenly precipitated them into rebellion -and they deserved pardon for their almost involuntary -share in the conspiracy. Let Doria open his great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[221]</a></span> -heart to more generous, to more magnanimous counsels. -Let him imitate the example of Cæsar who would not -condemn to death the Saxon whom he had conquered -in battle.</p> - -<p>Doria was deaf to these appeals of the senators. He -refused all compromises. The Fieschi and their companions -must die. The writers in the Doria interest -do not disguise this fact. Mascardi says:—</p> - -<p>“Those who favoured clemency were in the majority. -They urged that forbearance was a necessary quality -in governments, that the violence of Gianluigi mitigated -the guilt of his confederates and that the youth of his -brothers ought to extenuate their offence. Andrea -Doria was greatly displeased to see the Republic so -basely betrayed, and going into the senate he spoke -with so much force and authority that the unfortunate -men were condemned to death.”</p> - -<p>In the monastery of St. Andrea della Porta lived a -sister of the Fieschi named Suor Angela Catterina. -She imitated the example of the two pious women in -her family, of whom we have elsewhere spoken, and she -was held in high esteem. As soon as she heard of the -condemnation of her brother, Gerolamo, she made the -most earnest supplications to the government on his -behalf.</p> - -<p>“I could not,” said the afflicted sister, “abandon a -brother in such a terrible calamity. That God, whom -human judges ought to imitate, is compassionate as -well as just with sinners. Senators should remember -that Gerolamo was drawn into the conspiracy of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[222]</a></span> -brother without any previous knowledge of his intentions, -and, that he himself has never plotted against -the Republic, that he surrendered Montobbio with the -confident expectation that the senate would spare his -life. The senate should keep faith and pardon this son -of Sinibaldo one of the warmest advocates and defenders -of the union and liberty of the country. Let them -remember what Christ said: ‘Blessed are the merciful, -for they shall obtain mercy;’ almost beside myself with -grief and more dead than alive, I fall at the feet of the -prince and conjure him by the mercy of Christ to -pardon my poor brother.” It was in vain. She was -encouraged to hope, but the pardon never came. The -senate had not the courage to take the victim out of -the hands of Doria.</p> - -<p>The populace was still agitated and full of seditious -plans. Though a deep mystery enveloped the action -of the government, the people suspected the vindictive -intention of Doria and threatened revolt. This led -the government to transfer the execution from Genoa -to Montobbio. Two priests were at once despatched -to the castle, Gian Maria Paulocio, one of the officers -of the Ruota, and Tommaso Doria, to examine the -prisoners and report their defence to the senate.</p> - -<p>Soon after the <i>Podesta</i> for criminal cases was also -sent, under decree of the 4th of July. This was -Polidamante del Majno a man of considerable talents. -The count, Verrina and other leaders were subjected to -the rope torture, a useless barbarity because they were -already condemned to death. Polidamante tried every<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[223]</a></span> -means to escape this painful office, and we learn from -some letters of his to the senate that he had protested -against being commissioned for the examination.</p> - -<p>The Republic had begun by declaring the Fieschi -guilty of high treason and denying them trial or -defence. He subsequently wrote to the senate: “If -your excellencies do not make some change, I shall be -in a very painful position and people may justly think -that I prosecute this unfortunate affair (maladetta -causa) with personal motives. You know how I -laboured to relieve myself from this duty. Therefore -I beseech you to relieve me at once from my present -embarrassment by declaring clearly that we may admit -new testimony, or by revoking your second decree, and -proceeding logically by carrying out your first executive -mandate.” The senate solved the difficulty by -ordering the punishment of the prisoners without trial. -The common soldiers were pardoned. Some of the -conspirators were condemned to the halter, others to -the oar.</p> - -<p>The sentence was executed on the 23rd of July. -Desiderio Cangialanza was the first to mount the -scaffold and he was followed by some whose names -history has not preserved. It was too busy with -laudations of Doria and invectives against the fallen. -Gerolamo, Verrina and Assereto, being patricians, -were beheaded in the chapel of San Rocco at the foot -of the fortress. Servile as was the age it was forced -to admire the heroic bearing of Verrina whose character -was cast in the old Roman mould. He was twice<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[224]</a></span> -tortured, but he would not utter a word about the -secrets of the conspiracy. The night preceeding his -execution he spoke with serenity of the doctrines to -which he had given his faith, and encouraged his -companions to meet their last hour with courageous -composure. He went to the scaffold with the step -rather of a conqueror than of a criminal.</p> - -<p>The sentence of death embraced the exiles Ottobuono -and Cornelio, and, what is more iniquitous, the youthful -Scipione and his descendants to the fifth generation -were banished. Some writers have maintained that -Sacco was also executed at Montobbio. But though -the documents relating to the treaty with Gerolamo -are few and it is apparent that many have been -surreptitiously removed from the public archives, yet -we have been so fortunate as to find some letters of -Sacco himself which entirely invalidate this statement. -Another person has already printed some of them. -His correspondence with Luigi Ferrero of Savona, in -February, show that he was then in Turin on his way -back from France.</p> - -<p>In Turin he was befriended by presidents Catto and -Birago. The latter concealed him in one of his own -houses on the banks of the Po. He had friends, kept -up party affiliations, and hoped that the recent death -of the English monarch would occasion a war in Italy. -In other letters, addressed to his wife Alessandra, he -alludes to his hope of French interference and expresses -an intention of returning to that court. He gives her -advice for the management of domestic affairs and recommends<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[225]</a></span> -her to Nicolò Doria, Antonio De Fornari -and Giovanni Gerolamo Salvago. There is a letter to -count Gerolamo Fieschi in which he asks a hundred -crowns and letters of recommendations to the king of -France, Delfino, the admiral and the cardinals Tornone -and Ferrara. He exhorts the count to be diligent in -furnishing his fortresses and to put on a bold front in -order to discourage his enemies and inspirit his friends. -The records of the trial show that the Ferrero gave -these letters to the senate. The most important of -these epistles is the one written in July to Pietro -Francesco Grimaldi Robio, doctor of the college of -judges, in which he exculpates himself from the charge -made by Verrina of having been the first instigator of -the conspiracy. He shows that Verrina had been the -beginning, middle and end of the plot. He says that -if Calcagno were alive, he would fully exculpate him -from the accusations; but as this person was dead it -only remained for him to recite all the facts of the -conspiracy. This history he says will show him to -have been innocent. His only fault was that he -had been born in Savona. Had he been a Genoese -he would have communicated his first knowledge of -the plot to the senate and thus escaped condemnation, -or be as lightly punished as many of his present -accusers. He admits that he concealed the conspiracy -but asks: “Ought I to have denounced the count, my -master and exposed him to death and infamy? If this -silence is a fault, I do not hesitate to accept the -responsibility of it, I have already written to the Doge<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[226]</a></span> -and I repeat, that if the senate will send to Turin a -person in whom they have confidence I will recite the -whole story of the plot. I do not say this to beg -pardon for what I have done, but to disprove unjust -charges heaped upon my name.” These are the -customary phrases of informers.</p> - -<p>These papers show that Sacco was not involved in -the condemnation of his accomplices. For the rest, -we are not permitted to know what was the nature of -his revelations, because the most important papers of -this trial are wanting. We believe, however, that -some mutilated documents refer to this matter. We -learn from them that a certain Filippo di Graveggia -carried letters under the saddle of a mule to Parma, -Bologna and other cities.</p> - -<p>Having restored order, the government informed its -friends of the taking of Montobbio, especially Duke -Cosimo whose aid had been so valuable to the besiegers. -But there were ominous signs of discontent in all -classes of the people in every part of the Republic. -The government sent Tommaso Spinola and Antonio -Doria to Henry II. to condole with him on the death -of his father and congratulate him on his accession to -the throne; but the more important part of their -business was to spy out the movements of the Fieschi -and to render them obnoxious at the court where the -name was held in such high esteem.</p> - -<p>The fortress of Montobbio shared the fate of the -palace in Vialata. The government, in concert with -Doria and Figueroa, decreed on the 11th of June that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[227]</a></span> -it should be levelled with the earth, “so that,” said the -proclamation, “no evidence may remain that any -fortification has ever existed there.” Even the brow -of the mountain was ordered to be thrown into the -valley so that no castle could ever be erected on the -site. Whoever should attempt to build there was -declared a rebel and his goods confiscated to the state.</p> - -<p>Prince Doria assumed the charge of this demolition, -but the expense was borne by the Republic. Giovanni -Bozzo, podestà of Montobbio, reported on the 10th of -August that Paolo di Mirandola had excavated three -mines under the castle, one on the East side seventy-six -palms in length with openings at the two sides; -the second, on the South, ran twenty palms into the -mountain from the bank of the stream, the third, on -the West side where the principal battery had stood, -penetrated a distance of ten palms. Mirandola, he -reports, declared that the mines must be extended as -the castle had the strength of steel. The explosion of -these mines blew the whole work to the ground reducing -it at once to a total ruin.</p> - -<p>In our time even the face of nature is changed. -Wild weeds grow on that slope where gardens once -bloomed. The daffodils which breathe their perfume -over the place are the only witnesses to ancient culture. -A beautiful lake which lay at the foot of the castle has -disappeared. It probably covered a spot to which -tradition gives the name <i>Lago della Signora</i>.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[228]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c12" id="c12">CHAPTER XII.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">PIER LUIGI FARNESE.</p> - -<p class="pcs">The ferocity and excesses of Andrea Doria—The benefits which he -derived from the fall of the Fieschi—The Farnesi participated -in Genoese conspiracies—Schemes of Andrea against the duke -of Piacenza—Landi is instigated by Andrea to kill the duke—The -assassination of Pierluigi—The assassins and the brief -of Paul III.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">The</span> office of historian becomes a painful one when -we are required to describe some of the actions of -Andrea Doria, actions which throw a shade over his -fame, and take away a part of his laurels from the -greatest admiral of Italy. It is a work of simple -devotion to truth to show that Andrea maintained the -Spanish power in the Peninsula, and that he overstepped -all bounds in his rage against the defeated -Fieschi. Sismondi says that the prince in destroying -his enemies to avenge Gianettino went to lengths of -ferocity unworthy of a great man.</p> - -<p>He had applied to himself that saying of Lorenzo -di Medici: “While there are <i>Gatti</i> in Genoa the -Republic will never have peace, and perhaps on this -account found it easier to obtain Medicean aid in -exterminating these <i>Gatti</i>.” At all events he gave -himself no rest while the work of destruction remained -incomplete. He embraced in his scheme of vengeance -the Strozzi and their allies.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[229]</a></span></p> - -<p>The activity of Andrea was wonderful. Wherever -he had representatives, public or private, thither flew -his messages and messengers. He neglected nothing -at home or abroad. Politics, arms, arts, commerce—he -had his eye on everything—on the exiles especially. -Aided by Cosimo, he set an assassin named Bastiano -da Finale to dodge the steps of Piero Strozzi who was -marching to Siena. He employed seven assassins to -murder Ottobuono, Scipione and Cornelio Fieschi. We -learn from Venitian letters preserved in the Tuscan -archives that one of these wretches accompanied by -two companions went several times to Venice to -assassinate the brothers of Gianluigi. This correspondence -relates that this assassin was artfully banished -from Genoa as a popular conspirator, as a means of -giving him access to the Genoese exiles, though he was -secretly recommended by Doria to the ambassador of -the emperor. Doria would have better provided for -his fame if, content with depriving the Fieschi of the -means of revolution, he had declined the services of -bravos and refused the price of blood so lavishly offered -by the emperor.</p> - -<p>After the capture of Montobbio, Doria, under orders -from Cæsar invested the Republic (February 29th, -1548) with the feuds of that place, of Varese and -Roccatagliata. Cristoforo Lercaro had already occupied -the last in the name of Genoa. The cession was made -to appear as a gift, though the Republic already -possessed the right of eminent domain over Roccatagliata -and the valley of Neirone. The governor of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[230]</a></span> -Milan held fast to Pontremoli, in order, as Doria -advised, to keep that strong post then the key of the -Lombard provinces, in imperial hands. Gonzaga also -occupied Loano, Carrega, Grondona, Borbagia, San -Stefano d’Aveto, Calice, Veppo and other castles, a part -of which Charles (June 19th 1548) gave in feud to -various partisans of the empire. This was not imperial -munificence, but king-craft and a device to strengthen -the Spanish power in Liguria. Andrea obtained some -wealthy feuds, among them Torriglia, (which was -erected into a marquisate) Carrega, Garbagna, Grondona -and ten other castles. San Stefano d’Aveto was ceded -to Antonio Doria who was hiring four galleys to the -empire. Ettore Fieschi, of the Savignone branch, -received some feuds as a reward for not having shared -in the conspiracy of his relatives. The castle of -Castelano was ceded to the Duke of Parma. Agostino -Landi retained the burgh of Valditaro. This Landi -had promised to assassinate Pierluigi Farnese whom -Doria had condemned to death for his secret intrigues -with Gianluigi. It is worth our while to clear up the -history of this part of Andrea’s vengeance.</p> - -<p>The cities of Parma and Piacenza, having been -detached from the duchy of Milan and put into the -hands of the Holy See, were ceded by Paul III. to his -natural son Pier Luigi Farnese who had been legitimated -in 1501 by Julius II. To secure his son in this -new duchy, the Pope supported Charles in the German -war and in his expedition to Tunis, where, aided -by Doria the emperor restored the inhuman Muley-Hassan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[231]</a></span> -to the throne which he mounted by the assassination -of his twenty-two brothers. The alliance of -Farnese with the empire was cemented by the marriage -of Pierluigi’s son, Ottavio, with Margaret a natural -daughter of Cæsar and widow of Alessandro de Medici. -Francis Sforza died and the duchy of Milan reverted -to the empire giving rise to a war with France. The -Pope thought to gain profit for Pier Luigi out of this -contest for the duchy by securing him the investiture, -and Cæsar, at the conference of Busseto, promised to -grant the pontiff’s request. The emperor did not keep -his pledge and the Pope began to abandon the imperial -cause. He reproached Charles with the fact that -certain prelates devoted to the empire had proposed in -the council of Trent innovations on the rights of the -Papal See, and expressed his discontent with the mild, -treatment of the partisans of Luther in Germany. He -went further and began to intrigue, in 1547, for a -league with France against Charles.</p> - -<p>Francis I. at the moment when he was most zealously -engaged in uniting England, Germany and Italy -against Spain was stricken by death at Rambouillet -after a twenty years’ conflict with the increasing power -of Charles Fifth. The emperor now saw himself without -a rival and hastened to take advantage of the -occasion. He renewed hostilities against the Duke of -Saxony, though his army had been thinned by the -withdrawal of the Papal troops. It is not our purpose -to recount the story of this Germanic war. Charles -conducted it to a successful termination because the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[232]</a></span> -affairs of Italy no longer distracted his attention. But -his victories over the league of Smacalda increased the -suspicions and fears of Paul III. who saw that if -Charles was successful in Germany he would be master -at the council of Trent. It was no secret that the -emperor designed to take that occasion for avenging -himself on the Pope for sympathy with the Fieschi -and France. The Roman court was too jealous of its -prerogatives not to be alarmed at the prospect of -having its power limited by an ambitious monarch -favourably disposed towards the policy of the German -reformers. It was thought necessary to remove the -seat of the council to some city nearer to Rome -and more under Papal influence, where Charles -could not intrigue nor display his arms with so much -effect.</p> - -<p>Fortune favoured the Pope. Some of the assembled -prelates fell sick and the physicians, especially Fracastoro -who was employed by Rome for the business, -reported that a fierce contagion had broken out in the -city. Many of the prelates abandoned Trent in great -haste and the council was removed to Bologna. The -cardinals and bishops of the imperial faction remained -in Trent by express order of Charles. The remainder, -thirty-four in number, accompanied the Papal legates. -There were mutual recriminations and the very council -assembled to destroy scism was menaced with a scism -in its own bosom.</p> - -<p>Cæsar made angry appeals and intrigued adroitly to -secure the reassembling of the Synod in Trent. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[233]</a></span> -Pope refused, and Charles avenged himself by that -decree of <i>Interim</i>, in which he declared that until -the council should be reconvoked in Trent every -one was at liberty to think as he pleased in matters -of religion. The decree occasioned great scandal in -the church.</p> - -<p>“It was believed,” says Varchi, “that the emperor -wished to restore the Papacy to the simplicity and -poverty of times when prelates did not meddle with -temporal government but contented themselves with -their spiritual functions. The gross abuses and vile -practices of the Roman court had awakened in many -an ardent desire for such a reform.” This gave -bitterness to the enmity between the Pope and Charles. -The pontiff directed his hostilities especially against -the two imperial ministers in Italy, Anotonio Leyva -and Andrea Doria. On the death of the first, the whole -weight of Papal displeasure fell on the head of the -latter, who earlier in life had received from Rome a -consecrated sword and hat for his victories over the -Turks. We have elsewhere shown how the opposition -of Doria to the growth of the Farnese family and his -other acts hostile to Paul III. had led the latter to -favour the Fieschi conspiracy against Doria and Spain. -Some deny that Paul favoured the conspirators and -adduced the testimony of Don Appollonio Filareto, -secretary to Pier Luigi Farnese. This secretary, though -confined for three years as a prisoner in Milan and put -to torture, steadfastly denied that the French knew of -the plans of Fieschi. But this is contradicted both by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[234]</a></span> -the current opinion of that time and by authentic and -credible documents extant. Charles was so certain of -the complicity of the Pope with Fieschi, that when -Paul sent Camillo Orsino to Madrid to complain to the -emperor of the murder of his son Pier Luigi and ask -the restitution of Piacenza to the Apostolic See, he -boldly charged the pontiff with this crime.</p> - -<p>As soon as Andrea learned through the ministers of -Cæsar that Paul had been concerned in the Fieschi -movement, and that Pier Luigi had given material aid -to Gianluigi he was inflamed with an ardent desire to -punish old and new treacheries by a signal act of -vengeance. From that hour, Farnese was condemned -to the fate of the Fieschi. Moreover, in gratifying his -own passion for revenge, Andrea was furthering the -schemes of Charles. He launched himself into the -matter with the ardour of youth.</p> - -<p>The news that Charles was suffering from a mortal -sickness filled Doria with apprehension of wide-spread -conspiracy against Spain in case of the emperor’s death. -Pier Luigi, in fact, as soon as he received the same -intelligence, began to raise troops, fortify castles and -enlist able commanders among whom were Bartolomeo -Villachiara, Sforza Santa Fiore, Sforza Pallavicino and -Alessandro Tommasoni da Terni. He collected arms -everywhere. We find in old documents that he bought -at one time four thousand arquebuses, for a gold crown -each, from the celebrated Venturino del Chino, -armourer of Gordone in Valtrompia. Bonfadio tells -us that these military preparations awakened grave<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[235]</a></span> -suspicions in the neighbouring cities of the empire who -feared that these arms were to be used against themselves. -The fear of revolution was widely diffused. -Doria could not be an idle witness of this drawing of -swords in places so near, especially after the share of -Farnese in the Fieschi plot. He had then two motives -for prompt action; to secure the safety of the empire -and to avenge the blood of Gianettino.</p> - -<p>Pier Luigi has been traduced by the malice of -writers in the Spanish interest. It is true that -Cellini declares him avaricious, and many historians -affirm that he was intemperate and a votary of -licentious pleasures. Even Aretino admonished him -to husband more carefully the strength of his manhood. -But the fable of Varchi that he ravished Cosimo -Gheri, bishop of Fano, though repeated in our days -has no longer any supporters. It is now beyond -question that the story began with Pier Paolo Vergerio, -a malignant slanderer of Farnese. The slander was -refuted at the time by Bishop Della Casa in the time -of Vergerio, and later by Ammiani, Poggiali, Morandi, -Cardinal Quirino and Apostolo Zeno, not to mention -many others. Pier Luigi was great by rank and by -nature. He restrained the arrogance of his nobles and -had studied much to elevate his people to an equality -with their lords. He was supported in these plans by -the distinguished literary men who served as his -secretaries; Claudio Tolomei, Giovanni Battista Pico, -David Spilimbergo, Gandolfo Porrino, Giovanni Paccini, -Gottifredi, Rainerio, Zuccardi, Tebalducci, Apollonio<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[236]</a></span> -and Caro. The last after the death of his master was -pursued by assassins and with great difficulty saved -his life by fleeing into the province of Cremona.</p> - -<p>This open friendship of Farnese for the people, at a -time when the lords were everywhere practising great -severity, added to the hatred of the imperial agents -and whetted their desire for vengeance. There was -still another cause of quarrel. The port of the Po at -Piacenza had been ceded by Paul III. to the divine -Bonarotti (taking away certain rights upon it from the -Pusterla and Trivulzio) and Bonarotti had rented it to -Francesco Durante, and the nobles taking the sides of -the defrauded parties resolved to wreak their vengeance -on the pontiff’s son. A conspiracy was formed at the -head of which were Giovanni Anguissola, Camillo and -Gerolamo Pallavicini and Giovanni Confaloniere. But -the soul of the plot was count Agostino Landi, the -same person who informed the government at Lucca -of the conspiracy of Pietro Fatinelli, and thus betrayed -him to death.</p> - -<p>Andrea opened his heart to Landi and showed him -the golden promises of Cæsar. Casoni relates this and -he founded it upon irrefragible proofs which he had -in his hands. He adds that the prince pledged to -Landi the hand of the sister of Gianettino for his son -with a wealthy dowry. This marriage afterwards took -place. It was important that, after the assassination -of the duke, the duchy of Piacenza should revert to -the empire, and to secure this result Doria intrigued -with Gerolamo Pallavicino, Marquis of Cortemaggiore<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[237]</a></span> -and Busseto, whose mother and wife had been held in -captivity by Farnese and who was therefore anxious -to punish the affront. The conspirators in Piacenza -at first really intended to establish a popular government; -but Doria adroitly induced them to communicate -with Gonzaga. It was not difficult then to secure the -subjection of Piacenza to the empire.</p> - -<p>A warm animosity burned between Gonzaga and the -duke on account of the priorship of Barletta which -Gonzaga had obtained for his son to the exclusion of -Horace Farnese. Gonzaga made many attempts upon -the life of Pier Luigi. Annibal Caro, who in July, -1547 was sent by the latter to Milan informed his -master of these plots; but the duke had no presentiment -of his imminent peril. The efforts of Gonzaga, -however, all failed, and with the knowledge of Charles, -he sent captain Federico Gazzino to order the conspirators -to proceed with their work.</p> - -<p>On the tenth of December 1547 Giovanni Anguissola -went to the castle which Farnese had erected to -command the city and demanded instant speech of the -duke on matters of pressing urgency. Having entered, -Anguissola and his friend Giovanni Valentino threw -themselves upon the duke and killed him with stabs -in his face and breast. On leaving the apartment, the -assassin killed a priest and a servant who were rushing -in to ascertain the occasion of the duke’s cries, struck -down a German lancer who threw himself before him -and ran to rejoin his fellow conspirators, who, led by -Confaloniere immediately overpowered the garrison of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[238]</a></span> -the citadel. Others, headed by Landi and the Pallavicini -brothers, attacked and soon captured the castle -with but little loss of life. Some mercenaries fleeing -from the citadel spread a report that the Spaniards had -attacked the castle; and the plebians, to whom the -very name Spaniards was odious, rose in arms, gathered -around Tommasoni da Terni, captain of the city militia, -and marched to the citadel to recover it by storm.</p> - -<p>The battle could not have been long or doubtful; for -only thirty-seven conspirators were in possession of the -fortress. But they invented an expedient which served -them in the stead of force. They hung the corpse of -the duke to the wall and afterwards threw it into the -moat. The sight destroyed the hopes of the people. -The conspirators found means to increase the number -of their adherents and to occupy the city. Captain -Ruschino arrived before the gates, according to a previous -understanding, at the head of a considerable body -of infantry and shortly after the castellan of Cremona -arrived with reinforcements. These were followed by -Gonzaga himself who took possession in the name of -Cæsar. The vengeance of Doria was complete.</p> - -<p>The Venitians were greatly grieved by these events; -indeed, all the governments in Italy which were -unfriendly to the Spanish power were alarmed at its -success. The nobles of Piacenza regretted too late -that they had changed masters without gaining their -liberties. Gonzaga had promised to destroy the citadel, -but he increased its strength and it remained for three -centuries.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[239]</a></span></p> - -<p>Piacenza was never restored to the Farnese in spite -of that spirited discourse which Casa wrote to Cæsar -and which we find in his works. The Pope in full -concistory asked an account from the emperor of the -assassination of his son and the seizure of Piacenza, and -demanded the punishment of Gonzaga. But the -emperor pleased with his success, paid no attention -either to the threats of the Pope or the appeals of his -son-in-law and Margaret. Gonzaga was not even -content with Piacenza but attempted to grasp Parma -also. He moved an army against it, but the valour of -Camillo Orsino rendered his efforts fruitless. To -secure his grandson against Spanish treachery, Paul -kept him near his own person in Rome, until Ottavio, -weary of living in privacy put himself into the power -of the ministers of Charles and returned to Parma. -The old pontiff, pricked to the heart by the death of -his son and the fruitlessness of his appeals to other -governments against Spain, soon ended his days in -bitterness and sorrow (1549).</p> - -<p>Though the assassins of Farnese obtained rewards -from the emperor they were long the objects of -atrocious persecutions from Rome. Anguissola was -created governor of Como; but he sought refuge from -many assassins who dodged his steps in the Pliniana -villa which he had constructed. Beleseur, French -ambassador, having encountered him in the Grisons -tried to pierce him in the very palace of the bishop -with the dagger of papal vengance. A certain Rinaldo -Rondinello, of the mountains of Cesena, long followed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[240]</a></span> -him in the mantle of a friar; and when this assassin -was punished, many others rose up to take his place, -until Anguissola seeing himself the object of universal -scorn and the mark of every stiletto terminated his -miserable life in sorrow and remorse. Gerolamo -Pallavicini who with his brother Alessando and others -was an accomplice in that crime was making the campaign -in Flanders in 1552, in company with his -relatives. Eight masked men one day assailed him, -killed all his relatives and left him stretched upon the -earth with five severe wounds. However, he recovered -and retired to his castle of Castiglione di Lodi, which -he had obtained from the Fieschi. He made a vow -to marry the first woman whom he should meet. -Fate was propitious and Gerolamina Virotelli, the -daughter of a mountaineer and a woman of more -than womanly prudence, made the evening of his life -cheerful. Count Landi died in remorse and bequeathed -a rich legacy to the heir of the murdered Farnese -Gonzaga, too, died miserably. Some assassins, Corsican -soldiers of Ottavio Farnese, several times attempted to -kill him; but it was reserved for the Genoese to avenge -on him the death of the Fieschi and Farnese, and his -other crimes. Tommaso Marini and Ottobuono Giustiniani -obtained a decree from Charles, that Gonzaga be -subjected to an examination for the robberies with -which he was charged. The emperor acquitted him, -but removed him from the governorship of Milan -and the disgrace so wounded him that he died of -his grief.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[241]</a></span></p> - -<p>These acts of vengeance were followed by others of -a fierce character. In these, Andrea Doria was the -instructor. At the death of Pier Luigi nothing remained -for him but to punish the Pope for his complicity -with the Count of Lavagna; but the elevation -of Paul and the sanctity of his office put him out of -the reach of personal violence. Other arms than -daggers must be employed, and fortune put them into -the hands of Doria. We must here premise that after -the death of Gianluigi, the Pope, to suppress the -rumour that he was accessory to the conspiracy, sent -Andrea a brief, condoling with him for the death of -Gianettino. The fierce Genoese, who well knew the -arts of Roman wolves, swallowed his resentiment and -was silent until the time arrived to settle his account -with the successor of St. Peter. As soon as he learned -through Cristoforo Lercaro Di Salvo, captain of -Chiavari, that Pier Luigi was dead, he took that same -brief, changed only the names and sent it back to the -author as <i>his</i> letter of condolence for the death of the -pontiff’s son. The injury was great; but the punishment -was terrible.</p> - -<p>These punishments and assassinations did not restore -order and confidence. The blood which had been -spilled fertilized the soil for a new harvest of disaster -and suffering.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[242]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c13" id="c13">CHAPTER XIII.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">THE NOBLES AND THE PLEBEIANS.</p> - -<p class="pcs">Intrigues of Figuerroa and the nobility—The law of Garibetto—New -efforts of Spain to give Genoa the character of a Duchy—The -firmness of the senate and Andrea foils the scheme of -Don Filippo—The reception of the Spaniards by Doria and by -the people—Sad story of a daughter of the Calvi—Don -Bernardino Mendozza and his relations with Prince Doria—Baneful -influence of the Spanish occupation.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">Charles V.</span> had long cherished the design of rendering -the entire Peninsula subject to his authority. He was -master of the Sicilies and the Milanese and controlled -Tuscany through the servility of Cosimo; and if he -were able to complete the conquest of Genoa, it would -be easy to expel the French army from Piedmont -where Henry II. was preparing to renew the war in -Italy. It is true that the emperor through the senate -and Doria actually directed Genoese affairs; but -dependence on the will and favour of individuals did -not seem to Charles either a dignified or durable means -of power. The conspiracy of Fieschi had been crushed; -but it had left discontents behind it and a new outbreak -was possible at every hour. Besides, Charles -thirsted to be complete master of a city which was in -his view, and in fact, the connecting link between the -kingdoms of Spain and his Lombard provinces.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[243]</a></span></p> - -<p>Figuerroa, knowing the wishes of his master, opened -his views to the old nobles who were his intimates and -drew them over to his wishes. He terrified them by -setting forth the prospect of new conspiracies and the -popular affection for Gianluigi which was still strong -in the city. He told them that Andrea was too -decrepit to combat these approaching perils and that -prudence counselled adequate provisions to suppress -revolt. Figuerroa found in the minds of the old -nobles, morbidly sensitive to the least breath of popular -commotion, complacent acquiescence, and he induced -some of the faction of San Luca to address a petition -to the emperor in Germany, in which they exaggerated -the Fieschi movement, showed the uncertain faith of -many of the Italian princes and the danger of general -revolt and concluded by requesting that the security -of Genoa be provided for by a Spanish garrison and a -more stable form of government.</p> - -<p>The emperor answered the appeal by sending Nicolò -Perenoto, lord of Granveille and imperial councillor, -with some engineers, to construct a fortress on the hill -of Pietra Minuta as a rein on the Genoese populace. -This fortification garrisoned by a strong Spanish force -would have secured the imperial power and stifled all -attempts at revolution. But Andrea, who wished to -rule Genoa himself, vehemently opposed the erection -of a fortress to be occupied by imperial troops. The -prince desired to be the sole imperial representative in -Genoa and to keep the Spanish crown in a state of -dependence upon his loyalty. He therefore resisted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[244]</a></span> -the innovation with all his power, and boldly told -Granveille that he must lay aside the project. When -the imperial minister informed him of the petition sent -by the Genoese nobility to the emperor, the old man -called to him the persons chiefly concerned in that -business, reproached them spiritedly for the weakness -they had shown in falling into an imperial trap, and -induced them to recant their approval of this scheme -of national humiliation.</p> - -<p>But Granveille still hoped to win Doria’s consent to -the wishes of the emperor, and he frequently sent his -engineers to Pietra Minuta for the purpose of defining -the position of the new citadel. The people saw these -surveys, and they one day broke into tumult, rushed -to the place and would have killed Granveille and his -engineers if the senate had not forseen the danger and -stationed troops so as to prevent access to the hill. -The emperor was now convinced that he could only -carry out his plans by an open war both with Andrea -and the people; and he therefore wrote to the prince -that he would renounce a project which seemed so -distasteful to his admiral.</p> - -<p>Doria on his side pledged himself to reform the -government and give it such a direction as to put it -out of the power of a few persons to reëstablish the -popular constitution. He accordingly instituted the -provision called <i>Garibetto</i> which entirely excluded -popular families from political power and gave rise to -many civil disorders and finally to intestine war. It -completed the alienation of the masses from the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[245]</a></span> -nobility and destroyed the vital force of the Republic. -But the plebeians, the more they were depressed, burned -the more for liberty. The spirit of revolution sometimes -slumbered but was never entirely extinguished. -The opposition of Doria and the threatening attitude -of the populace deterred the Spaniards and the greater -part of the old nobles from carrying out their scheme -of building a fortress to overawe the people. But -though Charles bent to the will of our people in that -project, he secured through the prince a more oligarchic -form of government and removed the new nobles from -power. This success and the increasing subservience -of Doria inspired Charles with new hope that he might -get Genoa entirely in his power as a first step to the -complete control of the Peninsula. He renewed his -efforts with more shrewdness and contrived a scheme -for taking the populace by surprise and lulling to sleep -the vigilance of the old admiral.</p> - -<p>A conference was held in Piacenza by the Duke of -Alba, Gonzaga, an envoy of Cosimo, and Tomaso -de’ Marini a Genoese knight. It was agreed that when -Doria had sailed to Spain, to escort the Archduke -Maximilian, Gonzaga should enter the city with a -large body of imperial troops and Cosimo should -support the movement with some regiments of infantry. -The pretext for this military concentration was afforded -by the fact that the Prince Don Phillip, called into -Germany by his father, would return with Doria to -Genoa and Cosimo and Gonzaga would go thither to -pay him homage.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[246]</a></span></p> - -<p>Having made these arrangements, the Duke of Alba -sailed with Doria for Spain (July, 1548) in order to -prepare other parts of the conspiracy. But the Genoese -fortunately received information of the plot. The -Pope, who, since the death of his son, distrusted the -emperor more than ever, having heard of the conference -in Piacenza, instructed Carlo Orsino, governor of -Piacenza, to ascertain what had been done by the conspirators. -Orsino laboured so well that he penetrated -the mystery. Some incautious words of Gonzaga put -him on the scent of the movement and enabled him to -inform the Pope of the nature of the emperor’s plans. -Paul communicated this intelligence to Leonardo -Strata, a Genoese noble living in Rome, and Strata -immediately wrote to the senate. The scheme was so -bold and unexpected that the senators were at first -disposed to distrust the report. But their doubts were -soon removed. Gonzaga soon after sent a messenger -to notify the government that Don Phillip would soon -arrive in Genoa, and to ask quarters in the city for -two thousand cavalry and as many arquebusiers. At -the same time, Cosimo wrote asking permission to pay -homage to the prince in Genoa and to bring as an -escort, to protect him against the plots of Genoese -exiles, two regiments of cavalry and two of infantry. -Andrea also wrote from Rosas (October 19th, 1548) a -letter to the Doge, which, as an eloquent proof of his -servility to Spain, we give entire:—</p> - -<p>“I send with this galley Don Michele de Velasco -and with him three quarter-masters whom His Highness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[247]</a></span> -the prince desires to have forwarded in advance of -himself, for reasons which you will more fully learn -from his ambassador, Figuerroa. Their mission as you -will learn is to prepare lodgings for this court. It -seems expedient for me to write you these few words, -as a citizen, praying you to give me pleasure by -issuing orders that these quarter-masters be allowed to -accompany Don Michele, and assigning them without -delay all the lodgings which may be necessary.</p> - -<p>“Receive them with such marks of esteem as you are -accustomed to give when the honour of princes and -the glory of the city are concerned, in order that His -Majesty and this Illustrious Prince, his son, may know -that, not only in this, but in matters of much greater -moment, you are delighted to render him service. For, -besides the general repute which your excellencies will -gain by such a course of conduct, the favour of His -Majesty and His Highness will be much greater -towards you, and their love for the Republic will be -increased so that they will the more cheerfully aid her -in the hour of need, as hitherto. Your Excellencies -should remember that we have no other light or -support but the great goodness of His Majesty which -permits us to live within his kingdoms without any -sense of subjection, and that for this reason alone the -whole city ought to do spontaneously whatever is -required in these circumstances, and all the more that -in these matters which require small sacrifices we shall -gain large favour and induce His Majesty to grant us -privileges of greater importance. I know well that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[248]</a></span> -our citizens will interpose obstacles as they are -accustomed to do in such emergencies; but your -Excellencies, knowing the convenience and importance -of the matter, will strive to remove all difficulties, -compel all to preserve order and obedience and punish -whoever makes opposition in such a way as to render -them a warning and example to all the rest. I have -nothing more to add on this subject; for I am sure -that you, as wise men, will carefully reflect on the -duty we owe the emperor, and voluntarily and cheerfully -give those orders that are required; the more -that the stay of the prince will be only for a few days, -and small as the favour will be, His Majesty will -reckon it a great one and always remember your good -will and that of the city towards Himself. His -Highness will also be gratified for your prompt good -service and all his suite will leave you greatly pleased -by your hospitality. M. Domenico Doria, the bearer -of this letter, will speak more fully of this concernment -to your Excellencies, to whom I commend me with -affectionate solicitude.”</p> - -<p>These simultaneous requests removed the doubts of -the senators. They showed an admirable firmness in -refusing quarters for the soldiers of Gonzaga and -Medici. Gonzaga renewed his request and the senate -replied that if he appeared at the gates with more -than twenty horses he would find them shut in his -face. He came with three hundred infantry and two -companies of cavalry, but he was obliged to quarter -himself outside of the walls, in Sestri. Cosimo, seeing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[249]</a></span> -the firmness of the senate, relinquished the design of -coming. But no one dared resist Doria, and his -Spaniards were received in the city.</p> - -<p>While these events were transpiring Don Phillip -sailed out of Spain with a fleet of fifty-eight galleys, -of which nineteen belonged to Prince Doria and six to -Antonio Doria, two to the prince of Monaco and two -to Visconte Cicala. There were forty other vessels of -which six were Genoese. Don Phillip took passage on -board the admiral’s galley, a vessel wonderful for her -size, construction and equipment. The designs of the -embellishments were made by Pierino del Vaga, and -executed by Carota and Tasso, Florentine artists. The -standards were painted by Vaga. The gilding, the -satins and the rich brocades rendered the vessel a -marvel of beauty. The young prince, astonished by -this magnificence, was prodigal of honours and marks -of affection to Andrea, hoping to captivate the old man -and secure his coöperation in the plot against the -Republic. As they neared our coasts, Phillip inquired -of the admiral where he would be quartered in Genoa. -The admiral responded that he hoped to have that -honour for his palace in Fassiolo, where the emperor -had been his guest. The young Prince showed -dissatisfaction at the response and rejoined that he -wished to reside in the Ducal palace. “That,” replied -Andrea “Is not in my power. Your Highness may ask -it of the senate, though I am of opinion that those who -live there will not willingly evacuate it.” These frank -words enraged Phillip, and his wrath was yet more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[250]</a></span> -inflamed immediately after by letters of Gonzaga which -reported that their plan could not be put into execution. -The young prince broke out into angry imprecations; -but his preceptor, the Duke of Alba conjured him to -conceal his displeasure lest the suspicions of the -Genoese should be increased, and Phillip constrained -himself to a complacent reception of the messengers of -the Republic.</p> - -<p>He landed at Savona and was entertained by -Benedetta Spinola, a beautiful and courteous widow. -After a brief stay he proceeded to Genoa. The princess -Peretta received him in the Doria palace with the -highest honour. The Doge and the senators, the -Genoese cardinals Doria and Cybo, Lord Bishop Matera, -envoy of the Pope, and the ministers of other nations -went to pay him homage.</p> - -<p>We shall not dwell on the sumptuous reception of -Phillip by the nobility, or the splendour which Doria -displayed with his open court and princely banquets -for the Spanish barons. The luxury of the decorations, -the richness of the furniture, the splendour of the -carpets and service of every kind and the wealth sunk -in the banquets of that palace were then the marvel of -Italy. Don Phillip and his suite were filled with -admiration by the magnificence of their reception.</p> - -<p>The Genoese populace did not participate in these -festivities. They could ill brook these servile attentions -towards those who were conspiring, not merely to -deprive them of political power, but to take away the -independence of the Republic; and, looking on with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[251]</a></span> -ill-concealed rage, they were more than once on the -brink of revolution. On the 3rd of December at -midnight, the people rose at the cry of “<i>Ammazza, -Ammazza</i>”—kill them, kill them—and rushed to attack -fifty of the <i>Bisogni</i> who were in a tavern of the mole; -and they would have despatched the Spaniards, if -Colonel Spinola had not arrived on the ground with a -strong body of infantry in time to quell the tumult. -But the rage of the populace continued. Don Phillip -had requested the city police to arrest a certain Don -Antonio d’Arze, a Spaniard guilty of homicide. After -the arrest, he sent eighty Spanish arquebusiers to -conduct the criminal from the prison on board a galley. -Near the Ducal palace, this body of Spaniards met the -city guard. The <i>Bisogni</i> had their matches lit, and -the guard, believing that the imperial troops came -to assault the palace, prepared to make a desperate -resistance, and in fact drove the Spaniards back by -force. Many of the latter were wounded and some lost -their lives. In a twinkling, the rumour ran that the -Spaniards had attacked the Ducal palace; the people -collected in crowds and would have put the Spaniards -to the edge of the sword if the Doge and two governors -of the palace had not mingled in the crowd and soothed -the irritation. Prince Doria himself was carried in a -palanquin through the most populous quarters, and -besought the people to lay aside their hostile intentions. -The populace was held in subjection by force and -supplications; but the Spaniards lost no time in returning -on board their ships, and Don Phillip departed -dissimulating his animosity against the city.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[252]</a></span></p> - -<p>We must here speak of an incident which occurred -while Don Phillip was the guest of the city; though -Bandello places it some years earlier.</p> - -<p>In one of the many descents of the Turkish corsair -upon the Riviera, they had captured a Genoese girl -about ten years of age, belonging, says the chronicle, -to the illustrious family of the Calvi. Being of remarkable -beauty she was sold by the pirates at a high -price to a merchant who carried her into Spain. Here -she grew more beautiful with years and inspired a son -of the Duke of Alba with an ardent passion which he -found means to satisfy. When Don Phillip came into -Italy, the young man was obliged to accompany the -cortège; but not wishing to leave the young woman, -he took her on board one of the vessels and brought -her to Genoa. Annina had never forgotten her parents -and her native city; and as soon as she landed, she -induced her pages by rich presents to find her lodgings -on the piazza Maruffi, near the palace of Stefano -Fieschi and in the residence of the Calvi. Annina -entered her father’s house with joy, and, seizing a -moment when her lover was occupied with Don Phillip, -she dismissed her domestics and revealed herself to -her parents. The embracings, the tears, the transports -of tenderness, cannot be described. But the noble girl -broke off these demonstrations of affection. “It is -time that I think of my liberation. Though loaded -with ornaments, I have been hitherto only a slave, and -I owe it to my dignity and my blood to atone in the -shadow of the altar for my dishonourable though forced -manner of life. Take me to a convent before my<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[253]</a></span> -master learns that I belong to you, and put me in a -cell where none may ever hear my name pronounced.” -Her parents approved her choice and at once sent her -to a monastery near the city, where she was received -under another name. She had scarcely departed when -the knight came to find his mistress, and, inquiring for -her, he read in the silence of the pages that she had -fled. He was at the first moment about to wreak his -anger on these servants; but he restrained himself and -demanded of the Calvi the restoration of the girl. An -angry contention arose which raised a tumult in that -part of the city. In a few moments the piazza was -full of men of both nations. Among the first to enter -the house of Calvi to succour the Genoese was Giovanni -Lavagna, allied by blood to the Fieschi. He was one -of the most reckless warriors of his time. Encountering -the Spanish knight at the head of the staircase surrounded -by armed men and threatening the bystanders, -he demanded the cause of his discourteous manners. -Alba replied:—</p> - -<p>“It does not concern thee, white moor and traitor -that thou art!”</p> - -<p>Lavagna was not accustomed to receive abuse with -patience, and he angrily retorted:—</p> - -<p>“Moorish Jew, thou liest in the throat!” and drawing -his sword, threw himself upon the Spaniard. The -fight was of brief duration. Despite the assistance of -his companions, the knight was pierced to the heart. -The Spaniards descended into the piazza and came to -blows with the populace, who killed some and put the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[254]</a></span> -others to flight. Lavagna fearing the vengeance of -Phillip took refuge in the province of Piacenza.</p> - -<p>Don Phillip did not relinquish the hope of reducing -Genoa to the condition of a province, and he was -encouraged by Gonzaga, Figuerroa and the Duke of -Alba. The plan of the new fortress was again taken -up. The partisans of Spain reasoned that the popular -hostility to Spain constantly threatened the city with -revolution and that so stubborn a people needed a -strong rein. It was reasonable enough they said that -Doria, when he was in the full vigour of life, should -have opposed the erection of the citadel, but now when -he was old and infirm almost to decrepitude he ought -no longer to resist the will of Cæsar.</p> - -<p>Charles sent to Genoa a certain Sigismondi Fransino -with instructions to confer with Doria and Centurione -and endeavour to gain their consent to the fortification. -Some engineers also came secretly, for the purpose of -selecting the most convenient site. They renounced -the plan of fortifying Pietra Minuta and recommended -that the fortress of Castelletto should be restored. -Doria hearing of this new plan and wishing to finish -once for all with these projects for the humiliation -of Genoa, sent Adamo Centurione into Flanders to -confer with Cæsar and convince him that there was -imminent peril of losing the Republic altogether -unless these schemes were renounced. Charles made -the most formal pledges that he would put a stop to -the intrigue and never again raise the question. The -advice of Don Bernardino Mendozza probably had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[255]</a></span> -more weight with Charles than the remonstrances of -Centurione. Mendozza was a man of infinite cunning -and dexterity in politics. He pointed out to his -sovereign the excessive devotion of the Genoese to the -acquisition of wealth, and advised him to employ every -artifice to get their money into the imperial treasury -in the form of loans secured upon lands, privileges, -feuds and jurisdictions in Sicily, Naples and Spain. -“Thus,” said the adroit politician, “you will bind the -Genoese to the fortunes of your kingdom by a voluntary -chain; since when their riches are in your hands -they will be naturally inclined to increase and maintain -your power. This hold upon their affections will be -worth more than any fortress.”</p> - -<p>This shrewd advice was followed; every inducement -was held out to the wealthy nobles to place their -money in the hands of the emperor, with such securities -and guarantees as would infallibly induce other -citizens to follow the example and bind themselves -with their fortunes to Spain. By this expedient -Charles seemed to leave the Genoese their independence, -but he really made them tributary to his crown, -Phillip II. pursued this policy with even greater assiduity -and it became hereditary in the Spanish princes. -It was in fact for two centuries the political science by -which the court of Spain regulated the affairs of Italy; -and the people found themselves insensibly bound, -without their own action, to the interests and policy of -that crown. It must be said that some give a different -version of the affair of the citadel. Writers of weight<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[256]</a></span> -tell us that, even in this, Doria was subservient to -Charles; but we cannot believe it possible. His steadfast -resistance to that scheme is more consistent with -the greatness and fame of the illustrious admiral; and, -though he was a vehement partisan of the imperial -cause, he could not have wished to become, like Cosimo, -its slave. When the Medici gave up to imperial troops -the fortresses of Florence and Leghorn, he found himself -in the hands of a master, and never digested the -retort of Venice, who refused to treat with him -“because he was, in his own house, the servant of -another man.”</p> - -<p>We think the truth to be that when Doria saw the -unanimity of the people in opposing the erection of a -citadel, he wisely resolved to support his fellow-citizens, -and the people are entitled to the chief praise for the -failure of that scheme. They were not yet corrupted -by the servility of the nobility, and might have -renewed the examples of their ancient valour and -prevented the foreign power from striking root in the -Republic. They lost no opportunity of manifesting -their profound dislike of Spain, as Doge Lercaro -himself testifies. When Charles gave to Cosimo the -government of Piombino, then in the hands of the -Appiani, the Genoese rose up in arms and demanded of -the senate that galleys be despatched to Elba to expel -the Florentines and Spaniards. This time, too, it was -Doria who held back the arms of the people.</p> - -<p>It is easy to see that the new ties between Genoa -and Spain were the principal occasion of our decline.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[257]</a></span> -Doria, by breaking the French alliance and persecuting -the men of Barbary (instead of courting their alliance -after the example of Venice) hastened our fall. Our -commerce gradually declined. French and Barbary -fleets roved over our seas and destroyed our marine. -The city was put to great straits, and longed in vain -for the only remedy for its maladies, the alliance of -France to open up the commerce of the East. Fieschi, -who had courted these benefits, was remembered the -more sadly as disasters multiplied upon the Republic.</p> - -<p>The government comprehended that some important -and energetic measures must be taken to restore our -fortunes; and, after mature reflection, the senate resolved -to attempt the recovery of our Eastern trade. -The only remnant of our extensive possessions in the -Levant was the island of Scio, which was still held by -the family of the Giustiniani. In 1558, Giovanni -Di Franchi and Nicolò Grillo were sent to Constantinople, -with eight vessels bearing costly presents for -the Sultan and his principal ministers, to ask a renewal -of trade and treaties of amity and commerce such as -the Porte maintained with the Venitians.</p> - -<p>The Porte was disposed to accept our trade and -friendship, but the king of France raised objections -which destroyed the hopes of Genoa. He showed the -Porte that the Genoese were the fast allies of Spain, -and could not remain neutral between Spaniards and -Turks; that all the maritime enterprises of Charles to -the damage of the Turks had been conducted with -Genoese fleets; that Doria the greatest of the enemies<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[258]</a></span> -of Turkey and the admiral of Spain, lived in Genoa -and ruled it at his caprice; that, in fine, the Porte -could not safely listen to the proposals of the Genoese -unless they declared themselves enemies of Spain. -These arguments changed the purpose of Soliman, and -he sent the Ligurian ambassadors home without giving -them audience. The Republic lost hope of reacquiring -that commerce with the East which had once enabled -it to triumph over Pisa and Venice.</p> - -<p>Such were the consequences of our fatal bondage to -the empire. The people, guided by infallible instincts, -showed in this matter more wisdom than their rulers. -If we had shaken off the imperial embraces, we might -have obtained from the Turks all those privileges which -the Venitians had acquired a few years before; nor -should we have had rivals to contest our gains. The -French were falling into civil commotions which turned -their attention from commercial enterprises. The -English seldom showed themselves in our seas. The -Dutch had not yet thrown off the yoke at which they -were fretting, and the Venitians soon after, becoming -as inimical as the Spaniards to the Turkish power, were -excluded from Eastern markets. The Levant, still -rich in silk fabrics, might have been a fountain of vast -wealth for Genoese merchants.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[259]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c14" id="c14">CHAPTER XIV.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">PRINCE GIULIO CYBO.</p> - -<p class="pcs">The revolt of Naples—Andrea Doria subdues it—Plots of the exiles -against his life—Giulio Cybo seizes the feud of Massa and -Carrara—His schemes for revolutionizing the Republic—Conference -of the Genoese exiles in Venice—Capture of Cybo—Doria -labours to have the emperor condemn Giulio to death—Punishment -of Cybo and his accomplices—Letter of Paul -Spinola to the Genoese government—Scipione Fieschi and his -disputes with the Republic—Maria della Rovere—Eleonora -Fieschi; her second marriage and death.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">Andrea</span> Doria had finally extinguished in Genoa the -popular conspiracies for liberty, and on the ruins of the -Guelph Fieschi house had firmly planted the Spanish -tyranny. Still, in every corner of the Peninsula, the -people, not yet corrupted by the servility of the great, -cherished the memory of better days, and scarcely -concealed their antipathy to Spain. The sword of -Doria—which is still sacriligiously suspended over the -high altar of the church of San Matteo—was once more -stained with the blood of the people.</p> - -<p>Don Pietro di Toledo, a man of integrity, but -haughty and devoted to Rome, was very solicitous to -introduce the Spanish inquisition into Naples in order -to wash out in blood the stains of heresy. Orchine da -Siena, Lorenzo Romano, Montalcino and Vermiglio -were preaching the doctrines of Luther and Zuingle -and secretly diffusing the works of Melancthon and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[260]</a></span> -Erasmus. The people learned the intentions of Toledo, -and rose almost to a man, protesting against inquisitors -and martyrdoms. Their protests yielded no -fruit and they seized their arms, deposed the foreign -governors and created new magistrates, promising, -however, to maintain their devotion to the empire. -Toledo issued a proclamation that he would proceed to -the trial and punishment of Tommaso Aniello of -Sorrento and Cesare Mormile, who were reputed the -leaders of the sedition. The two rebels came before -the judges with such a mass of followers, that the court -counted it better policy to honour rather than punish -them. But the viceroy, determined to terrify Naples, -barbarously butchered Gianluigi Capuano, Fabrizio -d’Alessandro and Antonio Villamarino, and threatened -capital punishment against any who should remove the -bloody corpses.</p> - -<p>This exasperated but did not awe the populace. -They made common cause with the barons, sent deputies -to the emperor and signed a truce with Toledo -until the imperial answer should be known. The truce -was worse than war. The <i>Bisogni</i>, who had taken -refuge in the castles, not only destroyed the surrounding -houses, but in their frequent sorties killed all who fell -into their hands, and the populace retorted by killing -the Spanish prisoners whom they had captured.</p> - -<p>Toledo saw that he was too weak to make head -against the enraged populace, who were already investing -the forts and citadels held by his troops, and -sent for Doria to deliver him from his embarrassment.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[261]</a></span> -Andrea was ill prepared for so grave an undertaking. -His galleys were damaged and without crews; for -besides the Barbary slaves who fled in that fatal night -of the Fieschi, the convicts had first sacked the ships -and then taken refuge in the Apennines. But the -admiral entered on the project of aiding Toledo with -unwonted zeal. He obtained money from Prince -Centurione, enlisted new crews and officers, and soon -had a fleet ready to sail. The galleys were sent off -under his lieutenants Marco Centurione, son of Adamo, -and Antonio Doria. Thanks to these ships of Doria, -Toledo suppressed the revolt in Naples, took capital -vengeance on the leaders and punished the people with -heavy taxation. Yet it has been said that the emperor -<i>pardoned</i> the rebels! History spoke falsehood. Still, -this stormy protest of the people saved Naples from -the inquisition. The masses well knew the real object -of Toledo. He sought less to crush heresy than to -exterminate the spirit of liberty.</p> - -<p>The Neapolitans were a few years later silent -witnesses of fierce religious persecution. The inquisition -employed such zeal, that to mention Montalto -alone, two thousand persons were butchered and nearly -an equal number condemned to death in eleven days. -Tradition says that the executioner cut them down in -the streets, like so many goats. While, through the -assistance of Doria, the Spanish power took firm root -in Italy and crushed the spirit of popular liberty, (I -hope that none will believe my respect for the truth -dictated by antipathy towards the great admiral) not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[262]</a></span> -a few daring spirits still struggled to emancipate the -nation and to destroy the prop on which the emperor -leaned. The times were sanguinary; blood was -washed out with blood. The partisans of Fieschi -raging for vengeance often attempted to assassinate -Andrea; and the obstacles in their way only increased -their fury. In August, 1547, four men of Valditaro, -to whom Galeotto of Mirandola added eight of his -bandits, were sent to Genoa for the purpose of assassinating -Doria while he should be coming out of his -palace. It was intended that a conspiracy organized -in the city should seize the moment for proclaiming a -popular government and maintaining it by force of -arms. Galeotto promised to lead the enterprise in -person. He was a terrible man, and his partisans -believed that no enterprise could miscarry which had -at its head so practiced a conspirator and assassin. -The histories relate of him that when the Count Gianfrancesco, -a literary man of note, had been restored to -the government of Mirandola by the officers of Julius -II., Galeotto, in a night of October, 1533, scaled the -fortress with forty companions, killed the count who -was kneeling before the crucifix, his uncle and his son -Alberto, and then shutting up the dependents of the -count in the prison of the fortress took possession of -the government of Mirandola. Charles V. condemned -him to death for this horrid crime; but Galeotto -defended himself alike against the arms and the -treachery of Leyva, and finally surrendered the castle -to Henry of France for a large compensation.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[263]</a></span></p> - -<p>With such men, the conspiracy did not seem likely -to fail of its principal object. However, the assassins -could not find in Genoa safe hiding for studying the -habits of Andrea. Besides, the cunning old man was -on the alert for such plots, and never left his house -except under a strong escort of his faithful dependents. -The assassins found it necessary to save their own lives -by a precipitate flight.</p> - -<p>A second attempt at his assassination came to the -knowledge of Doria. Cornelio Bentivoglio, aided by -the exiles, especially the Fieschi, armed a galley with -two hundred men and all necessary equipments, with -the design of entering the port by night and attacking -the palace of Doria. At the same time the exiles -assisted by Pier Luigi Farnese were expected to attack -the city on the East side. On this occasion, also, the -leader had a reputation which promised success. Bentivoglio -was an audacious and fierce young man, who, -having been expelled from the government of Bologna -by his father Costanzo, entered the military service of -France and obtained considerable repute in the art of -war. Perhaps the prince would have fallen under this -conspiracy, if his own counterplot against the Duke of -Piacenza had not broken up the plans of Bentivoglio.</p> - -<p>But the Fieschi party did not lay down their arms -or relinquish their hopes of vengeance. They enlisted -Prince Giulio Cybo among others in their cause. This -nobleman having taken up and continued the conspiracy -of Fieschi, to whom he was allied, deserves a -place in our history. The arms of Cybo and Fieschi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[264]</a></span> -were the same; the former used more unworthy means -than the latter, but both ended their lives in misfortune -consecrated by patriotism.</p> - -<p>The family of the Cybo was of very ancient, perhaps -of, Byzantine origin. They possessed in the tenth -century islands and walled towns. In 1188, Ermes -Cybo subscribed the treaty of peace between the Pisans -and Ligurians. We find in old manuscripts that, in -1261, they had palaces in the via del Campo. A -Guglielmo Cybo, who died in 1311, built the magnificent -church of St. Francis in Casteletto and there was -erected the marble sepulchre of himself and his family. -This Guglielmo rendered important services to the -Republic for which he obtained the privilege of adding -to his arms the device of the Republic.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> The family -produced many other distinguished men, among whom -may be mentioned Innocent VIII. In his youth, this -pontiff became the father of a son named Francesco -who was governor of Rome during the pontificate of -Innocent and married Maddalena de’ Medici sister of -Leo X. In the year 1500, Lorenzo Cybo was born -of this marriage in St. Pierdarena, a suburb of Genoa. -Lorenzo devoted himself to arms, and in the Milan -war, carried the fortress of Monza by assault. The -cardinal Innocent Cybo, his elder brother, ceded him -the county of Ferentillo and he also governed Vetralla, -Giano and Montegiove. Desirous of enlarging his -estates, he married Ricciarda daughter and heiress of -Alberico Malaspina, Marquis of Massa and Carrara<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[265]</a></span> -and widow of Count Scipione Fieschi who died in -1520.</p> - -<p>Ricciarda bore Lorenzo several children, one of whom -was Eleonora wife of Gianluigi Fieschi. There were -besides, Isabella, who married Vitaliano Visconti Borromeo, -Giulio and Alberico. Giulio, whose career we -shall briefly recount, was born in Rome in 1525, and -was educated in the court of Charles V. where the -beauty of his person and the sprightliness of his intellect -acquired him the admiration of the Spanish courtiers.</p> - -<p>The mother of Giulio, who was in possession of Massa -and Carrara, formed the resolution of transferring the -feud to the younger brother, Alberico. Giulio went to -Rome and in vain employed entreaty and threats to -change her purpose. He then resolved to take by force -of arms a property which he believed his own. In -1545, when Ricciarda and Cardinal Cybo were in -Carrara, he attacked the castle of that place at the -head of fifty men and endeavoured to capture his -mother. She fled into the tower and foiled his design. -She punished with severity some vassals who had aided -Giulio, and returned to Rome where she ceded the feud -to Alberico. This increased the exasperation of Giulio -who renewed his hostile purposes with greater energy. -Cosimo furnished him some peasant bands of Pietrasanta, -and Gianettino Doria supported him with his -fleet. In September, 1546, the disinherited count -appeared before Massa with one thousand infantry and -one hundred cavalry. His partisans in the town, -especially the brothers Moretto and Bernardino Venturini,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[266]</a></span> -seized the gate of St. Giacomo and opened it to -Giulio, who was recognized by the people as their -rightful master. The fortress was still held by Pietro -Gassani; but Gianettino Doria arrived with his galleys, -landed artillery and forced him to surrender to Paolo -di Castello. The fortresses of Moneta and Lavenza -were also given up to the partisans of Giulio, who, -grateful for the assistance of Gianettino, espoused his -sister Peretta. But his reign was of short duration. -Ricciarda appealed to Charles V., who ordered Gonzaga -to have the fortress consigned to Cardinal Cybo. -Giulio refused, Cosimo turned against him, captured -him at Agnano, and the young count did not obtain -his liberty until he had ceded the castle (8th March, -1547) which was occupied by Spanish troops until -Ricciarda returned to it two years later.</p> - -<p>It is probable that Giulio had at this time some -intrigues with the French court. The emperor had -declared against him, and he was desirous of obtaining -the support of France by ceding the fortress of Massa. -The partisans of Spain were alarmed at the prospect -of having a French garrison so near to Genoa, and -Andrea Doria assisted in forcing Giulio to relinquish -his hold on his father’s domains.</p> - -<p>The young count, full of bitterness for the treatment -he had received, went to Gonzaga in Piacenza (the -latter was called to Piacenza by the assassination of -Pier Luigi Farnese) and remonstrated against being -deprived of his inheritance. He received no encouragement -from Spain, who refused to restore the Castle of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[267]</a></span> -Massa, and went to Parma and conferred with Ottavio -Farnese who was also soured against the imperial -agents for old and new acts of hostility. He then -returned to Rome and negotiated with his mother, -who agreed to recognize him as Lord of Massa and -Carrara for forty thousand gold crowns of the sun. -He borrowed twenty thousand gold crowns upon -interest, and pledged the twenty thousand crowns of -the dower of Peretta for the rest. He applied to -Andrea Doria for the dower of his wife; but the prince, -having suspicions of Giulio’s complicity with Fieschi, -refused to pay over the money and neither personal -entreaty nor the influence of friends could induce the -prince to satisfy the just demands of Giulio and Peretta. -He alleged that the damages he had suffered in the -Fieschi sedition had rendered it impossible for him to -pay so considerable a sum, and wished to charge Giulio -with the expenses of Gianettino’s expedition of Massa.</p> - -<p>The chronicle of Venturini, which we consult, disproves -the statements of those who wrote history -without the aid of documents, and renders it clear that -Andrea debited Cybo with all the expenses incurred -while the galleys lay on the coast of Massa, of which -he had preserved a minute account rather as a merchant -and usurer than as a Prince.</p> - -<p>Cybo was thus deprived of the means of satisfying -his mother and recovering his paternal inheritance; -and he conspired with the king of France, Duke -Ottavio and Signor Mortier to deal a great blow against -the Spanish power, beginningwith Genoa where the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[268]</a></span> -Dorias constituted the prop of Spain. He held many -consultations with the Cardinal of Belais, the exiles -Cornelio Fieschi, Paolo Spinola and others. The confederates -fixed on the following plan:—The movement -should be begun in Genoa where the Fieschi had warm -friends and the Spaniards were detested. Ottobuono -Fieschi, who though living in Venice had devoted -dependents, should furnish five hundred infantry and -Spinola should introduce into the city and conceal in -his house one hundred men of the valleys; Giulio -would send from Massa upon barks a body of men -ostensibly to be enrolled at Milan in the imperial -regiment which he commanded. They believed that -Doria would have no suspicion on account of the close -alliance of Cybo with his family, and that all obstacles -would be easily overcome. Some persons were placed -by intrigue in the service of Andrea and Centurione, -with instructions to assassinate them at a preconcerted -signal. It was believed that the death of those two -and a few other partisans of Spain would open an easy -path to the overthrow of the imperial power in Genoa.</p> - -<p>Venice was at that period the asylum of all those -patriots whom domestic and foreign tyranny had driven -into exile. In the shadow of the lion of St. Mark, -Donato Gianotti wrote his weighty prose and that -wonderful discourse to Paul III. of which we have -spoken. There lived Carnesecchi, Gino Capponi, Vico -de’ Nobili, the Strozzi, Varchi, the good Nardi and -Lorenzino de’ Medici. The latter meditated there that -defence of his which has no comparison in our literature.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[269]</a></span> -Bartolomeo Cavalcanti, a man of great talents and -eloquence, disgusted with the government of Cosimo, -had voluntarily joined the exiles. There were also -many Genoese who had been expelled from home for -complicity with party broils. Thither went Cybo, -Gaspare Venturini, Paolo Spinola and captain Alessandro -Tomasi of Siena, captain Paolo da Castiglione, -who was to have been of the party, pretended to be ill -at the moment of setting out and remained in Rome -to betray the conspirators to the ministers of Spain.</p> - -<p>On Christmas Eve, Cybo collected his partisans in -the house of Gaspare Fiesco-Botto. There were present -besides the exiles already mentioned, the Fieschi -brothers, Ottaviano Zino and Count Galeotto di Mirandola. -Cybo spoke warmly of the revolution which he -was planning. He declared that he wished to free the -country from the yoke of Spain and restore to its bosom -the virtuous exiles whom he saw around him, whose -only crime was an ardent love of country. He desired -to continue the revolution begun by his unfortunate -friend and relative the Count Gianluigi, and to avenge -his untimely fate. Fortune had crushed that rising -too soon to permit him to reënforce Fieschi with the -troops he had collected at Borghetto and ordered to -move on Genoa. He had afterwards pretended to -support the Doria party only from motives of convenience. -But he would now throw aside the mask -and proclaim them to be traitors who had bound the -Republic and delivered her to the Spanish tyranny. -Everything promised success to the new rising; the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[270]</a></span> -arms were collected, all hearts burning for action and -the Dorias unprepared to encounter the popular storm. -Cæsar himself was in no condition to resist the sudden -uprising of an indignant people, leagued to sweep Italy -clean of his barbarian hordes. The exiles were greatly -moved by these bold words, and swore to participate -in the struggle for emancipation. But Cosimo was -watching Giulio; and Gonzaga and Doria, to whom -Castiglione had revealed everything, had their eyes on -all the conspirators. The informer paid dearly for his -treachery. Venturini tells us that he himself (perhaps -with the connivance of Prince Alberico) killed the -traitor with his own hand.</p> - -<p>The conspirators, true to their promises, abandoned -hospitable Venice and went to the posts assigned them -by Cybo. Ottaviano Zino returned to Genoa, and, -while studying to seem idle, laboured incessantly to -prepare the populace for revolt. Paolo Spinola was -sent to Garfagnana, once subject to the Fieschi, where -he hoped to find ardent partisans. Others on similar -missions travelled to other places. Cybo, who had -supreme command, obtained through the aid of Montachino -a dependent of Scipione Fieschi, three thousand -gold crowns. The French agents gave him countersigns -for the Governor of Mondovi, Candele, who was -instructed to support the movement with two thousand -infantry. He then travelled through Ferrara and -Parma to Pontremoli. The governor of that feud, -Pietro Dureta, encountered him at the ford of the -Magra and attacked him. Cybo drew his sword and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[271]</a></span> -raised the cry of <i>Gatto</i> hoping to raise the vassals of -Fieschi; but he was struck in the head by a halberd, -received a wound in his right hand and fell lifeless to -the ground. He was sent to Milan under a strong -guard and Nicolò Secco was appointed to prepare the -process against him. The letters of the Fieschi which -were found on his person left no room to doubt his -guilt. Some tell us that he was several times tortured -and confessed that Farnese, Maffei, Ghisa and the Pope -himself were accomplices in the plot, and that the -Fieschi and Farnese were its instigators. The emperor -did not wish to execute Cybo; and we find evidence -in documents of the period that even the bloodthirsty -Gonzaga made every exertion to save him. On the -other hand Graneville and Doria laboured with all their -power to secure his punishment. In fact, so soon as -Doria heard of this plot, committed rather in intention -than act and excusable by the youth of the conspirator, -“the prince (I use the words of Porzio) inflamed to -wrath by the offence and full of vengeful animosity, -disregarded the double tie which bound him to the -young man, and made incessant appeals to Cæsar for -the blood of his relative.”</p> - -<p>Many Italian and foreign princes asked grace for -the prisoner, and the emperor was at first undecided; -but severity triumphed over mercy—Doria desired -vengeance and he obtained it. The victim met his fate -with manly intrepidity. He was beheaded and his -body exposed between two wax candles in the public -square. Nearly all the historians are in error regarding<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[272]</a></span> -the time of his execution. The chronicle of Venturini -declares that it occurred on the 18th of May, 1548. -He was scarcely twenty years of age. Porzio says:—“His -courage and military capacity inspired all who -knew him with the conviction that, if he had not -perished in boyhood, he would have become one of -the first captains of his age. He made a single -mistake: that of endeavouring to expel one foreigner -with another—to drive out the Spaniards in order to -establish the French in Italy.”</p> - -<p>Zino was not more fortunate in Genoa. His friends -urged him to flee from the city; but he, wrapped in -false security, refused to follow their advice. He was -arrested and his mangled limbs were found one morning -on the piazza of the Ducal palace. Other accomplices -lost their property by confiscation or fell in other -countries under the dagger of assassins employed by -Doria, to whom none could deny the right of inflicting -punishment at his own pleasure. He made free use of -this privilege of his position. It is certain that he was -implicated in the assassination of Luciano Grimaldi, -Lord of Monaco, whom Bartolomeo Doria Marquis -of Dolceacqua killed with thirty-two stabs. Andrea -bequeathed this form of justice to his successor. So -far as we know, no one has ever been able to explain -why Giovanni Andrea Doria imprisoned his secretary -Antonio Ricciardi da Loano, whom Spotorno calls one -of the brightest intellects of Liguria. The unhappy -victim after being buried for a long time in a dungeon, -without being able to soothe his angry master or ever<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[273]</a></span> -learn the cause of his punishment, became desperate -and committed suicide by dashing out his brains against -the walls of his cell.</p> - -<p>We do not know the fate of Paolo Spinola who was -declared a rebel and fled to Venice. There is in the -Genoese archives a letter from him written the 6th of -April, 1548 to the Genoese government. It paints in -vivid colours the triple slavery of Genoa to Charles V., -Doria, and the bank of St. George which, having lands -and jurisdiction of a peculiar character, was a state -within the state.</p> - -<p>Spinola writes:—</p> - -<p>“Your Excellencies having made a public proclamation, -calling upon me to render before you an account -of my conduct within the term of one month under -pain of being declared a rebel, and this proclamation -having only at this moment come to my knowledge, I -am constrained to ask you as just persons—which I -suppose you to be—to extend the time and give me -proper space for presenting myself before you, placing -me in fact in the same position I would occupy if the -summons bore the present date. And, as I know that -all cities have malignant citizens and Genoa above all -others, (there being many among you who are opposed -to your peace and liberty) so that poor people are no -longer free except in name and your Excellencies can -give no real security to property and persons, it is -necessary that men ask better guarantees than those -of the government from the persons who are masters -of our liberties. Andrea Doria being the chief of these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[274]</a></span> -our masters, prince both in name and fact, and having -more power than your Excellencies, and I knowing -him to be a mortal enemy of my family, I pray you if -you grant my first prayer to hear also the second, -which is that you furnish me a safe conduct of the said -Andrea Doria promising me freedom from all molestation, -direct or indirect, on his part that of any persons -dependent upon him. Furthermore, for as much as -the emperor, to your shame and mine, takes more -thought for the concerns of your city than for his -subject provinces, being in name our friend but in fact -our master and lord, and since I must pass through his -dominions to reach your city, I also ask the safe -conduct of Don Ferrante, the imperial lieutenant -general in Italy, in the same terms as the former. -Further, having learned that the administration of the -bank of St. George has, contrary to all right and precedent, -added its authority to your summons, I ask -that the said administration send me a safe conduct of -like tenor with the others above requested. So soon -as I receive these several safe conducts, I shall feel -myself secure against the malevolence of individuals, -and will immediately place myself in your hands and -abide your just judgment.”</p> - -<p>We have esteemed it our duty to give the letter of -the illustrious exile. We leave comment and criticism -to other pens.</p> - -<p>Among those condemned for contumacy to decapitation -and confiscation of goods was Scipione Fieschi. -The sentence pronounced against him gave rise to a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[275]</a></span> -legal cause which has no equal either in its duration -or the fame of the jurists who conducted it. Rolando -a Valle was the advocate of Fieschi, and the claims of -the Republic were maintained by Giovanni Cefalo, -Tiberio Sigiano, Nervio, Menocchio and the college of -Padua. The case was contested with singular pertinacity, -and most princes were interested for one or the -other party.</p> - -<p>Scipione after the death of Gianluigi, not being able -to return to Loano which was bequeathed to him by -his father, because the Dorias had seized the feud, took -refuge in Valditaro and there, as we have seen, induced -the people to put themselves into the hands of Pier -Luigi Farnese. He afterwards visited Rome, where -the Pope received him privately and treated him with -great affection. At a subsequent period he was the -guest of Giulio Cybo in Massa and the two were warm -friends.</p> - -<p>When Cybo was arrested Scipione saw that it was -necessary that he exculpate himself before Cæsar, and -he asked an imperial audience through Francesco -Barca, but the request was not granted. On the -contrary, when the emperor learned that Scipione was -charged, in the Cybo process, with being one of the -chief accomplices he ordered Suarez, by decree of -March 14th, 1550, to institute proceedings against -him. He was cited to appear in Genoa for trial and -obtained a safe conduct; but afterwards he remembered -the breach of faith with Gerolamo and declined to -appear. The case against him was conducted by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[276]</a></span> -Giovanni Giacomo Cybo-Peirano, and after the death -of this advocate, it was carried on by his son. Doria -himself employed an advocate to watch the progress -of the trial and hasten its completion. In the meantime -Scipione passed into France and entered the -service of Henry II. He did not however take up a -permanent residence there, the jurists of Padua having -advised him to reside alternately at Rome, Venice and -Mirandola. We know that he was accused of receiving -and favouring exiles from Genoa, of capturing Spanish -ships with his own galleys, of condemning the prisoners -to the oar and plundering the works of art which these -vessels were transporting to the empress Augusta. -The archives of Spain are full of accusations of similar -character; but they are the fictions of informers.</p> - -<p>Figuerroa gave his decision on the 28th of January, -1552, but for some reason it was not confirmed by the -emperor, and this gave Scipione strong hopes of being -reinstated in his father’s domains. But Doria and the -Republic employed influences which overcame the -imperial scruples and Ferdinand confirmed the sentence -on the 12th of April, 1559, in such terms as to destroy -all the hopes of Fieschi.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, in the treaty of Castel Cambrese, -Phillip II. who had succeeded to the crown of Spain, -stipulated with Henry II. of France, that all those who -had been punished with confiscation for aiding either -crown should be reinstated in their property, particularly -mentioning Ottaviano Fregoso and Count -Scipione and declaring them as fully restored to their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[277]</a></span> -rights as though they were parties to the treaty. -Phillip further pledged himself to secure the restoration -to Scipione of those feuds which had been seized by -the empire or the Republic. The Spanish monarch -issued his decree to the senate of Milan ordering the -surrender of Pontremoli to Fieschi; but it was not -carried into effect. The senate held that the condemnation -was a just punishment for a double treason -committed both by Scipione and his brothers and -refused to obey the imperial decree. The queen of -France who had a high esteem for the young Scipione -interceded for him, and Ferdinand moved by her -powerful entreaties on the 13th of July, 1552, invested -the count with Varese, Montobbio and Roccatagliata; -at the same time he signed some other decrees in his -favour. These various decrees gave rise to the controversy -before the tribunals, with Scipione on one side, -and the Republic and the possessors of the feuds on -the other. The count maintained the nullity of his -condemnation, while the Republic insisted on its -legality and maintained that Scipione had lost all -claims to the property confiscated for his treason, and -that the decrees of the emperor were without force or -validity. Finally, on the 2nd of August, 1574, the -emperor Maximilian gave his decision against the -claims of Scipione and absolved the Republic, Antonio -and Pagano Doria, Ettore Fieschi (of the Savignone -branch) and Count Claudio Landi, who were in -possession of the lands and castles of the Fieschi.</p> - -<p>We shall speak of Ottobuono Fieschi in another<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[278]</a></span> -place. It is enough to say here that, after the fall of -Montobbio and the union of Valditaro with Piacenza, -he went to the court of Farnese, where he lived for -some time. He afterwards went to Mirandola under -an escort of ducal cavalry, and waited there for brighter -days. Maria della Rovere shut herself up in the castle -of Calestano. The governor of Parma requested her -in the name of the duke to leave that residence, in -order to relieve Pier Luigi from the charge of sustaining -herself and sons. The suspicions of the imperial party -respecting the duke were about this time turned into -certainty. Cesare della Nave, of Bologna, a man of -good education who had been created ducal commissary -in Valditaro, divulged the fact that Manara had been -instructed by Pier Luigi to render all possible assistance -to Gerolamo at Montobbio. Maria then went to Rome, -and afterwards spent some time in Parma, where she -dictated her will on the 23rd of October, 1553. She -bequeathed all her property to her daughter Camilla, -wife of Nicolò Doria who afterwards as we shall see -took up the conspiracy of Gianluigi. Maria lived for -several years after the date of her will. The registers -of the notary Antonio Roccatagliata show that Camilla -only entered upon the inheritance of her mother on the -26th of September, 1561.</p> - -<p>As for Panza, we find in some old manuscripts, for -which we are indebted to the courtesy of the learned -Baron Giacomo Baratta, that about 1550, he was archpriest -in the parochial church of Rapallo. Probably -the preceptor of Gianluigi, after the destruction of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[279]</a></span> -master’s family, retired to some spot secluded from -political tumults and ended his days in the practice of -those virtues which adorned his previous life.</p> - -<p>The memory of Eleonora wife of Gianluigi has been -blackened by recent accusations. After the death of -her husband, beside herself with grief she threw herself -into the arms of her mother. The Strozzi papers -contain a petition addressed by her to Charles V. in -which she sets forth that her dower was secured upon -the feud of Cariseto, and prays that the emperor may -command Gonzaga to deliver it to her with all its -appurtenances in satisfaction of her claims against the -estate of Gianluigi Fieschi. Perhaps she did not obtain -her request; for we learn from confused notices that -she did not recover her dower for some years after -when she invested it in the bank of St. George.</p> - -<p>Some years after Gianluigi’s death, she married -Chiappino Vitelli. Her husband was the son of that -Nicolò who was killed by Braccolini for stabbing his -own wife, Gentilina, while she lay in bed beside him. -Chiappino was a brave soldier and a captain of some -repute. He was a friend of Cosimo, followed the -fortunes of the empire and received for his warlike -virtues the investiture of Cetona with the title of -marquis. He distinguished himself in the affair of -Pignone with the Moors, in the liberation of Malta -from the siege of the Turks, in Flanders and in Holland. -Phillip II. gave him the principal charge of the last -named war. He was at this time of monstrous -obesity, and having received several wounds had to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[280]</a></span> -carried in a palanquin to visit his trenches. While -making the round of his work the Bisogni, who fretted -at being commanded by an Italian, threw him down -into the foss, (1575). On receiving intelligence of his -death, Eleonora gave up her life to pious duties, and -entered the convent of the Murate in Florence, a -foundation noted for the illustrious women who fled to -it for peace, some of whom were members of her own -family.</p> - -<p>We find evidence that she lived in the same cell -which had sheltered Caterina Sforza Riario—the heroic -mother of the heroic Giovanni of the black bands—until -new were constructed for her at her own expense. -She ended her days here in 1594, and Alberico I., -prince of Massa and Carrara caused her mortal remains -to be placed, with an appropriate inscription, beside -those of her aunt Catterina, widow of Gio. Maria -Varano Duke of Camerino, who with a courage more -than manly sustained the siege of her castles by Mattia -Varano.</p> - -<p>The name of Eleonora was rendered immortal not -only by her love of letters, but also by her splendid -charities, of which the Monte di Pietà of Massa is a -living monument.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[281]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c15" id="c15">CHAPTER XV.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">SIENA, THE FIESCHI AND SAMPIERO.</p> - -<p class="pcs">Ravages of the Barbary Corsairs—Bartolomeo Magiocco and the -Duke of Savoy—The conference of Chioggia—Siege of Siena—Doria -assassinates Ottobuono Fieschi—Sampiero di Bastelica -and his memorable fight with Spanish knights—Revolts in -Corsica—Vannina d’Ornano—The Fieschi faction unites with -Sampiero—Ferocity of Stefano Doria—Sampiero is betrayed—Pier -Luca Fieschi and his career.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">The</span> cause of the empire vacillated in Germany, and -the defeat of Chiusa followed the rout at Lorene. -Charles barely escaped the grasp of the elector of -Saxony, and retreated ill in mind and worse in body -to Villach in Carinthia. The Duke of Alba and Doria -put forth extraordinary exertions to provide him with -money and reënforcements, and Doria’s solicitude for -the empire brought new calamities upon the Republic. -When his ships were absent in the imperial service, -Dragut landed at Rapallo, (July 6th, 1550) sacked the -town, killed women and children and carried off the -flower of the population. A young peasant named -Bartolomeo Magiocco, having with difficulty escaped -from the town, bethought him of the peril of his -betrothed, rushed through the crowds of pirates, entered -the house where she lay asleep, took her up in his -strong arms and bore her safely through a shower of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[282]</a></span> -Mussulman bullets to the top of Mount Allegro. Other -pirates infested our waters, and our towns were so often -pillaged that the inhabitants fled into the mountains -and left the coasts deserted and uncultivated. There -was not a hamlet which escaped pillage. The Duke -of Savoy Emanuele Filiberto while fortifying Mont -Albano, Sant Opizio and Villafranca came near falling -into the hands of the Africans. A renegade Calabrian, -named Occhiali, hearing that the duke was in Villafranca, -landed the crews of several galleys at night, -surrounded the ducal residence, and awakened its -master with the roar of arms. Emanuele escaped by -a secret passage unknown to the assailants. The victor -of San Quintino could ill digest it that he had been -compelled to turn his back on a pirate. He collected -around him his pages and esquires, and the first -peasants whom he met, and assailed the Moors. They -responded with such vigour as to drive back his little -band and he himself, after fighting long with obstinate -courage, was disarmed and captured; but two Savoyard -gentlemen set him at liberty at the price of their own -captivity. Occhiali returned to his ships loaded with -booty and prisoners. We learn from the chronicle of -Miolo that the lords of Morseleto, Gusinengo and Berra -and the castellano of Valperga lost their lives in this -battle, while among the prisoners were seventy-five of -the first gentlemen of Savoy.</p> - -<p>The duke mortified at his failure and particularly -that two gentlemen who had risked their lives for him -should remain in the hands of the Corsairs, was forced<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[283]</a></span> -to offer as a ransom two thousand gold crowns of the -sun. The pirate required that, besides the payment -of this sum, the Duchess of Savoy should visit him -and permit him to do homage by kissing her hand. -“This,” said he, “will render me famous throughout -Europe.” Strange union of African barbarity with the -chivalry of the middle ages! The Count of Savoy -was not willing that the duchess should humble herself -in the presence of this renegade stained with the most -horrid crimes; but the prince felt deeply the misfortune -of his faithful courtiers and resorted to an artifice -which secured their liberation without humiliating the -princess. A woman having the general appearance of -the duchess was clothed in her robes, taken on board -the moorish galley and with great pomp presented to -the pirate, who fell on his knees, kissed her hand with -knightly grace, released the captives and sailed back to -Africa the happiest rover of the main.</p> - -<p>While Charles was struggling with adverse fortune -in Germany and the Turkish fleets were desolating the -coasts of Italy, Ferrante Sanseverino, Prince of Salerno, -formed a league with the Duke of Somma and endeavoured -to deliver Naples from the Spanish yoke. -A conference was held with the legates of France at -Chioggia in which all those who hated the Aragonese -power participated. There were the Cardinals of -Ferrara and Tornone, Termes, Selves, the Count of -Mirandola, Cornelio Bentivoglio, Giulio Veri, and in -fine nearly all the exiles. The Cardinal of Tornone -and Termes discouraged the Neapolitan revolution,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[284]</a></span> -and the confederates turned their attention to Siena. -Venice, as in most occasions stood neutral. But Siena, -irritated by recent wrongs inflicted by imperial ministers, -took part in the conference and Count Pitigliano -abandoned the standards of Cæsar and promised to -carry the city over to the side of France. As we have -said France was to most Italians the symbol of our -independence, and whether or not she wished us -well she made copious promises, “according,” writes -Macchiavelli, “to the habit of that nation.”</p> - -<p>Siena expelled Don Diego Urtado di Mendozza with -his Spanish garrison and established a free government; -but the emperor at once despatched the Marquis of -Marignano to punish the rebellion, and France sent -Pietro Strozzi to make a diversion in favour of the -city.</p> - -<p>On the 16th of June, 1554, the Duke of Florence -wrote to the government of Genoa:—</p> - -<p>“Your Excellencies will have learned that Pietro -Strozzi, with about four thousand infantry and three -hundred horse, is advancing to unite with the troops -of Mirandola and then to penetrate into Tuscany and -make a diversion in favour of Siena. Being resolved -to make a spirited resistance, I have sent the Marquis -of Marignano with about two thousand infantry and -seven hundred horse from my army, who will encamp -to-night at Pescia and advance to-morrow to fight the -enemy at the first good opportunity. I write to your -Excellencies, as faithful allies, to give you an account -of our proceeding and to ask you to add to our troops,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[285]</a></span> -for this emergency the one thousand Germans who are -stationed at Spezia, sending them forward direct to -Pietra Santa or embarking them for Leghorn, as shall -seem to you most expeditious. I promise you that as -soon as this affair shall be terminated, your troops -shall be returned to you with any part of my own -that you may need. I earnestly entreat your instant -coöperation in this matter, which, as you will see, -concerns our common interest and safety. Above all -act promptly for celerity is everything, as we are on -the brink of an engagement with the enemy.”</p> - -<p>The Republic, forgetful of the generous sympathy -of Siena in its own straits and the solidarity of the two -peoples, granted the request of Cosimo and hastened to -prop the declining fortunes of Spain.</p> - -<p>Siena was defended by the bravest Italians of that -period. Of many illustrious names it will suffice to -cite only those of Cornelio Bentivoglio, who succeeded -Termes in the supreme command, his brothers Giovanni -and Antongaliazzo—the first of whom was killed at -the battle of Marciano and the second taken prisoner—the -Orsini, Giovanni Vitelli, Adriano, Baglioni, Don -Carlo Caraffa, Count Muzio da Tolentino, Lionetto da -Todi, an Avogardo, a Martinengo, Sampiero di Bastelica -and the Genoese Aurelio Fregoso—once a captain in -the French service—and Ottobuono Fieschi. Some -other Genoese fought on the side of Spain, against the -brave city, among whom besides Doria (of whom we -shall speak presently) were Alberico Cybo Malaspina, -who commanded the troops of the Holy See. Phillip II.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[286]</a></span> -afterwards rewarded him for this service by creating -him prince of the empire and of Massa and Carrara.</p> - -<p>The defence of Siena is one of the most brilliant -episodes of Italian history. The very women, led -by Laudomia Forteguerri and Faustina Piccolomini -emulated the valour of ancient times. But it was all -fruitless. Leone Strozzi was killed at Piombino, Pietro -his brother was routed at Marciano, and the city, -deprived of reënforcements by Doria, who beat off the -French fleet, was forced to yield. The remnant of the -defenders, reduced from forty thousand inhabitants to -six thousand, repaired to Montalcino where they set -up their fallen Republic.</p> - -<p>The she-wolf of Siena had fallen into the jaws of -the Florentine lion, but the French troops under the -command of Flaminio Orsino, Pietro Strozzi, Port’ -Ercole, Orbetello and Talamone remained to be vanquished, -and the Count Marignano moved upon them -with a strong army. Andrea Doria supplied provisions -and artillery and his forty galleys prevented the -reënforcement or retreat of the French by sea. Marignano -carried the fortress of Sant’Ippolito by storm, -and successively the castles of Avvoltojo and Stronco -fell into his hands. Chiappino Vitelli, captain in the -pay of Orsino, distinguished himself greatly at Stronco. -Strozzi found his position untenable and retired with -Orsino to Montalto, a castle belonging to the Farnese, -situated near the sea. This retreat discouraged the -friends of Siena and all the towns which had favoured -them surrendered to the imperials. At Avvoltojo,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[287]</a></span> -Ottobuono Fieschi was taken prisoner and delivered to -Andrea Doria. Neither his own great age, nor the -memory of his bloody vengeance against the Fieschi -family, softened the spirit of the admiral. It is enough -to make one’s heart bleed to think that he who had -often spared the lives of Turkish pirates, who treated -the inhuman Barbarossa with courtesy and released -Dragut from his chains, ordered Ottobuono to be -brought to him enclosed in a sack and barbarously -butchered before his eyes.</p> - -<p>The murder of this brave warrior, captured while -fighting for national independence, deepened the resentment -in the Genoese already exasperated by the -sanguinary vengeance taken against the Fieschi and -the perversion of the Republic. Nor was Genoa alone -in opposing the Doria government; the Ligurians -generally shared the feeling of the capital and the -Corsicans, suffering under the despotism of our nobles, -began to show signs of revolt.</p> - -<p>Fregoso and Sampiero shared the perils of Ottobuono -in the siege of Siena. Aurelio Fregoso and Fieschi -had laid aside their hereditary enmity at Mirandola -and set out together for the seat of war. Eleonora, -widow of Gianluigi, had sealed this new friendship by -giving in marriage to Fregoso her sister-in-law Lucrezia -Vitelli. Aurelio was a soldier of great merit and was -afterwards honoured for his valour. Siena enrolled -him among her citizens, Francesco Maria, Duke of -Urbino, invested him with the feud of St. Agata, and -Cosimo himself treated him as an intimate friend.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[288]</a></span></p> - -<p>Sampiero, Fregoso’s companion in the vicissitudes -of a stormy career, was the most formidable soldier and -captain of his time. The example of the Fieschi whom -he had known in Rome, Mirandola, Siena and France, -led him to draw his sword against the Genoese government; -and therefore we may be permitted to touch -upon the overthrow of his family in a struggle which -dyed his native rocks with Genoese blood.</p> - -<p>Sampiero was born in humble fortune at Bastelica -(whence his surname), and having studied the military -art in his youth left his native island and went to -Rome. Here, none excelled him in strength and -courage. There is a tradition that an Orsini wished -to deprive him of this honour and for the purpose -challenged him to a joust with a wild bull. The young -and reckless Samperio accepted the contest and cut -down his ferocious antagonist. He served successively -the Florentines against Pisa and the king of France. -In the latter service his exploits in Catalonia and -Provence raised him to high reputation. The famous -defiance of Barletta is far less entitled to fame than his -great duel at the battle of Perpignano; but what great -Italian writer has preserved the memory of that deed?</p> - -<p>On the evening of the tenth of October 1542, five -hundred Spanish knights issued from Perpignano with -flying colours, and challenged the besieging army to -fight them man for man. Sampiero heard the defiance -and collected about him some of his bravest knights, -among whom were Pecchia da Borgo, Francesco da -Verona, Ceccone da San Zenese, Bartolomeo da Fano<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[289]</a></span> -and other Italians to the number of fifty. He led this -little band to the tent of Delfino the French general, -and obtained permission to put his fifty against the -five hundred Spaniards. The French barons were -astonished at his audacity, but Sampiero without -waiting to hear their objections dashed down upon the -Spaniards with such impetuosity as to hurl them backward -at the first shock. In endeavouring to retire the -vanquished knights broke their ranks and fell into a -confusion which enabled the victors to kill many and -capture a larger number without the loss of a man.</p> - -<p>After this victory, which would be memorable in -any age, the Italians returned to their tents, where the -Marshal of France received them with great honour, -the flower of his knights greeting them with trumpets -and acclamations. Delfino received them one by one -and gave them rich presents—especially Sampiero, to -whom he gave a rich gold chain.</p> - -<p>The fame which he had acquired obscured the -memory of his humble birth, and he was counted -worthy to espouse Vannina, daughter and heir of -Francesco, Marquis of Ornano. He served afterwards -in the French army of Piedmont and Paul III. received -him at his court with every mark of affection, when -after the death of Pier Luigi he was collecting men -and captains to avenge the assassination.</p> - -<p>The Genoese, suspecting intrigues between the Fieschi -and the Pope, seized Sampiero and he only recovered -his liberty after urgent solicitations of France in his -behalf. This imprisonment filled him with indignation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[290]</a></span> -and he resolved to revolutionize Corsica. He landed -in the island, under the protection of French and -Turkish fleets, at the head of a fine body of Italian -soldiers and in a few days wrested it from the Genoese, -who had lost the affection of the people by extortion -and robberies under the name of imposts collected by -bands of thieves called tax and excise officers. The -Genoese government again erred by refusing friendly -offers made by France. Termes, before moving to the -support of the Corsicans, prayed the Republic to ally -itself with France on terms which would preserve its -independence, and he pledged himself in this case to -suppress revolt in Corsica. The influence of Doria was -powerful enough to secure the rejection of this proposition, -and though he was eighty-six years of age he, -with Agostino Spinola for colleague, undertook to crush -the rebellion. Both parties fought with equal valour; -but the siege of Siena called Doria from the Island to -the coast of Tuscany, and Termes had not a sufficient -force to conquer the Ligurian power in Corsica.</p> - -<p>At that time, Count Scipione Fieschi lived in the -court of Catherine de’ Medici, regent of the kingdom -of France. The Republic sent there Tobia Pallavicini -and Gerolamo Lomellini, under pretence of promoting -amicable relations with that crown, but in reality to -intrigue against the Fieschi. But Catherine who had -induced Henry II. to insert in the treaty of Castel -Cambrese stipulations in favour of the family, had not -changed sympathies and, instead of yielding to the -influence of the Genoese ambassadors, opened negotiations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[291]</a></span> -for the restoration of Scipione to his ancestral -rights.</p> - -<p>Finding the Republic utterly averse to her wishes, -she conceived a strong animosity against it, and supported -the movements of the Fieschi and other exiles -with a vigour which must have produced great results, -if the peace with Spain and the Huguenot war had not -recalled all her attention to home affairs.</p> - -<p>Sampiero was one of the warmest friends both of the -Fieschi and the Queen regent, and discontented with -peace he incessantly stimulated the exiles to some noble -enterprise. Leaving his wife in Marseilles, he visited -the courts of Italy and Navarre, and even sailed into -Africa to solicit the coöperation of the Turks. He -visited the court of Soliman, who, struck with his -valour, loaded him with presents and dismissed him -with flattering promises.</p> - -<p>The Republic was on the alert and took measures to -thwart the schemes of the exiles. Poison and daggers -had failed, and the Dorias invented another expedient. -Sampiero returning from the East learned that his wife -Vannina, under the influence of priest Michelangelo -Ombrone and Agostino Bacigalupo, had sailed for -Genoa. These messengers had been suborned by the -Genoese government to decoy Vannina into Genoa -under pretence that she might recover the confiscated -feud of Ornano and obtain her husband’s pardon, for -whose head the Senate had offered a reward of five -thousand crowns.</p> - -<p>This news inflamed Sampiero with the greater wrath<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[292]</a></span> -that it was likely to create the belief that she went -there by his advice and so to injure his fellow exiles. -He lamented his misfortune to Pier Giovanni da -Calvese, who had been the companion of his journey -into the East, and Calvese informed him that he had -known the fact for some days, but had concealed it lest -he should share the fate of Florio da Corte, whom -Sampiero had killed.</p> - -<p>Sampiero was so angry that he ran his companion -through and left him dead on the spot. On arriving -at Marseilles, he learned that the Queen had sent -Antonio San Fiorenzo in chase of Vannina, and that -she had been overtaken at Antibo and confined in the -castle of Zaisi near Aix. Sampiero started at once for -the castle with the intention of taking his wife under -his own care, but the Count of Provence fearing that -he would do her mischief left her to choose her own -course. The magnanimous woman did not hesitate a -moment to put herself entirely in the power of her -husband.</p> - -<p>He was mortally wounded by the suspicion of the -Corsicans that her voyage to Genoa had been a treachery -of his own, and he had no means of exculpating himself -but by taking vengeance for the crime on the -person of the offender. But he loved Vannina passionately -and for some days patriotism and affection -contended for the mastery in his bosom. But Vannina -knew his perplexity, and came to his relief by imploring -death at his hands. She gathered about her the -servants of her household and her younger son Antonfrancesco<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[293]</a></span> -(Alfonso was in the French court) and -addressing her husband in passionate terms, she said: -“kneel before me, and show to these persons that you -still love me, that I am worthy of you. Call me donna, -Madonna.” Sampiero comprehended her thought and -fell at her feet covering her hands with tears and kisses. -Then they entered into a private apartment, and what -passed between them there is known only to God. The -servants heard sighs, sobs, kisses; then a shriek followed -by a deep silence. Sampiero mounted his horse and -rode swiftly to Paris. By killing Vannina he satisfied -the Corsicans of his fidelity, and more, that no affection -could withhold him from punishing the guilty.</p> - -<p>The hatred of Sampiero to the government of Genoa -was doubled by the part it had played in this tragedy -of his domestic life. He obtained the permission of -the French Queen to undertake the war of Corsica, and -formed friendship among the Genoese exiles who shared -his views, “especially,” says Osino, “with a Gerolamo -Fieschi and Cornelio Fregoso. The latter used every -argument and artifice to entice Cosimo to favour the -enterprise and even attempt it in his own name and -interest.” Cosimo temporized; and Sampiero, little -accustomed to count up obstacles or enemies, passed -into Corsica with only two ships and a few companions. -One asked him:—“In case your ships should be lost, -in what could you trust for safety?” Sampiero replied: -“I trust only to my sword.”</p> - -<p>He seized the castle of Istria, routed the Genoese at -Corte, and Terra del Commune, opened its gates to his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[294]</a></span> -little band. It would be long to recount all the battles -which he fought against trained troops, always winning -victories. The battles of Vescovado and Pietra di -Caccia kindled a general revolution in the island. In -the last, the Genoese killed were more than three -hundred, and they lost many more as prisoners. -Among the latter Sampiero found a Giovanni Battista -Fieschi (of the Savignone branch) and, instead of -treating him as a conquered enemy, entertained him -with friendly courtesy in memory of kindness done -him by the Fieschi in France. In fact the Fieschi had -never refused him any favour; and when he sent -Leonardo da Corte and Anton Padovano da Brando to -Paris, in quest of aid, Scipione Fieschi had induced -the Queen to give twelve thousand crowns and some -troops.</p> - -<p>The Fieschi favoured Sampiero because they believed -trouble abroad would render revolution easier at home. -The energy and valour of this warrior would have -given the Republic infinite trouble, if treachery had -not interrupted the progress of his brilliant vengeance. -Though the forces of the senate in Corsica were large -and had been reënforced by German and Spanish -infantry, they seemed powerless before the revolution. -Two causes rendered them impotent; the desperate -ardour of the islanders goaded to madness by the -agents of the Bank of St. George, and the absence of -the popular element in the Genoese administration. -A people unaccustomed to arms, removed from all -share in the government, and jealously watched by a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[295]</a></span> -dominant oligarchy, is not apt to rush enthusiastically -upon death in defence of the power of a few patricians. -Finding the war going constantly against them, the -senators resolved to send into Corsica Stefano Doria, -Lord of Dolceaqua, and they expected him to sink the -rebellion in a deluge of fire. He was indeed a man -of extraordinary military talents, and his ferocity was -still greater. Charles V. prized his soldierly qualities, -and Phillip II. created him colonel and knight of St. -James of Campostella. Emanuele Filiberto, also, of -whom he was a feudatory, covered him with honours, -made him councillor and captain-general, and entrusted -him with the defence of Nice against the Turks. He -acquired distinction in the battles of Ceresole and -Cuneo, and this induced the Republic to select him for -the Corsican war.</p> - -<p>He accepted the appointment with great confidence, -and swore to exterminate the whole Corsican people. -He said:—“when the Athenians captured the city of -Melas, after a siege of seven months, they butchered -all the inhabitants over fourteen years of age and -repopulated the island. The Corsicans merit a like -punishment, and we should imitate the example. Such -vigour prepared the Athenians for the conquest of the -Pelopenesus, Greece, Africa, Sicily and Italy; and only -by exterminating their enemies did they acquire glory -for their arms. I know it will be said that such -severity violates the rights of peoples and the laws of -humanity; but why listen to such follies? I only ask -that they shall be made to fear us, and, in comparison<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[296]</a></span> -with the applause of Genoa, I despise the judgment of -posterity to which the simple appeal.”</p> - -<p>On these principles, Doria burned and devastated -half the island, but he did not conquer Sampiero. The -conspirator in brief pauses of the battle, assembled the -people in Bozio and laid the foundations of a Republic -in the fashion of that of Sambucuccio di Alando. -Doria was recalled; Vivaldi and Defornari who followed -him accomplished nothing of moment.</p> - -<p>The senate, despairing of victory in war, resorted to -plots against the life of Sampiero. He was riding one -day with his son Alfonso towards the castle of Rocca, -when Raffaele Giustiniani, assailed him with a band -of horsemen. Among the assailants, were some Corsicans -who had deserted Sampiero, particularly Ercole -da Istria and three brothers Ornano. They attacked -him in a disadvantageous position in the valley of -Cavro; but Sampiero told his son to save himself by -flight and plunged into the thick of his enemies. He -prostrated Gian Antonio Ornano with the fire of his -arquebus, and was grappling with his enemies when -he was killed by a musket ball in the shoulder. It -was believed that Vittolo, his esquire, corrupted by the -Genoese general, fired the fatal shot. His death did -not dishearten the Corsicans; they fought two years -longer under Alfonso, then only seventeen years of age. -But finally both parties grew tired of the war and -terms of accommodation were settled. The exiles now -lost all hope of recovering their country.</p> - -<p>Though the Fieschi and their partisans were dead<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[297]</a></span> -and Count Scipione disinherited, it is not probable that -Andrea Doria forgot that Pier Luca Fieschi had advised -Gianluigi to form an alliance with France; but perhaps -others anticipated him in that part of his vengeance. -We have seen that Paul III., having given his niece in -marriage to Ferrero, invested him with the Marquisate -of Masserano which belonged to Fieschi. The latter, -indignant at this robbery, ceased to pay the annual -tribute to the Pope for Crevacuore. Paul, for this, -and, says the papal brief, “Also for falsifying money -in his unlawful mints and other crimes,” condemned -him, deprived him of his feud and gave it also to -Ferrero. But neither the sentence, papal briefs or -excommunications sufficed to expel Pier Luca from his -castle, which he afterwards sold to the Duke of Savoy, -(1548.) The duke took an oath that neither he nor -his descendants would cede the whole or any part of -the county of Fieschi to Ferrero or any person of his -race. Gregory XIII. absolved him from this oath, and -in spite of Pier Luca the feud reverted to Basso Ferrero -and Clement XVII. erected it into a principate.</p> - -<p>We do not know how Pier Luca died; but the -manuscripts we consult speak of his end as miserable. -Almost all the Fieschi patrimony in Piedmont fell into -the power of the Ferrero, who treated their subjects -with a severity which strikingly contrasted with the -paternal government of their old masters and led to -many seditions and revolts. Urban VIII., moved by -the loud complaints of the people, deprived Prince -Filiberto, son of Basso, of his entire state, and his son,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[298]</a></span> -also named Basso, was only permitted to assume the -government through the interposition of Duke Feria -and Victor Amedeus II. We have before us a letter -of the latter, dated January 23rd, 1632, urging the -people of Crevacuore to accept Basso “who is not -responsible for the faults of his brother and father.” -But the new Basso was no better than the old. -Alexander VII. removed him from the government -and ordered the destruction of the two fortresses of -Masserano and Crevacuore. Here we pause; for the -history of these feuds is no longer within the range -of our subject.</p> - -<p>The Doria and imperial faction did not rest while -one of the Fieschi conspirators breathed the vital air. -Even Giulio Pojano, who commanded the galleys of -Gianluigi, fell into snares set for him by that party. -He was accused of plotting against the life of Fulvia -da Coreggio, wife of Count Lodovico Mirandola, arrested -by her orders and strangled in prison.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[299]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c16" id="c16">CHAPTER XVI.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">JACOPO BONFADIO.</p> - -<p class="pcs">Bonfadio executed in prison and his body burned—Errors in regard -to the year of his death—The causes of his arrest and punishment—He -was not guilty of the vices ascribed to him—The -true cause of his ruin was his Annals—The pretence for his -condemnation was his Protestant opinions.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">A Painful</span> episode of literary history is closely connected -with the Fieschi conspiracy, and it has not yet -been fully described. If that Bonfadio, with whose -name the reader of these pages has grown familiar, -the Bonfadio who was condemned for infamous crimes -to an infamous punishment, was indeed an innocent -man, the fact is one of great importance. We are able -to add something to the history of this foreign<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> writer -of Ligurian story whose fate illustrates that maxim -which affirms:—The causes of great events are always -imperfectly known; because those who are close at -hand know only so much as persons whose interests -require concealment of the truth choose to tell; and -those who are distant interpret facts by passion, -interest, caprice or previously formed opinions.</p> - -<p>Genoa was the first Italian commune in which -history was written by persons whom the government -appointed for that purpose. As early as 1157, the -great Caffaro wrote the annals of his country for that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[300]</a></span> -period in which he had been a witness of her acts, and -read them to the elders, who ordered that his writings -should be deposited in the archives of the city and -commissioned the chancellor of the commune to continue -the history. This was done down to 1264, and -special additions were subsequently made embracing -a period of thirty years. The increasing rudeness -of the times, civil commotions in the city and frequent -changes in the form and personnel of the government, -arrested the progress of the annals near the close -of the thirteenth century. Paolo Partenopeo revived -the work in 1528. The senate appointed him to read -rhetoric, especially the works of Aristotle on government, -“because,” says Partenopeo, “politics should be -publicly taught in a free city.” He wrote the annals -of Genoa, and Bonfadio succeeded him in the same -office.</p> - -<p>Bonfadio was born in Gorzano, near Brescia, and led a -life of vicissitudes and suffering. He was secretary to -Cardinal Bari in Rome and afterwards served Cardinal -Ghinucci. Beset with many misfortunes, which are -unconnected with our subject, he wandered to Naples, -Venice and elsewhere, and finally through Count -Martinengo was invited to Genoa as a public reader -of Aristotle. In Genoa his fate seemed to change, -and he wrote cheerfully of his pleasant sojourn and -especially of the gentle dames of our city. “It seems -to me,” he says, “that even the Turkish female slaves -entitle Genoa to be called the city of love.”</p> - -<p>He lived long with Stefano Pinelli and was on terms<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[301]</a></span> -of intimacy with Azzolino Sauli. G. B. Grimaldi, -Domenico Grillo, Cipriano Pallavicini and other young -men of high birth and studious tastes. His reputation -in all branches of learning induced the senate to give -him the coveted office of public annalist from the year -1528. He entered on it with pleasure and completed -his task in a brief period; and though he laments that -the eagerness of the senate to see the work did not give -him time to clothe his narration with such a diction -as becomes history, yet in beauty of style and skill in -arrangement few Italian<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> histories can be compared -with it. We must regret that the work only comes -down to the year 1550, in which he met his unfortunate -death. In that year he was torn from his studies -and his friends and condemned to the flames; and -though many gentlemen laboured with the greatest -earnestness to save him, on the 19th of July he was -beheaded in prison (this his friends secured as a favour) -and his body was committed to the flames. We find -the record in the books of the condemned kept by the -<i>Compagnia della Misericordia</i>.</p> - -<p>Casoni erred, therefore, in stating that he was -executed in 1582, as also Tuano who fixes it in 1560, -in which he is followed by Konning and Bayle. Nor -less inaccurate are Pagano Paganini, Cesare Caporale, -Chevalier Marini, Scipione Ammirato and Crescimbeni -who tell us that he died by fire, since his body was -only burned after death.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[302]</a></span></p> - -<p>We know that the <i>Biblioteca Civica</i> of Genoa -contains some rhymes of an ascetic character which -are usually attributed to Bonfadio, at the end of which -a marginal note says that he died in prison July 20th, -1561. This raised doubts about the year of his death -and some have argued that he was not beheaded at all -but died a natural death. A little experience in reading -ancient manuscripts will enable any one to see at a -glance that this note belongs to a period much later -than the sixteenth century. Nor can that record by -an unknown amanuensis be compared for authenticity -with the catalogue of the condemned kept by the -<i>Compagnia della Misericordia</i>. We pass over the -rhymes. Except a few sprightly lines, they show the -devoted ardour of a monk rather than the philosophic -penetration and chaste diction of Jacopo.</p> - -<p>The cause of his severe punishment was from the -beginning involved in obscurity, and the lapse of -centuries has seemed to increase rather than dissipate -the darkness. He has been accused of dishonourable -and illicit love and of having disclosed state secrets. -Others tell us that powerful rivals in love caused his -ruin, and still others that he had incurred the enmity -of powerful families who instigated his arrest and -condemnation. His biographers give us no light; -rather they increase the confusion. But the opinion -has prevailed that he was executed for illicit amours. -The writers who maintained this opinion were of no -great weight, and it is time to show the inconclusiveness -of their judgment.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[303]</a></span></p> - -<p>The statutes of Genoa attached the penalty of death -to the crimes of Attic venery, heresy and witchcraft, -for one of which Bonfadio must have been punished. -No one accuses him of the last two. Tuano, who is -quoted among those who charge him with lustful -crimes, says nothing clearly but only that “Bonfadio -was punished for an offence which it is prudent to -conceal” (<i>ob rem tacendam</i>). But, besides that many -things are better concealed, it is important to remember -that Tuano, who did not even know the year -in which Bonfadio was executed is a suspected authority -in Italian affairs. Paolo Manuzio leaves us in equal -uncertainty; in his golden Latin song he says that -Bonfadio perished for a crime over which the sword of -justice could not slumber, but he does not define the -singular offence which he also says would not tarnish -the glory of his name. The only one of his contemporaries -who openly accuses him is the base Marini, -whose verses, worshipped both by princes and the -populace, invested falsehood with the appearance of -truth. Cardano took up the tale and no one has yet -destroyed the basis of the calumny. The judicious and -impartial critic knows how little value is to be attached -to any statement by Cardano; nor can a verse of the -author of the Adonis be accepted as a guide for the -opinions of posterity, especially since Garuffi has so -severely criticized him for traducing the memory of so -great a writer as Bonfadio.</p> - -<p>One must know little of the low morals of an age -which put a price upon sin and absolved offences<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[304]</a></span> -before they were committed, to doubt that the vice with -which Bonfadio is charged prevailed to a fearful extent.</p> - -<p>Genoa, though she had the forms of a Republic, was -no better than the rest of Italy. Let us admit then, -for a moment, that Bonfadio fell into the common sin. -It was neither so new nor scandalous to the senate as -to have led to his death by fire. Such a charge was in -the sixteenth century little less than ridiculous. We -have gone over many volumes of the criminal <i>Ruota</i> -of the time, and, though we have studied diligently, -we find not a single case of severe punishment for that -crime. Whether no cases are found because proofs of -such beastly crimes are difficult to find, or because the -vice was universal, is hard to decide. We find that a -Francesco Spinola called the <i>Caboga</i>, who was brutally -addicted to the vice was, not burned, but sent to the -frontiers a few years after the death of Bonfadio. -Though in 1479, a master workman in coral, who had -violated a girl in Albaro was quartered with red hot -irons, the severe sentence was not for the rape, but -because he had afterwards killed his victim. It is not -probable then that the government was severe against -so common a crime, or would have condemned to the -flames for it a man of such talent and position as -Bonfadio. Had this been his only offence, his numerous -friends in the senate would have encountered little -difficulty in saving his life. Andrea Doria so lauded -in Bonfadio’s immortal pages, who controlled all the -affairs of the Republic, whose will was mightier than -law, would have saved him from death. We must<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[305]</a></span> -therefore believe that the blow which felled him came -from a higher hand than Genoese law, from a hand -with which it was idle to contend. This conclusion -will help us to find elsewhere the true cause of his -condemnation.</p> - -<p>The most credible authorities of the time tell us that -he was innocent of these vices, and they add that he -suffered for secret reasons of state. Some even among -these writers seem to have been borne down by current -opinion and doubt if he were not guilty, but they add -that it was only the pretext for his punishment. Such -is the opinion of Giammatteo Toscano who wrote indignant -verses against the Genoese for the murder of -Jacopo. Caporali declared Bonfadio innocent. Ottavio -Cossi and Ghilini tell us that having offended in his -writings some very exalted persons, he was accused of -infamous ardours. It is probably true that he incurred -the enmity of illustrious families whose names were -blackened in his history; Zilioli confirms this theory -when he says that Bonfadio’s history was <i>mortal</i> to its -author. Boccalini states the case with much greater -clearness, blaming the pen of Bonfadio for having -impeached the honour of great houses, adding that an -historian should imitate vine-dressers and gardeners: -that is to say, should speak only in the full maturity -of events, when the great who had done evil are dead -and their children incapable of vengeance. He enforces -his theory by the example of Tacitus who preferred -violating the laws of history to running risk of personal -danger. In expressing these cowardly sentiments (an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[306]</a></span> -historian ought to tell the truth and to throw down -his pen when that becomes impossible) Boccalini did -not express his true opinions, and he was afterwards -run through by the Spanish ambassador in Venice for -writing freely against Spain.</p> - -<p>Laying aside as untenable the opinion of Marini and -Cardano, we agree with those who deny that Bonfadio -had fallen so low, and we find support in the testimony -of Ortensio Landi, a contemporary of our author and -a man of great talents, who fell into disgrace at Rome -for evangelical opinions. He tells us that Bonfadio -was condemned on false testimony; and this was the -belief of the learned of that period. There is in fact -nothing to support the theory that he was guilty except -the assertions of writers of little reputation for truth in -other matters, who were, indeed, only servile retailers -of calumnies which their authors wished perpetuated -beyond the tomb. The nature of the penalty, the secrecy -of the trial and the position of the accused were calculated -to impress the popular mind with the belief in a -crime against nature—a crime which famous examples, -especially that of Brunetto Latini, showed to be the vice -of <i>literary men and public teachers of youth</i>. There -is, besides, in man an instinct which finds guilt where -the axe falls. The public and the historians forgot -one fact, Bonfadio read his lectures in a church and -his auditors were not young boys. He says that he -had “many aged listeners and more merchants than -Students.”</p> - -<p>The true cause of his condemnation must be sought<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[307]</a></span> -in his <i>Annals</i>. He probably blamed pretty freely -some persons who expected great praise. This opinion -is adopted by Teissier among foreign writers, and in -Italy by Fontanini and Mazzucchelli besides those -already mentioned.</p> - -<p>A careful reading of Scipione Ammirato will show -that he really does not differ from these writers. “He -was punished,” says Ammirato, “for teaching political -principles contrary to those of his time and place,” -although Bonfadio supported the Doria and Spanish -party and opposed those who fought for more liberal -government.</p> - -<p>We must now enquire what persons offended by the -bias of Bonfadio were sufficiently powerful to satiate -their vengeance in his blood?</p> - -<p>The times were unpropitious to literary freedom. -Offences of the pen were punished by the dagger or by -banishment. Boccalini was assassinated in Venice; -Sarpi fell under a stiletto aimed by Rome. Oberto -Foglietta was banished from Genoa, and if the government -could have put hands on him he might have -gone to the scaffold. Every independent writer was -the target of powerful malevolence. So fell Bonfadio. -In describing the conspiracy of Gianluigi Fieschi, he -used unmeasured terms of reproach against that noble -family and praised beyond all limit the Dorias and the -Spanish government. His treatment of the Fieschi, -whose fate nearly all lamented and who still had -powerful friends in the Senate, provoked the vengeance -of the partisans of Gianluigi and popular liberty and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[308]</a></span> -also of those nobles who were hostile to Doria and -Spain. All other attempts to avenge the dead had -failed, and they turned fiercely upon the historian who -had outraged the memory of the vanquished. They -charged him with a crime which must be punished by -fire and secured his condemnation.</p> - -<p>Nor did the rage of his enemies cease with his death; -for they made every exertion to prevent the publication -of his <i>Annals</i>; and, though the times were quiet and -the Doria interest clamoured for the publication, their -enemies kept the work locked up in the public archives. -It was not published until 1586, (in Pavia by Gerolamo -Bartoli) that is thirty-six years after the death of its -author. Though Bayle and Papadopoli assert that -Bonfadio himself published it, this statement must be -put down among the numerous errors of his biographers.</p> - -<p>We have seen what was the probable reason for the -attack of Bonfadio’s enemies; it remains to investigate -the pretext which they put forth, since the charge of -Attic venery cannot be entertained. Two other crimes -were punished among us by fire; and as there is no -ground for supposing him accused of witchcraft or -magic, we are forced to conclude that he was charged -with holding the new religious doctrines which were -then striking root in Italy. This opinion, so diverse -from that hitherto held, may seem bold and we will -briefly consider its probability.</p> - -<p>It is well known that the revival of letters paved -the way for religious reform. It is known, too, that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[309]</a></span> -Italy, seeing herself deprived of political liberty, turned -her attention to religious freedom as the foundation of -free institutions. In fact, the reformers among us -sought mainly to restore democracy to the church. -The first accents of religious liberty were heard on the -banks of the Verbano and the teachers were Bernardino -Ochino da Siena and Pietro Martire. Lucca, Pisa, -Vicenza and Modena embraced the new doctrines, and -Ferrara received as a guest in 1535, Calvin, the friend -of Renata.</p> - -<p>In the court of this duchess, were found the most -distinguished of the reformers, among whom were Celio -Secondo Curione and the beautiful Olimpia Morato, a -miracle of virtue and wisdom. The religious community -of Naples contained no less illustrious disciples -all of whom belonged to the highest families of the land. -Some maintain that Vittoria Colonna, Marchioness of -Pescara, was of the number; Giulia Gonzaga and -Isabella Manriquez certainly were; the latter found -an asylum among the Lutherans. It is believed that -Princess Lavinia della Rovere, of the house of Urbino, -and Margaret of Savoy, wife of Emanuel Filiberto, -embraced the new doctrines.</p> - -<p>In those days the most cultivated Italians professed -the boldest doctrines. Vasari tells us that Leonardo -da Vinci had formed such heretical opinions that he -accepted no religion whatever. Castelvetro, accused -of heresy, with great difficulty escaped the grasp of the -inquisition. Bishop Pietro Paolo Vergerio and his -brother Giovanni Battista, whose condemnation was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[310]</a></span> -written by the same pen which drew the fatal capitulation -of Forno; Guglielmo Grattarolo, Gerolamo Zanchi -a canon of the Lateran, Giovanni Montalcino, the -Sozzini of Siena, the brothers Scipio and Alberico -Gentile and many other distinguished literary men -held the views of the reformers. Paul III., appalled by -the rapid progress of the new ideas, with his bull of -April 1543, established the tribunal of the Inquisition -in every city, Venice did not wish to suffer it; but -Rome strangled Giulio Ghirlanda and Francesco -di Rovigo, and all the reformers (among them are -mentioned Trissino, Flaminio, Soranzo and Bembo) -were forced to flee into exile.</p> - -<p>Many noble men fell in Rome; Fannio Aonio -Paleario and the Venitian Algieri. The church was -saved by sword and fire; and the ecclesiastical writers -agree with us in this:—It was the Inquisition that -extirpated the new doctrines in Italy; without this -intervention of force, the intellectual character of the -Italians, the well-known licentiousness of the Popes, -the habit of our poets to sport at friars and nuns, and -the denial by our republics of infallibility to the -Apostolic See, must have combined to promote the -complete triumph of the religious reform.</p> - -<p>The church always had great power in Genoa. As -early as 1253, the friars of San Domenico executed a -Master Luco as a heresiarch and confiscated his goods. -The church grew so arrogant that three years later, Fra -Anselmo, chief inquisitor, demanded that certain rules -of his should be incorporated among the statutes of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[311]</a></span> -the Republic. The consuls refused to gratify him and -the inquisitor excommunicated the city and its district. -The government sent ambassadors to the Pope without -success; it was forced to humble itself and register on -its statute books laws dictated by a priest. In 1459, -a decree of the Republic granted every facility and -privilege to the father inquisitors.</p> - -<p>The bull of Paul III. inflamed our inquisitors with -extraordinary zeal. The partisans of the new creed -were increasing rapidly, and the fathers resolved to -convert or exterminate them. Among the heretics, to -say nothing of laics, was Cardinal Federico Fregoso -whose books on the psalms had been entered in the -index. The prior of San Matteo was accused of heresy -in Bonfadio’s time and cited to appear before the -inquisition in Rome, in spite of the friendship and -protection of Doria and the government. It has never -been clearly proved that Bonfadio shared the views of -the reformers, but everything conspires to the support -of that theory. However that may be, his opinions -were certainly such as to afford his enemies a pretext -for the accusation. He hated the priests and spoke -and wrote bitterly against them. His letters, which -give him the first place in that branch of Italian literature, -show that he was opposed to all religious orders -and particularly the regular clergy called <i>Theatine</i>, -who reciprocated the sentiment and spoke of his death -as a judgment of God. His annals and the freedom -of his speech made him many other enemies in Genoa, -but though they were powerful he despised them.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[312]</a></span> -Carnesecchi warned him that one of them had established -himself near his person and exhorted him to be -cautious. Bonfadio replied:—“The man of whom you -write to me from the Roman court always disliked -me.... His eyebrows are shorn, and he never laughs; -wherefore I doubt that He who can do all things is -able to make the man good. He has done an evil -work, but it was his own proper work, and if he has -poisoned the fruits of my labours that was inevitable, -because he bears a serpent in his bosom.” The serpent -uncoiled himself and Bonfadio was undone. It was -not difficult for his enemies to fasten upon him the -charge of heresy, adducing as proofs his intimacy with -wicked or heretical men whom Rome had already -doomed. Among the first-class was Nicolò Franco, of -Benevento, who perished on the scaffold in Rome, -prophesying the same fate for Pietro Aretina whom -that age, after loading him with honours and riches, -blasphemously called divine. Among the second class, -that is those whom the church accused of heresy, were -the Martinengo, who all belonged to the party of reform. -We may mention Ortensia Martinengo, countess -of Barco; Celso Martinengo, whose letters to Angelo -Castiglione carmelite of Genoa (written for the purpose -of converting Angelo to the new party) are extant; -Count Ulisse Martinengo who went to Antwerp as -the minister of the Italian church there when Gerolamo -Zanchi declined the appointment. Bonfadio was even -more intimate with Lord Bishop Carnesecchi who -embraced the views of Luther in the school of Vermiglio<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[313]</a></span> -and Ochino in Italy and of Melancthon in -France. Carnesecchi was executed in Rome in precisely -the same mode as Bonfadio in Genoa.</p> - -<p>Bonfadio writing to Carnesecchi praises his divine -talents and adds:—“As the Romans preserve the statue -which fell from heaven, so may God preserve you for -the edification of many and put off to a distant day -the fading of one of the first lights of Tuscan virtue. -May God enable you to be happy and live with that -cheerfulness which characterized you when we were -together in Naples.”</p> - -<p>He was also very intimate with Giovanni Valdes a -Catalan, who was among the first advocates of Luther’s -opinions. After the death of Valdes, he wrote:—“Whither -shall we turn, now that Valdes is no more? -This is a great loss for us and for Europe; for Valdes -was one of the rarest men in Europe. His writings -on the epistles of St. Paul and the psalms of David are -abundant proof of his ability. He was without controversy -a complete man in deed, word and counsel. -His little spark of soul kept alive his weak and emaciated -body; his great part, that pure intellect, as if -outside of his frame, was continually uplifted to the -contemplation of truth and divine things.”</p> - -<p>These words make it highly probable that Bonfadio -held the doctrines of the man he so highly esteemed, -and show us that this friendship for the enemies of -Rome afforded sufficient ground for a charge of heresy. -This will seem very credible, when we remember that -a canon of the inquisition declared that the smallest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[314]</a></span> -evidences were sufficient for conviction of heresy; a -nod, suspicion or common report, especially in the case -of a man of letters, of whom Paleario wrote that the -inquisition was <i>sicam districtam in literatos</i> (a dagger -drawn against literary men.)</p> - -<p>We conclude then that the religious views of Bonfadio -and his friendship with the reformers gave his -enemies the arms with which they slew him. The -court of Rome had its hands in the business, and by -the same act avenged its political friends, the Fieschi, -and punished a friend of the reformation. The records -of Bonfadio’s trial were never seen, and there is no -proof that the criminal <i>Ruota</i> of Genoa condemned -him. This is a new proof that the whole transaction -was the secret work of the agents of the inquisition. -The records of such a trial were not required to be filed -in the archives of the state. Nor is this all; the agents -of Rome had the right to conduct the trial without the -participation of the civil power, whose duty was to -render a blind obedience to the orders of the religious -tribunal. This explains why the Dorias who had -unlimited power over the government, were powerless -to save Bonfadio, when he was charged with holding -the opinions of the reformers, among whom we are -disposed to number him, accepting the authority of -Gerdesio a contemporary whose statement to that effect -was not contradicted in his time.</p> - -<p>Whatever views our readers may entertain of the -merits of the contest between the Fieschi and Doria, it -is certain that the cruelties of the latter provoked<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[315]</a></span> -reprisals by the friends of the former, and Bonfadio -the illustrious but partial historian of the conspiracy, -was one of the most conspicuous victims. As Bonfadio -succeeded Partenopeo in the office of public instruction, -Giammatteo followed Bonfadio. The Jesuits enticed -him, two years after his election, into their fraternity -and they intrigued with such success that the instructors -of our youth were chosen from their number, and -men of genius were no longer employed by the -Republic.</p> - -<p>It is true that Tasso was invited to Genoa with the -offer of a liberal salary; but it was the work of private -citizens not of the government. Torquato received the -call with pleasure but he did not accept the office. In -1614, Lucilio Vanini, the Italian Spinosa, opened public -schools among us. He pursued the system of Bonfadio -with such success that many young men were affected -with heretical views and the teacher was forced to seek -his personal safety in exile. He took refuge in France; -but he was discovered and perished in the flames. -Unfortunately his doctrines had taken root among us. -To omit many, the painter Cesare Conte, the friend of -Cambiaso, Chiabrera and Paolo Foglietta, was arrested -in 1632, by the sacred office and ended his days in the -dungeon of the ducal palace.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[316]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4"><a name="c17" id="c17">CHAPTER XVII.</a></h2> - -<p class="pch">THE SPANISH DOMINION IN LIGURIA.</p> - -<p class="pcs">The Fieschi at the court of France—Louis XIV supports their -claims—Bad effects of the law of Garibetto—Severe laws -against the Plebeians—Death of Andrea Doria—Estimate of -his public services—New commotions—Magnanimity of the -people—The old nobles make open war on the Republic—Treaty -of Casale in 1576—The Spanish power in Italy, particularly -in Liguria—Aragonese manners corrupt our people—New taxes -and customs—The nobility accepts the fashions, manners and -vices of the Spaniards—Change of the character of the Genoese -people—Last splendours of Italian genius.</p> - -<p class="pn"><span class="smcap">It</span> is not our purpose to follow Count Scipione in his -wanderings; we shall only speak of so much of his -exile as is necessary to the narration of the last of the -Fieschi drama. He married Alfonsina, daughter of -Robert Strozzi and Maddalena de’ Medici, and obtained -many marks of esteem from the royal house of France, -whom he and Strozzi served. Elizabeth, wife of -Charles IX., treated him with the same familiarity as -Catherine de’ Medici. He distinguished himself at the -siege of Rochelle, and Henry III. knighted him in the -order of <i>Saint Esprit</i>.</p> - -<p>Scipione left a son, Francesco, Count of Lavagna -and Bressuire, who fell at the head of his troops in the -siege of Monte Albano (1621), and from whose marriage -with Anna Le Veneur a noble family was born. -The eldest, Charles Leo, married Gillona de Harcourt, -(1643), who bore him Gianluigi Mario, a name which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[317]</a></span> -the Genoese Republic never forgot. Louis XIV. took -him under his protection, and demanded of the Republic -the restoration to Mario of his ancestral domains. -The Senate refused, and he sent a formidable fleet, -commanded by Segnalai (1684), who bombarded the -city, and ruined churches, monuments and palaces. -Innocent XI. interposed without effect; the fierce -monarch required that the Doge and four senators -should supplicate mercy in Paris; that the Republic -should disarm its galleys and pay a hundred thousand -crowns to Count Fieschi. The Republic abandoned by -Spain, was forced to accept these conditions, and Louis -on his part promised no longer to support the pretentions -of the Fieschi. Count Gianluigi Mario died in -1708, without offspring, and the counts of Lavagna in -the line of primogeniture ended with him.</p> - -<p>We have spoken in another place of the addition to -our statutes of the law called in derision, <i>Garibetto</i>,<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> -the effect of which was to exclude the new nobles and -the men of the people from political power.</p> - -<p>The artifice was this: The old and new nobles in -equal numbers filled the public offices, and, the latter -being the more numerous class, the individuals of it -held the highest office less frequently than the individuals -of the old nobility. The rule was distasteful for -many reasons: it was not made in a lawful way, but -imposed by the authority of Andrea Doria, when many -of the nobles themselves (says Doge Lercaro) were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[318]</a></span> -opposed to the measure; and it was contrary to the -wishes of the vast majority that a few patricians should -have almost exclusive claims upon the Dogate.</p> - -<p>The people were little pleased that they were now -totally excluded from that office, to which formerly -they alone were eligible, while the plebeians<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> fretted -at the insolence of the patricians and Spanish gentlemen -among us.</p> - -<p>There were new conspiracies. The spies of the -emperor learned that a Fra Clemente of the order of -St. Francis had brought back from France some schemes -for a revolution and Suarez communicated the information -to the Senate. The friar was arrested at Ceva -and, having been tortured, he declared that De Fornari -was intriguing with the king of France to promote a -revolution in Genoa. De Fornari, the same who had -been elected Doge against the wish of the old nobles, -and who was therefore very obnoxious to that party -and idolized by the people, was captured and confined -in Antwerp.</p> - -<p>Such movements led the Senate to distrust the -people more than ever and to deprive them of the right -to bear arms. In fact, when Agostino Pinelli was -Doge, Italian troops were no longer trusted with the -custody of the ducal palace; but the Republic enlisted -Swiss, German and Trentine mercenaries. Giocante -Della Casa Bianca who had commanded the guard for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[319]</a></span> -twenty-five years, gave up his sword to a German -adventurer and accepted a subordinate position.</p> - -<p>Besides, though the plebeians did not revolt or renew -the conspiracies of Fieschi and Cybo, the Senate -endeavoured to ruin all those who were pronounced -friends of the ancient popular system. Oberto Foglietta -having published in Rome, where he resided (1556), -two books on the Genoese Republic, in which he exalted -the popular citizens over the patricians, declaring that -the first had served the country with greater fidelity -than the second, the government declared him guilty -of felony and punished him with banishment and confiscation -of goods. Many years after, Giovanni Andrea -Doria, to whom he dedicated his eulogies of illustrious -Ligurians, procured the revocation of the sentence. -While the Senate banished Foglietta, it praised to the -skies the ignoble treatise of Pellegro Grimaldi, who, -though a Republican, taught us to beg the favour of -princes, and the logic of Lovenzo Capelloni, who, -adhering consistently to the party of the victors, -declared that the Holy See owed its fame to the house -of Borgia.</p> - -<p>On the 25th of November, 1560, Andrea Doria died, -having lived almost one hundred and one years. The -nobles called him the father of his country; but -Cosimo, the old, was equally flattered. The plebeians -with more sense surnamed Andrea <i>Good Fortune</i>, -because except in a very few cases, his plans were -always successful. He was the first admiral of his -time and conquered everybody but himself; sad proof<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[320]</a></span> -of which are the misfortunes of Fieschi, Farnese, Cybo -and a long list of exalted names. He bore arms against -his country, to dissolve, he said, its alliance with -France; but the act was equally in his own interest -after he had deserted the French service.</p> - -<p>If he emancipated us from France, he took away the -popular franchises and established the Spanish tyranny. -He did not wish the office of Doge; but being the -minister of Charles V. in Italy and the lord of the -Main, it did not become him to descend to an office of -less rank. The magnanimity of his own heart and the -temper of his fellow citizens alike forbade him to -assume the supreme power of a prince in Genoa. That -was probably destined in his mind for Gianettino, and -only the Fieschi conspiracy saved us from that fate. -If Doria had wielded his sword and shed his blood for -Italy as he did for foreign masters, he might perhaps -have saved us three centuries of humiliation. Foglietta -proposed to him a more generous service; to despoil -himself of galleys, giving them or selling them to the -Republic—an example which other citizens would -imitate—so that Genoa, having fifty ships in her service, -could hold French and Spaniards at bay and use the -seas for her commerce. Such a course would have -given Andrea the glory of Ottaviano Fregoso, who by -destroying the forts of the Faro, showed that he loved -his country better than his personal dignity and -interest. But the Republic saw in her waters a fleet -which belonged to her sons, while she lacked ships to -protect her coasts from the pirates of Barbary. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[321]</a></span> -splendid scheme of Foglietta came to nothing; Andrea -spent his life in keeping the seas open for French and -Spaniards and in maintaining foreign powers. He -preserved to Genoa the name of independence, but it -was a mockery. Though he put on our necks the yoke -of Spain, he was great and strong enough to be the -only minister and agent of that power.</p> - -<p>A great soldier in the service of the enemies of Italy, -he stripped the Republic of her popular power, founded -an oligarchy on the ruins of liberty and closed the -glorious epopee of Genoese conquests in an endless -succession of domestic conspiracies and political contentions. -Such is our estimate of Andrea. We believe -that now that the angry passions which his actions -evoked have ceased to glow, the sentence of history -should be written with impassable justice. After his -death, the Fieschi party again took courage. They -attempted to remove the old nobles from power and -in 1560 (writes Doge Lercaro) conferences were openly -held in many places, especially in the house of Basadonne, -so that it was necessary to refer the matter to -the Senate. Finally, the nobles of San Pietro, headed -by Matteo Senarega, a man of much legal learning -and political experience whom the arrogance of Doge -Gianotto Lomellini had driven from the secretaryship -of state, resolved to renew the Fieschi movement, -humble the patricians and destroy the Spanish power. -The contest began in the election of Doge, each party -wishing to elect one of their own number, and they -came to blows. The Porch of St. Luca was supported<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[322]</a></span> -by its large army of vassals, by the arms of Spain and -by the galleys of Prince Giovanni Andrea Doria. The -porch of St. Pietro had the support of the populace -who hoped to regain their old place in the political -system of the Republic. In the midst of the quarrel -(1572) Galeazzo Fregoso arrived with two large triremes, -and after an enthusiastic reception by the people -announced that the king of France would give support -to the popular cause.</p> - -<p>Scipione Fieschi also repaired two ships in order to -support the revolution. But both found an invincible -repugnance in the people to a revolution supported by -foreign arms, and relinquished the enterprise. The -people trusting in their own stout arms, revolted under -the leadership of Sebastiano Ceronio, Ambrosio Ceresa -and Bartolomeo Montobbio, sons of the people. However, -the life and soul of the insurrection was Bartolomeo -Coronato, who though noble by birth, patriotically -espoused the popular cause. They occupied the city, -closed the streets with barricades and shut up the -patricians in their houses. These movements lasted -for a month, the deputies of the people demanding -that the laws of 1547 be abolished and the most worthy -of the citizens inscribed in the book of gold. The -Doge trembled at the audacious demand and the Senate -saw no escape from its perplexity until Giovanni -Battista Lercaro entered the hall and said:—“Since -you have not been able to save the country from its -peril and are ignorant of the art of governing, yield -your places to better men. Elevated to your offices by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[323]</a></span> -the spirit of faction and personal interest, you are unfit -to rule.”</p> - -<p>These words of Lercaro, a man of great dignity and -a noble of the porch of San Luca, frightened the Senate -who promptly declared their willingness to follow his -advice. But the plebeians always generous to their -own hurt, answered:—“We have not taken arms for -political power. We only want the law of Garibetto -revoked.” Whereupon the Senate took fresh courage, -annulled the odious law, added three hundred families -to the nobility, abolished an unpopular excise duty -upon wine and raised the daily wages of the weavers -three soldi. The populace were satisfied and returned -to their daily duties, while the nobles of San Pietro -who had feared a popular tempest managed the movement -with so much address that they obtained complete -control of the state.</p> - -<p>But the noblemen of San Luca, as indignant after, -as pusillanimous before the peril, refused to recognize -the new laws and, abandoning the city, retired first to -their castles and afterwards collected at Finale, then -in the power of Spain. Here they declared open war -against the Republic, and failing to obtain assent to -their demands by the mediation of princes and even of -the Pope, they invoked foreign arms to desolate the -country. A powerful fleet commanded by John of -Austria, brother of king Phillip, sailed into our waters. -The old nobles, knowing the hatred of our people to -Spain, required that the expedition should sail under -Ligurian colours; but this did not secure the success<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[324]</a></span> -of the enterprise. Meanwhile Giovanni Andrea Doria, -heir of the political opinions of his Grandfather as well -as his riches and rank, stormed the castles of Spezia, -Porto Venere, Chiavari, Sestri and Rapallo; and without -listening to proposals of peace proceeded to the -conquest of the western Riviera, capturing Noli and -Pietra.</p> - -<p>The nobility, whose remittances from Spain came in -very slowly, was reduced to such extremities as to be -unable to continue the war. Giacomo Durazzo was -Doge. Prospero Fattinanti took his place and a compromise -was effected through the ambassadors of the -Pope, the emperor and the king of Spain assembled in -Casale in 1576. The accord of the two parties of the -nobility excluded the people from all political power. -The plebeians were enraged at this new betrayal of -their cause, and Matteo Senarega who had laboured so -hard to promote popular rights, prophesied that the -bondage of the plebeians would be eternal. He wrote:—“He -who is oppressed by a prince yields to necessity -and to destiny, with the consolation that a change of -masters may lighten his burdens; but he who sinks -under the despotism of a few, assuming the name of a -Republic, loses his disgust at the tyranny in the sound -of a word and under a sweet delusion wears his chains -for ever.”</p> - -<p>The old and new nobles now intrigued with such -success as to destroy the spirit of popular liberty; and -Coronato, whom Lercaro though of the opposite faction -praises so highly, lost his head on the scaffold. On the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[325]</a></span> -other hand, Prince Giovanni Andrea Doria, who had -dyed his sword so often in the blood of his fellow -citizens, was called, “<i>Preserver</i> of the liberties of his -country.” To this day he holds that rank in history; -but our history must be re-written.</p> - -<p>We have seen that the reforms of Andrea destroyed -the popular constitution, placed all political power in -the hands of the patricians, and opened the doors of -the Republic to Spanish supremacy. When the city -of Finale, exasperated by the lust and avarice of -Alfonso Del Caretto, shook off his yoke, the dispossessed -lord appealed as an imperial vassal to the Diet -of Augusta; and the emperor, far from favouring the -Republic, which had taken part in the fall of Alfonso, -decided that the marquis should be restored to his feud, -compelled Genoa to pay him for the damage he had -suffered. The Republic clamoured against the sentence, -it is true; but when a few years later Gabrielle -Della Cueva, duke of Albuquerque, and governor of -Milan, garrisoned Finale, Genoa had not courage to -oppose the measure, and suffered a foreign power to -intrench itself in the very heart of Liguria. At the -death of Marquis Francesco (1598), the line of Carretto -became extinct, and the Senate allowed Finale to pass -into the possession of Spain, who, not content with -this, assassinated Ercole Grimaldi, in order to become -master of the principate of Monaco, (1614.)</p> - -<p>Conquests and wars were finished, and Genoa had -scarcely strength to keep down domestic revolt, and -resist the aggressions of immediate neighbours. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[326]</a></span> -greater part of the conspiracies which for almost a -century disturbed the dreams of our masters, had no -other object than to restore the popular constitution. -The free systems were falling throughout the Peninsula. -The people hoped when the council of Trent was -opened that it would not only correct the gross abuses -of the Papal court, but restore the church itself to its -ancient democratic forms. But when the council closed, -it was found that no innovation had been effected, -that a few vices had been forbidden; but the Church -remained a monarchy, as Gregory VII. and Innocent -III. had left it. Not content with this, the Papacy, -with its famous bull <i>In cœna domini</i> (1567), endeavoured -to attach all the powers of the world to its -triumphal car. The fall of the communes was complete, -and the Latin principle was strangled by the -monarchial and foreign element.</p> - -<p>The Italian states, for the most part subject to -foreign powers, were changing into monarchies. Italy -was a province of Spain; and yet so detestable was -that power that Navagero tells us, Paul IV. never -spoke of the emperor or the Spaniards without calling -them “heretics, robbers, accursed of God, children of -Moors and Jews, offscouring of the earth,” and bewailing -the fate of Italy compelled to serve such vile -masters. Spain left such fierce antipathies behind her -that the interjection “Cursed be Spain,” came down -to our times. A wise Pope, Sixtus V., who tried to -oppose the imperial power, died by poison (1590). -For two centuries, the decrees which regulated Italian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[327]</a></span> -politics came from Madrid. Naples and Milan groaned -in chains; the lords of Mantua, Ferrara, and Parma, -gloried in their shameful bondage. Venice herself -purchased peace by ignoble sacrifices. Of Rome I do -not speak. That she was badly governed, witness the -incessant revolts of her people, the conspiracy of Benedetto -Accolti, and the obsequies of Paul IV.</p> - -<p>Emanuele Filiberto, who won for Austria the battles -of San Quintino and Gravelines, consolidated with his -victories the foreign dominion; and, educated in the -school of Phillip II., he extinguished liberty in Savoy -by abolishing his states general, and bathed his valleys -with the blood of the Vaudois. The Republics of -central Italy saw their last days in the same terrible -period; Florence was in the grasp of Cosimo, Pistoia -under the guns of a fortress; Arezzo paid with her -liberties for favouring the imperial army; Lucca bought -with money and the blood of Burlamacchi a short -reprieve; Siena more generous than all others fought -to the last extremity and perished, like Saguntum, -among her own ruins. Thus while in the middle of -the sixteenth century the great nations were consolidated -which now control Europe, Italy was dying -and dying by the fault of her own sons. The treaty -of Castel Cambrese recognized and sealed the foreign -dominion.</p> - -<p>From that moment, the love of letters ceased to be -a worship. The form was polished; but the spirit was -stifled. Our most illustrious artists, forced to live -upon the patronage of foreign princes, preferred the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[328]</a></span> -security of servile ease to the dignity and modesty of -true art. The money of the great seduced them to -abandon truth and the people without whom genius is -neither great nor productive. Pleasure for courtiers -was their only aim. The country was dying, but no -voice sang the hymn of death; no one gave history -those pages of heroism which save the dignity of -vanquished nations. On the contrary, Giovio with -unblushing brow eulogized his golden pen; Casa sang -in honour of the Charles V. whom he had once satirized. -Alamanni apologized to the emperor for his famous -verse saying that it is the poet’s office to lie, and Cellini -himself could write:—“I work for pay.”</p> - -<p>In this general decline, the ideas of Fieschi did not -utterly die. Some generous souls continued to protest. -Let it suffice to cite Tassoni and Campanella, the last -of whom in his conspiracy against Spain was supported -not only by many barons but also by the Visir Cicala, -a Calabrian renegade (though of Ligurian descent) who -promised to land Turks in the kingdom. Nor would -we forget that some of our nobles in Genoa tried to -tear up the poisonous plant which had taken root in -the Republic; as, for example, Agostino and Francesco, -Pallavicini, Nicolò Doria, who married a sister of -Gianluigi Fieschi, and Agostino Vignolo who during -the Piedmontese wars intrigued with lord bishop -Brissac to aid the French arms.</p> - -<p>But the Spanish government, which was destroying -letters and arts, struck its roots more deeply every day -and we reached such depths of degradation, we tremble<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[329]</a></span> -in writing it, that the Senate issued a decree in the -Spanish language and consented that it should be used -in lectures and sermons. The plebeians, groaning -under a double slavery, sometimes appealed to Spain -against the arrogant despotism of the patricians; but -the appeal reacted against the petitioners and Doctor -Ligalupo, a man of much learning and great virtue, -was imprisoned for life.</p> - -<p>In the reports of the Venitian ambassadors to the -Senate, the condition of Genoa is described in a few -fit words; Badoero writes:—“They hate the Spanish -nation as strongly as possible and matters stand thus:—the -people see only France; those in power see -only Spain, and none seem to think of the common -weal.”</p> - -<p>With the loss of liberty our manners became dissolute. -Courtesans were held in honour. Imperia in -Rome. Tullia in Venice were courted by men of -genius. Catarina da S. Celso, Vanozza, Borgia and -Bianca Capello married into illustrious houses. To -speak of Liguria alone, a brief of Pope Clement VII. -to the archbishop of Genoa and the prior of S. Teodoro, -exhorts these prelates to unite with the government in -reforming the cloisters, because the nuns have become -utterly dissolute from contact with every sort of -persons. The Genoese nuns had infamous repute -throughout Italy. Bandello says:—They go where -they please and when they return to the cloister say -to the abbess “Mother, by your permission, we have -been to divert ourselves.” It seems that subterranean<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[330]</a></span> -passages were opened between the cloisters of nuns -and friars. In our times, when the convent of S. -Brigida was torn down, in the open walls were found -skeletons of children who had been buried there as soon -as born. Cardinal Bembo justly said that “all human -vices and crimes were perpetrated in the cloisters -under cover of a diabolical hypocrisy.”</p> - -<p>On the fourth of September 1551, another brief on -the corrupt morals of the convents was issued by Julius -III., but it produced no effect. Gregory XIII., in a -third brief of the first of July, 1583, made a new -attempt to correct the gross immoralities of the cloister -and the fruitlessness of his efforts is shown by the fact -that he issued another soon after. The Aragonese -license, penetrating the palace and the sanctuary, -corrupted everything exalted or sacred; and then -gradually diffused itself among the people, who had -hitherto been so virtuous that the magistracy of Virtue, -instituted in 1512, had no occasion to make regulations -in regard to popular morals.</p> - -<p>Before the Fieschi insurrection extraordinary imposts -and forced loans were unknown. The customs were -collected on principles of equity. It was wonderful to -see the finances in healthful equilibrium, while the -strife of faction raged so fiercely. The city added a -fleet and an army to its forces at the cost of only four -hundred and seventeen thousand lire, and the entire -income of the government was only four hundred and -thirty-five thousand lire. Love of country and not -private interest ruled the hearts of the citizens; public<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[331]</a></span> -services were either gratuitous or very slightly paid. -In 1461, the annual pay of the Doge was less than -twelve thousand lire, with three thousand more for -office and secret expenses; that of the commander of -the city guards was only four thousand lire; and other -salaries were in proportion.</p> - -<p>But purity of manners disappeared when the foreign -power was consolidated, and the mechanism of the -State was altered to suit the character of our masters. -To pervert the plebeians, the Senate established the -lottery (the first in Italy) in 1550, under the name of -<i>Borse della Ventura</i> and it was so profitable to the -treasury that an impost of sixty-thousand lire was -collected from it, and the sum was increased year -by year until it reached three hundred and sixty -thousand.</p> - -<p>Genoa, like Venice, committed the great error of -oppressing her dependencies with heavy imposts instead -of treating them with generous liberality. As early -as 1539, a tax of four denari was levied on every pint -of wine and it soon after increased to eight soldi on -each mezzarola. Later, that is in 1588, the duty on -salt was raised to a crown per mina. Three per cent. -was imposed on incomes, and a tax was levied on fruits, -and also on paper of which a large amount was exported -to foreign countries. These taxes were light in comparison -with the murderous taxation of our times, but -they were none the less annoying to citizens unused -to the visits of tax-gatherers. It had not been customary -to drain the money of the poor, but the rich<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[332]</a></span> -paid in proportion to their splendid fortunes or new -columns were opened in the bank of St. George.</p> - -<p>The governors of this bank, seeing the Republic restricted -to a few families and the Ottoman power -becoming master of the seas, wisely returned to the -state (1562) Corsica, the cities of Ventimiglia and -Sarzana, with its strong castles, the burgh of Levanto -and the populous valley of Teico.</p> - -<p>Our rich citizens lent their fortunes at high interest -to the government of Spain; but the industries which -had been the life of the people gradually declined.</p> - -<p>In the first years of the century, Liguria was in -its most flourishing condition. The smallest hamlets -had profitable industries and trade. On the Western -Riviera, Taggia was famous for its Muscatelle wines -which Alberti says were not inferior to those of Candia -and Cyprus. The trade in them was very active. -Oneglia was prosperous, and Diana sometimes produced -twenty thousand barrels of oil in a single year. -Albenga, though its air was unwholesome (whence the -proverb of the time,) “Albenga piana, se fosse sana si -domanderebbe stella Diana,” was rich in the produce -of its fruitful soil. There was universal movement, -industry, wealth. But it was of short duration; the -new system of government dried up all the fountains -of our riches. In 1597, Genoa was reduced to sixty-one -thousand inhabitants; Savona which had once -counted thirty-six thousand citizens, in 1560 numbered -only fourteen thousand, and in 1625, the number had -fallen to eight thousand. The decrease was in this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[333]</a></span> -proportion throughout the Republic. Campanella had -good cause to say to Genoa:—“Leave your markets, -your gains, your barren glories! Blush for the riches -of your citizens which contrast so terribly with the -misery of the Republic.”</p> - -<p>The foreign influence slowly killed the manly virtues -of the Genoese. Italy no longer existed. We had a -corrupt people in a corrupt state. All care was given -to externals; every free thought was a crime; we were -vile and called our vileness love of peace, and our indolence, -moderation; religion had become a superstition, -and the rites of the church merely a ladder to worldly -preferment. Luxury and parade were unparalleled; -but poverty was seen through the pompous vestments. -The first born was rich, but his brothers were usurers or -celibates in the cloisters. In their vanity and degradation, -the great forgot that they had a country. Trade -seemed ignominious to our princes and nobles, and they -believed that their names at the foot of a bill of -exchange would make a bad figure in history. This -beggared many families to whom false pride closed -the paths by which their fathers had become great. -Knightly virtues disappeared; noble blood alone opened -the paths to eminence, and this was carried to such -extremes that our patricians refused to have for archbishop -Belmosto, only because his name was not in the -book of gold. They were at once proud and ridiculous. -In 1576, a Nicolò Doria became Doge and first took -the title of <i>Serenissimo</i> and severe penalties forbade -even the notaries to call other persons than nobles—however<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[334]</a></span> -illustrious and wealthy they might be—by -the title <i>Magnifico</i>. The notarial profession<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> itself -was pronounced in certain cases ignoble and mechanical. -In the smaller towns the same folly prevailed. In -Ventimiglia and Finale, there were streets, porches -and walks to which the plebeians were not admitted. -Genoa was only a shadow, a pretence of a Republic.</p> - -<p>Our wars and intestine struggles, our magnanimous -enterprises abroad, were succeeded by a servile tranquility. -Our masters preferred their gilded saloons to -the dust of honourable fields; they lent their money -at usurious interest, and got titles and degrading premiums -for their baseness. There were, it is true, some -naval engagements, but there were no real wars. And -this was the supreme misfortune; for long peace wastes -the strength of peoples and destroys both the habit -and the courage of noble enterprises. There lingered -among us arts, letters, wealth and trade; but the -manly virtues were extinct.</p> - -<p>The foreign leprosy gradually changed the character -of our plebeians; they began to tremble before the -powerful from whom they were separated by an -immense interval. The two classes had nothing in -common but vices and the habit of servility. Universal -corruption produced great crimes and long -catalogues of malefactors were often published. Nor -was this in Liguria alone; all the provinces of the -Peninsula were involved in a common demoralization. -Assassins and robbers collected, not merely in bands,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[335]</a></span> -but in armies, and desolated the country and even -the cities. They were led by trained warriors such -as Alfonso Piccolomini, Corsietto del Sambuco—who -ventured to the very gates of Rome—and Marco Sciarra -who in Calabria took the title of king. Let no one -suppose that the numerous altars, crucifixes and images -of Mary prove the piety of our ancestors. They are -witnesses for quite the contrary; in the midst of -innumerable crimes perpetrated in open day, these -religious emblems protected the citizen from the knife -of the assassin who was too superstitious to smite him -at the foot of the altar.</p> - -<p>Religion was then only a superstition and a terror. -A multitude of books appeared full of the wildest -vagaries that fanaticism ever produced. For example, -there were the prophecies of S. Brigida threatening the -city with destruction! and through such follies the -cunning generation of men, who live upon hypocrisy, -mystery and the dead, amassed large fortunes. Their -instructions were idle speculations and appeals to -human fears. In those days, patrician and jesuit -intrigues collected their followers in a little church -situated in the <i>Corsa del Diavolo</i> and bound themselves -by an oath to support for public offices only -those of their own faction. An opposite faction organized, -and from their standard—a black crucifix—were -called <i>Moro delle Fucine</i>. This was the origin of -those pagan saturnalia which survive in our times -under the name of <i>Casaccie</i>.</p> - -<p>Duplicity, fraud and treachery took the place of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[336]</a></span> -frank and fearless honesty. Entire towns were infected -with these vices like a species of leprosy. The inhabitants -of Borsonasca acquired a wide reputation -for shrewd frauds and deceptions. They understood -every sleight of hand, learned foreign tongues and -imitated them with admirable skill; they had cunning -artifices for getting other people’s purses, and they -travelled in every country in Europe. Though born -in the woods, they entered boldly the palaces of nobles -and even of princes, dressed as physicians, merchants, -bishops and cardinals. They sold charms, medicines, -false titles and privileges with such perfect art that -they often acquired extravagant wealth and high -rank.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p> - -<p>Italy, sore wounded, did not die at once. Latin -virtue and civilization were so tenacious of life, that -whereas nations usually grow barbarous with the loss -of liberty, Italy, trodden by foreign and domestic -tyrannies, preserved a remnant of her culture, and, -though barren of political genius, adorned her sunset -with the splendours of science and art.</p> - -<p>It was then that speculative philosophy achieved its -greatest triumphs among us. Pomponaceo, Telesio, -Cardano, Bruno and Campanella, precursors of Cartheusius -and Bacon, opened new roads for the progress of -the sciences. Strange, too, but true, when Italy was -perishing, she produced her greatest soldiers—soldiers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[337]</a></span> -who led every other people but their own to victory. -The age of our prostration and servitude produced -Trivulzio, Medici, Gonzaga, Farnese, Colonna, Doria, -Spinola, Strozzi, and Orsini.</p> - -<p>But Genoa, perhaps the last to die, was the first to -rise; the day came when, purified by suffering, she -found strength to avenge in a tempestuous uprising of -her people the shame of her long humiliation.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[338]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">INDEX.</h2> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p class="pni">Abbatelli, the, conspirators in Palermo, <a href="#Page_87">87</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Adorno, Antoniotto, retires from the Dogate in 1527, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">raised to the Dogate by the Fieschi, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Barnaba, Lord of Silvano, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Maddalena, Countess of Silvano, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Prospero, conquers the Fieschi in 1476, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Alba, Duke of, sails with Doria to Spain, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Albenga, Jacopo di, distinguished jurist, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Alberti, Leandro, quoted, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Alcibiades, Fieschi compared to, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Alessi, Galeazzo, architect of the church of Carignano, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Alexander VI., Pope, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— VII., Pope, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Anguissola Giovanni, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his death, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Ariosto, Lodovico, praises the verses of Panza, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Aristotle taught in Genoa by public lectures, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Assereto, Tommaso, co-conspirator of Fieschi, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">executed by the government, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Balbi, inscription to his infamy, in a rear wall of the Ducal palace, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Bandello, Matteo, quoted, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Barbarossa, Barbary corsair, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Bastelica, Sampiero, Corsican revolutionist, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287-98</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Bavaria, princes of, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Belcœur, French ambassador in the Grisons, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Belmosto, Archbishop of Genoa, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Boccanegra, Guglielmo, Captain of the People, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Maria, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Simone, first Doge of Genoa, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Bona, Duchess, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Bonfadio, historian, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Boniface IX., pope, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Bonnivet, French general, invades Italy, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Borgia, Cæsar, intrigues of, <a href="#Page_41">41-2</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Borgognino, Scipione, storms the arsenal of Doria, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Borganasca, village in the Apennines, craftiness of its people, <a href="#Page_336">336</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Bourbon, Constable of, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Bourbons, the, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Bourgogne, Dukes of, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Braccialina, Gentilina, murdered by her husband, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Braculli, historian, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Brutus, Gianluigi Fieschi compared with, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Burlamacchi, Francesco, his revolutionary schemes, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Caffaro, first Genoese annalist, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Calcagno, Vincenzo, co-conspirator of Fieschi, his origin and character, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">at first opposed the conspiracy, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his part in it, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">supports the attack on S. Tommaso, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">sails with other conspirators to Marseilles, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">condemned to banishment, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">killed by Spinola after the surrender of Montobbio, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Calvi, Annina, touching history of, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Antonio, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Calvin, guest of the Duchess of Ferrara, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Cambiaso, Luca, painter, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Campanaceo, historian, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[339]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Campanella, writer and conspirator of Spain, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Capello, Bianca, famous courtesan, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Capelloni, Lorenzo, historian, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Capponi, family of, in Florence, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Capuano, Gianluigi, victim of Toledo in Naples, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Caracciolo, Giano, Governor-General of Piedmont, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Caraffa, an Italian reformer, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Cardano, Italian author, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Caretto, Marquis of, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Carnesecchi, writer of the sixteenth century, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Caro, Annibale, author, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Casoni, Genoese annalist, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Castelvetro, Lodovico, reformer, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Castiglione, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Catando d’Arimini, friend of Fieschi, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Catilini, Fieschi compared with, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Cato quoted by Fieschi, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Cellini, Benvenuto, artist, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Centurione, Prince Adamo, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">promises his daughter in marriage to Fieschi, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Benedetto, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Gianetta, daughter of Prince Adamo, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">espoused to Gianettino Doria, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Grimaldi Nicoletta, authoress, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Manfredo, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Charlemagne, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Charles III. of Savoy, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— V., Emperor, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his election, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">great only in the extent of his dominions, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">the humiliation of Italy dates from his reign, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his acquisition of Milan, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— IX. of France, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Clement V., Pope, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— VI., Pope, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— VII., Pope, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— VIII., Pope, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Colonna, Roman patricians, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Stefano, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Vittoria, supposed to have been a Protestant, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Columbus, Christopher, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Conspiracies prevalence of, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Conte, Giacobbe, commander of Fieschi’s galleys, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Coreggio, Fulvia, Countess of Mirandola, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Corsairs, Turkish and Barbary, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Cosimo, Duke, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Cybo, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Caterina, Duchess of Camerino, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Eleonora, her marriage with Count Fieschi, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">her literary accomplishments, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">her second marriage, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">retires to a convent, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Prince Giulio, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his conspiracy and misfortunes, <a href="#Page_263">263</a> et seq.</p> - -<p class="pni">——, Maddalena, received the profit of the sale of indulgences, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Ricciarda, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Dandolo, Francesco, Doge of Venice, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Della Casabianca, Giocante, suspects the plot of Fieschi, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Rovere, Bartolomea, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Rovere, Francesco Maria, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Rovere, Maria, mother of Count Fieschi, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">masculine vigour of her character, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">her last days, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Torre, Giovanni Battista, his passion for a sister of Fieschi, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">attempts violence to gain his end, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">killed by the Fieschi, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Di Negro, Arcangela, her character and literary accomplishments, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Doria, Andrea, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">account of his family and services, <a href="#Page_38">38</a> et seq.;</p> -<p class="pnii">his desertion of the French standard, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his relations with the Barbary pirates, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his vengeance against the Fieschi, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">quenches revolt in Naples, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his death, and estimate of his character, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Antonio, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Ceva, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></p> - -<p class="pni">——, Domenico, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[340]</a></span></p> -<p class="pni">——, Filippino, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Francesco, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Cardinal Gerolamo, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Gianettino, adopted son of Andrea, his early life, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">ostentation and insolence, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">naval successes, <a href="#Page_70">70-1</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">captures the Pope’s vessels in Genoa, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his death, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Giorgio, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Giovanni Andrea, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Lamba, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Nicolò, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Pagonio, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Princess Peretta, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Tommaso, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Dragut (Torghud Rais), Barbary pirate, conquered and taken by Gianettino Doria, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">flogged after capture, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">released by Andrea Doria, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">Genoese bankers lend him the ransom money, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">pillages Rapallo, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Emanuele Filiberto of Savoy, his narrow escape from the pirate Occhiali, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Embriaco, Guglielmo, hero of the first crusade, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Erasmus, reformer, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Farnese, Alessandro, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Cardinal, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Clara, mistress of Pope Alexander VI., <a href="#Page_107">107</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Orazio, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Ottavio, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Pierluigi, Duke of Piacenza, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">enters into the Fieschi conspiracy, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his disputes with feudatories, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">conspiracy instigated against him by Doria, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">murdered by Giovanni Anguissola, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Ferrara, Cardinal of, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Ferrero, Besso, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Fieschi, Adriano, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Angela Caterina, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Antonio, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Bardoni, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Bartolomeo, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Beatrice, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Camilla, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Carlo, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Claudia, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">insulted by Della Torre, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Cornelio, brother of Gianluigi, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">kills Della Torre, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">captures the gate of the Archi, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">retires into France, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Danielo, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Emanuel, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Ettore, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Francesco, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Gerolamo, brother of Gianluigi, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">attempts to carry on the revolution, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">treats with the Senate, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">retires to Montobbio, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">defends Montobbio against Genoa, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">is executed as a traitor, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Giacomo, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Gianluigi, compared with Catilnie, <a href="#Page_xvii">xvii.-xxiii.</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his family, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his character and early life, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his tragic death, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">estimation in which he was held in Italy, <a href="#Page_173">173-5</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Innocenzo, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Lorenzo, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Luca, Cardinal and General, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Ortensia Lomellina de, poetess, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Ottobuono, brother of Gianluigi, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277-8</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">executed by order of Doria, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Ottobuono (Pope Hadrian V.), <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Scipione, brother of Gianluigi, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">writes to the Senate for pardon, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his litigation against Genoa, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Sinibaldo, father of Gianluigi, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Sinibaldo (Pope Innocent IV.), <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Figuerroa, Gomez Suarez, Spanish minister in Genoa, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Finale, Marquises of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Foderato, Nicolò, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[341]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Foglietta, Oberto, Genoese historian, xxvi., <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Fornari, Antonio de, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Francesco de, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Forteguerra, Laudomia, Sienese heroine, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Francis I. of France, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Fregosi, family of, hostile to the Fieschi, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">its power in Genoa, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">driven from power by the Adorni, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Fregoso, Aurelio, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Cesare, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Cornelio, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Frederico, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Galeazzo, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Giano, Doge, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Ottaviano, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Pietro, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Gad Ali, Barbary pirate, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Gianotti, Donato, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Giovio, Paolo, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Giustiniani, family of the, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— historian of Genoa, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Ansaldo, <a href="#Page_178">178</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Fabrizio, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Giovanni Battista, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Gonzaga, Cagnino, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Ferrante, Spanish governor of Lombardy, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Giulia, her escape from the corsair Barbarossa, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">embraced reformed opinions, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Gregory VII., Pope, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— XIII., Pope, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Grimaldi, family of the, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Ercole, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Francesco, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Giovanni Battista, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Guercio, Enrico il, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Guicciardini, the historian, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Harcourt, Gillona di, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Henry II. of France, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— III. of France, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— VII. of France, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— VIII. of England, report of his ambassadors on the state of Lombardy, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Huss, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Imperiali, family of the, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Innocent III., Pope, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— IV., Pope, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— VIII., Pope, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— XI., Pope, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Julius II., Pope, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— III., Pope, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Laudi, Agostino, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a> 236, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Lasagna, Pier Paolo, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Lautrec, Odo, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Lavagna, Counts of, <a href="#Page_1">1-21</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Leo X., Pope, false praises of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">not the Reviver of Letters, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Lercaro, Cristoforo, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Doge, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Sebastiano, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Leyva, Antonio, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Lomellini, Agostino, <a href="#Page_178">178</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Bernardo, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Gerolamo, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Nicolò, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Louis XII. of France, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— XIV. of France, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Luther, Martin, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Macchiavelli, Nicolò, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Malaspina, family of the, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Mami Rais, pirate, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Manufactures, prosperity of, in Genoa, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Marini, Tommaso, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Mario, Gianluigi, <a href="#Page_200">200</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Martinengo, family of the, <a href="#Page_312">312</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Martire, Pietro, reformer, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Mascardi, Agostino, xxvii., <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Medici family, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Giulio, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Lorenzino, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Melanchthon, reformer, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Mendoza, Bernardino, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Mendoza, Don Diego, <a href="#Page_284">284</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Don Rodrigo, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Michelangelo, artist, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Mirandola, Galeotto, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Paolo, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Monaco, Lords of, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[342]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Moncada, Hugo, <a href="#Page_43">43-4</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Monferrato, Marquises of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Montorsoli, artists, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Morato, Olimpia, embraced reform, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Nardi, Jacopo, historian, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Navagero, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Occhiali, pirate, his singular treaty with the Duke of Savoy, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Ochino, Bernardino da Siena, reformer, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Olgiato, Milanese conspirator, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Orange, Prince of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Ornano, Vannina, wife of Sampiero, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">attempts to go to Genoa, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">her tragic death, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Orsini, family of the, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Paleario, Aonio, reformer, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Pallavicini family, <a href="#Page_16">16-17</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Camillo, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Gerolamo, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Maddalena, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Placida, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Tobia, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Panza, Paolo, tutor of Gianluigi Fieschi, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Partenopeo, Ugo, author, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Paul III., Pope, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">shameful manner of his elevation, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his character and ambition, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his enmity to Doria, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">encourages the Fieschi conspiracy, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">his brief to Andrea Doria on the death of Giannettino, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</p> -<p class="pnii">the revenge of Doria, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— IV., Pope, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Perenoto, Nicolò, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Pescara, Marquises of, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— II. of Spain, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Piccolomini, Faustina, Sienese heroine, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Pojano, Giulio, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Pompanaceo, author, <a href="#Page_336">336</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Ponzio, Camillo, author, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Renée, Duchess of Ferrara, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Retz, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Romano, Giulio, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Sacco, Raffaele, fellow conspirator with Fieschi, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Salvaghi family, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Sauli family, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Azzolino, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Marcantonio, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Stefano, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Tommaso, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Savonarola, Gerolamo, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Savoy, Dukes of, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Scarampi, Antonia, literary lady, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Sciarra, Marco, brigand chief, <a href="#Page_335">335</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Segni, author, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Sforza family, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Sicames, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Siena, brave defence of, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Sigonio, Carlo, author, xxvi., <a href="#Page_149">149</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Sismondi, historian, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Sixtus IV., Pope, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— V., Pope, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Soderini, Pietro, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Sodoleto, Jacopo, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Soliman, Sultan, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Sopranis, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Spinola family, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Agostino, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Benedetta, poetess, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Livia, poetess, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Paolo, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Tommaso, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Spinosa, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Strozzi family, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Alfonsina, wife of Scipione Fieschi, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Leone, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Pietro, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Roberto, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Tacitus, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Tassino, Leone, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Tassoni, Alessandro, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Tasso, Faustino, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Torquato, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Telesio, <a href="#Page_336">336</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Toledo, Don Pietro, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Torghud Rais (Dragut), pirate, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[343]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Tornone, Cardinal of, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Trissino, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Trivulzio family, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Agostino, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Teodoro, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Tuano, author, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Urban VIII., Pope, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Urbino, Dukes of, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Usodimare, Gerolamo, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Vaccari, Vincenzo, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Vaga, Pierino, artist, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Valdimagra, Marquises of, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Varchi, Benedetto, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Vasto, Del, Marquises, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Vega, Giovanni, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Vergerio, Pier Paolo, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Verrina, co-conspirator of Fieschi, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Vinci, Leonardo da, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Visconti family, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Vistarino, Lodovico, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Vitelli, Allessandro, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Chiappino, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Giovanni, <a href="#Page_285">285</a></p> - -<p class="pni">—— Lucrezia, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Wicliffe, reformer, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Women, literary, in Genoa, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></p> - -<p class="pni p2">Zaccaria family, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Zanchi, Gerolamo, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Zeno, Apostolo, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Zino, Ottaviano, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></p> - -<p class="pni">Zuingle, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></p> - - -<p class="pc4 mid">END.</p> - -<hr class="d3" /> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">FOOTNOTES:</h2> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a></span> -I refer to the letter of Count Persigny on the Roman questio</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a></span> -The author alludes to Guerrazzi’s life of Andrea Doria.—Translator.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a></span> -Purgatorio, Canto XIX.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a></span> -Federico Federici, Della famiglia Fieschi, p. 2.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a></span> -Et quod obedissent Comuni Genuæ, et sponderent in Genua -habitaturos.—<i>Archives of Genoa.</i></p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a></span> -Federico Federici, Della famiglia Fieschi, p. 7.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a></span> -Paolo Panza, Vito d’Innocenzo IV.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a></span> -Dante, Purgatorio, Canto XIX.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a></span> -Federici, Della famiglia Fieschi.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a></span> -The gold crown referred to was worth about eleven francs.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a></span> -Bernardo Segni. Istorie Fiorentine. Lib II.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a></span> -Istorie Florentine, Lib. XI.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a></span> -Oberto Foglietta. Discorso sul governo, Popolare di Genova, p. 35.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a></span> -Istorie Florentine, Lib. II.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a></span> -Oberto Foglietta. Discorso, etc., p. 156.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a></span> -Molini. Documenti di Storia Italiana, vol. ii., p. 54.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a></span> -Bernabo Brea. Documenti sulla congiura del Fiesco.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a></span> -Molini. Documenti di Storia Italiana, Vol. ii., p. 60.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a></span> -A pun was circulated by the wits to the effect that henceforth -only that kind of bread would go to the oven. Casoni, Annali. -Fornari, root Forno, an oven.—<i>Translator.</i></p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a></span> -Archives of Genoa.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a></span> -Conguira di Luigi Fieschi. Naples, 1836, p. 5.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a></span> -Guazzo. Istorie. Venice, 1545, p. 329.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a></span> -Jacomin Basio. Dell’Istoria della sacra religione di S. Giovanni -Gierosolimitano. Parte III. Lib. VIII, p. 150.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a></span> -Annali di Geneva. Capslago, p. 135.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a></span> -Dell’Istoria d’Italia dell’anno, 1547, p. 24.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a></span> -Casoni. Annali della Republica di Genova, Lib. V. p. 250.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a></span> -Casoni. Annali, etc. Lib V. p. 158.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a></span> -Porzio ut sopra, p. 206.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a></span> -See Giustiniani, annali di Genova.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a></span> -Novelle, passim.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a></span> -The reader will hardly fail to notice the identity of this -language with that used by Cavour in 1859. See Hilton’s Brigandage -in South Italy. Vol. ii, p. 7.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a></span> -Discorso delle cose d’Italia e Papa Paolo III.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a></span> -Storia della liberta in Italià, Milano, tomo II., p. 122.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a></span> -Annali, p. 136.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a></span> -Annali, p. 138.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a></span> -Scarabelli, Guida di monumenti artistici di Piacenza. Lodi, p. 83.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a></span> -Istorie Fiorentine, Lib. XI.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a></span> -Bandello, Novelle. Parte II., xxxviii.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a></span> -Annali, p. 135.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a></span> -See Canale. Storia di Genova, vol. ii., p. 167. Edition of -Le Monnier.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a></span> -Congiura del Conte Fieschi.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a></span> -Archives of Genoa.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a></span> -Archives of Genoa.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a></span> -Porzio. Dell’Istoria. etc. p. 218.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a></span> -Bonfadio, anali p. 152.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a></span> -Bandello, Novelli. Parte II, XXXVIII.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a></span> -The palm referred to is equal to ten inches.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a></span> -The curious tourist will find on a rear wall of the Ducal palace -in Genoa two marble slabs bearing inscriptions to the infamy of -Della Torre and Balbi.—Translator.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a></span> -Documents in the archives of Massa and Carrara.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a></span> -Bonfadio, though Italian, was not Genoese—Translator.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a></span> -The annals of Bonfadio were written in Latin—Translator.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a></span> -A Genoese word, derived from <i>Garbo</i>, polished, courteous, -polite,—usually applied to manners.—Translator.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a></span> -This is enumerative of <i>three classes</i>, the nobles, the people, and -the plebeians; is common in Italian histories.—Translator.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a></span> -Notaries still constitute professional class in Genoa.—Translator.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a></span> -I find an euphemism current in Genoa which confirms the text. -A doubt respecting a man’s honesty is expressed thus: “<i>He is of -Borsonasca.</i>”—Translator.</p> - -<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a></span> -The author refers to the expulsion of the Austrians in 1746, -of which revolution he has also written the history.—<i>Translator.</i></p> -</div></div> - -</div> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Conspiracy of Gianluigi Fieschi,, by -Emanuele Celesia - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CONSPIRACY OF GIANLUIGI *** - -***** This file should be named 50656-h.htm or 50656-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/0/6/5/50656/ - -Produced by Giovanni Fini, Shaun Pinder and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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